Linking EU trade and development policies Lessons from the EPA negotiations for the Aid for Trade process

Davina Makhan Deutsches Institute für Entwicklungspolitik/

German Development Institute (DIE) davina.makhan@die-gdi.de

WORK IN PROGRESS – NOT TO BE QUOTED

April 2010

1 Introduction 2

2 The EU: a coherent actor on trade and development? 3 2.1 The EPAs as the EU’s flagship trade policy instrument for development 3 2.2 The EU’s framework to improve policy coherence for development 4

3 Formulating and negotiating the EPAs: aiming for development but falling short on coordination 5

3.1 Formulating the EPAs: combining trade and development for ACP development? 6

3.2 Negotiating the EPAs: was the EU responsive to ACP perspectives? 8 3.2.1 The European Commission 8 3.2.2 EU member states 12 3.3 Insufficient coordination between trade and development 14

4 Aid for Trade: addressing the coordination gap for development? 16 4.1 AfT: an opportunity for greater coherence and coordination between trade and

development 16 4.2 The EU’s strategy on Aid for Trade 18 4.3 Coordination challenges to the operationalisation of AfT in the EU context 20

5 Conclusion 23

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Abstract

The recently enforced Lisbon Treaty bears the promise of improving the consistency of the European Union’s (EU) external policies, including trade and development. It is a most challenging task which calls for streamlining of both Union level and member states’ policies. The EPA negotiation process is a case in point, not least when third parties such as the ACP are concerned. Nonetheless, effective and timely coordination of policies and all actors involved – i.e. both within the EU system and with the ACP – is crucially required for trade and development to be mutually supportive.

The Aid for Trade agenda has instilled more coherence in the linkages between trade and development and offers an opportunity for more effective coordination of the policies and actors involved. On the EU side, whether these opportunities can be seized is contingent on the extent to which EU member states allow for the emergence of a stronger and more coherent EU policy for development. Indeed, difficult choices will need to be made to fulfil the Lisbon Treaty’s promise of consistency. If greater centralisation is an undesirable option for EU member states, clear-cut decisions (and concessions) over an effective division of labour are required to achieve complementarity and a whole-of-the-Union approach.

1 Introduction

The European Union has generally been a pioneer in linking development to other policies, not least to trade policy. The Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) with the group of African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) States are the EU’s most recent and flagship endeavour to make better use of trade for development. They also intend to bring the trade and development policy areas closer together, by better linking the negotiation and implementation of the EPAs to EU development support strategies, including Aid for Trade (AfT).

However, while it is widely assumed that trade can be a key aspect of the EU’s international development policies, the EU’s hybrid system of governance poses a challenge for linking trade and development. Indeed, whereas the Union holds an exclusive competence over trade issues, the competency over development policy is shared with EU member states. Harmonising policy areas that are respectively wholly and partly conferred to the Union is thus a political as well as an administrative challenge.

This paper discusses the capabilities of the EU as a multilevel system to manage the linkages between trade and development in the context of the EPA negotiations with the ACP, with a view to drawing lessons for the AfT process. After analysing the EU’s policy means to engage as a coherent actor on trade and development (section 2), the paper turns to the formulation and negotiation process of the EPAs to identify the coordination needs and

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challenges therein and assesses whether the EU was capable to successfully address these (section 3). While the EPAs can be seen as an endeavour to strengthen the linkages between trade and development from the trade side, the AfT initiative can be seen as doing so from the development side. Section 4 of this paper thus discusses the EU’s capabilities to formulate a consistent response to the AfT agenda. Section 5 concludes.

2 The EU: a coherent actor on trade and development?

Trade is a strong instrument for the EU as an international actor: the EU ‘speaks with one voice’ and the European Commission is responsible to negotiate trade agreements on behalf of the Union. It could thus be assumed that trade is an equally strong instrument when used for development. However, due to the shared competencies on trade and development within the EU policy framework, the capacities of the EU to engage as an effective and coherent actor on trade and development in the context of the EPAs crucially depend on the level of coordination amongst the Union institutions – in particular the EC – and the EU member states. Closely linked to this, and of equal importance to assess the EU’s actorness, is the extent to which the EU as a whole is responsive and coordinates with the ACP in the course of the negotiations.

2.1 The EPAs as the EU’s flagship trade policy instrument for development

Formulated in the framework of the Cotonou Partnership Agreement of 2000, the EPAs are the most recent instrument proposed by EU to integrate trade and development. They succeed to and fundamentally reform the long-standing non-reciprocal trade regime of the Lomé Conventions. These agreements had governed the ACP-EU relations since the 1970s and granted ACP exporters with a preferred access to European markets. With the EPAs, the EC has argued that market building in the ACP – rather than market opening – is its priority and thus strongly emphasises on the achievement of development objectives through the new agreements.

Since 2002, the Union and regional groupings of the 78 ACP countries have engaged in intense negotiations towards the establishment of free trade agreements complying with the rules set out by the World Trade Organisation (WTO). However, as foreseen by the Cotonou Agreement, the EPAs also encompass a number of elements that make them more than mere WTO-compatible free-trade agreements. These elements are associated with expected beneficial effects individually but also as a package, and consist of:

(i) the introduction of reciprocity on market access issues, i.e. the liberalisation of trade on the ACP side, and improved market access to European markets, notably through a revision of the rules of origin;

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(ii) the comprehensive scope of the negotiations, beyond trade in goods only;

(iii) the commitment to a flexible (and differentiated) approach in the negotiation and implementation of the EPAs;

(iv) the aspiration to build ACP capacities for the negotiation process and for trade and trade-related activities; and,

(v) the expressed desire to promote regional integration.

Thus, for the EC, the development dimension of the EPAs would accrue from the establishment of a stable, predictable and transparent framework conducive to local economic activity and attractive for regional and international investment. Concerning the inevitable social and economic adjustments that liberalisation under an EPA would entail, the EC recognised that the potential gains from trade liberalisation would not be achieved unless other factors causing segmentation of markets were removed. In this respect, it was proposed to address the need for appropriate flanking measures to be adopted by the ACP through economic and trade cooperation in all areas relevant to trade, and assist the adoption and implementation of accompanying measures and policies through appropriate EU support from the European Development Fund (EDF) (European Commission 2002).

From the outset, the EPA endeavour was a most ambitious and challenging one. Ambitious, considering that what makes trade liberalisation work for development is still hotly debated; challenging, considering that of the 78 ACP countries concerned by the new approach, many are amongst the poorest: out of 50 countries classified as Least Developed Countries (LDCs), 41 belong to the ACP group and 33 are African States. In addition, like other international agreements, EPAs are formulated in negotiations, i.e. both sides have to agree on their scope and content. This is an opportunity, since both bring their goals and strategies to the table. It is, however, also a challenge in situations of unequal capacities, if the overall goal is the development of the weaker negotiation partner.

On the EU side, capitalising on the presumed developmental potential of the EPAs thus depends on whether the EU, as a development partner for the ACP (and not only a trade negotiation partner), is responsive to ACP concerns in the formulation of the EPAs and provides adequate and timely support for building ACP capacities in view of the negotiations (not least at the start of the negotiations). In other words, effective and timely coordination of policies and actors involved – i.e. both within the EU and with the ACP – is crucial for the EPAs to be successful instruments for development.

