Linking Farmers to Plant Protection Networks (Solomon Islands) · PDF fileLinking Farmers to...

Linking Farmers to Plant Protection Networks (Solomon Islands) Pest and disease problems and where farmers go for information

Mission 2: A Participatory Farmers Pest and Disease Survey: North Malaita, Solomon Islands Produced by: Kastom Gaden Association, Solomon Islands Department of Agriculture & Livestock, Solomon Islands PestNet, Fiji With support from infoDev World Bank

Contents BACKGROUND 1 Introduction 1

Project objectives 1 The project area 1 Survey aims 1 The team 1 Methodology 2 Limitations 3

RESULTS: GENERAL 5 North Malaita farming systems 5 Villages 6

Malothawa 6 Takwa 9 Gwaiau 11 Gwou’ulu 11

Farmers sources of information 13 Constraints to seeking information outside the village 14 Opportunities to seek information 14 Agriculture extension and NGO’s 14 What could be done to improve matters? 14 RTC graduates 15 Migration to Honiara 15

Seasons and changes: Planting times 15 Seasonal patterns: Pests and diseases 16

Traditional seasons 16 Reference to ‘dry season’ 17 Crop yield effects of seasons / weather 17 Barter and exchange 17 Important crops for selling in urban or international markets 17 Cash crops and ‘spray’ 18

Food Security 18 Pest and disease resistant crops 18 Seasonally very important 18 Emergency foods 18 Changes in food security crops 18

Gender 19 Weekly routine 19

CROP PEST AND DISEASE 19 Pest survey of crops in north Malaita – results of garden surveys 19

Taro - Colocasia esculenta 19 Sweet potato – Ipomoea batatas 22 Sliperi kabis (bele, pele) - Abelmoschus manihot 24 Watermelon - Citrullus lanatus 25 Beans - Phaseolus sp. 26

Farmers' perceptions of pest and disease 27 Culture and farmers' influence 28

Ceremonial / high status crops 28 Priority pest problems. 28

Abbreviations AusAID Australian Agency for International Development CPRF Community Peace and Restoration Fund DAL Department of Agriculture and Livestock KGA Kastom Gaden Association PMN Planting Material Network PRA Participatory Rural Appraisal RTC Rural Training Centre SPC Secretariat of the Pacific Community

North Malaita Pest and Disease Survey Report

1

Background Introduction This report is about a survey on plant pest and diseases conducted in four villages in North Malaita from 27th October to 7th November, 2003. The survey used participatory methods and involved collaboration between farmers, farmers’ organizations, crop scientists, and extension staff working together with farmers to identify their priority pests and diseases. The survey is part of the project Linking Farmers to Crop Protection Networks implemented by the Department of Agriculture and Livestock (DAL) Solomon Islands; PestNet, a regional non-government organization (NGO), Planting Material Network (PMN) and Kastom Gaden Association (KGA), Solomon Islands NGOs; and the Baetolau Farmer Network, a local farmers’ organization. The project is funded by a grant from the World Bank InfoDev program. The Secretariat of the Pacific Community (SPC) supports the participation of DAL. Project objectives To provide farmers with timely information and advice on the management of agricultural pests and diseases through an e-mail network The project area The project area comprises four 4 wards in the political units of Malaita province, Solomon Islands. It covers the Lau Baelelea and North Malaita constituencies of the national parliament.

Survey Aims The aim of the survey was to: • Collect baseline information on pests and diseases in farmers’ fields in

representative villages in the project area; • Use a participatory approach involving farmers and the partner farmer

organization to prioritise the crops that they would like to focus on in the project; • Raise awareness about the potential for better pest and disease management, and

about the services provided by the project – ie technical advice through Pestnet using email and the support services of the KGA field officer and DAL extension officer;

• Collect general information on farmers’ perceptions of pest and disease, farming systems, the local socio-economic situation helpful in guiding project implementation.

The team The team consisted of Wilco Leibreigts (PestNet), Roselyn Kabu-Maemouri (KGA / Team Leader), Tony Jansen (PMN/KGA), Lilly Wame (DAL), Roselyn Luluomea (KGA), Iro Ramoi (KGA), John Faleka (DAL), Timmothy Samani (Farmer from


2

Suava village). Lucien Konata, AusAID CPRF coordinator and local Baetolau Farmers Network committee member joined the team in Malothawa and Gwaiau villages. The team visited four villages: Takwa, Gwou’ulu, Gwaiau and Malothawa. The villages involved in the survey were chosen by the project’s steering committee, consisting of representatives of the Baetolau Farmers Network and the other project partners. The villages were selected by the committee as representative of the main environments and farming systems in the project area.

Methodology The team of facilitators were introduced to the methods to be used during the survey by the PMN Senior Adviser at a two-day workshop held at the Silolo Farmer Information Centre1 (the field office established by the project) in North Malaita. They were trained in basic skills in participatory rural appraisal(PRA) and field survey techniques in order to collect the data required. Specifically, the first day of the workshop reviewed the objectives of the project and covered basic principles of good facilitation, and introduction to PRA and the use of several PRA ‘tools’ to be used during the survey. The second day of the workshop included fieldwork in nearby Malothawa. The information collected in this fieldwork contributed to the survey. The following PRA tools were selected for use in each village: • Seasonal calendar • Historical matrix • Crop matrix • Transect walk • Weekly routine • Garden Pest survey • Venn Diagram The process of carrying out the survey had the following steps: • A letter was delivered to community leaders outlining the purpose of the survey

and asking the community to take part in discussions through groups of men and women taking part in the PRA exercises and garden visits. The villages were visited when agreement was received from community leaders.

