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Lifelong Learning: Newopportunities for women in aMuslim country (Iran)GOLNAR MEHRANPublished online: 28 Jun 2010.

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Comparative Education Volume 35 No. 2 1999 pp. 201± 215

Lifelong Learning: newopportunities for women in aMuslim country (Iran)GOLNAR MEHRAN

Introduction

Education is increasingly being viewed as a basic human right leading to empowerment andawareness, as opposed to being regarded solely as a means of bringing about economicgrowth and political stability. Such a shift in focus has questioned previously held beliefs andideologies that regarded education as the guardian of the status quo. Increasingly, the viewof education for control and containment is being replaced by considering it as a potentialally in the mobilization and empowerment of the unreached and dispossessed.

The emergence of new meta-narratives has further challenged the traditional view of therole of education. Critical theory provides an alternative view of the dialectical relationshipbetween educational content and structure and the larger social, economic, and politicalmilieux and forms of power (Apple, 1985; Foster, 1986; Giroux, 1988, 1992; Maxcy, 1991;Morrow & Torres, 1995).

The feminist discourse also introduces a new frame of mind in which the androcentric,male-centred view of education is questioned, and the content of schooling is redecipheredin order to illustrate how the manifest or hidden curriculum is communicated differently tomale and female recipients of education (Bem, 1993; Gore, 1993; Acker, 1994; Stone, 1994;Weiner, 1994; Jackson, 1997). It is ultimately argued that education can empower ordisempower based on class, gender, race or ethnicity.

Using the new levels of insight provided by the teachings of critical and feminist theoriesand the Freirian concept of education for liberation and empowerment (Freire, 1971, 1973;Freire & Shor, 1987; McLaren & Lankshear, 1994), this article will seek to answer thefollowing question: has the lifelong learning experience provided for Muslim women inpost-revolutionary Iran been able to empower them? This article will attempt to de® neempowerment; introduce the seemingly contradictory demands imposed on the post-revolutionary Muslim woman; illustrate the role of lifelong learning in linking adult womento the socio-political network; and assess whether the educational experience has been ableto empower Iranian women. The case study of Iran may be of interest due to its status as aMuslim society, marked by a revolutionary ideology that has attempted to introduce ananswer to the traditionÐ modernity debate existing in much of the Islamic world.

The Position of Women in Post-revolutionary Iran

The question raised at this point is who is the ideal Muslim woman that the post-revolution-ary Iranian government seeks to create? Contrary to widespread belief among scholars and

Correspondence to: Golnar Mehran, Al-Zahra University, 30th Street, 98 Park Avenue, Tehran 15119, Iran.

ISSN 0305-0068 printed/ISSN 1360-0486 online/99/020201-15 Ó 1999 Taylor & Francis Ltd

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202 G. Mehran

laymen alike, the ideal female citizen of the Islamic Republic of Iran is not to return to thepast when women were secluded from public life and banned from presence in nonsex-segregated settings. She is not to be what her mother and grandmother before her usedto be: domesticated and isolated. The new Muslim woman is not to become Westernizedeither. She has to be covered according to religious practice, and abide by the cultural normsof modesty prevalent in Muslim communities. The seeming contradiction is that the idealwoman of the post-revolutionary period is to be traditional and modern at the same time. Sheis expected to be a good wife and devoted mother as well as an active and educated memberin the social, political and cultural affairs of her society, all at the same time. The status ofthe Iranian woman is clearly determined in the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran,rati® ed in 1979. According to Principle 21, the government is obliged to guarantee the rightsof the woman within the framework of Islamic standards and provide the appropriatebackground for the development of her personality and the revival of her material andspiritual rights (Women’s Bureau, 1997a).

As illustrated above, the rights and responsibilities of the post-revolutionary Iranianwoman are determined by Islamic laws and regulations. Yet the religious framework does notlimit women to the domestic realm. While being viewed as the core of the family andbestowed with the responsibility of motherhood and educating maktabi (politically andideologically committed) children, the Iranian woman is also asked to be men’ s fellow® ghters in the active scenes of life’ (Women’s Bureau, 1997a, p. 17) The President of theIslamic Republic has also expressed the dual responsibility imposed on the Iranian woman.According to President Khatami `we want a woman who is the pivot of the home to be themanager and master of the house. At the same time, there should be absolutely no reductionin her social responsibilities and active presence in society’ (Khatami, 1997a). He adds thatthe central role of the woman at home should not marginalize her from public life, while herpresence in the social arena should not lead to the deterioration of the family and theundermining of its strength and stability. President Khatami furthermore points to theinherent difference between men and women, without bestowing an inferior or superiorstatus on either one. He rejects both male and female domination and instead advocatesthe leadership of the competent and meritorious, regardless of sex (Khatami, 1997b).The mission of education in post-revolutionary Iran is, therefore, the creation of a newMuslim woman based on the exigencies of a revolutionary state and the demands of aMuslim society.

