Like my father before me. The impact of …1 Like my father before me. The impact of...

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Like my father before me. The impact of industrialisation, education and other

modernisation processes on intergenerational status attainment in a Dutch province

(Zeeland, 1811 – 1915).a

Paper prepared for the International Sociological Association

Research Committee on Social Stratification and Mobility (RC28)

* please do not cite without permission, first draft*

CUMULATIVE ADVANTAGE:

EDUCATION, HEALTH, WEALTH AND INSTITUTIONAL CONTEXTS

Montréal, Canada, August 14-17, 2007

Name: Richard L. Zijdeman

Affiliation: ICS / Department of Sociology

Utrecht University

Email: [email protected]

Telephone: +31 30 253 4075

+31 30 253 2101

Fax: +31 30 253 4405

Address: Heidelberglaan 2

3584 CS Utrecht

The Netherlands

a This paper is part of my PhD project. I am grateful to the Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research (NWO) for funding my project. This paper benefits from the comments of the participants of the Cambridge Social Stratification Research Seminar 2006. I am grateful to Ineke Maas, Marco van Leeuwen, Henk Flap, and Vincent Buskens for their helpful suggestions.

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Long Abstract (750 words)

Ever since the rise of industrialization researchers have shown an interest in describing

and explaining its impact on society. Although one of the main topics in sociological as

well as historical stratification research, there still is no consensus among researchers on

whether and to what extent industrialization influenced the process of status attainment.

The aim of this paper is to describe the association between father’s and son’s

occupational status before and during industrialization, and to determine the influence of

industrialization, education, urbanization and other processes of modernization on this

association. These aims are pursued by studying the occupations of fathers and sons

derived from all marriage records of all (over 200) municipalities in two Dutch provinces

over the period 1811-1915.

Literature on the impact of industrialization on status attainment draws mainly on two

opposing theories: the logic of industrialism thesis and reproduction theory. Both theories

state that before industrialization occupational skills were passed on in the family,

causing a large association between father’s and son’s occupational status. The logic of

industrialism thesis claims that industrialization (the mechanization of labor) decreased

the number of traditional occupations and gave rise to new ones. Skills for these new

occupations could not be handed down from father to son, but were taught in schools

instead. Therefore the logic of industrialism thesis reasons that industrialization decreases

the influence of ascribed characteristics, while it increases the importance of achieved

characteristics.

Reproduction theory on the other hand, argues that even if industrialization blocks

traditional ways to pass on status positions from one generation to the next, education

helps individuals with high occupational status to pass on their status positions to their

children. First, the costs of education, both educational fees as well as missing out on a

child providing in family income, are argued to be relatively lower for people with high

occupational status. Second, investments in cultural resources outside the school, such as

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the promotion of certain speech patterns or the reading of literature, are said to aid in

students scholastic performance.

Next to these opposing hypotheses, this paper tests extensions of the logic of

industrialism thesis as provided by Treiman (1970). He hypothesizes that the association

between father’s and son’s occupational status not only decreases with industrialization,

but also with the rise of mass education, urbanization, migration and mass

communication.

To test the hypotheses this paper draws on data at both the individual as well as the

contextual level. Through this approach regional differences and changes over time in the

association between father’s and son’s occupational status can be explained by contextual

characteristics such as degree of industrialization and availability of mass education. Data

on the individual level are derived from the records of all marriages in the provinces

Zeeland between 1811 and 1915. On approximately 50,000 marriage records both the

occupations of fathers and sons are reported. The occupational titles are coded into the

Historical International Standard Classification of Occupations (HISCO) and ranked on a

historical occupational stratification scale (HIS-CAM). Data on the contextual level,

characteristics of the more than 100 municipalities in which the marriages took place, is

derived from various sources such as the Historical Database of Dutch Municipalities,

Census data and annual reviews of Dutch education and Dutch mail services.

To analyze the data hierarchical linear regression is used. A theoretical reason to apply

multi-level models is that the hypotheses in this paper distinguish between the individual

and contextual level and testing these hypotheses thus requires a technique that

appreciates differences between individuals and context. Multi-level analysis does so by

allowing for group specific (“random”) estimates of the intercept and independent

variables. A statistical argument for using multi-level analysis is that the observations in

the data are not sampled independently from each other. The marriage records from

which the observations are derived, are grouped in space (municipalities) and time

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(years). Ignoring this dependence leads to estimates of standard errors that are too small,

producing spurious ‘significant’ results.

Preliminary results on the province of Zeeland in the 19th century show that the influence

of father’s on son’s occupational status differs between municipalities and over time.

Contrary to what is expected by the logic of industrialism thesis the association between

father’s and son’s occupational status increases the more industrialised, the more

urbanized and the more means of communication are available. These findings go against

the claim that the increasing openness in Dutch society, as found in contemporary

stratification research, is a trend that came about with the rise of industrialization.

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Introduction

Ever since the rise of industrialization researchers have shown an interest in describing

and explaining its impact on society. Although this is one of the main topics in

sociological as well as historical stratification research, there still is no consensus among

researchers on whether and to what extent industrialization influenced the process of

status attainment, and especially the extent to which the occupational status of the son is

determined by the status of his father (Maas & Van Leeuwen 2002; Ganzeboom et al.

1991).

Contemporary comparative studies provided mixed results on changes in the

association between father’s occupational status (FOCC) and son’s occupational status

(SOCC) in space and time (Van Leeuwen & Maas 1996). In an analysis of 12 countries

covering cohorts born between 1905 and 1945 Erikson and Goldthorpe (1992) report only

small differences in relative mobility in the European nations under study and conclude

that there is no trend towards more relative mobility in industrial societies. This

conclusion goes against the findings of Ganzeboom, Luijkx and Treiman (1989) in a

study of 149 intergenerational class mobility tables from 35 countries covering the period

of circa 1958 until 1985. They conclude that there are substantial differences between

countries and “that within countries the extent of inequality in mobility chances is on

average decreasing at about one percent per year” (p.3). Apart from the mixed results

only few comparative studies relate their findings on the association between FOCC and

SOCC with industrialization, or other contextual indicators. In a review of the entire field

of comparative stratification research Ganzeboom, Treiman and Ultee (1991) conclude

that although “there has been a slow but systematic trend towards increasing relative

mobility in the years since the Second World War”, there is “no conclusive evidence

regarding the contextual factors that determine these changes and differences” (p.296).

