Lechenie Pri Palestinskite Jeni
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Blood and Ink: Treatment Practices of Traditional Palestinian Women Healers in IsraelAuthor(s): Ariela Popper-Giveon and Jonathan J. VenturaSource: Journal of Anthropological Research, Vol. 65, No. 1 (Spring, 2009), pp. 27-49Published by: University of New MexicoStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25608147Accessed: 28-05-2015 18:15 UTC
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7/25/2019 Lechenie Pri Palestinskite Jeni
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BLOOD
AND
INK
Treatment Practices
ofTraditional
Palestinian
Women
Healers in
Israel
Ariela
Popper-Giveon
Department
of Social
Work,
Ben
Gurion
University
of the
egev
13/7
Bourla
St.,
Jerusalem,
93714,
Israel.
Email:
Jonathan
J.
Ventura
Department
of
Sociology
and
Anthropology,
Hebrew
University
of Jerusalem
6
Windham Dids
St.,
Jerusalem, 93106,
Israel.
Email:
key words:
Israel; Palestinians;
Traditional
healing;
Women
healers
This
article
addresses the
treatment
practices
of
traditional
Palestinian
women
healers
in
srael. It
begins
with
a
presentation
of
the
treatment
practices
utilized
by
women
healers and
continues
with
a
description
of
the
changes
such
practices
are
currently
undergoing.
The
research indicates that
some
women
healers?in
particular,
those
residing
in
mixed Jewish-Arab cities
in
the
country
's
center?are
slowly
adopting
treatment
practices
identified
s
masculine:
they
re
abandoning
the
treatment
of problems
attributed
to
natural
causes
and
taking
up
the treatment
ofproblems attributed tosupernatural causes, incorporating treatmentpractices
of
a
magical
or
even a
religious
nature.
These
tendencies
reflect
their
desire
to
attain the
ower
and
prestige
ascribed
to
their
male
counterparts.
Thus,
in
this
community,
the
boundaries between
feminine
and masculine
traditional
healing,
as
well
as
the
polarization
between
the
little
tradition
and
the
great
tradition
(sensu
Redfield)
are
not
clear-cut,
binary,
or
occurring
in
a
vacuum,
but
rather
contextual,
dynamic,
hazy,
and
elusive.
Traditional
women
healers who practice
within
Palestinian
society in
Israel are known
by
a number of different terms
(sheikhah,
darvishah,
hajjah,
fattahd).
They
are
by
and
large
of
middle
age, mothers,
and
of low and
middle
socioeconomic
status.
Traditional
women
healers
mostly
work
to
meet
the
needs
of
women
in
their
communities
(Popper-Giveon 2007).
They
deal
with
ailments
that
are
not
properly
addressed
by
conventional
medicine,
such
as
certain
chronic
diseases,
pain,
and in
particular,
complaints
of
psychosomatic
origin. They
treat
problems
typical
of
childhood,
sexual
difficulties,
infertility,
nd
complications
relating
to
childbirth.
Traditional
women
healers also
treat
mental
problems,
such
as
depression and anxiety, and lifechallenges: economic concerns; interpersonal,
family,
and
spousal
conflicts;
and various
other
crises.
Often,
the
traditional
Palestinian
women
healers
explain
these
problems
as a
direct
result of
supernatural
occurrences.
They
relate
them
to
the evil
eye
(ein
el-hasood)
or
witchcraft
(sihr)
and,
less
frequently,
to
thework
of
a
demon
(jinn)
who has
frightened
the
patient,
Journal
of
Anthropological
Research,
vol.
65,
2009
Copyright
by
The
University
ofNew
Mexico
27
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JOURNAL
OF
ANTHROPOLOGICAL
RESEARCH
harmed her
body,
or
possessed
her
soul.
Despite
the
fact that
these
problems
are
related
to
supernatural
events,
their
roots
lie,
for
the
most
part,
in the
modern
lifestyle.
Hence,
the
patient
turns
to
the traditional healer
because
of
the
lack
of
appropriate
modern
medical
treatment
options.
While
conventional medical
solutions,
which
are
by
and
large
designed
for
the Jewish
population,
may
offer
some
relief for
acute
physical
and emotional
problems,
they
do
not
assist
in
coping
with
the
blurring
of
concepts
derived
from the
changes
in
the traditional
Palestinian
lifestyle
and
in
particular
with
problems
related
to
the
familial
and
spousal
hardships
which
accompany
the aforementioned transformation.
When
asked about
the
differences
between
treatment
practices
of
men
and
women
traditional
healers,
Jamiya?a
young
woman
living
in
Lod,
a
mixed
Arab
Jewish
city
in
Israel's
center?responded:
The
man
is
always
different
than
the
woman,
and this difference
is also
reflected
in these
sorts
of
things.
...
I
believe that
healers
who read
from
theKoran
are
better than the
women
in
that
they
are
purer.
A
woman
is
always
influenced
by
Satan;
Satan
always
controls her.
. . .
Amongst
us,
there exists
a
way
by
which
an
individual
may
be
healed.