• In the villages, explanations were given to the communities about the purpose of the survey and the project. A half-day period of PRA exercises was held on the day the survey team arrived or the following morning. Where possible this included separate excercises for men and women for each of the PRA tools. In practice, it was not always possible to complete all of them. A mixed group of men and women went to the gardens to carry out the transect walk and collect pest and disease specimens.

• A meeting was held at the end of the survey to brief the community on what was seen, share their experiences and introduce some basic information on pest and disease management where it seemed appropriate.

1 The site of the Silolo email station, funded under the Project.


3

• The data were recorded in exercise books by all of the survey team members. Each PRA group had at least one facilitator and one recorder who noted the important points from the farmers’ discussions. The data from each of the recorders were then coded into one of six categories2.

• The coded data were then analysed by the PMN Senior Adviser and a draft report produced.

• The report was circulated to team members for comment and the comments were incorporated in the final version.

Other sources of information were also included where appropriate, including the experiences of the team members who have various and extensive knowledge of agriculture in north Malaita.

Limitations The following limitations affected the quantity and quality of data collected: • Limited recording of data by team members. Most of the team members were

new to this type of PRA approach. As a result, the notes taken were not sufficient, and some important data was lost. To some extent this was compensated for with discussions by team members at the end of the survey that tried to recover unrecorded data.

• Limited time in each village. In some places, there was insufficient time to use all the PRA tools or surveys were not conducted in more distant gardens. In addition, not all the tools were used by separate groups of men and women due to limited time or not enough people present for all the exercises to form separate groups. Consequently, most of the data could not be disaggregated by gender.

• No plant pathologist was present on the survey team3. This meant that there was limited focus on plant diseases, and more focus on insect pests.

• No DAL entomologist or plant pathologist. The result was a lack of local knowledge on the pests and diseases of the area.

None the less, significant and diverse information was collected from each village as well as other sources. This report is the result of analysis and reflection on that data.

LEFT: Community meeting at Gwaiau village

2 Seasons/changes, food security and nutrition, Market and income generation, gender, crop pests and disease, culture and farmers perceptions 3 The plant pathologist had to leave Solomon Islands unexpectedly for personal reasons.


4

LEFT: Men’s group in Malothawa village score crop characteristics on a crop matrix.

ABOVE: DAL Officer John Faleka (Left) introduces the pest survey and the project to community members in Malothawa village.

ABOVE: Members of the Baetolau Farmers Network review the information from the survey and discuss the overall priority crops for the project.

ABOVE: Women in Gwaiau Village share information on crop importance for food and for market. LEFT: A mixed group of male and female farmers in Takwa village reflect on and discuss the scorings they gave.


5

RIGHT: Women in Gwou’ulu village carry out PRA exercise with KGA Team leader (Right) taking notes and Community Field Officer facilitating (Left)

RIGHT: Team members at the end of a long (5 hour) walk to Gwaiau village in the highlands of Malaita. Results: General North Malaita farming systems This section contains a brief description of the farming systems of the four villages. In general terms, farmers in the project area are practicing shifting cultivation typical of the high islands of Solomon Islands. Fields (or ‘gardens’ as they are referred to in Melanesia) are cleared of secondary forest or bush/shrub vegetation, and the organic matter is left to dry (sometimes in heaps) and then burned before the crops are planted. Planting is done in blocks, often divided with sticks or rows of organic matter. Planting in a cleared garden often occurs in stages to allow for sequential harvesting over a longer period of time. Generally, gardens are mixed, but with sweet potato, taro or yam predominating. In the coastal areas, sweet potato is the dominant staple, whereas in the highlands, it is taro. Yams of different species are seasonal. Other crops find a place in the gardens, but to a lesser extent. There may be patches of other root crops, for instance, cassava, Kongkong taro (Xanthosoma), edu (Alocasia), banana, papaya, sugarcane, and many types of vegetables and herbs. Abelmoschus manihot, known in Pidgin English as sliperi kabis, is the favourite leafy greens that is consumed almost daily. Hoes and digging sticks are used for planting vegetatively propagated crops as well as seeds. There is very limited use of field nurseries, often with seed thrown into ash heaps where vegetation has been burnt. Gardens are cropped for one to three