To my knowledge, this view has until now not been opposed in the literature.

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The question to what extent contextual factors, especially industrialization,

affected the association between FOCC and SOCC is studied in social history and

historical sociology as well. An advantage of studies using historical data over more

contemporary studies is that these studies do not need to extrapolate their findings to the

era of early-industrialization (e.g. Mitch 1993, Miles 1999, Maas & Van Leeuwen 2002).

However most historical studies are difficult to compare among one another. For one,

many historical stratification studies are limited to a particular region (e.g. a few cities), a

particular era (comparing a small number of years) or a specific population (e.g. the elite,

farmers). Furthermore, various occupational class and prestige schemes are utilized, even

making a comparison of studies of the same country and period difficult.

Recent developments however, have made large scale and more uniform historical

studies possible (e.g. Van Leeuwen et al. 2005). A Historical International Scheme of

Classifications of Occupations (HISCO) was developed, taking historical, lingual and

regional differences in occupational titles into account (Van Leeuwen et al. 2002). Also

conversion tools to link HISCO encoded data to historical class schemes (HISCLASS

(Van Leeuwen et al. 2005), SOCPO (Van de Putte & Miles 2005)) and occupational

stratification scales have been developed (HIS-CAM (Maas et al. 2006)). Finally,

digitalization of 19th century personal records, marriage records and census data now

makes it possible to study populations that are socially, geographically and time-wise less

constrained.

This paper builds on these developments and tries to add to both historical and

contemporary research on status attainment, by raising the following questions:

1. To what extent does the relation between FOCC and SOCC vary across time and

between regions in the Dutch province Zeeland in the 19th century (1811-1890)?

2. How can changes and regional differences in the relation between FOCC and SOCC in

the Dutch province Zeeland and in the 19th century (1811-1890) be explained?

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This study adds to the existing research literature a direct test of the influence of

contextual factors: industrialization, mass communication and urbanization on the

association between FOCC and SOCC. The in comparison with other studies large scale

of this study provides some advantages. By studying all 117 municipalities in the Dutch

province of Zeeland this study compares intergenerational status attainment in both urban

and rural municipalities. Since industrialization is often related with urbanization, this

study is therefore less likely to overestimate the effect of industrialization in comparison

with studies only looking at urban municipalities (cities). By using all marriage records of

all municipalities (N=58,261) the generalisability of this study is large in comparison to

studies that single out a specific social group, such as the elite or farmers. By studying a

long period (1811-1915), also small trends that have been found so far (Miles 1993,

Fukumoto & Grusky 1993, Ganzeboom et al. 1989) are likely to be discovered, unlike in

studies covering a small period of time. Finally, by using multi-level analyses, differences

and changes in the bivariate relation of FOCC and SOCC will be related to the context in

which this relation was shaped.

Theory

Literature on the impact of industrialization on status attainment draws mainly on

two opposing theories: the logic of industrialism thesis (Parsons & Shils 1951, Kerr et al.

1960, Blau & Duncan 1967, Treiman 1970) and social reproduction theory (Bourdieu &

Passeron 1977, Collins 1971). Both theories state that before industrialization individuals

were dependent on their (extended) family to attain an occupation. They differ with

respect to their expectations of the influence of industrialization on the total association

between FOCC and SOCC.

Like Treiman I accept Davis’s definition of industrialization as “the use of

mechanical contrivances and inanimate energy (fossil fuels and water power) to replace

or augment human power in the extraction, processing, and distribution of natural

resources or products derived there from” (Davis 1955: p. 255). According to the logic of

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industrialism thesis, industrialization induced changes in the occupational structure,

decreasing the influence of family characteristics on occupational careers (ascription),

while enhancing the importance of individual characteristics (achievement) (Blau and

Duncan 1967). In their status attainment model Blau & Duncan decompose the

association between FOCC and SOCC into a direct and indirect relationship.

The direct influence of FOCC and SOCC is expected to have declined with

industrialization. First, mechanization of labor decreased the need for manual labor in the

agricultural sector (Kuznets 1957, Treiman 1970), making some of the more traditional

occupations superfluous and sons unable to follow in their father’s footsteps. Second, a

demand for non-manual occupations arose due to the shift in the production of goods to

the production of services (Kuznets 1957, pp. 28-31) and to a growing demand for

administrative and clerical workers in public bureaucracies (Hurd and Johnson 1967, pp.

60-61). This newly created demand offered sons the possibility to uptake different

occupations than their fathers.

The indirect association between FOCC and SOCC, exists of two components.

First the association between FOCC and son’s education (SEDU), second the association

between SEDU and SOCC. According to the logic of industrialism both associations

changed with industrialization. Before industrialization the association between FOCC

and SEDU was strong. While only the more wealthy could afford education, others

received occupational training from family members. This changed however with the rise

of industrialization. First, industrialization created a large scale demand for laborers that

required occupational skills other than the skills passed on in the family. To meet the

demand of laborers with the proper occupational skills, mass education was setup. The

rise of education therefore decreased the association between FOCC and SEDU. Another

reason why the first indirect component, the association between FOCC and SEDU

decreased, is a shift in people’s values. With industrialization people became

decreasingly valued on basis of their origin, while increasingly valued for their

accomplishments (Parsons and Shils 1951). This change in values also affected the

second indirect component, increasing the association between SEDU and SOCC.