If
one
is seated
and
theKoran
is read
for his
benefit
and he is
prayed
for,
then
he will
be
healed.
He
believes
that
through
these
means
he will
be
healed;
through
the
ways
of
the
Koran and
prayers
to
God.
Therefore,
if
the
individual
believes
that
he
will
be
healed,
then even
without
all the
bullshit
and all the other
stuff,
e
will be healed.
...
I
am
saying
that the
woman
always
possesses
some
degree
of
impurity,
ore
than
the
man.
The man's
character
is
always
stronger
than
thatof the
woman.
From
Jamiya's
response,
it
is
apparent
that
significant
differences
exist
between
the
treatment
practices
used
by
traditional
Palestinian
healers
in
Israel
as
well
as
with
regard
to
the value ascribed
to
these
practices.
Treatment
through
the
use
of theKoran is
associated
with
men
healers,
whereas women's
healing practices
are identifiedas bullshit or
simply
as stuff. The men healers are
depicted
as
pure
and effectivewhile
women
healers
are
described
as
impure
and
dangerous.
The
men
healers
are
portrayed
as
having
a
strong
character,
whereas
their female
counterparts
are
depicted
as
easily
subjected
to
influence
and
manipulation.
Finally,
while
men
healers
are
identified
with
the
righteous path
of
God,
women
healers
are
identified
with the
ways
of
Satan.
The
present
article,
focusing
on
traditional
Palestinian
women
healers
in
Israel,
begins
with
a
review
of their
most
common treatment
practices.
Narratives
of the
women healers who participated in this study reveal changes thatare occurring in
these
practices,
and
that
ome
of
the
women
healers
are
adopting
practices
which
are
traditionally
identified
with
men
healers.
This
article
will
discuss
the
adaptation
of
such
treatment
practices
using
Robert
Redfield's
(1941) great
and little
traditions
concept.
The
paper
formulates
a new
perspective
regarding
the various
dynamics
at
play
within
the Islamic
world and
particularly
among
Palestinians
in
Israel.
We
hope
that
ur
findings
will be useful
in
studies
of other societies
experiencing
similar
processes
of
change
and
thus will
increase
the
knowledge regarding
traditional
healing practices
at the
onset
of the thirdmillennium.
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TRADITIONAL PALESTINIAN WOMEN
HEALERS
29
METHODS
This
paper
is
part
of
a more
comprehensive study focusing
on
traditional
Palestinian
women
healers
in
Israel.1
This
study
included
two
distinct
population
groups?healers and patients. The healers were defined as women known by
their communities
as
traditional
women
healers;
patients
were
defined
as women
who
reported
having
been treated
by
a
traditional
woman
healer.
Twenty
Muslim
Palestinian
women
respondents
participated
in
the
study:2
half reside inmixed
Jewish-Arab
cities
in the
center
of Israel
(Yafo,
Lod,
and
Ramla)
and
half
belong
to
theBedouin
Arab
community
situated
in
Israel's southern
region,
the
Negev
(the
towns
of Rahat
and
Tel Sheba and
two
unrecognized villages,
Wadi
El Naam
near
the
city
of Beersheba
and Bir
Hadadg
near
Kibbutz
Revivim).3
See
Figure
1.
Figure
1.
Map showing
the
study
ommunities.
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30 JOURNAL
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The informants
were
contacted
using
the chain
sample
method. Two close
acquaintances
of the first
author,
a
Bedouin
man,
a
resident of
an
unrecognized
village
in
the
Negev,
and
a
Bedouin
woman,
a
resident
of
a
culturally
mixed
town
in Israel's
center,provided
an
initial list of
patients. They,
in
turn,
led her
to
the
healers who
treated
them and
to
other
patients
among
their
acquaintances.
This
way,
gradually,
the informants'
circle
grew.
The
fieldwork,
which included
in-depth
interviews and
observations,
was
carried
out
in
two
stages
in
2002-2003.
In
the first
stage,
ten
traditional
women
healers
were
interviewed
about their
training
nd
practices.
In
the
second
stage,
ten
women
patients
were
interviewed
regarding
their
reasons
for
seeking
the services
of
a
healer,
the
treatment
provided
to
them,
and the treatment's effect
upon
them.
Interviews
were
conducted
in
Hebrew,
mostly
at
the
participants'
homes. The
recordings
were transcribed inHebrew and
analyzed
in two
contrasting
ways.
The
firstmethod is deconstructive and
based
on
carefully dissecting
the
text
with
regard
to
meaning
units : word
combinations,
phrases,
or
single
words
(Tutty,
Rothery,
and Grinnell
1996).
The second
method is holistic and tries
to
draw
out
central,
content-related
pivots
from the
text
(Lieblich,
Tuval-Mashiach,
and
Zilber
1998).
Taken
together,
thesemethods
provide
an
analysis
of both details
(micro)
and
context
(macro),
enabling
the
construction
of
a
complete picture.
Both researchers
are
Israelis
and Jews.
Although
both
the healers and the
patients are Israeli citizens, the fieldworkwas heavily influencedby thepolitical
reality
in the
region.