6

‘seasons’ or cropping cycles and then abandoned to a bush fallow, which varies from 6 months to 12 years or more. Farmers in North Malaita are semi-subsistence producers, growing crops for their own needs, for social and cultural obligations and for sale to meet family needs. In general, cash and food crops are mixed in the same gardens. The notable exception to this was in Takwa where watermelons are grown separately from food crops. Farmers also have various tree crops in small family owned plantations, grown for cash and subsistence, for instance: coconut, cocoa, ngali nut, and other fruit and nut trees. In most areas, farmers also cultivate swamp taro or kakama (Cyrtosperma sp.), sago palm and sometimes patches of Colocasia taro in swamps as reserve foods, in case the main staples are in short supply. Various products are harvested from the bush fallows, including edible leafy greens, wild yams, fruits, fibres, firewood and medicines. But the number of products and usefulness of secondary forest in these fallows declines with shortening fallow periods. In Gwou’ulu village, for example, where the shortest fallows were found, there was virtually no bush foods from the fallows, where as in Gwaiau and Takwa farmers were regularly harvesting greens such as amou (Ficus sp.). Agriculture is carried out by family4 units. There is little shared, communal or hired labour except, for instance, in the case of watermelon farmers. Sometimes, families hire labour to plant a food garden for them, if, for example, they are absent from the village or have another source of income, such as from teaching or nursing. In general, labourers will expect to be paid more if they are doing work on a cash crop compared to a food crop for family consumption. The secondary forests established in long fallows or the few remaining primary forests (largely on tabu sites or on distant mountains) are traditional sources of building materials, fibres for ropes and weaving, trees for canoes and medicines. In areas of very short fallows these materials are scarce. Primary forests also serve important environmental functions, such as rebuilding and maintaining soil fertility, preventing erosion, flooding and drying out of rivers, and provide a balanced ecology and habitat for local biodiversity. In all of the villages visited these functions are under stress.

Villages A brief description of the farming systems and other salient facts of each village is included in this section with an emphasis on the differences observed. Malothawa Malothawa is located on the south side of Suava Bay within the language area of Toambaita. The village is spread over a number of small hamlets along the road and within a short walking distance of the surrounding small hills on the coastal plain. The coastal plain extends for 1 to 1.5 km inland the steep slopes of the mountainous 4 Families are generally extended family groups living in one household. These are usually members of one ‘clan’ group although the clan may comprise a number of independent households with their own gardens.


7

island interior rise abruptly. Much of the coastal plain is covered in swamps and mangroves. Coconuts dominate the land fit for cultivation, leaving little forest or land available for shifting cultivation. Food gardens begin at the edges of the coastal plain, although some can be found within coconut plantations where, due to land pressure, farmers are starting to experiment with intercropping. On the slopes closest to the village (within 30-45 minutes walking distance) fallow periods are very short (1-4 years) with soil erosion and land degradation. Interestingly, no farmers mentioned concerns with soil erosion in the PRAs. Instead, they talked of stones exposed by erosion as ‘coming up’, indicating that farmers are not aware of the causes of soil erosion and see the decline in productivity of the soil as resulting from other factors. Gardens in this area have very low crop diversity, but are still considered productive for kumara. At increasing distance from the village, fallow periods increase to 8-10 years. Crop diversity increases with distance from the village as does soil fertility and cropping options. At higher altitude (300-500m), the land goes through a series of terraces with fertile black soil mixed with white stones (perhaps coral). Family owned ngali (Canarium sp.) nut groves and tabu sites, where ancestral shrines and graves are located, are the only areas of large tree vegetation on the steep slopes and terraces above Malothawa. Malothawa is typical of coastal villages in Toambaita. Farmers expressed resentment and frustration at the large areas of their land filled with coconuts that were now largely useless to them as a source of income due to the collapse in copra prices. They were encouraged to plant the coconuts by government under a subsidy scheme during colonial times. To this day, farmers continue to blame the government and ‘agriculture’ for this occupation of their land with a crop of limited value to them. Pictures from Malothawa village

LEFT: Due to land shortage, farmers in Malothawa are clearing under coconuts and planting some crops. Fences are built on garden boundaries close to the villages to stop entry of pigs. Notice that the coconut plantation has not been maintained for years.

LEFT: A typical house and kitchen in Malothawa village. The house is made from sago palm thatch and bush materials from fallow and primary forests


8

RICHT: Steep slopes above the coastal plain are covered in food gardens and short fallow vegetation with only very small patches of forest remaining. Soil erosion is severe and is evidenced by white stones visible in the cleared garden on the bottom right corner of the photo. RIGHT: Family owned ngali nut groves are important remnant forest areas that provide habitat for plants and animals from the forest as well as seasonally and culturally important nuts and fruits. Typically, each family has a grove of nut trees similar to the one pictured, planted by ancestors and important indicators of land ownership and boundaries.

LEFT: Typical garden on steep slopes with various stages of fallow vegetation around it.

RIGHT: Sweet potato is the dominant crop in most gardens with the occasional taro plant. Taro quantity increases with altitude and distance from the village along with increased soil fertility and fallow periods.


9

LEFT: Gardens are cleared of all vegetation and then organic matter is burned as shown in the photo below. On short fallows this is leading to rapid soil degradation.