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In sum, according to the logic of industrialism, industrialization caused a decrease

in the direct association between FOCC and SOCC. Furthermore, it changed the indirect

association between FOCC and SOCC. It decreased the association between FOCC and

SEDU, while it enhanced the association between SEDU and SOCC. Unfortunately, since

the size of the changes in the three associations is unknown, it is not possible to deduct an

hypothesis on the total (both direct and indirect) association between FOCC and SOCC

(Treiman 1970, p. 219).

Treiman (1970) nevertheless argues that there are theoretical grounds for

expecting that the total association between FOCC and SOCC diminishes with

industrialization. The afore mentioned changes in the occupational structure allow for

upward (structural) mobility. Furthermore, Treiman argues that processes related to

industrialization increase net mobility rates too. Education, mass communication,

urbanization and geographical mobility “break down the rigidity of the class structure of

traditional society, and thus [to] increase the ease of mobility” (Treiman, 1970, p.219).

Although this actually is an indirect effect of industrialization Treiman poses that:

H1a: The total influence of FOCC on SOCC is weaker, the more industrialized a

society.

In the Netherlands in the 19th century there were two major developments on the

level of education. First, as a result of the expansion of primary schooling the number of

illiteracy rates dropped, while regional differences in illiteracy rates declined (Hoogerhuis

and Jansen, 1987; Boonstra 1995). In the second half of the 19th century almost all

children in the Netherlands attended (some years of) primary education (Boonstra, 1993,

1995). Second, as a result of the educational act of 1863, secondary education got a more

general and practical character (Bartels, 1963; Mandemakers, 1996). It was open to a

more general audience and students could qualify themselves in an increasing number of

fields, such as agriculture and engineering. Before the act, most secondary schools were

intended for a more ‘elite’ audience and gave access to universities (although very few

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students would actually graduate and even fewer would indeed go to university). In these

schools students met fellow students from different social strata and different

geographical regions (Mandemakers, 1996, chapter 10). According to the Logic of

industrialism thesis the increase in diversity of students’ backgrounds would diminish the

influence of background on education and with increasing importance of education for

one’s occupation would decrease the association between FOCC and SOCC.

H2a: The total influence of FOCC on SOCC is weaker, the more educational expansion

there is in a society.

The argumentation of the logic of industrialism thesis has been extended to

domains other than that of the occupational structure and educational system. The rise of

mass communication that came with industrialization would have lead to the

development of “a common culture and the diminution of regional, ethnic, and class

differences in attitudes and behavior” (Treiman 1970 p. 219). This leads to the hypothesis

that:

H3: The total influence of FOCC on SOCC is weaker in societies that have more

means of communication.

Urbanization and geographical mobility are yet other developments that would

have reduced the ascriptive component of industrial society (Treiman 1970, p. 220). First,

children in urbanized areas would receive less pressure to leave school at an early age, or

to temporarily leave school to help out generate family income. Second, due to the size of

urbanized municipalities and partially as a result of migration, in more urbanized areas

people must achieve success based on their own skills not hampered or advantaged by

their background status, as is the case in smaller municipalities, where inhabitants know

one another (Treiman, 1970). Third, urbanization and increased geographical mobility

would have caused people to live and grow up in more heterogeneous environments with

regard to social and regional backgrounds (Uunk 1996). The logic of industrialism thesis

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states that:

H4: The total influence of FOCC on SOCC is weaker, the more urbanized a society.

H5: The total influence of FOCC on SOCC is weaker, the more geographical mobility

there is in a society.

The final dimension of modernization that I consider is the increase of ‘modern’

transport. Like with urbanization and in-migration, transport enhances the opportunities

to meet people from different social and regional backgrounds. The difference between

modern transportation on the one hand and urbanization and in-migration on the other

hand is its temporary character. While returning to their own local and social contexts

individuals using transport experience different contexts and can pass these experiences

along in their own environment. Furthermore, ‘outsiders’ using transport influence locals

by portraying different habits, such as the manner of speech or queuing. So like with

urbanization and in-migration people experience different habits, but when these

experiences are made by traveling people can evaluate and even apply these differences

in their own ‘local’ environment. Since ‘modern’ means of transport seem to be

concentrated in the more progressive municipalities, people visiting such municipalities

are facing more progressive than traditional patterns. I therefore hypothesize:

H6: The more developed the ‘modern’ means of transportation in a society, the smaller

the total influence of FOCC on SOCC.

Unlike the logic of industrialism thesis, reproduction theory argues that people are

able to pass on their status positions to their children through education. Those with

higher status positions often have more economic resources and are able to invest in

higher quality and more years of education of their children (Bourdieu & Passeron 1977).

Reproduction theory therefore argues that even if industrialization blocks traditional ways

to pass on status positions from one generation to the next, education helps individuals

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with high occupational status to pass on their status positions to their children.

From reproduction theory it follows that the change in the influence of FOCC through

education on SOCC, the indirect influence, is as large (or even larger) as the diminishing

direct influence of FOCC on SOCC. Hence, the term reproduction. Therefore I

hypothesize that:

H1b: The total influence of FOCC on SOCC in industrialized societies is as large (or

even larger) as in pre-industrialized societies.

H2b: The total influence of FOCC on SOCC in societies with more educational

expansion is as large (or even larger) as in societies with limited educational

means.

Apart from changes due to mechanization of production and transport and other

elements of modernization, changes in people values also account for changes in the

association between FOCC and SOCC. Religion is an important determinant of people’s

values even in contemporary Western (industrialized) societies (Inglehart and Baker,

2000). Although religions are associated with more traditional values, there are

differences between religions. In Zeeland in the 19th and early 20th century most people

were affiliated to either Protestantism or Catholicism. Only a small group in the largest

cities reported themselves as non-religious in the national census. In general, values of

Protestants are considered less traditional than values of Catholics (Thornton et al. 1992;

Smits, 1996). However in Zeeland most Protestants belong to a more conservative

subgroup of Protestantism. This subgroup is attached to values on paternality, family life

and procreation. In these families the influence of the father is thus likely to be larger

than in Catholic families. I therefore hypothesize:

H7: The total influence of FOCC on SOCC is stronger in more Protestant regions than

in more Catholic regions.