It
can
be
thus
assumed
that
the research
was
affected
by
methodological problems
characterizing
studies
conducted
in
the
wake of
the
Israeli-Palestinian
conflict
(Rabinowitz
1998).
Among
Palestinians,
Israeli
men
in
particular
are
most
often associated
with the violent
conflict.
Furthermore,
it
is
inherently
difficult
for
a
male
researcher
to
penetrate
the feminine
sphere
of
Palestinian
society.
In
order
to
mitigate
some
of these
challenges,
fieldwork
was
carried
out
by
the
first
author,
a woman.
Much
of the
literature
n
ethnographic
methodology
considers
the
researcher's
positioning
as an outsider or insider and assesses various
implications
of this
bipolar positioning
(Weiner-Levy
2009).
As
in
Weiner-Levy's study,positioning
of
the researcher
in the
current
study
was
not
fixed.
Although
the
first author
can
be viewed
as
an
external
researcher,
she
found herself
shifting
from
internal
to
external
position
according
to
the
interview
topic.
In
some cases
she
was an
outsider,
not
fully
understanding
the
culture and
religion.
At
other
times,
when
topics
such
as
motherhood
and
parenting
were
discussed,
the researcher
(who
was
visibly
pregnant
at
the
time)
was
treated
as
an
insider.
Moreover,
the researcher's
being an outsider, as pointed out byWeiner-Levy (2009), apparently enabled
participants
to
speak
freely
about
the difficulties
in
their
society
and
to
expose
their
inner
worlds
without
apprehension
over
their
community's
reaction.
Focusing
on
traditional
Palestinian
women
healers
in
Israel,
this
essay
strives
to
examine
the traditional
masculine
and feminine
healing
practices.
These
practices
articulate,
respectively,
what
is
frequently
referred
to
as
the
great
and
little
traditions.
While
previous
anthropological
research
dealing
with these and
similar
concepts
focused
on
theoretical
discussions
(structuralism,
functionalism),
more
recent
studies
emphasize
praxis
(de
Certeau
1984;
Schwarz
2003;
Sahlins
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TRADITIONAL PALESTINIAN WOMEN
HEALERS
31
1976).
Both
perspectives
contain
drawbacks?the first
lacks
foundations
and the
second lacks
depth.
In
addition,
in
the
dual
process
whereby
the
researcher flows
from
theory
to
praxis
and then back
to
theory,
the
danger
exists of
distorting
real
knowledge during
the
process
of
transferring
he
researcher's
knowledge
and thatof the
subjects.
The
researcher,
being theory-driven,
needs
tomediate and
transfer is
or
her
own
knowledge
on
both
tangible
and
intangible
levels
with
data
collected
in
the field.
At
the
same
time,
the
respondent attempts
to
market
to
the researcher his
practical,
social,
and
cultural
world
views
in
the
most
attractive
manner
(Bourdieu
1977).
In
our
opinion,
it is
preferable
to
forego
the
two
previous
processes
for
a
third
approach
that
integrates
theory
and
praxis
(Kozaitis
2000).
According
to
such
an
approach,
one
should
commence
with
a
description
of the
praxis
and
use
it in
order
to
illuminate,
to
support,
and
to
deepen
the
discussion's
more theoretical aspects. In this paper, bymeans of an inductive, bottom-up
researchmethod
we
will
gain
a
better
understanding
of
individual
women
healers.
Through
thewords of these
healers
we
can
identify
cracks of
resistance
in
the
dominant
social
and
cultural
norms
and
ideologies
and, thus,
discover
processes
of
change
in
various
religious,
cultural,
and
social
frameworks
(Flueckiger 2006).
This
research,
focusing
on
the
world of
traditional Palestinian
women
healers
in
Israel,
should enable
us
to
challenge
the normative
view
of culture
and
point
to
the
dynamic
foundations
and
the
potential
for
change
in
their
community.
The
observance of theirprivateworlds will enable us to abandon thefrozenmodel of
cultural
preservation
and
adopt
a
dynamic
model
that
focuses
on
the
world
of the
individual and derives from it
broader
sociocultural
theories.
TRADITIONAL
PALESTINIAN
WOMEN
HEALERS
AND
THEIR
TREATMENT
PRACTICES
From
the
narratives
of the
traditional
Palestinian
women
healers
who
participated
in
this
research,
it
becomes
apparent
that
they
utilize
a
wide
variety
of
treatment
practices, themost
popular
ofwhich is the amulet
(hijab).
The amulet is
primarily
used
to
treat
problems
caused
by
the evil
eye
or
witchcraft:
frustration,
epression
and
anxiety,
spinsterhood,
infertility,
hildhood
ailments,
and
problems
related
to
economic
livelihood.
The
amulet
contains
a
piece
of
paper
with
the
name
of
the
patient,
her
mother's
name,
and
a
combination
of
letters,
eometric
forms,
signs,
numbers,
and
verses
from
theKoran.
The
completed
amulet is
placed
in
a
leather
or
cloth
pouch,
hung
on
the
patient's
body, placed
in
her
purse
or
in
her
bed,
or
at
times,
the
paper
is
burned and
the
smoke
is
inhaled.