2.2 The EU’s framework to improve policy coherence for development

In order to be a responsive system, successfully engaging in the EPA negotiations required that trade and development be effectively linked within the EU from the outset, while leaving enough scope to take on board ACP concerns. Since the 1993 Maastricht Treaty, several

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efforts and improvements have been made towards a more effective and coherent EU development policy. With Maastricht, and besides the newly acquired competence for development policy, the Community was indeed assigned the task of implementing all policies likely to affect developing countries in a coherent, complementary and coordinated manner.

Over time and more intensively in recent years, the EU has undertaken several efforts to meet the Maastricht provisions on development cooperation. Indeed, furthering the European integration process and the successive waves of recent enlargement (2004 and 2007) have made it more pressing to develop a more consistent approach between the European Commission and the EU member states, i.e. across the system and including in the area of development cooperation.

Since 2000, a number of key policy documents have further paved the way for a more coherent European policy for development to emerge. Trade and development became one of the six priority areas for the European Commission’s development cooperation with the 2000 Development Policy Statement. More notably, the 2005 European Consensus on Development refers to all EU aid, i.e. including member states’ bilateral assistance, and provides for a common vision to guide the action of the EU as a whole in development cooperation (European Commission 2005). Twelve areas, including trade, were therefore identified “where the challenge of attaining synergies with development policy objectives is considered particularly relevant” (European Commission 2005, 4). International initiatives, such as the adhesion to the Paris Declaration on Aid effectiveness in 2005 and its follow-up with the Accra Agenda for Action of 2008, as well as the adoption at the European level of the 2007 Code of Conduct on the Division of Labour in Development Policy, have added to the efforts made towards a more harmonised and complementary approach with regards to development cooperation. More recently, the provisions of the Lisbon Treaty have reinforced the complementarity and coordination objectives for the EU’s external action, by stipulating that the Union’s and member states’ policies on development cooperation should complement and reinforce each other1. In addition, the Lisbon Treaty entrusts a stronger coordinating role to the Commission by more explicitly defining the purpose of such coordination as that of the promotion of complementarity and efficiency within the Union (Koeb 2008).

3 Formulating and negotiating the EPAs: aiming for development but falling short on coordination

By gradually adopting the policy instruments and means to manage the linkages between trade and development, the EU has improved its capability to deal with these two areas in a coherent manner, despite the prevailing fragmented competences. The main challenge, 1 As opposed to Community policy in the sphere of development cooperation being complementary to the

policies pursued by member states, as formulated in the former Treaties. See (Koeb 2008)

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however, was to put into operation these commitments, in a timely enough manner to allow for coordination with the ACP as well in the formulation of the EPAs and support a developmental outcome for the negotiations. However, as discussed below, the EU has been the main driver of the EPA process in the ACP-EU partnership, from the conceptual design of the EPAs to the content of the current agreements.

3.1 Formulating the EPAs: combining trade and development for ACP development?

The EPA agenda was predominantly shaped by considerations and dynamics at play within the EU multilevel structure. Rather than development considerations as such, external factors can be found to have triggered the reform of the ACP-EU trade pillar. Subsequently, dynamics that were internal to the EU multilevel structure further shaped the new trade and development package for the ACP countries embodied in the EPAs.

While the limited results of the non-reciprocal preferences granted under Lomé played a significant role in the shift towards reciprocity, the most compelling thrust for reform came with the new international context provided by the WTO. Indeed, with its institutionalisation in 1995, rules defined under its ambit became enforceable. As a result of greater membership, the value of a strong regulatory system generally increased and leniency towards trade regimes that either contradicted the core ‘most favoured principle’ of the WTO or did not fall under the exceptions it provides for were perceived in a more sceptical light than previously (Stevens 2000, 408). The Lomé regime was one of them and signs of discontent with its discriminatory nature were indeed increasingly shown.

In response to these challenges, a waiver was necessary to shelter the Convention from being challenged by other WTO members, which the EU obtained for the duration of Lomé IV-bis (1995-2000). A second waiver was subsequently successfully obtained by the EU, with the support of ACP countries, to cover the trade preferences granted under the Cotonou Agreement. The waiver was established in November 2001 and expired on the 31 December 2007, thereby providing the timeframe within which a fully WTO-compatible trade regime with the ACP was to be negotiated.

The need for a fundamental reform of the ACP-EU relationship had thus become more pressing for the EU. Options to be considered were first formulated in the Green Paper on Relations between the European Union and the ACP countries on the eve of the 21st century. Challenges and options for a new partnership (European Commission 1996). The Green paper triggered a wide consultation, carried out not only at the European level but also with the ACP.

However, considerations linked more to the European construction were the main drivers in the policy options outlined, rather than ACP perspectives. Indeed, as argued by Solignac Lecomte (2001), the proposed bilateral negotiation of WTO-compatible preferential trade agreements with the ACP, and the substantial aid package it would be accompanied with, can

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be seen as stemming partly from bureaucratic and political considerations within the Commission. Besides challenges emerging at the international level, including the rising influence of the United States in Africa through the adoption of the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA)2, other internal considerations contributed to shaping the EC’s proposals. For instance, in a context then marked by a certain ‘donor fatigue’, making African markets more attractive to European firms could make it easier to “buy in” the support of reticent member states for a renewed aid package (Solignac Lecomte 2001).

In addition, DG Development had a strong interest in keeping, if not magnifying, the trade dimension of the ACP-EU relations. Indeed, the institutional setup within the Commission was such that the ACP portfolio was administered by DG Development (ex-VIII). However as many observers have concurred, the move towards free trade as the basis of trade relations with the ACP countries was rather spurred by the Directorate for Trade (Holland 2002; Hewitt / Whiteman 2004). DG Development’s position within the Commission would have been further reduced if trade and development had been delinked and the Lomé Convention had become a simple aid treaty. Likewise, development policy-making would have been weakened if the EU’s trade policy had been multilateralised, either by extending Lomé preferences to all developing countries or through a global offer to all WTO members in line with the most favoured nation principle.

Generally, there was little opposition or criticism to be found on part of the EU member states on the Cotonou Agreement and the EPAs (Farrell 2010). As Farrell (2010, 79-80) argues, “this was partly because there was no strong cause to challenge the premise of economic liberalisation and because the European Commission’s role in external economic relations and in managing the European-African interregional dialogue was largely recognised and accepted”. Member states nevertheless played a key role in shaping the agenda by introducing some flexibility in the Council’s negotiating mandate to the Commission for the successor to the Lomé trade regime, with the principle of differentiation in the scope of the relations with the ACP. Indeed, while the general thrust towards liberalisation proposed by the EC was supported by member states, LDCs were given the possibility of temporarily retaining existing Lomé preferences, along with policy “options” identified for non-LDCs that were unable or unwilling to move towards reciprocity and liberalisation. Yet again, these were more the outcome of intense discussions and negotiations between member states than a reflection of ACP views and demands (Holland 2002).