The Prevalent Role of Literacy Education in Lifelong Learning in Iran

Lifelong learning, permanent and continuing education are classi® ed under adult educationin Iran. While the latter is a relatively new academic term in Iranian educational circles,lifelong learning has long been deemed a value in the national and religious heritage of thecountry, expressed clearly in the famous saying `Seek Knowledge from Cradle to Grave’ .Lifelong learning exists in various forms in order to prepare adults for new occupations;update their knowledge and skills in the industrial and agricultural arenas; or provide newinformation on health issues and family planning. Yet the most extensive form of adultlearning, monopolizing the ® eld and reaching out to the majority of the mature rural andnomadic population and those living at the margins of urban centres, has been in the realmof literacy education.

There are various reasons for the dominant and pervasive role of literacy training in Iran.First and foremost has been the high rate of illiteracy. According to the Literacy MovementOrganization of Iran (LMO), the total illiteracy rate in 1976 was 52.5%, ranging from 34.6%

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New Opportunities for Women in a Muslim Country 203

in urban centres to 69.5% in rural areas (LMO, 1996). In 1990, UNESCO consideredIran as one of the 10 nations with an illiterate population of more than 10 million, age 15years and above. Although the illiterate population was reduced to 9.3 million by 1995,taking Iran out of the UNESCO black list, the Iranian authorities continue to pay specialattention to the problem of illiteracy by prioritizing literacy training over and above otherforms of adult education, manifested in the human and material resources devoted tothis cause.

The above trend continues to the present time, pointing to a considerable degree ofpolitical will and governmental commitment to the elimination of illiteracy. This is clearlyillustrated in the increase in literacy rates from 47.5% in 1996 (LMO, 1997). It should benoted that 61.6% of the remaining illiterate population are above the age of 40 years.Secondly, Iran is a developing nation aiming at sustainable development and self-reliance,and the ruling authorities recognize the urgent need for a literate population as a prerequisitefor industrialization and technological advancement. Last but not least, has been the use ofliteracy education in the Islamization and politicization of the population in accordance withthe teachings of the revolutionary doctrine.

As will be illustrated later, literacy education in Iran is openly political and ideological.Thus, the high illiteracy rate, the demands of a developing nation, and the exigenciesof a revolutionary ideology have led to the prioritization of literacy education and thenearly practical equation of adult education and lifelong learning with literacy training inIran.

Women have been the major recipients of literacy education since the 1979 revolution.In 1976, the female illiteracy rate was an alarming 74.5%, compared with 41.1% amongmen (LMO, 1995). The highest illiteracy rate was found among rural and nomadic womenin deprived provinces. Literacy education was soon advocated as a basic human rightfor women, and identi® ed as an effective means for transforming them into politicized`soldiers of the revolution’ . The Iranian LMO also states that its concentration on deprivedwomen has aimed at `eliminating gender disparity and creation of equal opportunitiesin education’ (LMO, 1995). Statistics reveal that on average 71% of adult learnershave been women throughout the years, and the gender gap in literacy has decreasedfrom 33.4% in 1976 to 9.5% in 1995 (LMO, 1997). The annual growth rate ofliteracy among men and women during the 1976± 1991 period has been 1.4% and 2.1%,respectively.

One can, therefore, conclude that the dominant form of lifelong learning among theIranian female adult population has been literacy training. This paper will now proceed tostudy the status and content of literacy education for women in order to examine the levelof empowerment provided for the female recipients of literacy and numeracy skills.

Literacy Education and its Role in Empowering Iranian Women

What is empowerment and how is it practised in the context of female adult education inIran? To understand the role of education in empowering Iranian women, one must ® rstunderstand the importance of empowerment as an element of development. Empowermenthas been de® ned as `the process by which people take control and action in order toovercome obstacles’ (UNICEF, 1997). It refers to `collective action by the oppressed anddeprived to overcome the obstacles of structural inequality which have previously put themin a disadvantaged position’ (UNICEF, 1997). Furthermore, the Women’s EmpowermentFramework, propounded by UNICEF, views empowerment as the goal and the essentialprocess for women’s advancement. It is the process by which women mobilize to understand,

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204 G. Mehran

identify, and overcome gender discrimination and achieve equal access to resources. TheUNICEF Framework for the Equality and Empowerment of Women is composed of ® velevels, passing through each of which will bring about higher levels of equality and empower-ment for women. The levels include welfare (meeting basic needs); access (to resources andmeans); consciousness raising (gaining awareness of the problem); participation (in decisionmaking); and control (high level participation and planning).

Has the educational experience of adult women in Iran empowered them, helping themidentify and overcome obstacles and gain equal access to available resources? What is theempowerment level being experienced by Iranian women in the realm of adult education atthis time? The rest of the paper will attempt to answer the above questions. Before turningto the speci® c case of female learning, it is necessary to provide a pro® le of the LMO in Iran.