RIGHT: With repeated burning and short fallows the secondary forest does not recover quickly. Ferns are beginning to dominate the vegetation as they are more fire resistant and grow on more degraded and eroded soils. Stones are emerging as soil is washed away. Takwa Takwa is located on the northeast coast of North Malaita in the Lau Lagoon. It faces Manoba island. Takwa has long been a Catholic mission. It is a large village with numerous smaller ones surrounding it, including artificial islands offshore, the residents of whom make their gardens in the land around Takwa. The land is generally flat with rolling hills. Soils are much better than along the Suava Bay peninsula such as in nearby Gwou’ulu, with predominately black soils mixed with limestone. The flatter topography is very suitable for intensive agriculture. Coconut plantations occupy much of the flat land, although, increasingly, farmers are cutting down plantations and replacing them with watermelon and other cash crops. Shifting cultivation dominates, with fallow periods of 2-7 years depending on the distance from the village. Scattered remnants of forest remain as tabu sites, but there are virtually no large expanses of primary forest. Various fruit, nut and other useful trees have been preserved during the clearing of land for shifting cultivation so that today these trees are scattered through the gardens as a reminder of bygone forests. Commercial watermelon farming has become a very important activity in Takwa. Farmers started growing the crop in 1997 and have developed a high input model of farming, using inorganic fertilisers, pesticides, and organic manures (chicken manure, sea weed and abololo leaf composts). This has become a highly profitable and specialised farming activity. Melon farming families grow 1-4 crops per year and may earn between $9-18,000 in one crop.


10

Pesticide resistance appears to be a serious problem, along with concerns over inappropriate and excessive use affecting human health and the environment. . Of particular concern is that the Takwa village water supply catchment is surrounded by watermelon farms. Pictures from Takwa village

LEFT: In Takwa village, many families had small ‘sup sup’ or kitchen gardens near their homes. These gardens are the result of training provided by KGA and farmers’ own innovations, such as the use of seaweed compost in the garden above.

RIGHT: Mixed family garden. Here the garden is dominated with yam but is intercropped with banana and vegetables.

LEFT: Fields of melon are common around Takwa in a highly specialised cash cropping activity. In the background, old coconut plantations occupy much of the available land and are slowly being cleared for melon crops. Also in the background are scattered fruit and nut trees.


11

Gwaiau Gwaiau is a ‘bush’ village about 600 m altitude in a small valley on the main ridge that divides Toambaita from the East and North West coasts. It is cooler and wetter than the coastal villages. The village has a school and a clinic. Taro is the main cash crop and a daily food along with sweet potato for most families. Some vegetables and sliperi kabis are sold in local markets. Taro is sold in local markets, Auki and Honiara. It is the only significant source of income for people in the ‘bush’. The coastal tree crops of coconuts and cocoa are not an option due to the altitude and transport constraints. Gwaiau has no road and is only accessible after a walk of 3 to 4 hours. There has been talk of constructing a road for many years, but it appears unlikely given the current difficulty of maintaining the coastal road in north Malaita. Fallow periods are a little longer than in the coastal areas, ranging from 4-12 years, with some farmers still using distant primary forests for taro gardens. In general, gardens are a little closer to the village than those on the coast. Pictures from Gwaiau

LEFT: New taro garden being cleared on highland slopes. A cooler climate, longer fallow periods and more land makes taro farming the main livelihood in Gwaiau.

RIGHT: Vegetation being cleared for taro gardens. In some areas fallow periods are up to 15 years. Gwou’ulu Gwou’ulu is located on the north tip of the peninsula that divides Suava Bay from the Lau lagoon. It is within the Lau language area. The village is large, centred on a church and has a school. Some smaller settlements are scattered around the village. This is an area of extremely high population pressure in a relatively unproductive environment. The peninsula is relatively flat, interspersed with swamps and rocky hills. Almost all the available land (that not covered by rock) is under cultivation or short fallows. Over the generations, farmers have cleared rocks from fields and piled them along garden boundaries. Coconut plantations line the sea edge. The soil is


12

considered infertile and in many areas only kumara and cassava can be grown, although kumara is said to taste good. More fertile, black, soil is found between white stones and is used for sliperi kabis, edu and yams. There are some swamps where sago palm and kakama are cultivated in large stands. In the past, there were swamp forests yielding useful timber, but these have been almost completely cleared. With the clearing. many of the swamps are drying up. A large area of tabu forest exists close to the village that until now has been protected by local traditions. But recent returnees from Guadalcanal, Russell Islands and the Western Province (following the ethnic tension), have started to encroach on this area and establish new settlements. As is typical in the Lau lagoon, people in Gwou’ulu supplement land deficiencies with harvest from the sea, reefs and mangroves. Most men fish, and various products are harvested by women on the reefs and in the mangroves. However, building materials such as timber and vines are in short supply in Gwou’ulu. In the past, there were still large timber trees in the swamps in the middle of the peninsula, but these are fast disappearing. Timber is now often purchased from Toambaita and other areas. RIGHT: Land around Gwou’ulu is under almost continuous cultivation with only 3-12 month fallows in many places. The only trees are those useful ones spared from clearing for the time being. Many are food, timber or firewood trees.

LEFT: Farmers plant edu, sliperi kabis and taro in spaces between the stones. This innovative practice is unfortunately leading to the clearing of the last patches of forest that had been preserved due to the rocky soil (BELOW)


13

LEFT: Kakama, giant swamp taro, is grown in fertile swamps in the middle of the peninsula. Vasa and other timber trees are also found growing here but are rapidly being cleared. Farmers report the swamp is slowly drying out with the clearing of many of the large trees.