Thus, in the formulation of the concept of the EPAs, there was little additional flexibility for the ACP to obtain from the EU’s position or little room to accommodate for the ACP perspective, as this was the result of a difficult compromise reached between EU institutions 2 Adopted in 2000, the AGOA provides African exports improved access to the US market on a non-

reciprocal basis, to encourage them in pursuing their efforts to open their economies and build free markets. The initiative covers a wide range of products and has been particularly beneficial for textile and apparel industries. The AGOA also explicitly aims at benefiting US firms: “by creating tangible incentives for African countries to implement economic and commercial reform policies, [it] contributes to better market opportunities and stronger commercial partners in Africa for U.S. companies.” See www.agoa.gov

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and member states. At the same time, however, there seems to have been little will on the ACP side to formulate positions that could help shape the EU proposals. Indeed, most ACP countries appeared somewhat passive throughout the process leading to the formulation of the EPA and seem to have engaged in the EPAs for the wrong reasons. Solignac Lecomte argues that the ACP group’s acceptance of the principle of reciprocity had more to do with “fatalistic pragmatism” (Solignac Lecomte 2001, 26) than a strategic vision of how to use trade for development and a firm belief in the possible gains of an EPA towards this end. For most of its existence, the great heterogeneity of the ACP has often led the group to react to European suggestions rather than setting the agenda.

3.2 Negotiating the EPAs: was the EU responsive to ACP perspectives?

Therefore, ownership constitutes one of the main challenges of the EPAs from a development perspective. The ability of the EU as a system to adequately respond to the development dimension of the new agreements is thus closely linked to its ability to ensure ownership of the proposed trade regime on the ACP side. Such a capability would be measured, inter alia, by considering whether the EU as a whole is able to better take on board or reflect ACP positions and concerns in the course of the EPA negotiations – more so than in the course of the formulation of the EPAs –, and hence to effectively combine trade and development for development (of the ACP).

3.2.1 The European Commission

ACP concerns can be found to have crystallised around two main issues in the negotiations and how they (should) relate to each other, namely the extent and scope of trade liberalisation required on part of the ACP and the provision of EU financial support for the EPAs. However, neither when the regime was overhauled under the Cotonou Agreement in 2000 nor since the negotiations were launched (at the all-ACP level and subsequently at the regional level) were the EU and the ACP able to reach a common understanding on the approach towards development in the framework of the EPA. A significant and fundamental divergence can already be observed when comparing the objectives of the EPAs as spelt out in the respective negotiating guidelines of the ACP and the EU in 2002 (ACP 2002a; European Commission 2002). Whereas for the ACP the focus should be on the sustainable development of ACP States and the eradication of poverty, the EU put the emphasis on the smooth and gradual integration of ACP States into the world economy (ACP 2002b), just as formulated in the Maastricht Treaty. The rather substantial difference in focus between the ACP and the EU took its toll on the constructiveness of the negotiations, but the divergence over how to achieve the development objective of the EPA was, and somewhat surprisingly, never resolved (Stevens et al. 2008).

A first aspect of the ACP position related to the extent and scope of trade liberalisation required on their part. The main divergence stemmed from the interpretation of Article XXIV

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of the GATT, which the EPAs were to comply with. According to this article, reciprocity in a regional trade agreement entails the liberalisation of “substantially all trade”3 within a “reasonable length of time”. Throughout the negotiations, ACP countries called for more flexibility in the EC’s interpretations of the provisions of Article XXIV of the GATT, arguing for lower coverage of liberalisation and longer transition periods. The ACP states pointed to the low levels of competitiveness of their economies and the greater adjustment costs they would incur when implementing the EPA.

The problem is that these two components of the WTO provision regulating the EPAs are a matter of interpretation. In 2004, the ACP submitted a proposal to induce more flexibility in the application of Article XXIV for developing countries4. This attempt, however, did not succeed and the prevailing benchmark interpretation was that of the EC, according to which ‘substantially all trade’ means eliminating tariffs on 90% of total trade5 between the EU and the ACP. This threshold can, however, be taken as an average which, in the case of FTAs with developing countries like the EPAs, allow for an asymmetrical approach to liberalisation. Hence, the EU would liberalise 100% of trade originating from the ACP – with transition periods for rice and sugar – and the ACP would liberalise 80%, keeping the other 20% of their trade with the EU protected from liberalisation, for example. As for the ‘reasonable length of time’ requirement, an understanding reached at the level of the WTO in 1994 indicates that it should not exceed 10 years, although a longer period of time may be applied in exceptional cases6. In the context of the EPAs, the EC’s position has been that the greatest share of the liberalisation process should occur within a 10-year period of time, with a limited number of ‘exceptional cases’ in which sensitive goods are allowed a longer time frame of 15 years, especially for LDCs.

A second aspect of the ACP position relates to the sequencing of liberalisation and support measures. ACP negotiators and stakeholders indeed argued for the liberalisation process and assistance to be adequately sequenced for both the negotiation and implementation of the

3 For a discussion of this particular component, see (Scollay 2005).

4 In April 2004, the ACP Group submitted a proposal on “Developmental aspects of regional trade agreements and special and differential treatment in WTO rules: GATT 1994 Article XXIV and the Enabling Clause” (WTO 2004). The aim was to create a legal coverage through the WTO that would allow for concrete elements of flexibilities and asymmetry in commitments undertaken in the context of the EPA. However, the proposal did not materialise as discussions at the WTO went into a deadlock over issues which still attract most of the WTO Members’ and main protagonists’ attention, namely agriculture and modalities for non-agricultural market access (NAMA). For a detailed discussion on the importance for the ACP of a review of the provisions of Article XXIV of the GATT, see Ochieng (2007), Lang (2006), ICTSD et al. (2006) and Onguglo / Ito (2005).

5 This can be measured in terms of both value of mutual trade and tariff lines (i.e. products). 6 These cases are however not defined in the WTO understanding. However practice shows that this

interpretation is generally not strictly applied. The exact share differs from one FTA concluded by the EU to the other, and many FTAs – also between developed countries – have included longer transitional periods. For example, EU FTA with developing countries South Africa and Morocco provide for a 12-year transition period, whereas the FTA between developed US and Australia allows for an 18-year implementation period .

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EPA, in order for the ACP to prepare for the negotiations and meet the adjustment costs and challenges as and when they arose (Stevens et al. 2008). Specific components of such support might even need to come prior to the implementation of the trade liberalisation itself, in order to strengthen data and tax collection and administration systems, allow participants to address the still widely informal character of many African economies, or to buffer the effects of the loss of custom revenues, for example. In many instances, such inflows would actually be necessary just to maintain the status quo, i.e. non-reciprocity (Stevens et al. 2008).

Finally, with respect specifically to development financing in support of an EPA, the ACP argued for the need to discuss the issue in the course of the negotiations sessions. In order to tackle the productivity and competitiveness constraints and bottlenecks – so called supply-side constraints –, and take full advantage of the improved market access promised by Cotonou7, the ACP argued, funds on top of the EDF had to be made available and accessible under more flexible procedures. Diversion of resources from ongoing or future non-trade- related development programmes could thus be avoided. It was for instance suggested that EPA Adjustment Facilities be set up to accompany the implementation of the EPA, and that the additional resources be channelled through regional structures (ECDPM 2007). The ACP also called for the financial commitments to be binding and predictable so that they would match the binding trade liberalisation commitments taken in the scope of the EPA (Stevens et al. 2008).