The Literacy Movement Organization (LMO) in Iran

Established shortly after the revolution in December 1979, the LMO provides basic literacy atthe introductory (moqqadamati) and complementary (takmili) cycles, equivalent to the earlygrades of primary school. Further literacy training, equivalent to the ® nal grades of elementaryschooling, is provided at the ® nal (payani) and ® fth (panjom) cycles, enabling the neo-literateto join the formal educational system if desired. Marked by ¯ exibility in the time and locationof the classes, literacy learners meet at a time deemed appropriate for their busy adult life.Literacy classes are convened in schools, mosques and private homes. Other gathering places,including tents, are used among the nomadic population. Whereas classes are held throughoutthe year in urban centres, the majority of literacy work conducted in rural areas takes placeduring autumn and winter so as not to interfere with the heavy agricultural season. There isa preference for day classes among housewives, while evening classes are popular among men.Compulsory literacy training is provided for the members of the armed forces, prisoners, andcivil servants. Since 1986, the school age population not covered by the formal system ofeducation can enroll in literacy classes. Working within the structure of the Ministry ofEducation and funded by the government, the LMO is characterized by centralized planningand decision making. Standard textbooks are used at the basic level throughout the country,regardless of geographical location or local needs. There is more diversity at the post-literacyeducation level, where reading materials are geared to the living and working conditions of theneo-literate. During the 1995± 1996 academic year, 55,128 instructors taught in 93,899classes, providing literacy training for 1,200,982 learners, the majority of whom (68%) wereenrolled at the basic level. In the same year, the rural and nomadic population comprised56.7% of the total number of learners; the rest (43.3%) were urban dwellers (LMO, 1996).

Statistical Pro® le

We now turn to the UNICEF Women’s Empowerment Framework to assess the status offemale adults vis-aÁ -vis each level. The ® rst level is welfare, indicating the basic educationalopportunities provided for women. As mentioned earlier, women comprise the majority ofadult learners due to the simple fact that the majority of illiterates have continually beenfemale. In other words, women have been the major bene® ciaries of adult literacy educationat all times. A glance at Table I will point to the marked increase in female literacy levels overa 40 year period. Total female literacy has increased from 8% in 1956 to 74.2% in 1996.There has been a remarkable increase in literacy from 22.4% to 81.7% among urban women,with an almost 50-fold increase in literacy rates among rural women, from 1.2% in 1956 to62.4% in 1996 (Women’s Bureau, 1997b). Such a dramatic increase portrays not only

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New Opportunities for Women in a Muslim Country 205

government commitment to female learning, but also the willingness of women to participateactively in the educational experience.

Regional comparisons illustrate that the province of Tehran ranks ® rst in female literacywith a rate of 85%, while less than half the female population (48.8%) is literate in Sistan andBaluchistan. The other two provinces suffering from low literacy rates among women are WestAzerbaijan (58.7%) and Kurdestan (57.4%) (Women’s Bureau, 1997b). It should be notedthat the latter three provinces are populated by ethnic and linguistic minorities for whom theof® cial language of instruction, Persian, is not the mother tongue. The above, along witheconomic deprivation, may partly explain the remarkable gap with the other provinces. Thegender gap in literacy levels is also important. As illustrated in Table I, in 1956 the totalgender gap was 14.4%, increasing to 33.4% before the revolution in 1976, and remarkablydecreasing to 10.5% 20 years later. In 1996 the gender gap in urban areas was as low as 7.9%,while the rate was higher (14.3%) among the rural population. Increased literacy rates amongwomen and the decreased gender gap points to the reality that although much remains to bedone, female adult learning fares well at the ® rst level of the empowerment scale. In otherwords, lifelong learning opportunities have been provided for women.

At the next level, the question is whether Iranian women have had access to theeducational opportunities provided. In Iran, as in most Muslim countries, female access tolearning centres may be restricted due to certain religious customs or prevailing culturalnorms. Thus, whereas educational buildings are available and women are encouraged toattend, the latter may be barred from access due to the existence of male teachers or theabsence of segregation based on sex. Co-educational settings and male instructors, especiallyif they are not local residents and thus known and trusted among the community members,have been found to be major factors in hindering female access to education and a seriouscause of early drop-out from educational programmes (Massialas & Jarrar, 1991; El-Sanabary, 1993; Rihani, 1993; Mehran, 1995). The above factors have been eliminated inthe literacy classes held in post-revolutionary Iran. Classes are strictly segregated by sex andlearners are taught by instructors of the same sex. In fact, due to the larger number of femalelearners, the instructors are also mostly women. In 1996, of 1,059,531 adult learners,908,475 (86%) were female. Accordingly, 41,432 (75%) members of the total 55,128instructors were female (LMO, 1996).

Yet another hindering factor in the access of women to education has been the need towalk long distances to learning centres, especially after dark. Every measure has been takenby the Iranian LMO to hold meetings at the shortest distance from the learner’ s residence orworkplace. In fact, the burden has rested on the shoulders of instructors, both male andfemale, to live and work close to the learners. The ¯ exibility in the time and location of classmeetings has further facilitated the access of learners to available opportunities. One canconclude that culture-sensitive planning has led to a remarkable success at the second levelof the empowerment criteria in Iran. Once educational facilities are provided (welfare), adeliberate and conscious effort has been made to facilitate use by female learners (access),and every measure has been taken to prevent drop-out. According to the 1996 statistics,69.8% of introductory level learners, 77.7% of participants at the complementary level, and81.1% of the ® nal level participants were able to complete their training (LMO, 1996).