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Note: Unfortunately, religious affiliation is only known at the contextual level and

I can therefore not test this hypothesis on the individual level.

Setting

The area under study is the Dutch province Zeeland, situated in the southwest of the

Netherlands and bordering the North Sea. In the period under study it consisted of two

small strokes of land connected to the main land north of Belgium and to the south west

of Netherlands and of approximately 5 inhabited isles. By reclaiming land from the sea

through dikes and water management, several isles merged and between 1817 and 1910

the size of cultivated land in Zeeland increased from 311,833 acres to 366,259 (Priester,

1998, p.446). As a province, Zeeland is mostly characterised as agricultural. In the first

half of the 19th century the main crop grown was wheat (Priester, 1998). Being rather

exhausitive for the clay soil, farmers chose from time to time not to use their land or grow

other crops that were less exhaustive such as such as Rapeseed (Brassica napus),

Common Flax (Linum usitatissimum), Rose Madder (Rubia tinctorum) and sugar beets

(Beta vulgaris) (Verslag van den Landbouw in Nederland over 1870, 1871; Hoekveld,

1972; Knippenberg and de Pater, 1998 (2002)). These other crops were mainly grown for

trade, but at the end of the 19th century sugar beets and to a lesser extent common flax

were grown on an increasingly large scale for the production of respectively sugar and

textile in factories in Zeeland (Priester, 1998; Franken, 2004). Given the large size of the

agricultural sector and therewith the large amount of manual labor, the slow introduction

of mechanization and replacement of manual labor is remarkable. Priester (1998)

explains this fact by the special technique used in Zeeland to grow wheat, which could

not easily be replaced by machinery. The special technique was in comparison to other

Dutch regions extremely labor intensive, due to thorough manual weeding. This resulted

however in clean sheafs for which there was a large demand. The weeding required the

wheat to be sown wide spread, whereas the sowing machinery introduced from abroad

sowed seeds concentrated and row wise. The thrash machinery would damage too much

of the scarce high quality wheat and was therefore not used. Furthermore, the imported

machinery designed for the large scale farms in Britain or the United States, were simply

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too large for the farms in Zeeland or too heavy for the moist clay soil. Another problem

was that the cost of purchasing machinery was too large to be beneficial for a single

farmer. The cost of a steam plow were roughly 4 times the yearly wage of an agricultural

laborer (van Zanden, 1992, p.65).

Nevertheless some initiatives to acquire machinery were developed. While some farmers

bought machines together and helped each other with sowing and harvesting, others

bought a machine and employed personnel for hiring out (Priester, 1998, p.241). Also the

increasing demand and better contracts provided by factories for large scale production of

crops such as sugar beets, is likely to have stimulated the purchase of ‘modern’

machinery by the growing number of large scale farmers (Bakker, 1992; Priester, 1998,

p.245). There was also some limited mechanization in the, in comparison to other Dutch

provinces, small cities in Zeeland. Between 1868 and 1872 the first four train stations

appeared in Zeeland, but in the four decades after that, no other train stations appeared.

Although the first steam tram appeared only in 1882, until 1915 there were over 25

municipalities, that could be reached by tram (Sluiter e.a., 2002). However most evidence

of mechanization is to be found in the industrial sector. Apart from the afore mentioned

flax and sugar industry, various types of industry were present in Zeeland, such as ship

building, beer brewery, shoe making, textile, concrete production, and wood sawing

(Franken, 2004). These factories were not just to be found in the largest two cities in

Zeeland, Middelburg and Vlissingen, but in various smaller municipalities as well

(Franken, 2004).

Apart from its agricultural character and late and modest developments in mechanization,

various historical accounts of the province mention the regional differences within

Zeeland with regard to land use, religion and social differentiation (Bouman, 1946; Bras

and Kok, 2005; Priester, 1998). Perhaps the most striking example of the regional focus

in Zeeland is given by the attempt of the Dutch government to introduce a universal time.

As a reaction to the plead of transport companies for a universal time in the Netherlands,

the Dutch Minister of Internal Affairs asked municipalities to comply to the introduction

of a universal time by May 1st 1892 (after a first request in 1858 proved in vain). Out of

109 municipalities in Zeeland only 8 complied, whereas another 51 stated that they were

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inclined to do so. The remaining 50 municipalities did not comply, almost all of which

chose an alternative local time (Nauta, 1987).

In sum, Zeeland as a whole, can be characterized as an agricultural province with a small

and even for Dutch standards late development of industrialization. However it also

shows that there are quite substantial differences between the various regions in Zeeland.

While some municipalities tried to tack along with the developments in agriculture,

production and transport other municipalities were more conservative. It is exactly this

variation that makes Zeeland suited to test our hypotheses.

Method

To test the hypotheses I use multi-level analysis. A theoretical reason to apply multi-level

models is that the hypotheses in this paper distinguish between the individual and

contextual level and testing these hypotheses thus requires a technique that appreciates

differences between individuals and context. Multi-level analysis does so by allowing for

group specific (“random”) estimates of the intercept, i.e. the mean of the dependent

variable, and effects of independent variables. A statistical argument for using multi-level

analysis is that the observations in the data are not sampled independently from each

other. The individual level data are derived from marriage acts and therewith the

observations are grouped in space (municipalities) and time (years). Ignoring this

dependence leads to estimates of standard errors that are too small, producing spurious

‘significant’ results (Hox 2002, Snijders & Bosker 1999).

To analyze the data first a specification of the multi-level structure is needed.