RIGHT: Vegetation cleared and left to dry, ready for burning. Typical longer fallow vegetation in the background on this rocky ground.

Farmers sources of information Both men and women said that their main source of agriculture information was other people in the village or relatives in other villages. Farmers also observe what other people are doing in their gardens and copy them. Sources of information to solve agriculture problems include: • Other farmers (usually of the same gender and rarely the opposite gender). • Husband and wives sharing information and experiences (the one exception to

the above). • Relatives or in laws from nearby villages. • Things learned when travelling or staying in another distance place. • Other women who come to the village, often through being married into the

village. • Women travelling outside the village. Only rarely, in Gwaiau and Takwa, did farmers mention agriculture extension services and NGO’s as being sources of advice with pest and disease or other agriculture problems. Where they were mentioned, it was men who did so. In


14

Gwou’ulu a few men mentioned that they could go to the agriculture extension office in Malu’u, but none had actually done so. No women in the groups in all four villages had ever been to the agriculture office at Malu’u. Some farmers had heard of the KGA office at Silolo, but none had visited with the exception of some farmers from Takwa who are actively involved in the Baetolau Farmers Network, which works closely with KGA. Even in Malothawa none of the farmers had asked for assistance from the neighbouring Silolo email station although some had heard that there was agriculture ‘help’ available there. Constraints to seeking information outside the village • Women feel ‘afraid’ to go to ‘offices’ of agriculture extension (and presumably

also NGO offices). • Men and women will not often share information with each other, except if they

are husband and wife. • people tend to hide information if they feel it will give them a personal benefit

over others. Opportunities to seek information • Women’s informal networks for getting information and help are extensive.

They reach into other villages through women leaving the village for marriage and, conversely, through women and their relatives, who marry into the village.

• Farmers’ informal and formal associations. A good example is the melon farmers in Takwa who have trained each other through a melon farmers’ association.

Agriculture extension and NGO’s While two of the villages had previously been involved in workshops by KGA or agriculture extension, this still did not appear to lead to a willingness or understanding that further advice was available from local field offices and individuals of these programs. ‘Agriculture’ (ie agriculture extension services) was perceived to be about ‘projects’ and cash crops, like coconut and cocoa. KGA was known in Takwa and Gwou’ulu for ‘sup sup gaden’ work, and being able to provide seed for members of the PMN as well as youth training in poultry and piggery. What could be done to improve matters? At the present time, farmers rely on their traditional knowledge, local innovation and networks to solve problems. There is little if any connection to formal extension services. We asked groups what could be done to improve. The majority of the farmers had no idea. When pressed some suggested: • Visit once a year – (Gwaiau, and an indication of how low their expectations are

for any outside help). • Visit the village and gardens regularly (Gwou’ulu and Takwa). • Women should be working in the extension offices (Gwou’ulu).


15

RTC graduates Most Solomon Islanders aspire to send their children to secondary school. We asked farmers if the children returning from secondary school or from vocational training centres (RTC’s) were making a positive contribution in agriculture in any way. There universal response was ‘no moa’. It appears that the returning students have not contributed any new ideas or helped to solve agricultural problems. Migration to Honiara There is a high level of short-term and in the past long-term migration to and from Honiara from all the villages in the study. This pattern of urban drift was drastically reversed during the ethnic tensions from 1998 to the present, but appears to be increasing again. In Gwaiau, the population swelled during the ethnic tension including the return of the present chief who had lived on Guadalcanal for decades. People from coastal areas found it very hard to return to inland bush communities in Malaita where there are few services and everything has to be carried to and from the village by hand. This has resulted in some ‘displaced’ (really returnees) purchasing or settling on coastal land of relatives. In many places this has become a problem, with highland settlers being forced to return to the bush because of land pressure and competition in the coastal areas.

In Gwou’ulu, a large proportion of the young population had worked at the Taiyo factory in the Western Province. They returned in 1999.

Seasons and changes: Planting times Seasonal calendars were completed by groups of men and women in all four villages. Participants were asked to list their most important crops for food and for the market, and then to explain their seasonal patterns. Perhaps the most interesting feature of the calendars was the lack of a seasonal pattern in the planting of the important food crops (eg kumara, sliperi kabis, taro and cassava). Instead, most groups focussed on the period of planting to harvest (number of months). Crops differ in time to harvest, the shortest being kumara and cassava that take only 3 months; the longest is taro, which takes from 6 to 9 months. Farmers reported seasonal experiences; for example, some claimed that a crop would not grow well at a particular time of year due to too much or too little rain. In general, KGA has concluded that older, experienced, farmers a greater sense of season and planting time; younger farmers tend to plant any time when there is labour, but they are also more likely to experiment with ‘kastom’ and try planting at different times. But, in general, it appeared that most crops are planted all year. Significant variations in yield occur, but farmers do not seem to relate this to predictable patterns that might result in a change of planting time. Some farmers also alluded to the issue of willingness being important, and that farmers who were willing would have food all the time and those who were lazy would face shortages. This is an area where more research is needed.