Qualitative Aspects

Where do the Iranian female learners stand vis-aÁ -vis the next and more abstract, qualitativelevel of empowermentÐ namely, consciousness raising? How much awareness is createdamong adult women in literacy classes regarding the roots of and reasons for inequality?Does the lifelong learning experience empower them in their struggle to overcome their

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206 G. Mehran

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New Opportunities for Women in a Muslim Country 207

disadvantaged position? To answer the above questions, one must look at the content of adulteducation and the messages conveyed in the textbooks and readers via the written word andthe graphic illustrations. The educational materials provided for women by the Iranian LMOcan be divided into two categories: the standard textbooks provided during the formal andbasic literacy education programme, and the diverse and varied readers produced by theLMO Continuing Education Bureau. Each category of publications has been produced witha different purpose in mind.

At the basic level, the LMO seeks to achieve the following objectives: (1) the instructionof reading, writing and numeracy skills to the illiterate population; and (2) the advancement,promotion and dissemination of the Islamic culture. As such, the teaching of literacy skills isnot viewed as the ultimate goal, but instead serves as the means by which one can attaincultural independence and self-reliance (LMO, 1997). To achieve the above, various kindsof textbooks have been prepared for use at the introductory, complementary and ® nal cycles.Given the central role of textbooks in the Iranian adult learning experience, it is importantto be familiar with their content. Book One (LMO, 1993a) of the introductory level(equivalent to grades 1 and 2 of primary school) makes extensive use of illustrations andnarration about religious topics such as: praying, visiting the mosque, reading the Quran,fasting, pilgrimage and introduction of religious ® gures and holy cities in Islam. Politicalideological subjects are widely used as well, including: Islamic governance and the rule oftheocracy; political meetings and speeches; the 1980± 1988 Iran± Iraq war; familiarity withreligio-political leaders; law and its defenders in the country; and post-revolutionary institu-tions such as the Islamic Revolutionary Committees, the Martyrs’ Foundation and theRevolutionary Guards. Other topics include health, sanitation, work, nature, portrayal of lifein the rural areas and among nomads, and moral teachings about kindness, co-operation andthe like. Basic numeracy is also taught in the midst of reading and writing skills. It isinteresting to note that although a decade has passed since the end of the war, the latter isclearly remembered in numerous illustrations of soldiers, the battle® eld, and ® ghting. A vividexample is the use of ri¯ es, soldiers and tanks in exercises teaching addition and subtraction.Every attempt has been made to advocate the importance of being literate and the bene® tsof literacy. Many pictures are devoted to the illustration of literacy sessions being heldthroughout the country, attended by both men and women in classes, mosques and outdoors.

A gender-sensitive analysis of literacy textbooks points to the absence of any female-ori-ented approach. Although women comprise the majority of adult learners, neither thenarration nor the illustrations convey a special message for them. In fact, textbooks con® rmthe existence of a strict division of labour based on traditional male and female occupations.Examples are the portrayal of women performing strictly domestic chores such as sewing(p. 63), sweeping and cleaning (pp. 78± 79). Women are also portrayed as carpet weavers(p. 35) and agricultural workers (pp. 53± 88). Women are shown differently only as instruc-tors or participants in literacy classes (pp. 9, 17, 30± 31, 49), nomadic women riding horsesin their seasonal migration (p. 48) and a mother taking her child for vaccination (p. 67). Asopposed to of® cial statements about the importance of an active female presence in the socialand political arenas, there is only one small picture of women participating in a politicaldemonstration (p. 71). The image of all the women (with the exception of younger girls,women working in the ® eld and nomadic women) at all times is of those wearing thetraditional chador (black veil). Although wearing the black veil is not obligatory in Iran as longas the body and hair are covered, the ideal’ woman of the LMO is the one who wears thechador in accordance with the heavily religious-ideological nature of the organization.

Who is the female role model presented in literacy books? The only role models are tworeligious ® gures living in Arabia in the early days of IslamÐ namely, Fatemeh and Zeinab.

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Fatemeh is introduced as the daughter of Prophet Mohammad, wife of Imam Ali (the ® rst Shi’ iImam), and mother of Imams Hassan and Hossein and Zeinab. The readers are told that shetreated her husband and children with kindness throughout her life (p. 77). The image of thegood daughter, wife and mother is the typical portrayal of the traditional woman whose missionin life is serving the family. The image of Zeinab presents an alternative image of women.Although introduced as the sister of Imam Hossein, her active role as defender and advocateof Islam is strongly emphasized. She is clearly presented as the political role model, whose pathis to be followed by Iranian women in `defence of the Islamic revolution’ (p. 71). The portrayalof both roles, within the family context and active in the social arena, clearly abides by the dualresponsibility assigned to the post-revolutionary Iranian woman. The question that remains isthe reason for the absence of more contemporary, Iranian role models among renowned womenin the literacy, political, scienti® c and academic ® elds. The role models need not ever be famouswomen, but rather the ordinary woman whose life of toil and labour can serve as an exampleof daily struggle and endurance. Much to the reader’s surprise and dismay even in a picture inwhich women are shown working in the ® eld with their backs bent, it is noted that it is the twostanding men in the picture who `work hard from sunrise to sunset’ (p. 88).