Space (municipalities) and time (years) are the dimensions on which the individuals in

the data can be grouped. However, the theoretical interest of this paper especially lies in

the combination of the two dimensions. Therefore I define the group structure as

spacetime. All individuals are grouped to the municipality and year their marriage

record stems from (e.g. Middelburg 1811, Middelburg 1880, Vlissingen 1880).

Furthermore I allow the intercept and the effect of FOCC to be ‘random’ across groups.

That is, the estimates of intercept and effect of FOCC can differ between municipalities

in the same year, and between years within the same municipality. By relating

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(interacting) FOCC with contextual variables that vary between municipalities and over

time, the ‘randomness’ of the effect of FOCC can be explained. Next, an elaboration of

the measurement of these contextual variables and the measurement of occupational

status follows.

Data and measurement

The data used here are on the individual as well as on the municipality level and are

derived from various sources. Characteristics on the individual level such as father’s and

son’s occupation, are derived from all marriage records registered in Zeeland in the

period 1811 to 1922. The database of these records is located at the ‘Zeeuws Archief’ in

Middelburg.b Only marriage acts of couples marrying for the first time were taken into

account: in total 88,401 in Zeeland between 1811 and 1915. Unfortunately, only 58,261

(65,9%) marriage records provides both an occupational title for both father and son. To

measure occupational status of fathers and sons, occupational titles were first coded into

HISCO (Van Leeuwen et al. 2002), and next into a historical CAMSIS scale: HIS-CAM

(v0.1) (Maas et al. 2006). CAMSIS scales assume that patterns of social interaction

between people from different occupational strata (e.g. marriages) are representative of

the overall occupational stratification structure (Stewart et al., 1982; Prandy, 2000a;

Prandy and Lambert, 2003; Bottero, 2005). The HIS-CAM scale is an estimation of the

occupational structure, based on 1.5 million marriage records from 6 different countries

(Britain, Canada, France, Germany, the Netherlands and Sweden) covering the period

1800-1938. To have a minimum of 20 observations for each occupational association

score, the occupations were combined into 532 occupational groups according to their

similarity with regard to type of activity concerned with an occupation as stated in

HISCO. The association scores were then scaled on a range from 1 to 100. I assigned

these association scores to the occupations of groom (SOCC) and groom’s father

(FOCC). Furthermore, FOCC is centered on the grand mean over the period 1811-1915.

b I am grateful to the volunteers who input the data from 1997-2001 and to Leo Hollestelle for making the data available.

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The hypotheses derived in the theory section distinguish between several

contextual processes. Next follows a description of these processes and how they are

operationalized.

Industrialization. I use the number of steam engines ever purchased in the

municipality relative to the size of the population (per ten inhabitants) at year of marriage

as the indicator of industrialization. Information on characteristics and ownership of

steam engines for the period up to 1890 is found in “Registers of the Dutch Department

for Steam engineering” downloadable from the Data Archiving and Networked Services

(DANS).cd

Educational expansion. As measure of educational expansion I use the number of

students enrolled in secondary education in the municipality and year of marriage relative

to the size of the population. In each municipality and for every five years, we recorded

the number of students registered as full time students for all types of secondary

education provided in the annual reviews on Dutch education between 1860 and 1915

(Verslag van den staat der hooge-, middelbare en lagere scholen, 1862-1917). Gymnasia

students are included as well. Although they are registered in the reviews of ’higher’

education, they are only registered as preparatory higher education (Mandemakers, 1996).

Mass communication. Mass communication as such developed only at the end of

the 19th century in the Netherlands. However, letters, telegrams, fashion brochures and

news papers also informed people about cultures and regions other than their own.

Furthermore advertisements kept people in touch with new technological developments,

but newspapers were also used to place contact advertisements (Bras 2002; Van Poppel

and Ekamper 2005). Unfortunately information on the municipality level on these means

of communication is only available for a small number of municipalities over a short

period in the 19th century. However, the delivery of these items was directed through post

offices. Lacking other information I therefore use the presence of a post office in a

municipality at the year of marriage as an indicator for mass communication. Information

c url DANS: http://www.dans.knaw.nl/en/ d I thank Harry Lintsen for making the data publicly available. A description of the registers can be found in Lintsen & Nieuwkoop 1989-1991).

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on the existence of post offices is derived from the annual reports of the PTT located at

the archive of the Museum of Communication, The Hague.e

Urbanization. Urbanization is measured by the size of the population per

thousand inhabitants of the municipality at the year of marriage. These data are derived

from the Historical Ecological Database for the period 1851-1880 and from the Historical

Database of Dutch Municipalities for the period 1811-1850 and 1880-1890.f

Geographical mobility. Since the arguments for the hypothesis on geographical

mobility are mainly based on increasing diversity of the population in municipalities,

geographical mobility is indicated by the proportion of in-migrants relative to the

population: those who move into the municipality of marriage in the year of marriage.

Modern transport. With modern transport I refer to mechanized transport such as

cars, trains and trams. Cars appeared in the Netherlands at the end of the 19th century, but

archives either report only national aggregates of the number of motor vehicles or

regional accounts for shorter time periods (Linders-Rooijendijk, 1989). Although there’s

a detailed account of the Dutch railway stations, only four cities in the province of

Zeeland had a railway station in the period under study (Sluiter e.a., 2002). More regional

differentiation appears in the tram stations. Although in contemporary society trams are a

means of transport within cities, in Zeeland in the 19th century trams were most of all a

means to travel between cities. Lacking a detailed account of the frequency that trams

moved between cities, we set up a dummy variable indicating the presence of a steam

tram station in a municipality at the year of marriage [1] or not [0]. The steam tram data

are available for the entire period, but the first steam tram station in Zeeland was only

opened in the city of Middelburg in 1882. I do not need to control for the closure of steam

tram stations, since until 1915 no steam tram stations were closed in Zeeland.