For most of the formal negotiation process, DG Trade proved reluctant to respond to ACP core demands on the development dimension of the EPAs (i.e. flexibility, sequencing and additionality) (Stevens et al. 2008; UNECA 2007). With respect to the extent and scope of trade liberalisation, and despite various proposals made by the ACP to better reflect regional and national specificities, the EC has invariably claimed that only offers entailing the liberalisation of 80% of trade on the ACP side, over 15 years, would pass the ‘reciprocity’ test of the WTO and be deemed compatible to Article XXIV. The EC’s inflexibility was to prove particularly detrimental for a successful outcome of the negotiation process. As argued by Lui / Bilal (2009, 6), “the extent of tariff liberalisation demanded in the EPAs was the single most important reason why the majority of African and Pacific countries – particularly LDCs – decided not to sign an agreement, jeopardising inter alia their ongoing respective regional integration processes”. Indeed, out of the 78 ACP States that set out to negotiate an EPA in 2002, 42 have not initialled an agreement with the EU. The current signatories of interim EPAs are nineteen African countries, of which five under a common framework, and two Pacific countries. The Caribbean is the only region to have concluded a comprehensive EPA with the EU.

Instead, much of the EC’s focus with regard to trade liberalisation seems to have been on the need to achieve comprehensive and regional EPAs between the EU and ACP regions. This,

7 Under Article 37.7 of the Cotonou Agreement, it is stipulated that “on the Community side, trade

liberalisation shall build on the acquis [of the Lomé Convention] and shall aim at improving the current market access for the ACP countries, through inter alia, a review of the rules of origin.”

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however, was to come at the expense of the flexibility fundamentally required to achieve these objectives. Indeed, several regions argued for a sequenced approach where priority would be given to the development of regional capacities to produce and trade over liberalisation towards the EU. The EC was generally unsupportive of such an approach, not least because it also comprised financial support demands. Admittedly, the historically experienced reluctance of African regions to undertake needed reforms was not playing in their favour (UNECA / AU 2006). Yet, even in those regions that had picked up and formulated their own reforms for a development agenda, the Commission was often considered slow or unresponsive (Stevens et al. 2008). In addition, EC proposals were often found to pre-empt existing regional initiatives, including more successful ones. The pressure was high on countries and regions to negotiate on trade-related issues, such as government procurement and investment, or services, in cases where they would argue that there was little capacity or incentive at either the national or regional level to do so. And if they did, the process would actually draw on already limited capacities in general, diverting efforts and focus away from initiatives stemming from the region itself (Stevens et al. 2008).

Concerning development support for the EPAs, the EC claimed that it did not have the mandate to negotiate on behalf of Member States on development assistance for EPAs. However, this approach might have left “negotiators from the EPA groups with diminished incentives to engage in the process and without the certainty that an EPA agreement will contain provisions to address supply-side constraints” (Hinkle / Hoppe / Newfarmer 2006, 274). One explanation put forward for such reluctance was that member states feared the risk of committing more than they could afford or promise. Indeed, while the Cotonou Agreement has a foreseeable timeline for implementation, there is no clear or general indication across the ACP as to how long the implementation or the adjustment to an EPA would require support for8.

In the course of 2007, the EC sought to address some of the ACP concerns by acceding to the inclusion of development chapters in the ambit of the negotiated texts. However, these did not include any binding commitment matching the liberalisation commitments of the ACP nor a clarification as to the possible availability of additional and predictable funds. As Stevens et al. (2008, 101) observed, “instead, compromises were made on rather vague pledges to increase development resources spent on trade-related sectors within the existing frameworks”. It can thus be argued that the EU, as a system, fell short of formulating a consistent and coordinated response with regard to this specific aspect of the development dimension of the EPAs in the understanding of the ACP.

Hence, for most of the negotiating process, the EC’s lack of responsiveness and flexibility in accommodating for some of the main concerns of ACP countries and regions hampered the developmental value of the EPA in the eyes of the ACP. In addition, the system could not provide timely responses on crucial details of its own offer for the development relevance of the EPAs. Indeed, formulating an EU response on these core issues rested on the ability of the 8 Interview with EC official, Brussels, October 2009.

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system to reach a compromise acceptable to all within the multi-level system, not least EU member states.

3.2.2 EU member states

Despite trade being an area falling under the exclusive competence of the Union, EU member states have played a determining role in shaping the Commission’s response on key issues in the EPA negotiations – as for any other trade negotiation – notably through the Article 133 Committee. Indeed, and partly due to the complex dynamics of EU decision-making, substantial answers on market access, rules of origin and development support for the EPAs came late in the run up to the December 2007 deadline for the formal negotiation process. Until then, the development benefits to be derived from the EPAs remained largely hypothetical for the ACP.

While the Commission is the driving force in EU trade-policy making, member states still play an often decisive role in shaping the EU’s response. Prior to international trade negotiations, the Commission must agree on its negotiating mandate with the Council, through the Article 133 Committee9. Its role is also to assist the European Commission in the negotiation of agreements. However, the Article 133 Committee is perceived to be the real power behind and decision-making centre for the EU’s trade policy. It is composed of trade experts from each member state and chaired by the country holding the EU presidency. The EC consults regularly with the Committee and acts upon its recommendations (CEPS 2006).

In April 2007, i.e. the year of expiry of the WTO waiver and for completion of the EPA negotiations, the EU tabled its formal market access offer to the ACP: duty-free and quota-free access to its markets to all EPA signatories, starting from the agreement's taking effect, except for a few commodity products like rice and sugar that would be phased in over a transition period. The only exception would be South Africa, where a number of globally competitive products will continue to pay import duties. The Commission further indicated that, parallel to its offer, it had begun discussions with the ACP on developing a simpler and more development-friendly set of rules of origin (European Commission 2007c).

It is reasonable to assume that the delay in the EU’s response was due to reach an internal compromise which all involved could agree to. Indeed, the EC actually submitted a first proposal to the Article 133 Committee in October 2003. The proposal suggested that when an EPA goes into effect, ACP countries should be granted access to the EU market equivalent to that accorded to LDCs under the unilateral Everything But Arms (EBA) initiative of the EU (European Research Office 2007).

9 The Committee was named after the Amsterdam Treaty article setting out the aims and objectives of trade

policy. With he Lisbon Treaty, the Article 133 Committee becomes the Trade Policy Committee.

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Under the terms of the scheme, (ACP and non-ACP) LDC countries are guaranteed non-reciprocal duty-free quota-free access to the EU markets for all their export products with the exception of arms10, and with transition periods for rice, sugar and bananas. As such, there was little inclination for the LDCs to actually embrace, or even seek to build the capacity for engaging in liberalisation talks and/or offering reciprocal concessions to the EU (Hinkle / Hoppe / Newfarmer 2006). In view of this unilateral policy initiative of the EU, the risk was high that ACP negotiating configurations would split along the LDC versus non-LDC line. Indeed, it should be recalled that almost half of the ACP group of countries are classified as LDCs, and are hence eligible for non-reciprocal access to the EU. This proportion rises to more than 70% in Africa.