The reading material for the complementary cycle is composed of three books: Persian,Islamic culture, and mathematics. The latter (LMO, 1992) uses examples from real lifesettings as exercises, and the only two pictures used in the textbook show female learnersstudying numbers in an outdoor class (p. 90) and male soldiers ready to shoot from theirtrench in the battle® eld (p. 95). In line with the introductory level readers, however, thePersian textbook (LMO, 1995b) is ® lled with religious and political messages as well asinformation about health, nutrition, ® rst aid and the anatomy of the human body.

There is, however, more attention paid to the question of women in two lessons entitled`The status of women’ and `Islamic veiling’ . In the ® rst lesson, Islam is introduced as the`emanicipatory force’ that has brought about respect for women, especially in bestowing theMuslim woman with the `right to select her husband, own property, and inherit’ (p. 65).Furthermore, such Muslim and non-Muslim women as Mary, Khadijeh (Prophet Moham-mad’ s wife), and Zeinab, are introduced as symbols of `chastity, self-sacri® ce, devotion,courage and patience’ , characteristics deemed appropriate for women. Contrary to theprevious readers, however, women living in the contemporary period are also acknowledged.Mention is made of Iranian women who, `in addition to performing domestic chores andraising capable and competent children’ are active in the ® elds of agriculture, handicraft,education, medicine and the parliament (pp. 66± 67), thus abiding by the double responsibil-ities and dual expectations mentioned earlier.

The more active and progressive role of women is evident in the pictures portraying themas literacy instructors (p. 6), health workers (pp. 41, 97), scientists and surgeons (p. 67),participants in political demonstrations (pp. 80, 92) and voters in the national elections(p. 159). Women are also portrayed in their traditional role as mothers taking their childrenfor vaccination (p. 41) and sewing at home (p. 57). The second lesson about `Islamic veiling’has direct and manifest religio-political messages for women. Equating veiling with coveringand presenting it as the sign of female `worthiness and respect’ (p. 91), the reader uses thesayings of Islamic religious leaders to defend the necessity of veiling for women. It isinteresting to note, however, that veiling for women is advocated alongside modesty inclothing for men (p. 93). Accordingly, as has been the case with the previous readers, womenare portrayed with the black veil, with the exception of health workers and surgeons who areshown wearing their work uniforms.

The reader on Islamic culture (LMO, 1995c) has been prepared by the religious head ofthe LMO. It includes lessons about the principles of Islamic faith and aims at educating the

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learners about the requirements of their religion. The only section related speci® cally towomen is the one about Fatemeh, presented as the daughter of Prophet Mohammad and wifeof Imam Ali. She is introduced as a devoted aid to her husband, encouraging him to ® ght inthe jihad (holy war) for Islam, and inviting Muslims to follow her husband as their leader.The author also points to the division of labour between the ® rst Imam and his wife, so thatthe former would take care of outside tasks and Fatemeh would perform the chores relatedto the home (p. 54).

The readers of the ® nal cycle of the LMO are more specialized. Divided into foursubjects, Persian, mathematics, experimental sciences, and social sciences, they aim atpreparing the learner for joining the formal schooling system. There is no speci® c mention ofwomen in either the mathematics or the experimental sciences textbooks, except for thepredominant portrayal of men in the latter. As opposed to previous Persian textbooks,Persian 3 (LMO, 1993b) has fewer religious and political lessons and is mainly composed ofhealth messages, advice, as well as moral and ethical stories and information about child care.A signi® cant number of lessons are dedicated to the introduction of Iranian and internationalliterary and scienti® c ® gures. As far as women are concerned, this book is de® nitely behindothers with the absence of female role models. The only time women are addressed is in alesson entitled `The education of children’ . The woman in the picture is sewing while thefather is helping the son in his studies. Parents are encouraged to treat and love their maleand female offspring equally, and the Prophet Mohammad is quoted as saying that `daughtersshould be taught to knit’ since it ® lls their time and helps them in their physical and mentalhealth (p. 154).

The social sciences textbook (LMO, 1995d) is divided into three sections: geography,history, and civics. The female presentation in the ® rst section is the portrayal of womenengaged in agricultural work and busy selling their products at the local markets. Thehistorical section presents a male-centred view of history without any mention of female® gures. The case is different in the section on civics. Lessons 2 and 3, entitled `Family’ and`Family life’ , discuss the roles and responsibilities of each member of the smallest unit of thesociety. While the vital importance of the family is emphasized, it is noted that `usually thefather works outside the home and the mother performs the household chores’ , includingcooking and cleaning. The traditional division of labour is further illustrated in the portrayalof the sewing woman who is meanwhile preparing the meal (p. 177). The other femaleillustrations include female learners going to literacy classes (p. 179); women going to themosque for prayers (p. 187); nomadic women collecting wood and weaving carpets (p. 190);and rural women working in the ® eld (p. 194). The book examined does not include anynarration about female participation in the political, cultural, scienti® c or academic arenas.