Religious composition. In the Netherlands between 1811 and 1915 there were

about a dozen different Protestant religions. Almost all of whom were not affiliated to a

Protestant religion, belonged to the Catholic church. Very few belonged to another

e I would like to thank Saskia Spiekman of the archive of the Museum of Communication for her advise and support.. f For a description of the data, see Beekink et al. 2003.

19

religion or were registered as atheists. Our measure of religious composition therefore

consists of the proportion of Protestants within a municipality and assumes that those

who are not Protestant are Catholic. To construct this indicator we divided the number of

Protestants by the size of the population. In a few cases the proportion of Protestants

turned out to be somewhat larger than one, indicating that there is some discrepancy

within the census. In these instances the proportion of Protestants is rounded down to 1.

By combining the ‘Historical Ecological Database’, the Historical Database for

Dutch Municipalities and the Dutch Census, I was able to attain information on

municipalities’ population size for the period 1811-1915, on migration and religious

affiliation on the municipality level for every ten years in the period 1851-1915. To be

able to include information from the marriage records in the years on which data on

education, migration and religious composition was missing, estimates were used. The

estimates are weighted means of the years for which information on these contextual

characteristics was available. The estimated means are weighted by the proximity of the

year for which no information is available to the closest years, for which information on

the contextual characteristics was available. For example, the number of students in 1882

is equal to the sum of three times the number of students in 1880 and two times the

number of students in 1885, divided by five.

Descriptives of all variables are provided in table I.

--- insert table I here ---

The models also contain control variables on the individual as well as the

contextual level. Since FOCC and SOCC change over the life course, age of the groom

centered on the grand mean is controlled for. Age of the father is not recorded in the data.

Since occupational status may be different for those living in a municipality their entire

life and those who migrated into a municipality later in their life, I control for sons being

a migrant or not. This measure is derived by comparing the name of the municipality at

20

birth and the name of the municipality a son gets married in. More information on places

of residence is not available. Finally, on the individual level I control for whether a son’s

mother is still alive at marriage. Miles reports for 19th and early 20th century England that

fathers were the most dominant facilitators of a ``boy's transition into regular work'', but

also shows that other family members were important for both the transition into regular

work and for later job transitions (Miles 1999, p.121, 126). Since an occupation of a

deceased father was not recorded on the marriage act, I cannot control for whether a

father was alive at marriage of the son: all deceased fathers are left out of the analyses.

On the contextual level I control for time and urbanization. The value of decade is

equal to the number of decades since 1800. The use of urbanization as a control variable

deserves elaboration. The number of observations per group (marriage records per

municipality per year) differs and needs to be controlled for. This is especially the case if

there is a theoretical argument on why group sizes are different (Snijders & Bosker

1999). In a time where most people still engaged in marriage, the number of marriages is

expected to be closely related to urbanization (measured by the size of the population).

The correlation is indeed high (.973). I therefore control for urbanization, rather than

group size itself.

Results

Since not all contextual indicators are available over the entire period (1811-1915), I

divided the analysis over three time slots, presented in table 3 through 5. Table 3 covers

the whole period (1811-1915), but contains few contextual indicators. Table 4 is on the

period 1811-1890 and focuses on the influence of industrialization. The analyses in table

5 cover the period (1851-1915) and includes all but one (industrialization) contextual

indicator.

The first model in table 3 shows for the period 1811-1915 that the average HIS-

CAM score of SOCC ranged between 39.6 and 42.3 (39.329 + 1.1*.257 and 39.329 +

21

11.5*.257). The random intercept is significant and indicates that this average differed

between groups, i.e. between regions and over time. The main effect of FOCC is

significant and positive and indicates that on average SOCC increases (decreases) with

0.522 for every point of FOCC above (below) average in the period 1811-1915. The

association is somewhat smaller in the models on the 19th century (table 4), but even

larger at the second half of the 19th century and beginning of the 20th century (table 5).

The random slope of FOCC is significant as well. The random coefficient may seem

small (.053), but actually indicates that between some groups there are substantial

differences in the influence of FOCC on SOCC. To gain insight in the size of the variance

component, I compare the groups with the 2.5% highest and 2.5% lowest effects of

FOCC (Snijders & Bosker 1999). The predicted size of the effect of FOCC in these

groups is the sum of the fixed effect of FOCC plus or minus two times the slope’s

standard deviation (the square root of the random effect) of FOCC. It appears that the

effect of FOCC varies between .982 in certain groups and .098 in other groups. In the

groups with strong father effects a son gains more than 10 status points for every 10

status points of his father, while in groups with weak father effects a son gains less than a

single additional status point for every 10 status points of his father.

The individual control variables show that older grooms have on average a higher

SOCC. For every 5 years above the average age of marriage, sons’ SOCC increases by 1.

Sons that migrated have on average one HIS-CAM point more than sons who did not.

Whether a son’s mother was deceased before marriage, does not seem to have influenced

his SOCC.

How did modernization influence the association between FOCC and SOCC?

Contrary to what was argued by the Logic of industrialism thesis, industrialization

increased the influence of FOCC on SOCC in Zeeland in the 19th century. This finding

provides support for the reproduction hypothesis (1b), although it must be noted that its

influence would only have substantial in a small number of municipalities. For example,

since 1872 there five cities in which the ratio of steam engines to inhabitants was ever

22

larger than 1:250. In these cities since 1872 each point of FOCC above average is

predicted to provide sons 20% more status than in municipalities without any steam

engines ((.471 + .256 * .4) ÷ .471). By far the two largest cities in Zeeland, Middelburg

and Vlissingen never reached a ratio of number of steam engines to inhabitants of 1:2,000

and 1:2,5000 respectively. According to this model the association between FOCC and

SOCC is thus stronger in these smaller industrialized municipalities as it is in the two

largest cites.

Educational expansion did not decrease the association between FOCC and SOCC

between 1851 and 1915 (table 5, model 2). The non-significant interaction between

FOCC and educational expansion provides again indirect support for the reproduction

hypothesis.