16

A limitation of the PRA tools used is that perhaps many farmers do not pay much attention to the western calendar in terms of their agricultural activities and the concept of relating their planting to a calendar did not come easily. In future, this PRA may be better done with local reference points in terms of seasons and events that are commonly remembered. In general, village agriculture can been seen as a process of continual planting, weeding and harvesting in a number of gardens planted sequentially through the year by each family. Any prolonged disruption (ie more than a couple of weeks) to planting will result in a later period of food shortage (usually after 3-6 months). Such disruptions include social obligations (for example feasts, fundraising, funerals, weddings, Christmas, etc), sickness, commitment to other activities, such as cash cropping or short term work in urban areas. But some important crops do have distinct seasons: • Ngali nut • Watermelon • Pana (Dioscorea esculenta) • Yam (Dioscorea alata) • Breadfruit There was one mention of cassava being seasonal, but this was not confirmed with field observations where it appears to be being planted all year.

Seasonal patterns: Pests and diseases Pests are reported to be strongly influenced by weather and climate variations. These may be seasonal or more random variations. Some pest problems worsened with rain and some during dry periods. Farmers disagreed on exact times of these outbreaks, which would seem to indicate the patterns are not consistent and/or that farmers are not particularly aware of month-by-month changes and perhaps are more attuned to other changes in their environment than those that might have reference to a Western calendar. Traditional seasons The following references were made to traditional seasons: Koburu: December – March. Koburu is the northeast wind which is the dominates at this time of year. This is the cyclone season and is the rainy time of year. April – May – mixed sun and rain Ara’a June –July – Sun and some rain July – Nov sun. This is the driest time of year.


17

More research needs to be done into traditional classification and understanding of weather and seasonal patterns, cycles and variations and their influence on different crops as only limited data were collected. Reference to ‘dry season’ During discussions after the seasonal diagrams were drawn, many farmers (men and women) referred to dry seasons. But this is a Pidgin English term that refers to any period of dry weather. It is used to refer, for example, to the 1997 drought – one of the worst in memory, but also to short period of 3-4 weeks with little rain when gardens become drier than normal. In general, short dry seasons are actually good for most crops. Rain is the main problem, leading to reduced yields of crops, sweet potato, in particular. Crop yield effects of seasons / weather Kumara yields go down in wet weather. Despite this, kumara seems to be planted year round by most farmers. This indicates they do not have an alternative crop for wetter times of year. New crops of increasing importance: • Kongkong taro • Eggplant Barter and exchange Traditionally, barter was the means of exchange at local markets in pre-modern times. This practice continues today, although it is of less importance. In general, fish is traded for agreed quantities of root crops – taro and sweet potato being the most commonly traded items. In the past, markets operated on standard exchange rates. Today, barter usually happens by mutual agreement between two traders who agree to conduct the transaction at a future date. Barter for shell money or tafuliae remains very important. Purchase of strings of shell money continues to be exchanged for set quantities of taro, yam, edu and pigs. Tafuliae are also used for bride price and the resolution of customary disputes, so they are crucial to every family in north Malaita. Their importance is strengthened by the need to provide foods at feasts that have high cultural status, such as taro. Important crops for selling in urban or international markets Coconut (Malothawa, Gwou’ulu and Takwa). At this time, not many people are interested in making copra. The price is $1 per kg for dry copra, but few people have functioning copra driers. The drums rusted out during the ethnic tension (when there were no copra buyers) and now there are no replacements. There are some people who offer to buy wet copra for 20-30 cents per kg, but for most farmers the price is not worth the labour involved. Taro (mostly Gwaiau, but also some farmers in other villages). Taro is a prestige crop with important cultural value that are often just as important as its economic value, sometimes more so. The price of taro at the Silolo market during the survey


18

was $10-$25 per heap (about 10 corms of various size and variety). In Honiara, the same taro will sell for $5-$8 for one corm. Highland varieties such as Binalofa are particularly sought after by rural and urban consumers. Ball cabbage (Gwaiau and Takwa only). In Takwa, there were only six families who grew ball cabbage for the market. For those families it is their main source of income. One family grew 1,000 ball cabbages last year and lost almost all of them to pests. (The price in the Honiara market is $10-$25 each) Cocoa (Malothawa only). Most farmers sell wet beans to wholesalers in Auki; some also ferment and dry their own beans. Cocoa prices are very high. Some farmers in Malothawa complained that people were stealing their cocoa pods at night as the crop was so valuable. Cash crops and ‘spray’ Pesticides, mostly insecticides, are used often in gardens in and around urban areas where people are selling produce in the markets. They are occasionally used elsewhere, eg on watermelons in Malaita. Although evidence is anecdotal, in none of these situations are they used properly, with adequate safeguards to human health and the environment.

Food Security Pest and disease resistant crops • Kongkong taro – very easy to grow with no pest problems. Some people in

Takwa are also starting to use Kongkong taro leaf as a green because they are afraid of the ‘spray’ (pesticides) used on sliperi kabis.

• Taro leaves – a good greens when none other is available. • Kumara is the most important daily food. • Coconut is used every day. • Pana has no pests and diseases. Seasonally very important • Yam is very important when in season. • Breadfruit – it is easy to burn (bake), provides a good source of food in season,

and can keep for 2-3 days after being cooked. Emergency foods • Kakake is very important in times of drought. • Banana can be used as a staple when other foods are not available. Changes in food security crops • Sliperi kabis used to be the most important daily food, but is now in decline. • Some families now grow beans instead of sliperi kabis. • Pawpaw is good for children.