What can be concluded from the content and pictorial analysis of the basic educationalmaterials provided for adult learners? What are the messages conveyed to the femalerecipients of lifelong learning? The detailed study of the readers at the introductory,complementary, and ® nal cycles leads one to conclude that the image portrayed of women inthe family and society is predominantly a traditional one. With the exception of one textbook,the rest limit female presence to the home and the traditional division of labour existing inmale-dominated societies. Emphasizing only such characteristics as patience, endurance, andchastity and failing to illustrate the full range of social, political, economic and culturalactivities in which women are engaged has led to an unreal image of female participation inpost-revolutionary Iran. The active political role of women in the 1979 revolution; their hardlabour in the industrial and agricultural ® elds; the direct and indirect support provided bywomen during the 8-year war; the scienti® c and academic achievements of female studentsand faculty members; women’s undeniable presence in the cultural and artistic scenes; and

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the increasing in¯ uence of female politicians at the national and local levels have been largelyignored by the LMO, leading one to believe that the latter is a male-dominated organizationwith a gender-insensitive approach to adult learning. This is not to undermine the hard workof literacy workers since the 1979 revolution in providing education even in the most remoteareas; the critical look bestowed upon female presentation in the LMO should not be equatedwith the negation of existing devotion among numerous adult education authorities. Thepoint raised here is that the educational activities conducted in teaching literacy andnumeracy skills have not been accompanied by efforts to raise consciousness about the realand desired position of women in the Iranian context. An alternative approach may beginwith the provision of gender-sensitive curricula and teacher training in an organization whosebene® ciaries are mainly women.

Reaching fewer adults, yet of signi® cant importance in the lifelong learning experience,are the series of readers provided by the Bureau of Continuing Education of the LMO. Thelatter Bureau was founded in order to assist neo-literates to maintain their newly acquiredliteracy skills and prevent their return to illiteracy. The post-literacy activities at the Bureauaim at promoting literacy as the prerequisite for cultural advancement and socio-economicdevelopment. The following have been stated as the primary objectives of the Bureau:

(1) strengthening and consolidating literacy skills and preventing the return to illiteracy;(2) advancing the cultural level of neo-literates;(3) increasing the knowledge and awareness of neo-literates in different and necessary

arenas;(4) increasing the neo-literates’ capacity to participate in national construction and advance-

ment and ful® ll their personal, family and social responsibilities; and(5) developing and expanding written culture among those addressed. (LMO, 1997)

To achieve the above, the Bureau of Continuing Education has initiated variousactivities. By establishing persistence groups to follow-up literacy, simple-to-read books aredistributed among neo-literates. Taking into consideration adult needs and interests, bookshave been prepared in the ® elds of moral and religious teachings, family, social affairs, healthand sanitation, and economic matters. Interestingly, women have been the main targets ofbooks addressing health, family and social issues. An attractive series has been preparedjointly by the LMO and UNICEF entitled Facts for Life. The titles of various booklets includepregnancy, breast-feeding, child growth, immunization, coughs and colds, malaria, watersanitation and diarrhoea, personal hygiene, and environmental health. Although male ® gureshave been presented in the above booklets, mothers remain the central characters. It may beargued that the role of women has been restricted to the domestic one of child care, yet anattempt has also been made to portray the father as a partner in illustrations where the fatheraccompanies the mother in taking the baby for vaccination and is shown as the sole care-giverto the sick child. Promoting awareness among mothers regarding the health and hygiene oftheir children seems to be the number one goal of the Facts for Life series. The latter has beenprepared for those who have completed the introductory and complementary cycles.

Another product of international co-operation has been the publication of a bookletentitled Father, Mother! Why a Son? with the co-operation of the United Nations FamilyPlanning Association (UNFPA). Prepared for adult learners who have completed the ® nalcycle, it addresses an important stereotype in the Iranian culture. Using the religiousteachings of Prophet Mohammad about the equal worth of male and female offspring and theneed to treat children justly, and basing the story within the contemporary scene, the bookletis an attractive and effective one, carrying an important message for parents, especiallyfathers. The non-traditional content, addressed to male members of the society, and aimed

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New Opportunities for Women in a Muslim Country 211

at breaking a prevalent myth regarding preference for boys, is truly a ground-breaking efforton the part of the LMO.

Further gender-sensitive measures have been undertaken in the preparation of simple-to-read books in the two ® elds of family and social affairs. Two volumes of Ethics in the Homewere prepared in 1994 and 1995 for learners at the complementary cycle. The ® rst volumeaddresses the `Obligations of the woman’ followed by the second on the `Obligations of theman’ . Love, kindness, respect, Islamic veiling, gratitude, content, compromise, beauty,forgiveness, barring oneself from criticizing, fault ® nding and ill-speaking, and hospitality arewhat is expected of women, along with the performance of traditional chores such ashousekeeping, cleaning, cooking and child care. Here taking good care of the husband ispresented as the holy task of women, equivalent to jihad (holy war) in the path of Allah(LMO, 1995e, p. 3). In the introduction to the volume on the `Obligations of the Man’ , it isnoted that the man is the guardian and manager of the family and the one responsible for hiswife and children (LMO, 1994a, p. 4). According to this booklet, the husband is to be kind,respectful, clean, faithful, in charge of the family’ s expenses, obliged to come home early andrefrain from punishing his wife. The husband is to help in household affairs, as was done bythe two important role models Prophet Mohammad and Imam Ali (p. 28).