The 2003 proposal of the EC was thus of particular relevance for a successful outcome of the EPAs, since competition with the incentive posed by the EBA initiative for LDCs would have been resolved, increasing by the same token the prospects for actual regional integration between ACP countries. However, the Article 133 Committee did not respond positively to this proposal and eventually gave the green light to a somewhat toned-down version with the April 2007 offer. It remains to be determined what were the exact dynamics and powers at play in shaping the EC’s offer in April 2007 and the cause of the delay between the two offers. It is illustrative in this respect to consider that, in the SADC, the negotiations were plainly frozen throughout 2006, as the region awaited the EC’s response as to whether it would formally accept (more competitive) South Africa at the table of the EPA negotiations11 - which it did – and would grant the non-SACU LDCs in the region non-reciprocal access to the EU market due to their LDC status12 – which it did not. The crucial point, however, is that member states can, through the Article 133 committee, influence the content of the trade agreement and, hence, the course of the negotiations. This was perhaps even more visible in the context of negotiations pertaining to rules of origin.

Already in the context of the EBA preferences, EU member states had played a clear role in determining the rules of origin that would be applicable, seeking to shield their markets from the potential for fraudulent imports under the initiative given the broader scope of the EBA (Holland 2002). In order to address this concern, a specific set of RoOs was designed, albeit one that turned out to be extremely restrictive. In the context of the Cotonou process towards the EPAs, negotiations for a revised set of RoOs officially began in the course of the EPA negotiations in 2004 (European Commission 2003), but it was not until 2007, that the issue was seriously discussed. Delays were due on the ACP side to the inability to articulate a clear

10 It is somewhat startling that the EU wanted to prevent LDCs from exporting arms to its markets. As noted

by Holland (2002, 227), this exception provoked criticism even among the group of LDCs: “rather than excluding the duty-free export of third world arms to Europe, it was argued that greater benefits would result from a cessation of European arms sales to the developing world!”.

11 It should be borne in mind here that the EU’s duty-free quota-free offer tabled in the context of the EPA excludes products from South Africa.

12 As a member of the SACU, Lesotho’s access to the EU markets has de facto been determined, since 2000, by the terms of the EU-South Africa TDCA.

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vision for revised EU-ACP RoOs through a coordinated all-ACP approach and partly due to a lack of capacity in the regions (Naumann 2008). The European side was confronted with both the need and the difficulty to reach an internal compromise acceptable to all EU Member States (Cadot / Melo 2007). Hence, the interim EPA RoO are largely similar to the Cotonou rules, due to “the absence on either side of a clear, bold vision of more liberal rules of origin” (World Bank 2008, 11). The most significant improvement pertains to the liberalisation of the rule of origin for textiles and clothing13. There have also been some product-specific changes notably in the rules for fish and a few processed agricultural products14.

Hence, complex dynamics and diverging interests within the multilevel EU system have played a determining role in shaping key positions of the EU towards the ACP in the course of the EPA negotiations, resulting in their formulation late in the process. Arguably, this gave little incentive and left little time for African countries to initiate, on their end, the long overdue – and neglected – design of their own national market access offer and galvanise support for a regional approach. In fact, by the end of 2006, only the ESA region had engaged in text-based negotiations with the EC (ECDPM 2007).

3.3 Insufficient coordination between trade and development

Paradoxically, while the EC had focused most of its efforts on achieving the comprehensive and regional character of the EPAs in the formal negotiation process, these two aspects had to be put on the backburner in the face of the imminent expiry of the WTO waiver and remain an unresolved challenge of the EU’s vision of the development dimension of the EPAs. Instead, it appeared that the main objective was to meet the WTO-compatibility requirement.

As the December 2007 deadline set by Cotonou for the conclusion of the EPAs neared, it indeed became clear that none of the African configurations were in a position to conclude comprehensive agreements on a regional basis with the EU. Progress was limited on substantive issues such as market access, accompanying measures and financial resources necessary to strengthen ACP capacities. For some observers, regional integration and development were simply no longer amongst the priorities for the EPAs (Stevens et al. 2008).

The EC tabled a two-staged approach proposal in October (European Commission 2007b), endorsed by the Council (Council of the European Union 2007a): in order to meet the requirement of WTO-compatibility within the set timeline, interim or “stepping stone” agreements, would be concluded with ACP countries. These agreements would cover provisions relating mainly to goods and areas where the parties were able to reach an

13 For the World Bank (World Bank 2008), what ultimately motivated the EC to act on RoOs for this particular

sector is the success of the AGOA scheme of preferences granted by the US to all African countries. 14 It can be noted that while ACP preferences in these areas are also greatest, the risk exists that such

improvements might not materialise into concrete benefits because the ACP group is now divided into regions and, as discussed below, not all countries have signed an EPA (Lui / Bilal 2009)

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agreement. This would also make it possible to prevent trade disruption for non-LDC ACP countries. This objective was met and most ACP countries have not lost their preferential access to the EU markets, falling back on either unilateral preferences, such as the EBA, or interim agreements since the expiration of the 2007. The two-steps approach was probably the most pragmatic one to adopt given the little progress on substantive issues in the negotiations. But it also came at a cost, most of which is borne by the regional integration objective. As a whole, the African continent now exports under four WTO-compatible schemes15.

Within the trade agenda, the EU was thus relatively coherent and acted as one body. It is questionable, however, whether it did so for development, not least of the ACP: while the trade objectives were met (WTO compatibility), the development dimension (the sequencing of liberalisation and support measures, and the promotion of regional integration) remains an unresolved challenge.

Admittedly, this outcome was not exclusively due to the EU pushing its own agenda and being inflexible to ACP concerns: there was little capacity or will on the ACP side to formulate well-informed strategies and policies that could help shape the EU’s response. In addition, the ‘toned-down’ interim version of the EPAs proposed by the EU further revealed how loosely knitted African regions were in the first place. When facing the EPAs, African countries often chose their negotiating configuration according to political considerations aimed more towards the EU than their regional partners. Indeed, many countries ultimately favoured national interests over regional solidarity when considering which EPA grouping to join, some even shifting configurations several years into the negotiations (Stevens et al. 2008).

Yet, there had also been too little and too inconsistent support from the donor community – including the EU system – for trade policies and trading environment in ACP countries over the years (i.e. under the Lomé Conventions). At the time the ACP countries had signed the Cotonou Agreement and had given their assent to the negotiation of an EPA with the EU, trade policies had long been a neglected part of many African countries’ economic policies. However, it can also be considered that developing countries have often not made trade a top priority of their policies, partly because donors had not made it a priority in their assistance programmes in the first place (UNDP, cited in OECD-DAC 2001, 38). As further argued by Solignac Lecomte (2002), when donors have supported the process of trade policy-making in developing countries, efforts have generally been carried out in an inconsistent manner and rarely with a comprehensive approach, and have failed to address the need for institutional capacity development for trade related issues. 15 Mediterranean countries are covered by the Barcelona process which notably provides for the establishment

of free trade areas between the EU and Mediterranean countries (most of which have been achieved) and aims at the creation of a Mediterranean free trade area by 2010; South Africa exports under the TDCA with the EU, also providing for the liberalisation of substantially all trade between the two parties; the nineteen interim EPA signatories benefit from duty free quota free access to the EU for most of their exports; the remaining African countries export under the Generalised System of Preferences (GSP), either in its standard form or under the special regime for LDCs, the Everything But Arms (EBA) scheme.