19

Gender Weekly routine In all the villages women have more commitments and less free time than men. A typical daily routine involves waking up at 5-6 am, washing the dishes, preparing the morning meal, going to the garden, coming back from the garden in the evening, washing, preparing the dinner and then sleeping. During the week, men and women are involved in various community activities, such as weekly clean-up days at the clinic or school, market days and church working days. They might go to their gardens three to five times in a week. Travelling to market can involve long walks (Gwaiau) or paddling in canoes (Gwou’ulu). Takwa and Malothawa are lucky to have markets in and nearby their villages. At Malothawa, some people have roadside stalls where they sell green coconuts, fruits and fish when available. Crop pests and diseases Pest survey of crops in north Malaita – results of garden surveys All common crops were surveyed in the field for pests, with a local farmer as guide. Samples of pests were taken, photographed and reared to determine their identification and whether natural enemies were present. With the exception of watermelon crops at Takwa, no pesticides are applied to control pests in north Malaita. The pests on the major crops were: Taro - Colocasia esculenta Alomae disease This disease caused by a complex of viruses continues to plague growers both on the coast and in the highlands. Combinations of viruses in the larger varieties of taro cause a lethal disease. It can be controlled by rouging, but it has to be done early, as soon as symptoms are seen.


20

Alomae

Taro leaf blight Common on most plants at Gwaiau (highlands), but there appears to be a level of resistance in the varieties grown, or else the environmental conditions are not as conducive to epidemics of the disease compared to the coastal areas.

Taro leaf blight

Taro corm rot (probably Pythium) This was reported as a quite common disease at Gwaiau. The causal organism is yet to be identified, but is most likely to be a species of Pythium, a soilborne fungus.

Corm rot of taro


21

Grasshoppers Several species of grasshoppers were commonly found feeding on taro leaves, but the extent of damage is uncertain, hence economic damage level could not be determined.

Grasshoppers feeding on taro leaves

Taro hornworm (also known as Taro hawkmoth), Hippotion celerio This pest was quite common; although damage was observed, it was thought not to have reached economically damaging levels)

Taro hornworm caterpillar, Hippotion celerio

Taro planthopper, Tarophagus sp. (proserpina?) Observed in very low numbers and was not causing significant damage at the time of the survey; however, it may be a vector of the Alomae disease, and as such are a significant pest. Aphids (probably Aphis gossypii) Aphids were common on the underside of taro leaves, but several ladybird beetles (Coccinellidae) and syrphid fly larvae were commonly found preying on the aphids.

Aphids (probably Aphis gossypii); and syrphid fly larva (predator) on taro leaves


22

Mealybugs Mealybugs were common at the base of the leaf petiole, as well as the stem base of taro plants; they do not appear to have reached levels of economic importance.

Mealybugs at the base of taro stems

Sweet potato – Ipomoea batatas Sweet potato weevil, Cylas formicarius The sweet potato weevil is one of the most serious pests of sweet potato. Cultural control measures that include the hilling of tuber mounds, and the use of clean, young planting materials, would help reducing the impact of the weevil.

Heavily damaged sweet potato tuber

caused by sweet potato weevil, Cylas formicarius Tortoise beetles Three species of tortoise beetles were found on sweet potato leaves, but none appears to have reached economically damaging levels.

Three species of Tortoise beetles found on sweet potato, Ipomoea batatas


23

Leafroller (Lepidoptera) They were cmmon, but not at damaging levels, possibly because of the presence of a larval parasitoid.

Leafroller caterpillar and parasitoid larvae and cocoons on sweet potato leaf

Sweet potato hornworm, Agrius convolvuli Sweet potato hornworm was an uncommon pest of the crop, and did not appear to cause economic damage.

Sweet potato hornworm on sweet potato leaf

Grasshoppers Grasshoppers were common on the crop, and in some instances may be able to cause economic damage.

Grasshoppers on sweet potato leaf

Whiteflies Whiteflies were found in small numbers, and were not causing any significant damage.


24

Stem disease An unknown fungus was found on stems of sweet potato, but disease incidence was very low.

Disease on sweet potato stem

Soilborne disease A plant infested with a soil-borne disease (most likely Athelia rolfsii) was found inland from Malothawa, but the disease was not found elsewhere. Farmers report that some varieties are more resistant than others, and that removing leaves at the base of the shoots used for propagation, re useful cultural control measures.

Plant killed by soil-borne disease

Sliperi kabis (bele, pele) - Abelmoschus manihot Fleahopper beetle, Nisotra sp. This is the most serious pest of the crop, causing damage of significant economic importance. All leaves are attacked, with most showing serious damage.

Nisotra sp. beetle and typical damage symptoms

on slipery kabis (Abelmoschus manihot)


25

Shoot Borer, Earias vitellae The shoot borer was reported as the second most serious pest after Nisotra sp., and many shoots were found with typical dieback symptoms. However, few live caterpillars were found during the survey. Watermelon - Citrullus lanatus Watermelon is the only commercial crop grown in Takwa, and farmers apply pesticide sprays at regular (1 – 2 week) intervals to control two species of leaf rollers (Lepidoptera) Leaf rollers Leaf rollers were very commonly found on watermelon leaves, and were most likely the most serious pest in the crop, despite the intensive spray programme.