The second most popular treatmentpractice involves the use of theKoran
and
is also
used
to
treat
problems
deriving
from
the evil
eye
or
witchcraft.
During
treatment,
the
woman
healer
recites
Koranic
verses
above
the
patient's
body
or
her
belongings,
as
described
by
the
urban
patient
Nasra:
Someone
from
the
family
cursed
my
son
with
the evil
eye.
Some
girl
wanted that
he
marry
her
and he wasn't
willing.
Ever
since
then,
he
hated
the entire
family,
he
hated
me
and
he
hated his
sister
and
he
didn't
talk
to
me.
.
. .
Then
she
[the
woman
healer]
told
me
to
bring
what
she
asked for
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32 JOURNAL OF
ANTHROPOLOGICAL
RESEARCH
from his
clothing.
I
brought
the items
to
her
and
then she
performed
from
the
Torah
[scriptures],4
took from the
scriptures
and
spoke
on
his
clothes.
She
said
she
will
do
thatuntil
he
will
calm down and
once
again
become
real
[himself].
Witchcraft-based
treatment
practices
are
also
popular
in
cases
of
interpersonal
strife,
fertility roblems,
and
concerns
related
to
sexual relations and love.
In
such
cases,
most
witchcraft is
considered
to
be love
magic
that aims
to
increase the
man's
lust
or
to
preserve
the
wife's
loyalty,
as
described
by
the
urban
healer
Basma:
When
I
am
left
with
no
choice then
I
tell him
[the
patient]
to
bring
me
his urine so Iwill create a
potion
from it.She
[his
wife]
will drink it and
become sick
[crazy
with
love]
for
him.
Witchcraft's
main
ingredients
include
body
parts
and
excretions:
items such
as
blood and
substances,
which
may
be found
on
the
margins
of the
body
or are
excreted
by
it
(nails,
hair, urine,
etc.).
These
are
brewed
during
the
night
and for
the
most
part
cunningly
inserted
into the
victim's
food.
At
times,
witchcraft
also
includes
animal
parts
such
as
dog
hair
or
sheep's
blood. Acts of
witchcraft
are
based on twomain principles. The first, ympatheticmagic, assumes thatwhen an
item is
brought
together
with another
item,
the connection
and the
mutual effects
remain
even
when
they
are
not
together.
Thus the
mixing
of
a
man's
urine
into his
wife's food
strengthens
the
relationship
between
them
and
instills
in her
heart
love
toward
him.
The second
principle,
homeopathic magic,
assumes
that
similar
objects
affect
one
another.Witchcraft
performed
in
the
image
of
a
rooster,
symbolizing
vitality,
will
affect
the
vitality
of the
victim,
and
harming
the
image
will
cause
him
harm. Because
of
the
strong
religious
and
social
condemnation
of
witchcraft,
many
women
healers
deny
that
they
use
it,
lthough
they
claim
to
be
able to
diagnose
and cancel out its
force,
as described
by
the urban healer Ida:
It
is forbidden
to
perform
evil. Understand
what
I
mean,
for
God
gave
this
...
in
the
power
ofGod
himself.
However,
we,
human
beings
are
forbidden
to
destroy.
Thus,
this
is
absolutely
forbidden.
I
just
remove
it.
In
practice,
there
is
a
fine
and
quite
blurred
line
between
the
actual
use
of
witchcraft
and
the
canceling
of evil
spells.
Women healers
claim
that
they
are
able
todiagnose witchcraft and cancel spells using the samemeans bywhich spells are
cast.
Therefore,
these
practices
are
in
greater
use
than
we
initially
believed.
The
third
most
popular
treatment
practice
involves
the
use
of
medicinal
plants,
primarily
to
mitigate
aches
and
pains,
and
to
cure
childhood
illnesses,
lack
of
vitality,
and
fertility problems.
Medicinal
plants
are
collected
by
the
healer,
purchased
in
special
stores
in the
markets,
or
imported
from Arab
countries.
Treatment
mostly
involves
cooking
them,
mixing
them
with
honey,
and
subsequently
ingesting
them
or
applying
them
to
the
skin.
Massage
therapy
is
used
to
ease
aches
and
pains,
particularly
of
the
limbs;
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TRADITIONAL
PALESTINIAN WOMEN HEALERS
33
women's
fertility
problems;
and childhood illnesses.
Massage,
often
using
special
oils,
has both
a
calming
and
a
heating
effect.
It
realigns
the
patient's body
parts,
thus
expressing
the
essence
of
healing?the returning
of order
previously
disturbed.
As
described
by
theBedouin healer
Majda,
The womb
occasionally
becomes
misaligned
and
so
I
rub
over
itoils and
return
it
to
its
place.
If it
is
up
high,
I
lower
it. If it
is
low,
I
raise it.
If it
is
on
the
side,
I
bring
it
back
to
its
place.
In
many
cases,
the
massage
is
accompanied by
other
treatment
practices,
particularly
the
use
of medicinal
plants.