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This shortcoming played a significant role in the capacity and political will of the ACP side and was not adequately addressed until almost the start of the EPA negotiations, i.e. at a time when the information was already needed. The need for capacity building activities in the ACP in view of the negotiating phase was explicitly addressed in the Cotonou Agreement. Nevertheless, the overall picture with regard to ACP countries’ capacities seems somewhat dispersed. The EU system in the initial phase of EPA negotiations apparently was not capable of reacting with appropriate speed or in an adequate manner for the challenges ahead, due to the cumbersome procedures in Brussels (Martí / Rampa 2007) but also due to the varying objectives and priorities of member states’ development policies which often had little trade content (Hoekman 2008). Trade and development were thus not sufficiently coordinated.

4 Aid for Trade: addressing the coordination gap for development?

The picture has significantly changed with the emergence of the Aid for Trade (AfT) agenda. As a concept, Aid for trade has proven beneficial in instilling more coherence in the linkages between trade and development and creating opportunities for closer coordination in this framework. The EU has been particularly prompt in acting upon the initiative and has spearheaded the process initiated at the global WTO level by formulating its own policy response, engaging both the Commission and the EU member states. However, the complex nature of Aid for Trade, in combination with the intrinsic multi-level character of the EU, is posing significant challenges to the effective operationalisation of the Aid for trade agenda.

4.1 AfT: an opportunity for greater coherence and coordination between trade and development

In substance, AfT is nothing new to development policy: elements of what constitutes AfT have long been part of many multilateral and bilateral donors’ portfolios for development cooperation, including the EU. Conceptually, however, AfT offers a valuable contribution towards more policy coherence for development, through both its scope and design. AfT encompasses a wider range of trade-related support activities and thus better reflects the complex relations between trade and development. Furthermore, it provides the opportunity to improve effective coordination between trade and development policy and the different actors involved (donors and recipients) are brought to work more closely together, at both the national and regional levels of implementation.

Aid for Trade formally entered the development policy jargon in the context of the current Doha Round of world trade negotiations. Its mandate was first outlined at the 2005 WTO Ministerial conference held in Hong Kong. Its rationale and objectives were further specified in the recommendations of the WTO Task Force on Aid for Trade in July 2006 (see Box 1). The innovative character of AfT lies in that it explicitly acknowledges both the benefits and risks of trade liberalisation for development. It offers to contribute to reducing poverty by

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providing a common and comprehensive framework to more systematically address the wide and complex range of bottlenecks hampering the capacity of low-income countries’ to trade and to benefit from trade liberalisation, with the promise of increased resources to do so.

Box 1 Categories of Aid for Trade identified by the WTO Task Force

(a) Trade policy and regulations, including: Training of trade officials, analysis of proposals and positions and their impact, support for national stakeholders to articulate commercial interests and identify trade-offs, dispute issues, institutional and technical support to facilitate implementation of trade agreements and to adapt to and comply with rules and standards.

(b) Trade development, including: Investment promotion, analysis and institutional support for trade in services, business support services and institutions, public-private sector networking, e-commerce, trade finance, trade promotion, market analysis and development.

(c) Trade-related infrastructure, including: Physical infrastructure.

(d) Building productive capacity

(e) Trade-related adjustment, including: Supporting developing countries to put in place accompanying measures that assist them to benefit from liberalised trade.

(f) Other trade-related needs.

Categories (a) and (b) cover the traditional forms of trade-related assistance. Categories (c)-(f) expand the Aid for Trade agenda.

Source: (WTO 2006)

Thus, a first major contribution of the AfT concept is that it reorients the traditional delivery of development assistance to trade-related issues towards a more coherent approach for development. Indeed, until the emergence of the AfT agenda, the design and delivery of trade-related support has for long been driven by a rather narrow or partial understanding of the linkages between trade, development and poverty reduction. In fact, until then, trade and aid have often been considered as substitutes for one another rather than complements (Prowse 2006). This may partly explain the limited engagement of EU member states’ development policies in addressing trade capacity building in ACP countries ahead of the EPAs.

By better capturing the complexity of the linkages between trade and development than previous efforts, AfT thus enables both donors and recipient countries to conceive and better tackle the challenge of using trade as a tool for development. It indeed calls for strengthening both the demand and the supply side of AfT: recipient countries’ are expected to better mainstream trade and trade-related aspects into their national development strategies (ownership); donors are expected to coordinate their AfT response with recipient countries’ strategies and preferably use local systems to channel their aid (alignment). In order to do so, it is recommended that donors “give more attention to trade issues in their aid programming and strengthen their trade expertise both in the field and at headquarters” (WTO 2006, para. F.4).

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Thus, while developing countries should plan for the medium and long term and an optimal allocation of resource, donors need to provide reliable indicative commitment over a multi-year framework and disburse aid in a timely and predictable manner according to agreed schedules (OECD/WTO 2009). Progress toward fulfilling these reciprocal commitments is furthermore regularly monitored and evaluated in order to keep the momentum and support the process. It is indeed considered a crucial exercise to transform the donor-recipient aid relationship into aid partnerships (OECD/WTO 2009).

4.2 The EU’s strategy on Aid for Trade

The EU has spearheaded the AfT process initiated at the global WTO level and has formulated its own collective response to the initiative. Policy coherence in the areas of development and trade is an explicit objective of the EU’s AfT strategy, as well as the facilitating greater coordination of policies, actors and levels of implementation.

Following up on multilateral discussions and the Hong Kong pledge of December 2005, the EU took a first commitment to implement the Aid for Trade initiative in October 2006. The October 2006 General Affairs and External Relations Council (GAERC) of member states agreed to devote a substantial share of the increase of the Community and member states’ trade-related assistance16 to ACP countries. The target is to reach a yearly collective sum of €2 billion by 2010, with nearly all of the increase to come from the member states. Indeed, the EC already provides €1 billion in trade-related assistance (European Commission 2009).

This commitment was further refined in October 2007 with the adoption of the EU’s joint Aid for Trade Strategy (i.e. engaging both the EC and member states). Under the framework of the Strategy, the EU decided to allocate about half of the increase for the ACP and EPA- implementing countries. While it recognises AfT as an important complement to trade negotiations, the EU rightly noted in its Strategy that AfT is by no means a substitute to a successful outcome of the Doha Development Agenda. Likewise, the Strategy further emphasises that the “collective delivery of AfT does not depend on the outcome of the EPA negotiations” (Council of the European Union 2007b, 2)17.

The EU’s AfT strategy can further be seen as having improved coordination between the trade and development policy agendas. An explicit connection to the development policy agenda is

16 The EU announced at the 2005 WTO Ministerial of Hong Kong an increase of its trade-related assistance

(TRA) to support trade policy and regulations and trade development. The pledge came before the WTO Task Force on Aid for Trade had issued its typology of Aid for Trade activities. It then appeared that the EU’s pledge covered the “narrow” agenda of Aid for Trade, i.e. categories 1 and 2. In its 2007 Aid for Trade Strategy the EU has committed itself in more general terms to address the “wider” Aid for Trade agenda, to extend its support beyond activities pertaining to trade-related assistance only.