Mass communicationg does influence the association between FOCC and SOCC.

But opposite to the arguments by the Logic of industrialism thesis, the influence of mass

communication increases the influence of FOCC. The presence of a post office increases

the influence of FOCC on SOCC between 7.8 to 10.7 percent (model 3, 5 respectively)

and is stable throughout the 19th and early 20th century (table 3, 5).

In the 19th century the influence of urbanization increased the association between

FOCC and SOCC, refuting hypothesis 4 proclaiming a smaller association in more

urbanized regions (table 4). In none of the analyses including the early 20th century (table

3, 5) a significant effect of urbanization on the association of FOCC and SOCC is found

(although in table 5, model 3 the effect is just above the p<.05 threshold). A possible

explanation for this finding is that the influence of urbanization decreased over time.

g Although there is a large correlation between mass communication and urbanization (.797) I argue that they can still be incorporated in the same model, since they do not seem to be different indicators of the same aspect of modernization. Adding the main effect of mass communication and its interaction with FOCC, significantly improves a model containing the main effect of urbanization and its interaction with FOCC. Also the reverse is true. This applies to both saturated models (model 2) in table 4 and 6.

23

More geographical mobility did decrease the association between FOCC and

SOCC in the late 19th and early 20th century as hypothesized by the Logic of industrialism

thesis (table 5). In municipalities with an in-migration rate of 5 percent (one in-migrant to

every 20 inhabitants) the influence of FOCC on SOCC decreases about 3.5% percent ((-

0.488*.05 + .707) ÷ .707).

Modern transport, indicated by whether there was a steam tram station present in

the municipality and year of marriage, does not change the influence of FOCC on SOCC

in the 19th and early 20th century. This is a refutation of hypothesis six that stated that a

more temporary exposure to non-local habits would decrease the association between

FOCC and SOCC.

Next to influences of modernization, religious composition may account for

differences in the association between FOCC and SOCC. Model 2 and 3 in table 5 indeed

show that the influence of FOCC on SOCC is smaller in more Protestant municipalities

compared to Catholic municipalities. In fully Protestant municipalities the influence of

FOCC on SOCC is 19.4% smaller than in municipalities without any Protestants ((-

.137*1 + .707) ÷ .707). Given the more traditional values of the Protestants in Zeeland I

hypothesized the opposite. An explanation of this finding not related to the values of the

religions would be that in Catholic regions there would be less opportunities for

intergenerational occupational status attainment. Catholic regions are often associated

with poorer regions in which one could hardly skid downwards and where there were less

opportunities to move upwards.

Conclusion and discussion

In this article I focussed, like many others, on the influence of industrialisation on the

status attainment process. Did the association of FOCC and SOCC decrease with

industrialisation, urbanisation and means of communication? Unlike many others, I used

historical data on a large scale on both the individual and the contextual level. By doing

24

so I found that the association between FOCC and SOCC not only differs over time, but

between municipalities as well. Future research could therefore benefit from studying

both regional differences as well as differences over time.

The two major theories in the field, the logic of industrialism thesis and

reproduction theory, are best distinguished by their arguments on the indirect effect of

FOCC and SEDU. However, the theories also differ in their expectations of the total

(both direct and indirect) association between FOCC and SOCC. According to the logic

of industrialism thesis this association declines with industrialisation, while according to

reproduction theory the association remains the same or increases.

The results refute the logic of industrialism thesis and confirm reproduction

theory. In Zeeland in the 19th and early 20th century the total association between FOCC

and SOCC increased. While industrialisation increased the influence of FOCC on SOCC

in the 19th century, educational expansion at the end of the 19th and early 20th century did

not diminish the association between FOCC and SOCC.

Additional hypotheses derived from the logic of industrialism thesis stating that

the total association between FOCC and SOCC decreased with increasing modernisation

were on the whole refuted. The influence of FOCC on SOCC became stronger with mass

communication and in the 19th century with urbanisation, while ‘modern’ means of

transport did not decrease the association between FOCC and SOCC. Only in-migration

decreased father’s influence on SOCC. Father’s influence was also smaller in more

traditional Protestant regions compared to more Catholic regions.

The analyses of the dimensions of modernisation also showed that some precision

is lost, and sometimes even error is added, when dichotomising larger cities as “urban

and industrialised” and the smaller municipalities as “rural”. The largest changes in the

association between FOCC and SOCC due to dimensions of modernization were found in

some of the smaller cities and not in by far the largest two cities.

25

Although the size and the level of detail of the data derived from marriage records

is large, these data come with some bias as well (Delger and Kok, 1998). First, when

comparing intergenerational mobility, usually the occupational status of fathers and sons

at the same age is compared. In our data, fathers are older and therefore expected to have

a higher occupational status than their sons. The association between FOCC and SOCC is

therefore likely to be underestimated when using marriage records.

Second, the data only consist of those sons getting married and those sons whose

fathers were alive at marriage. Especially the latter might prove to be an issue if family

members were ‘occupational brokers’ as is reported by Miles (1999). Although the

analyses showed that SOCC was not influenced by whether a son’s mother was deceased

before marriage, this might be different for fathers. Theoretically, one would expect sons

of deceased fathers to reach a lower status than sons of fathers who are alive. Since only

occupational titles of fathers that are alive are registered on the marriage record, and

increasing number of fathers are alive over time, the observed association between status

of father and son is a better estimate of the 'real' association in later periods. In early

periods this association may be underestimated. Especially fathers with lower status are

likely to have died early due to bad working conditions. Their sons are expected to have

had a very low status themselves. I don't observe these low status fathers with low status

sons and consequently underestimate the association between FOCC and SOCC.

Third, to test the influence of contextual effects on the status attainment process I

used multi-level analysis and not log-linear analysis as is common in research on

(historical) stratification. Therefore, I could not explicitly control for changes in

occupational structure as is done in analysis of relative mobility. Nevertheless,

correlations do control for these to some extent, and some of the indicators I used, e.g.

industrialisation, are in fact determinants of changes in the occupational structure.