These
two treatment
practices,
requiring knowledge
of
anatomy
and
botany, provide
natural
ways
of
treating
roblems
whose
cause
is
natural,
as
opposed
to treatment
practices
characterized
by
the
supernatural.
Other,
less
popular
treatment
practices
involve incense
(al-bakhoor),5
which
is known for its
purifying
and
calming
affects and
is
used for
treating
headaches
and
stress;
crystals {shebbdf
are
used for
curing
headaches
and
animal
diseases;
and
finally,
a
cupping
glass
is
used
for
women's
fertility roblems.
In
addition,
the narratives indicate the healers
attempt
to
soothe
and
comfort the
patient.
The
healer offers the
patient
a warm
drink
upon
her
arrival,
promises
she will
be
able
to
provide
relief,
and
encourages
her thatwithin
a
short
time her
situation
will
improve. She relates to thepatient in a warm and supportingmanner, not very
different
rom
a
mother-daughter relationship.
This
attitude allows
the
patient
to
find
serenity
and
assistance
and
to
solve
problems
which
conventional medicine
often does
not
take into
account,
as
described
by
the urban healer
Ida:
If
a
young
woman
isn't calm
and she doesn't
have
a
medical
problem
then
we
try
to
calm
her
so
that she isn't
too
stressed
...
and then she'll
become
pregnant,
understand? This is the
point.
For
instance,
she doesn't have
a
medical
problem
but
she
wants
very
much
to
be
pregnant.
As
each month
passes
her stress levels increase and increase and she needs
something
to
calm
the situation
so
that
the
stress
will
pass.
From
the
respondents'
statements,
it
becomes
apparent
that
treatment
practices
employed
by
traditional
Palestinian
women
healers
in
Israel
have three
characteristics:
they
are
eclectic,
they
occur
in
the
domestic
sphere
and
relate
to
the female
body,
and
thus
they
seem
attractive
to
the
woman
healer's
patients,
most
often
women
themselves.
First, thewomen healers who were interviewed employed awide variety of
treatment
practices
in
a
practical
and
pragmatic
way.
As
described
by
the urban
woman
healer
Zarifa,
they
try
specific
type
of
treatment
method,
and if it
does
not
bring
about
the
desired
result,
they
develop
an
alternative
hypothesis
and
attempt
different
treatment
practices
until
success
in
healing
is
reached:
I
do
all
these
things,
whatever
I
see as
good
for
the
patient
...
if
the
medicines
heal
or
if
they
don't
hurt.
I start
something
new
and
if
it isn't
effective,
I
try
omething
else.
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34 JOURNAL OF
ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH
The
treatment
practices
employed
by
women
healers
are
not
only
eclectic
but also
inclusive
because their
commitment
to
the
community's
religious
codes is
more
open
than
men's. Since
women
healers
are
not
held
to
a
particular
tradition
and,
at
times,
even
directly
deviate
from
orthodox Islam
and
its
commandments,7 they
have
greater
freedom
in
choosing
to
adopt
various
treatment
practices.
Second,
the
woman
healer's activities take
place
within the
domestic
sphere?
within
her
house.8
Often,
the
waiting
area
is
not
separated
from the
treatment
rea,
and
in
addition
to
the
patient
other
women
in
the house
are
also involved. The
woman
healer's entire
house
becomes the
treatment
area,
including
the
objects
and
activities within
it. She
uses
materials
identified
with
housekeeping,
such
as
coffee
and olive
oil,
and medicinal
herbs such
as
saffron and
sage,
which
are
also
used
as
spices.9
These materials
are
used
by
many
Palestinian
women
in
Israel; hence theyare accessible for traditional healers as well. Cooking, which
is
perceived
as a
housekeeping
activity,
is also central
in
the
work of the
woman
healer.
Often,
the
treatment
takes
place
in
the
kitchen
and
the materials
used
resemble those used
in
recipes.
Among
the Israeli
Palestinians,
cooking
is
one
of the
main
activities
that
is under
the control of
women
and
through
which
they
are
able
to
influence theirhousehold
members,
to
guarantee
theirhealth
or
to cast
a
spell.
They
are
able
to
influence
the
men
in
their
families,
even
without them
being
aware
of
it,
s
described
by
the urban healer Basma:
There
are
those who
say
that it's
witchcraft,
that
they
are
afraid
to
give
theirhusbands
from themenstrual
flow.
But
you
don't
give
him
from
your
menstrual
flow,
because
I
take
out
the
poisons.
I
make
it taste
like
coffee,
Nescafe,
chocolate
milk,
whatever
flavor
you
like. He
doesn't feel
it,
no
taste,
no
smell,
nothing.
The
treatment
takes
place
in the
domestic
sphere,
among
women.
It
employs
items
identified
with this
sphere;
involves activities
belonging
to
this
sphere;
and
tends to take
place
during
hourswhen women are
relatively
free in theirhomes,
such
as
the
morning.
Thus,
the
woman
healer's
practice
emphasizes
the
familial
context.
She
recognizes
the
effects
of social
relations,
in
particular
of
the
family,
on
the
patient's
welfare and
strives
to
strengthen
the latter
through
her control
over
the domestic
sphere
and
the
understanding
of its
meanings.