17 In practice, however, some ACP regions have reported that the EC has maintained confusion in the EPA negotiations over the linkages between the conclusion of an EPA with the EU and the availability of additional related support (Lui 2008). See the following section.

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indeed established, referring to both the multilateral level and the specific context of the EU. The Strategy is indeed explained as being “based on the Principles of the Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness, improving complementarity and promoting the division of Labour among EU donors, in particular putting into practice the EU Code of Conduct on Complementarity and Division of Labour in Development Policy18” (Council of the European Union 2007b).

Several measures are thus identified to achieve complementarity within the EU on AfT. Calls for greater coordination and cooperation with other AfT donors is also a cross-cutting feature of the EU’s AfT strategy (see Box 2). One of the overarching objectives of the Strategy is indeed to enable the Union to deliver a collective and “an effective response to countries own trade-related priorities in the context of their poverty reduction strategies” (Council of the European Union 2007b, 3).

Box 2: The EU’s Strategy to achieve complementarity in Aid for Trade

• Adjust and strengthen human resources to implement the joint EU AfT Strategy

• Joint EU initiatives to develop and share expertise amongst the EU and with other donors

• Work towards Joint EU programming exercises, joint response strategies to comprehensive AfT needs assessments

• Joint delivery mechanisms

• Cooperation with other AfT donors

• Supporting regional integration and achieving greater complementarity and cooperation at the regional level

Source: (Council of the European Union 2007b, paragraphs 3(d), 3(e) and 4)

The reference to division of labour is all the more noteworthy that, since its formulation as a concept, EU member states interest has deepened for AfT. Indeed, an increasing number of them have formulated their own response to the AfT initiative. Eleven member states have developed a specific AfT strategy, namely Austria, Belgium, Spain, Finland, France, Italy, Ireland, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Sweden and the United Kingdom (European Commission 2009). It appears that these national AfT documents and initiatives have been formulated for internal coordination purposes19, to allow EU governments “to raise the profile of the issue within their own administrations and help orientate their existing funding allocations towards more support for AfT”20 (Lui 2008, 10).

In addition, the AfT initiative was also beneficial in strengthening the regional dimension in EU member states’ development policies. Indeed, regional integration is a strong characteristic of EU’s response to the AfT agenda, not least through the reference to the ACP

18 This policy document was adopted in May 2007. See (European Commission 2007a) 19 Interview with EC official, October, October 2009. 20 The German government, for instance, has recently introduced an internal target for AfT aiming to stabilise

its provision of TRA. (Voionmaa / Bruentrup 2009)

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and the EPAs. While the EC has traditionally championed the regional integration agenda in its relations with developing countries, the AfT initiative has (re-)ignited interest amongst EU member states beyond that of regional cooperation towards integration proper (e.g. through the support for trade reforms at the regional level, the establishment of customs union and necessary procedures or institutions)21.

Strengthening the ‘demand side’ of AfT is also an integral part of the EU’s quantitative and qualitative efforts in AfT. Specific actions are required from the EU in their policy dialogue with partner countries. Member states and the EC are indeed encouraged to continue and strengthen their support for demand-driven and pro-poor development strategies, on the one hand, and to foster their formulation by promoting local ownership and broad participation within partner countries, on the other. This, in turn, should result in the greater mainstreaming of trade and AfT in these countries’ poverty reduction and national development strategies, implementation plans and national budgets and allow the EU to respond to the AfT agenda.

Finally, the EU envisages a monitoring mechanism for the implementation of its own strategy. Maximum synergy between the monitoring and reporting efforts carried out at the multilateral level is furthermore envisaged, with specific attention to developing coherent reporting practices for all categories of AfT. Since the launch of the EU’s AfT Strategy, two AfT monitoring reports have been produced by the Commission.

As can be observed, the EU has successfully responded to the AfT initiative and can be considered to have capitalised on the opportunity it offers for greater policy coherence, at least at the level of policy formulation. Interestingly, each ‘boost’ given to the AfT agenda at the European level – from the pledges to the formulation of the EU strategy – is associated to the drive of individual member states holding the EU presidency or personalities within the Commission. For instance, after the 2005 WTO Ministerial, Finland was keen on AfT as a key issue to focus on during its Presidency tenure and pushed for the formulation of the EU’s Strategy22. In other words, that there have been ‘champions’ of the agenda can be seen as a key factor of the successful formulation of the EU response to AfT.

Nevertheless, coordinating the operationalisation of the AfT initiative within the European context calls on the different qualities, rationales and modes of operation of the various actors involved and as such, is likely to be a complex endeavour.

4.3 Coordination challenges to the operationalisation of AfT in the EU context

The emergence of AfT on donors’ agenda has brought in its wake a strong potential for increased coordination at various levels and, as a result, for overall policy coherence. However, on the ‘supply-side’ of AfT (i.e. within the EU), the process so far has been

21 Interview with EC official, Brussels, October 2009. 22 Phone interview with Finish official, October 2009.

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characterised by a significant level of confusion and mixed signals. Reasons for this pertain either to the complexity of the concept and misunderstandings it provokes or to the highly political and politicised nature of the process. While some of the pitfalls have occurred in the broader context of AfT, others are more exclusively linked to the EU’s particular institutional setting.

In terms of timing, the AfT initiative, carried by the discussion at the international level, came into the ambit of the EPA debate rather late in view of the agreed-on December 2007 deadline for signature of the agreements. Emerging at the international level in 2005, the Aid for Trade discussion took place parallel to the EPA negotiations and it was not until late 2006 that an explicit connection with the EPAs was made with the October 2006 pledge, further specified with the 2007 joint Aid for Trade strategy. There was thus little time for both the EU and the ACP to prepare or act upon the strategy accordingly within the timeframe of the formal period of negotiations, let alone bring much-needed clarifications with respect to the levels, scope and delivery mechanisms for AfT in the context of the EPAs.

This has led to a great deal of confusion and mixed signals, even raising expectations amongst the ACP, as to the additionality of AfT and the linkages to the EPAs. Since the EU has endeavoured to respond to the AfT initiative, much of the focus has been on the quantitative aspects of AfT. Indeed, the Union seems to have consistently treated the question “as an exercise in reprogramming already committed aid flows and in coordinating support with other donors” (World Bank 2008, 26). In doing so, it has indicated that no additional funds would be available under the AfT initiative. Clearly, the EU was treading a thin line as it is both a major trading partner and a major source of funding for ACP countries. The EC was particularly careful on this issue out of concern that “a discussion of policies would turn into a negotiation over money” (Hinkle / Hoppe / Newfarmer 2006, 274); it was also wary that concessions on an aid package to the ACP might be viewed as buying-in their support for the EPAs. Yet, in the course of the negotiations, it has reportedly “deliberately encouraged some ACP negotiators to conclude an EPA if they wish to receive additional related support” (Lui 2008, 26). ACP expectations, already high throughout the EPA process, thus increased with the emergence of the AfT initiative in the EPA debate, even though the EU had insisted that the availability of AfT funds would not be conditional on the conclusion of an EPA.