Leaf rollers on watermelon, and typical damage symptoms to leaves However, field sampling showed that many of the caterpillars were parasitized, and there appears to be considerable potential for development of an IPM package that will reduce the need for pesticide applications.

Parasitoid cocoons around leaf roller host on watermelon


26

Brown fleahopper A brown flea hopper (unidentified species) was commonly found on watermelon, but economic damage could not be determined

Brown flea hopper beetle (sp. undet.) on watermelon

Pumpkin beetle, Aulacophora similis Pumpkin beetle was considered by farmers a serious pest, but low numbers of the beetle were observed during the survey, possibly due to intensive pesticide applications.

Pumpkin beetle (Aulacophora similis) on watermelon leaf

Bean - Phaseolus sp. Leaf footed bug, Leptoglossus australis Leaf footed bug is the most serious pest of this crop, which attains serious damage levels and is of significant economic importance. Crop losses are estimated over 80 - 90% of bean yield.

Leaf footed bug (Leptoglossus australis) and damage to bean pod


27

Black island fleahopper, Halticus tibialis The island fleahopper is abundant, and damage is very common: economic importance however is unknown; no research data available to determine economic impact.

Black island fleahopper (Halticus tibialis) and

typical damage symptoms on bean leaf

Farmers’ perceptions of pest and disease • There is a general consensus in all villages. and among male and female farmers.

that pest problems are worse than in the past. • Taro - alomae, bobone and taro (or Papuana) beetle. Bobone comes after

weeding. Taro is not planted very much any more in coastal areas due to pests and diseases

• Pest attack more in rain season • Sliperi kabis: black and orange beetle are the main problems. Also, stem borer

(or wawa as it is known). All these pests have led to a reduction in planting of this crop by many people.

• Yams are struck by lightning, which destroys the tips and causes a low yield

(actually a fungus). • Kumara: leaf roller and weevil in tubers. • Banana. Beetle eats inside of stem. Birds eat the fruit and small black caterpillar

with ‘horn’. Most crop pests are classified as either wawa or worms/caterpillars, or sisi beetle/hard insects. Some farmers understand insect life cycles and are aware how, for example, a wawa might become a butterfly, but many other farmers are ignorant of the life cycles of important pests on their crops. Disease, or siknes, are more mysterious to farmers and are often associated with kastom. This is especially the case with taro. Farmers see many different ‘predator’ insects as pests. They have not observed them attacking other pests and so have not made a distinction between ‘good’ and ‘bad’ insects.


28

Culture and farmers’ influence Ceremonial / high status crops • Yam used for special ceremonies. • Taro is most important crop in culture - used for bride price / married, exchange

for shell money, cash and for local markets. • Edu used for shell money, cash and bride price. It takes 1-2 years to harvest.

Priority pest problems. Each group was asked to prioritise their main pest problems through the crop matrix tool. A score of 1 to 5 was given to each pest and disease problem, with 1 being the least and 5 the most serous. In addition, scores were given for importance for food and market and other uses. Malothawa - men Taro (4) Sliperi kabis (3) Kumara, Banana, Yam, Sugar cane, bean and eggplant (2) Malothawa – women Taro, sliperi kabis (5) Kumara (4) Banana, bean (3) Gwaiau - men Sliperi kabis (5) Taro, kumara, yam, beans and tomato (3) Kongkong taro, shallots (2) Gwaiau – women Sliperi kabis and banana (5) Taro, Yam (4) Pumpkin (3) Takwa Kumara, Melon, sliperi kabis (5) Yam, bean (4) Corn (3) Gwou’ulu – women Taro, sliperi kabis (5) Kumara (4) Edu (3) Gwouulu – men Taro, kumara, sliperi kabis, banana (5) Corn (4) Kongkong taro, yam, bean (3)


29

These were then presented to the Baetolau Farmers Network to choose a limited number of crops with significant pest and disease problems upon which the project Linking farmers to crop protection networks would focus. The committee made the following comments: • Problems related to yam were considered to be largely related to ‘lightning’, or

anthracnose. This is a problem that is strongly related to planting seasons and it was felt that traditional knowledge was adequate to deal with this problem.

• Bean was an important problem, but it was felt that the pests and control

strategies developed on sliperi kabis will probably be similar on beans. Beans would be a priority for future trials.

In the meantime, priority was given to taro, sliperi kabis, watermelon and sweet potato. Acknowledgements DAL, KGA and PestNet would like to thank the many farmers who helped out during this survey, provided accommodation, came to meetings and willingly gave much information on the pests and diseases in their gardens as they see them. The three organizations would also like to thank the Baetolau Farmers’ Network Committee for their advice and direction. The project is also grateful to the support from infoDev World Bank.

Linking Farmers to Plant Protection Networks (Solomon Islands) · PDF fileLinking Farmers to...

Documents

Transcript of Linking Farmers to Plant Protection Networks (Solomon Islands) · PDF fileLinking Farmers to...