Third,
women
healers' activities
have
great
affinity
to
the
female
body.
In
many
cases,
the
women
healers
hide
an
amulet
within the
patient's
brassiere,
close
to
her
heart and
breasts,
and
through
their
witchcraft
they
concoct
brews
using
hair,
nails, urine,blood, andmenstrual flow.Body parts, and secretions inparticular,
are
thought
to
possess
great
powers.
They
are
considered
to
have
the
power
to create
or
destroy
life
and,
therefore,
to
affect
social
relationships
and
especially
spousal
relations.
For
the
most
part,
the
women
healers
do
not
utilize
the
body
parts
of
the
men
whom
they
try
to
influence
but
rather
achieve
their aims
through
the
body
parts
and secretions
of
women.
The
women's
parts
and
secretions
are
associated
with
particularly
potent
powers
which
are
identified
with
the
potential
life
force
of
women
and
their
sexuality.
Once
hidden
in the
men's
food,
they
can
influence
their
behaviors.
The
women
healers
who
utilize
female
body
parts
transform
the
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TRADITIONAL
PALESTINIAN WOMEN HEALERS
35
body
into battlefield
where the
war
between the
sexes
takes
place
(Few 2002).
In
the natural
plane,
men's
position
is
superior,
while women's bodies
are
subdued
and
defeated,
in
the
supernatural
one,
the
women's
position
is
superior.
Through
manipulating body parts
and
secretions,
women
healers
transform he
private body
into
a
public
battlefield and
act
as a
catalyst
to
enhance
change
in
the
relationship
between the
genders,
in
favor of the
women.
From
the above
survey
of
treatment
practices
utilized
by
traditional
women
healers,
taken from the
respondents'
narratives
as
well
as
from the
research
literature,
t ecomes
apparent
that
omen
healers
utilize
typical
treatment
practices
that
differ
rom the
ones
utilized
by
the
men
healers in
the
same
communities.
DIFFERENCES BETWEEN
MASCULINE
AND
FEMININE TRADITIONAL HEALING
The
research literature
rarely
compares
treatment
practices
used
by
women
and
men
healers
(e.g.,
Basilov
1976;
Blacker
1999
[1975];
Glass-Coffin
1998;
Humphrey
1996;
Winkelman
1992).
Even the
literature
which focuses
on
traditional
healing
in
the
Muslim world tends
to
neglect
this
topic.
A
few
researchers
(Al-Krenawi
2000;
Gorkin
and
Othman
1994;
Srour
2001)
ignore
this
topic despite
the
fact that
they
study
women
as
well
as men
healers.
Others
have
described
the
tendency
of
women
to
experience possession within theZar
cult of
Ethiopia
and Sudan
(Boddy
1989;
Lambek
1993;
Morsey
1993;
Sengers
2003)
,
but the
contribution
of
their
findings
to
the
present
study
is limited
since
most
traditional Palestinian
women
healers
in
Israel do
not
take
part
in
this
ritual.
Very
few
researchers
(Doumato
2000;
Massalha
and
Baron
1994;
Rothenberg
2004)
relate
differences between the
treatment
practices
used
by
women
and
men
healers,
but
they
do not
reach
an
unequivocal
conclusion.
Only
one
study,
which
focuses
on
Tuareg
culture in
Niger
(Rasmussen
1998,
2006),
addresses these
differences
in
depth. Although
her
distinctions
are
not
simplistic
or
clear-cut,
she
differentiates between women healers, who treat
physical
problems
caused
by
nature
with
medicinal
herbs,
and
men
healers,
who
treat
mental
problems
caused
by
the
supernatural
with
Koranic
amulets.
In
the
present
study,
the
women
healers who
were
asked about
the
differences
in
the
treatment
practices
they
used and
those
employed by
their
male
counterparts
were
careful
in
their
responses,
perhaps
owing
to
their
fears of
irritating
he
men
healers.
They
claimed
the
act
of
healing
is of
a
personal
nature,
as
indicated
by
Ida:
Everyone
and
their
method.
...
I
know what
my
method is.
I
don't
know
his.
. . .
Everyone
works
according
to
his
own
ways, everyone and hismethod.
Other
women
healers
claimed
that
healing
is
not
gender-related,
as
explained
by
the
Bedouin
healer
Layili:
There
is
no
difference
between
a
clean and
a
pure
person
...
it
is
of
no
significance
if it
is
a
man or
a
woman.
Even
though
treatment
practices
of
women
and
men
healers
play
such
a
marginal
role in
the
respondents'
narratives
and in
the
relevant
literature,
an
examination
of
these
sources
documents
the
existence of such
differences.
The
respondents
indicate
that
the
practices
employed
by
traditional
Palestinian
women
healers
in
Israel
differ
from
those
employed by
Palestinian
men
healers,
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7/25/2019 Lechenie Pri Palestinskite Jeni
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36
JOURNAL
OF
ANTHROPOLOGICAL
RESEARCH
as
described
in
the literature
Al-Krenawi
and Graham
1999;
Massalha and Baron
1994;
Rothenberg
2004).