The formulation of the EU’s AfT Strategy in the elusive “best endeavour” language arguably further complicated the situation. Indeed, the Council conclusions are cautious of any strong wording that would imply a clear obligation engaging the system as a whole. Thus, while “the EU aims at delivering an effective response” to trade-related development support, member states and the Commission acting on the Strategy’s actions should be understood as doing so “on a voluntary and flexible basis, fully respecting existing competences” (Council of the European Union 2007b, 3)23.

23 With the recent enforcement of the Lisbon Treaty, there is potential for the Commission to become more

assertive in ensuring greater consistency within the EU’s external policies, including trade and development. (Makhan 2010; Furness / Makhan 2010)

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The range of responses that have been formulated by EU member states is probably a reflection of this (see section 4.2),. Indeed, while some have formulated their own AfT-specific strategy other EU member states have identified AfT as a priority issue or a specific budget item in their development policy documents. A few others (Germany, Latvia, Lithuania and the Netherlands) have explicitly framed their strategies within the EU’s, including in terms of the level of financial contributions, priorities and delivery mechanisms (OECD/WTO 2009).

Such variety of responses can be interpreted as a positive signal that awareness on AfT has raised within the EU. If there are still many misunderstandings amongst member states as to the AfT initiative24, many policymakers also share the view that the EU strategy was good to develop a joint understanding of AfT within the EU25. But more fundamentally perhaps, the variety of responses also reflects the differences within the Union as to the operating modes of donor agencies, their ability to deliver independently and their interpretation of the Strategy (Lui 2008). These further translate into different understandings as to the role that the EC should play. While a number of member states have looked to the Commission “for guidance and a degree of coordination of efforts, […], others have emphasised that the EU AfT Strategy merely lays out broad principles and overall commitments within which they should work, with most of the substantial outcomes being delivered through existing or new programmes and activities of their own” (Lui 2008, 9).

It thus appears that the increasing awareness in the EU and within member states on AfT has not translated into much coordination among donors yet (European Commission 2009). There have been some discussions as to how to implement AfT jointly within the trade and development experts’ group of the Article 133 Committee and in the context of the EPA26. However, this group is informal and has no decision making power over a possible division of labour, for instance. In fact, there doesn’t seem to be much appetite for coordination at headquarters level (i.e. in Brussels or between EU capitals)27. The main reason for this being that development cooperation is to a large degree still considered a national prerogative. It is thus mostly driven by political interests and priorities and AfT is arguably not yet one of them. Indeed, as indicated in the EU’s AfT monitoring report for 2009, AfT is still not sufficiently mainstreamed in EU donors’ development strategies nor are joint needs assessments, strategy formulation, programmes or delivery commonly applied (European Commission 2009).

Understandably, because the initiative is quite recent, time was (and is still) needed to allow for clarification. But the lack of clarity has also raised expectations amongst the ACP as to whether fresh and predictable funds would be made available and AfT linkages to the EPAs.

24 Interview with EC official, Brussels, October 2009. 25 Interviews in Brussels and phone interview with Finish official, October 2009. 26 Phone interview with Finish official, October 2009. 27 Phone interview with Finish official, October 2009.

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Arguably, higher expectations make it more difficult for the EU to be more responsive and coordinate on key issues with their partner countries. More fundamentally perhaps, the credibility of the EU as a coherent and capable actor on trade and development is at stake. Indeed, the provision of AfT holds a strong potential as an incentive for regional agreements, and could convince especially LDCs to seek an EPA with the EU on a regional basis. In other words, the effective operationalisation of the EU’s AfT is pivotal to the success of the EU’s flagship instrument to make better use of trade for development, the EPAs. As discussed throughout the paper, much in this respect appears contingent on whether EU member states allow for the emergence of a stronger EU for development.

5 Conclusion

This paper argues that successfully linking trade and development in the EU system and in the context of the EPAs crucially depends on the effective and timely coordination of policies and all actors involved, not least – and perhaps more importantly – with beneficiary countries and regions in the ACP.

In the broader context of European integration, several efforts have been made to improve the EU’s capabilities to manage the linkages between trade and development and these have arguably been strengthened in the process. The EPAs provided an opportunity for the EU as a system to act upon these policy improvements and more concretely link trade and development within its complex multilevel structure. However, the EPA process also illustrated that engaging and streamlining the EU and its member states policies is by no means straightforward. Member states still have a strong influence in shaping the agenda, despite trade being an area of exclusive competence to the Union. Without more active engagement of member states in the formulation of a collective EU trade response for development, there is a real risk that the policy improvements made towards building a stronger EU for development remain ineffective.

At the same time, however, such efforts should not come at the expense of better coordination with ACP (and other developing countries) perspectives, which appears equally important for a successful EU trade and development policy, as illustrated by the EPA negotiations. However, for most of the EPA process, trade and development policies and actors were insufficiently coordinated within the EU (EC and member states) and the system was unable to coordinate effectively and in a timely fashion with the ACP. Responding to the development dimension of the EPAs as understood by the ACP called for trade and development to be effectively streamlined within the EU’s multilevel system. Despite considerable improvements in the policy framework to do so, EPA negotiations also illustrated that this was a most difficult and delicate task to achieve. The complexity of the multilevel system indeed prevented it from engaging into more coordination efforts with the ACP in a flexible manner and most of the focus and time was on addressing internal issues and concerns. Indeed, well concerted positions or difficultly reached compromises between

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the EC and the member states often left little room for engaging with the ACP and taking their concerns on board (in the Green paper process for instance). Reaching compromises that are acceptable to all and meaningful for development requires time and this needs to be factored in as well.

The emergence of the AfT initiative offers a concrete opportunity to address this challenge and is a welcome contribution towards strengthening the linkages between trade and development from the development angle. In addition, the initiative benefited from a more favorable environment in this regard than when the EPA negotiations were launched: the awareness on the importance of trade as a tool for development had increased on both the donor and recipient side, thus providing a more fertile ground for greater coordination of policies and actors to take place. Further milestones have also been added to the policy framework to support the achievement of complementarity within the Union, not least with the recent adoption of the Lisbon Treaty.

But Lisbon is no panacea and the Treaty has not changed the fact that the EU can only act forcefully and coherently on development issues when member states’ political will and development imperatives concur (Furness / Makhan 2010). Nonetheless, a more concerted EU approach appears crucially required for the EU to be an effective, coherent and credible actor on trade and development. If greater centralisation is an undesirable option for member states, complementarity must be achieved through a workable division of labour. This would notably require member states to mainstream AfT more deeply in their aid strategies and support a stronger coordination role for the EC. Such efforts should aim at ensuring that ACP capacities to design and carry out full-fledged trade policies are strengthened and maximise the impact of the EU’s trade policy for development in ACP countries and regions, i.e. at the implementation level. Analysing the coordination of the different actors’ interests and approaches for development in the framework of the AfT initiative at country level might thus be useful to instruct the EU on how best to organise the multilevel system in this respect. In any case, it appears that EU member states need to make clear, creative decisions (and concessions) for EU trade and development policy-making to be mutually supportive.

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