Furthermore, the use of a continuous measurement of occupational status appreciates that

occupations are not only hierarchically structured between classes, but also within classes

(Blackburn & Prandy 1997).

Despite these difficulties with the data the analyses portray a clear picture. The

26

rise of modernization in the 19th century is accompanied by a trend towards more closure,

which at best flattens around the turn of the century. This adds to the literature a

refutation of the logic of industrialism thesis based on early-industrial individual and

contextual data. It also adds to the discussion on how the trend towards a more open

society as found in research after the Second World War has started. In Britain the

openness of contemporary society seems to be the result of a small but steady ongoing

trend (Miles 1999, Lambert et al. 2007). But in the Netherlands, like Van Leeuwen and

Maas (1996) and Van Dijk et al. (1984) I find no evidence for the claim that the

increasing openness is “the tail of a long movement towards a more open society” (Van

Leeuwen & Maas 1996, p. 637).

27

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Tables

Table 1. Descriptives: mean, standard deviation, minimum and maximum value. N Missing Min. Mean Max. s.d. Son’s occ status (SOCC) 58261 0 10.6 43.334 99 13.128 Father’s occ status (FOCC) 58261 0 -34.646 -.225 53.754 12.862 Modern transport 58261 0 0 .127 1 .332 Mass communication 58261 0 0 .306 1 .461 Urbanization 58261 0 .103 4.197 21.973 5.200 In-migration 58261 12057 0 .054 .350 .026 Religious composition 58261 11184 0 .792 1 .294 Industrialization 58261 23630 0 .022 .751 .057 Educational expansion 58261 0 0 .238 4.560 .664 Time 58261 0 1.1 7.696 11.5 2.792 Son’s mother deceased 58261 0 0 .327 1 .469 Son’s age (centered) 58261 0 -13.558 -3.867 34.442 4.079 Son is migrant 58261 0 0 .489 1 .500 Table 2. Correlation matrix of several indicators on the contextual level Modern

Transport Mass comunication

Urbani-zation

In- migration

Religious composition

Time Indust-rialization

Educational expansion

Modern transport

1.000

Mass communication

.309 1.000

Urbanization

.402 .767 1.000

In- migration

.141 .149 .107 1.000

Religious composition

.017 -.029 .022 .038 1.000

Time

.263 -.002 .022 .252 .006 1.000

Industrialization

.415 .359 .342 .135 .048 .306 1.000

Educational expansion

.425 .597 .642 .111 .057 .233 .337 1.000

33

Table 3. Hierarchical linear regression on son’s occupational status. 1811-1915.

Model 1 Model 2 Model 3

Fixed effects Coef. S.E. Coef. S.E. Coef. S.E.

Constant 39.329 .167 39.488 .170 39.490 .168

Status groom’s father .522 .013 .514 .014 .515 .013

Time .257 .019 .233 .019 .229 .019

× status groom’s father .005 .002 .006 .002 .005 .002

Urbanization .536 .011 .329 .019 .345 .015

× status groom’s father -.002 .002 Mass communication 2.666 .172 2.558 .158

× status groom’s father .055 .015 .039 .011

Modern transport .846 .212 .975 .175

× status groom’s father -.018 .019

Groom’s age .198 .010 .200 .010 .200 .010

Groom is non-migrant 1.410 .081 1.405 .080 1.405 .080

Groom’s mother deceased -.105 .090 -.089 .090 -.090 .090

Random effects

Level 2 random effects

Intercept 6.280 .323 5.346 .300 5.343 .300

Status groom’s father .053 .002 ..053 .002 .053 .002

Level 1 variance

Intercept 87.051 .563 87.113 .562 87.115 .562

IGLS Deviance 430356.600 430046.000 430048.600

N 58261 58261 58261

34


Model 1 Model 2

Fixed effects Coef. S.E. Coef. S.E.

Constant 40.349 .199 40.430 .203

Status groom’s father .484 .016 ~ .471 .018

Time .117 .029 .066 .030


Urbanization .538 .016 .588 .021

× status groom’s father .009 .002

Industrialisation 6.288 1.186


Groom’s age .097 .012 .097 .012

Groom is non-migrant 1.141 .098 1.147 .098

Groom’s mother deceased -.015 .104 -.010 .104

Random effects


Intercept 7.053 .417 6.897 .413

Status groom’s father .065 .003 .064 .003

Level 1 variance

Intercept 78.021 .658 78.046 .658

IGLS Deviance 263180.500 263125.300

N 36056 36056

35


Model 1 Model 2 Model 3

Fixed effects Coef. S.E. Coef. S.E. Coef. S.E.

Constant 37.655 .296 37.855 .348 37.877 .314


Time .452 .033 .381 .033 .379 .028


Urbanization .536 .012 .257 .021 .255 .020

× status groom’s father -.004 .002 -.004 .002 Mass communication 2.171 .185 2.268 .182


Modern transport .225 .216


Educational expansion 1.144 .128 1.253 .105

× status groom’s father -.015 .012

Religious composition .191 .135 .178 .185

× status groom’s father -.136 .017 -.137 .017

In-migration 8.537 2.170 8.851 2.150

× status groom’s father -.509 .196 -0.488 .194

Groom’s age .245 .011 .254 .012 .254 .012

Groom is non-migrant 1.570 .092 1.531 .092 1.532 .092

Groom’s mother deceased -.232 .105 -.181 .104 -.183 .104

Random effects


Intercept 5.492 .343 4.183 .302 4.185 .302


Level 1 variance

Intercept 90.310 .648 90.193 .643 90.196 .643

IGLS Deviance 343436.200 341926.800 341929.800

N 46204 46204 46204

Like my father before me. The impact of …1 Like my father before me. The impact of...

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