Ensuring peace and security and extending kindness are presented as the special duty ofmen during their wife’s pregnancy, followed by the provision of assistance in child care.Simple as it may seem, devoting a book to the duties and responsibilities of men, especiallynon-traditional ones in a male-dominated society, is a major step in raising the awareness ofboth male and female adult learners. The use of prominent religious leaders as role modelsis yet another step in ensuring the effectiveness of messages that aim at eliminating stereo-types. Another female-oriented attempt within the social affairs domain has been thecompilation of two volumes entitled Heroic Women. Prepared for adult learners at thecomplementary cycle level, they aim at strengthening their faith and endurance duringdif® cult times by familiarizing them with the lives and struggles of heroic women throughouthistory. As indicated in the preface, the booklets address both men and women, based on thebelief that heroic women can serve as role models for female as well as male readers (LMO,1994b, p.i). Both volumes are heavily imbued with religious topics; in fact, the aim is learningfrom the life accounts of women in the history of religion. Volume 1 begins with thebiographies of the wives, daughters and mothers of the prophets, including Moses and Jesus.The reader then continues with the life accounts of Muslim women, especially those livingduring the early periods of Islam. Throughout the two volumes, three stories recount the livesof Iranian women, only one of whom lived in contemporary times. The biographies do notinclude the lives of Iranian women known for their achievements in the political or culturalscenes, and the principal yardstick for determining heroism is hardship and struggle in therealm of religion. The focus on female role models not only deserves merit given the relativeabsence of such attempts in the textbooks analysed earlier, but it also indicates a deliberateeffort to counterbalance the strong presence of male heroes before.

Another innovative measure taken by the Bureau of Continuing Education is bookreading in the family. Tried on an experimental basis in Tehran in 1994, and laterimplemented in complementary cycle classes throughout the country, the idea has proved tobe especially popular among female learners. Readers are encouraged to borrow a book ona weekly basis to read and discuss together with the members of their family. The type ofreading material is determined by the learners’ interests and reading ability. Developing abook-reading culture among neo-literates and members of their families, and creating anenvironment conducive to reading amongst family members, are identi® ed as the goals of thisendeavour (LMO, 1995a). The reasons for the predominantly female reception of this project

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has been two-fold. Not only do women have more time to spend on reading at home, but,as the traditional core of the family, mothers are the ones deemed responsible for spendingtime with their children. Investing in this reality, the LMO has successfully attempted to takethe `culture of reading’ to the homes of neo-literates.

Other measures taken by the LMO include the use of the media and newspapers toaddress the needs and interests of the adult learners. Since 1989, a widely distributed dailynewspaper has been publishing a page for neo-literates on a weekly basis. Furthermore, thenational radio has developed a programme for adult learners since 1994, through which thelatter participate in various games and competitions by sending their answers to the broad-casting station. The goal has been to advance the writing skills of neo-literates. Book exhibitsby the LMO addressing the speci® c reading needs and abilities of neo-literates have beenwidespread in recent years. The importance of such actions notwithstanding, the compilationand distribution of readers about cultural, social, religious and health issues remains thedominant form of communication with adult learners, especially women who spend moretime on reading at home.

A comparative content analysis of textbooks, the study of which is obligatory during theformal literacy education programme, and readers, the use of which is voluntary and merelysuggested by the Bureau of Continuing Education, leads one to a few concluding points. Thecontent of textbooks remains less sensitive to gender issues and female needs and interests inparticular. Both the written word and the illustrations are, with one exception, male-oriented.The image of women re¯ ects the traditional division of labour in society, emphasizingdomestic chores and responsibilities. Despite lip-service to active female participation in thesocio-political arena during and after the 1979 revolution, the dominant portrayal of Iranianwomen is that of wives, mothers, and daughters whose identity depends on the existence ofmale members of their families. The situation is different as far as the readers are concerned.It is true that the image of women in the latter remains predominantly traditional, especiallywhen the ideal female role models and the projected characteristics of the good Muslimwoman are considered. Yet a conscious and deliberate effort has been made to introduceindependent women whose identity and character have been formed due to their own toil andstruggle in life. The ground-breaking attempts to address taboo subjects, shatter long-lastingmyths, and question dominant stereotypes are worthwhile and courageous efforts by thehighly ideological LMO to eliminate gender discrimination and promote gender equality.

The latter attempts have indeed begun to bring about a qualitative counterbalance to thequantitative achievements of the LMO since 1979. The basic and formal part of literacyeducation can learn important lessons from the efforts of the Bureau of Continuing Edu-cation in the realm of gender sensitivity and equity.

The question raised here is whether the use of gender-sensitive approaches to literacyeducation can be equated with the empowerment of female learners? Are mature womenempowered as a result of advocating gender equality and aiming at eliminating discriminationbased on gender? The answer is no. Of course one cannot deny that taking the woman intoconsideration by providing information about her and presenting female role models is amajor ® rst step in raising consciousness about the woman question. Yet consciousness-raisingwithin the empowerment framework is not merely provision of information. Passive receptionof knowledge deemed acceptable by ruling authorities and adult educators is signi® cantlydifferent from gaining awareness of problems and obstacles faced by female learners thoughactive and critical thinking. The content analysis of the textbooks and readers published bythe LMO clearly illustrates that political and ideological information is transmitted toparticipants without asking them to re¯ ect critically on the issues. In fact, analytical thinkingand problem solving are not what is required from learners in the exercises at the end of each

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New Opportunities for Women in a Muslim Country 213

lesson. Readers are merely asked to repeat the answers given in the text. In other words, thereis one correct answer and there is no ambiguity as to what that is; all the information isprovided in the lesson.