As
one
can
clearly
see
in
the
above-mentioned
literature,
the traditional
male
healer
(sheikh,
darvish,
moalj
bei
Koran)
often
diagnoses
his
patients (male
or
female,
the
latter
most
often escorted
by
male
relatives)
using
the
Koran
or
other books
with
astrological
and
destiny
calendars based
on
numerological
attributes
of
the
patient's
name
and his/hermother's
name.
Often,
the
healer
diagnoses
by
means
of
an
object belonging
to
the
patient, by placing
his hand
on
the
patient's
body, by
observing
oil
or
ink
signs,
or
with
the
help
of
demons
with whom he
connects
during
prayer.
As
a
result
of
his
diagnosis,
the
healer understands
the
core
of the
patient's
problem,
which
for the
most
part
is
due
to
possession
by
a
demon
or
is
a
result of
witchcraft.
Possession,
usually
considered
as
the result of
neglecting
religion
and
its
commandments, is addressed by the healer attempting to exorcize the demon
from the
patient's body.
During
the
exorcism,
the
healer
first
prays,
then
communicates
with the demons
and identifieswhich
of them
is
responsible
for
the
patient's
suffering.
He
demands
an
explanation
from the
bothersome demon
(Why
does
ithurt the
patient?),
subdues
it,
nd
finally,
banishes
it.
This
procedure
is
accompanied
by
readings
from the
Koran,
drumming,
and
if the demon refuses
to
accede,
even
physically
beating
the
patient.
At
times,
the
healer
may
step
on
the
patient's
body
and
forcefully
massage
him while
spitting
on
him
so
the
power
of theKoran may be transferredfrom his mouth to his hands. In his attempts
to
eradicate
the
witchcraft,
the
healer
identifies
the
witchcraft
bundle with the
assistance
of his
helping
demons and
cancels
its effects. Such
an
annulment
is achieved
by exposing
the
bundle,
burning
it,
or
writing
a
protective
amulet
including
passages
from the
Koran. At
times,
the healer
may
sacrifice
a
chicken
or a
goat,
which is
eaten
by
those
present
during
the
treatment,
r
he
may
require
the
patient
to
spend
the
night
in
his
home
so
he
can
read
passages
from theKoran
over
him
during
the
night.
On other
occasions,
the
healer
encourages
the
patient
to
make
changes
in
his
lifestyle,
such
as
to
follow
the
religious
commandments
and to strengthenhis belief inGod.
In contrast
to
male healers'
diagnosis
and
treatment
via
the
Koran,
women
healers
often
diagnose
using
coffee
or
palm
readings
and,
more
often
than the
male
healers,
use
medicinal
herbs
for
treatment.As noted
above,
women
healers
regularly
utilize
materials
identified
with
housekeeping,
such
as
coffee
and olive
oil,
unlike
men
healers,
whose tools
are
books,
papers,
and
writing
instruments.
Differing
from
men
healers,
women
healers
do
not
eradicate
witchcraft
by
exposing
it
but rather
oppose
its effects
through
casting
stronger
spells.
Thus,
unlike men healers who destroywitchcraft throughexposing
the
truth
known
only
to
them,
women
healers
attack
itwith
witchcraft
different
from but similar
to
the
original
spell.
Aiming
to
influence
the
supernatural
entities,
women
healers
often
use
the
power
of
chanted
invocations
while
men
healers
use
the
written
word
of
the
Koran,
related
to
the
monotheistic
power
of
God.
For the
most
part,
women
healers
do
not
undo
the
spells
cast
on
the
patient
or
exorcise
evil
demons.
Likewise,
their
treatment is
not
accompanied
by
practices
associated
with
exorcism
such
as
drumming,
animal
sacrifice,
physical
beatings,
or
direct
contact
with
the
demons,
which
are
common in
the
practices
of
men
healers.
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TRADITIONAL
PALESTINIAN
WOMEN
HEALERS
37
The
treatment
practices employed by
women
healers
are
not
only
eclectic
but
also inclusive
since
their
commitment
to
the
religious
codes
is
more
flexible than
that of
men
healers.
Their
activities take
place
within
the
domestic
sphere
and
not
in
a
separate
room or
in
a
separate house,
as
is often
the
case
among
men
healers
(Massalha
and
Baron
1994).
Unlike
men
healers'
treatment,
which
for
the
most
part
derives
its
authority
and skills?even while
treatingpsychosocial
or
nonorganic
personal problems?from
extrafamilial institutions
nd
mores
rather
thanfrom the intimate
knowledge
of
family
relations,
women
healers'
practices
take
place
within theirhome
and
emphasize
the
familial
context.
These differences
between the
masculine
and
feminine
treatment
practices
of
traditionalPalestinians
healers
in
srael
echo
a
wider
distinction
in
the
literature: he
distinction
between
great
and
little
raditions.
n
the
past,
the
mosaic of different
nd
separate traditions inthe Islamicworld was often classified
according
to
opposites,
dichotomous
pairs,
such
as
great
versus
little
tradition,
formal
versus
popular,
urban
versus
tribal,
universal
versus
local,
and
so on
(Antoun
1968;
Eickelman
1966;
Gellner
1969;
Gilsenan
1973;
Von
Grunebaum
1955;
Waardenburg
1979).10
Islam's
inherent
dualism,
as
evident in
the
literature,
is
expressed
through
two
complementary
types
of
practice.