Are women empowered by being exposed to information or do they need to re¯ ect uponproblems and come up with their own answers? Do women gain awareness merely by beingtold what is considered appropriate or do they need to shift from being consumers ofinformation to producers of knowledge? The LMO has begun to touch upon gender-sensitiveissues, which is a very important step by itself. But it does not yet view the adult learners aspartners. Dissemination of information is still a top-to-bottom activity from those who `know’to those who `do not know’. The content of reading materials points to the fact that there hasnot yet been any doubt about the `absolute knowledge’ of those at the top and the ignorance’of those at the receiving end. There needs to be a serious shift in approach, indeed worldview, before a horizontal form of communication is made possible and undertaking agender-sensitive point of view can serve as an initial step in this endeavour.

What is the status of literacy education vis-aÁ -vis the higher stages of the empowermentframeworkÐ namely, participation and control? As mentioned earlier, the majority of instruc-tors in the LMO have been women. Yet there is no indication that female members of theorganization have had an active role in high level decision making and planning. In¯ uentialmembers of the LMO have always been men, as is the case in the Ministry of Education andthe Ministry of Culture and Higher Education. In the absence of participatory decisionmaking and planning at the grassroots level, it cannot even be claimed that the majority ofadult learners, i.e. women, have been active in this process. One of the places where womencan contribute to key decisions is in the compilation of books. Yet the authors of all textbooksand readers are, without exception, men. The only role assigned to women has been in anadvisory position in joint projects with international organizations. Examples are the Facts for

Life series in conjunction with UNICEF and the booklets prepared with the assistance ofUNFPA. Once again, this is not to deny the hard work of female instructors and thoseperforming administrative tasks at the various of® ces of the LMO. The point is that the voicesof women are not heard at high levels of decision making and planning. It is hoped that themore recent inter-sectoral co-operation between the LMO and the Ministry of Agriculture,Construction Jihad, and the Ministry of Health can lead to further participation of women.Examples are the relatively newly founded family education classes, carpet weaving work-shops, and seasonal markets for women to exhibit and sell their produce, which can supportincome-generating activities while promoting the awareness of female participants aboutmatters directly related to their daily lives. Increasing co-operation with UNESCO, especiallythe Asian Of® ce ACCU, may also lead to more action research and participatory work at thegrassroots level due to the prevailing philosophy about adult education in the above-mentioned organization.

Concluding Remarks

Critical theory directs our attention to the relationship between education and the largersocio-political network, while the emergent feminist approach provides us with a critical lookat the traditionally male-centred view of schooling. What are the implications of using theabove frames of mind in the examination of lifelong learning in post-revolutionary Iran? Whatare the lessons learned? As illustrated throughout this paper, adult literacy education basicallyserves as the instrument of the status quo by conveying the social and political messagesdeemed desirable by the ruling authorities. The highly religious and political content ofbooks re¯ ect the rule of ideology with the ultimate aim of Islamizing and politicizing the

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214 G. Mehran

bene® ciaries of adult education, while teaching them basic reading, writing and numeracyskills.

Despite its manifest effort at preserving the existing religio-political order, literacyeducation in Iran has attempted to question the dominant male-centred view by beginning tointroduce a gender-sensitive approach in its content. The remaining questions are: (1) Doesthe content of literacy education re¯ ect the post-revolutionary expectations and demandsimposed on the new Iranian woman? (In other words, does it succeed in educating the idealMuslim woman who is to serve the family and the country at the same time?) And (2) Doesthe content of textbooks and readers re¯ ect the reality of women’s roles and responsibilitiesin post-1979 society? The answer to the ® rst question is a hesitant yes, mainly because thewoman portrayed in the majority of the reading material is a traditional domestic one engagedin cooking, cleaning, and sewing, and valued solely for being a good wife, mother anddaughter. On the other hand, the recent attempts to break stereotypes are to be acknowl-edged and commended.

The answer to the second question is a de® nite no. According to the 1996 statistics, 9%of women above the age of 10 years were employed by public and private organizations,among whom 16.6% were engaged in agriculture, 34.5% in industry, and 45.8% wereemployed in the service sector. Among the women employed, 28% were specialists, such asscientists, physicians, university professors, lawyers and the like. Twenty-three per cent ofwomen were employed in the production sector and 5% were simple workers in the servicesector. Furthermore, 2% of employed women were high-ranking authorities and managersthroughout the country. The rest worked as technicians, assistants, industrial labourers,operators, sales women and of® ce workers. The statistics illustrate that among the women notemployed, 26.6% were students and 58.4% declared themselves as housewives (Women’sBureau, 1997b). Despite the existing range of activities among women, the dominant imageportrayed in adult education material limits them to the domestic realm without re¯ ecting thevariation in occupations and professions. In sum, one can state that while the lifelong learningexperience provided for women in Iran can serve as a catalyst and agent of change, it hasmainly acted as an element of stability and a preserver of the status quo.

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