The first is
identifiedwith
the
officialMuslim
doctrines and the orthodox
establishment,
the urban
elite,
and
the
educated.
The
second,
in
contrast,
represents
the ideas and
practices
prevalent
among
the
wider population, changing fromplace toplace and from time to time.The two
traditions,
polar
opposites,
have been
described
in the
literature
as
a
structural
system
of dichotomous
perspectives
thatmake
up
social
life.
They
reflect
not
only
different ersions
of
understanding
Islam,
but also
a
much
broader?sociological,
geographic,
and
gender?social
division. For
a
long
time
this
division
has
been
considered
as
contributing
to
the
categorization
and
interpretation
f
societies
in
the
Muslim
world,
even
those that
differed
greatly
from
one
another.
The
distinction
between the
great
and
little
traditions
mainly
relates
to
how
religion
is
regarded
and
implemented;
it s
not
merely
theological
but
also
includes
the
way
traditional
healing
is
categorized
and valued. In
general,
traditional
healing
has
a
number
of
characteristics which
identify
it
with
the
little
tradition:
the
absence of
canonized
texts
and
of
official
routes
of
initiation and
an
intensive
focus
on
healing.
Nonetheless,
there
are
perceived
distinctions
between
men
and
women
traditional
healers.
Male
healers
are
identified
as
belonging
to
the
great
tradition,
whereas
women
healers
are
identified
with
the
little
tradition. 11 en
healers
are
considered
as
part
of
the
religious
establishment and
as
emissaries
of
God. Some
of
them
claim,
legitimately
or
not,
to
possess
religious
education,
and some even undertake religious positions within the community. Thus, they
represent
the
social order
and its
moral
values
and
enjoy
high
social status. In
contrast,
women
healers
are
afforded
a
marginalized
position
by
the
religious
establishment.
Their
training
is
informal
and,
while
some
inherit
their
practice
from
their
mothers,
others
claim
to
be
recruited
by
the
supernatural.
Women
healers
are
less
identified
with
the
use
of
holy
writings,
and
most
of
their treatment
practices
have
an
oral
and
magical
nature.
They
are
viewed
as
representatives
of
the
feminine,
popular,
and oral
traditions,
deviating
from
the
official
written
ideologies
and
thus
considered
inferior nd
marginal.
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38
JOURNAL OF
ANTHROPOLOGICAL
RESEARCH
In
recent
years,
though,
the structural nd
judgmental
characters of the research
have somewhat faded. The
early
dichotomous
perspective
was
abandoned
in
favor of
a
new,
holistic
one
maintaining
that these
two
traditions
intermingle
and
complement
one
another.
This
new
approach
abandoned the
focus
on
the
orthodox
Islam that characterized the
earlier
research,
which
was
historical,
oriental,
and
theological
and,
for the
most
part,
commissioned
by
male
researchers.
It
adopts
an
anthropological viewpoint
and
concentrates
on
the
dynamics
between
the
traditions
in
different
ultures
(Boddy
1989;
Lambek
1993;
Rothenberg
2004;
Sengers
2003;
Tapper
and
Tapper
1987).
A
few
Arab
women
researchers
(Abu
Lughod
1986;
Abu Zahra
1997)
also adhere
to
this
perspective,
learning
beliefs and
ceremonies
that
were
ofFlimits
to
male scholars.
In
the
past
these
were
interpreted
s
deviations
from
the
great
tradition,
but
currently they
are
perceived
within
thewider
social
context.
Following
this
tendency,
thenext section of this article will view these
transformations
in
treatment
practices
of
traditional Palestinian
women
healers,
which reflect
the
current
dynamics
in
this
society.
TRANSFORMATION
IN THE
TREATMENT
PRACTICES
OF
WOMEN HEALERS
In
addition
to
the
described
differences
between
the
treatment
practices
of
women
andmen healers, therespondents' narratives indicate that change is taking place
in
the
treatment
practices
and
roles
of
women
healers.
Traditional Palestinian
women
healers
are
abandoning
the treatment
of
naturally
caused
problems
and
increasingly
tending
to treat
problems
whose
cause
is
considered
supernatural;
they
are
also
exchanging
natural
treatment
practices
for
those
characterized
as
supernatural
or
even
religious.
Furthermore,
they
are
slowly
adopting
treatment
practices
identified
as
masculine.
These
tendencies
are
more
evident
among
the
urban
healers. The
narratives
of
the
Bedouin
women
healers
indicate that
most
of
them
still tend
to
treat
physical
ailments,
in
particular
fertility roblems
and childhood
diseases;
they
continue
to
explain
many
problems
as
deriving
from
natural
causes
and
to
use
natural
treatment
practices.
In
contrast,
the narratives
of
the
women
healers
residing
in
culturally
mixed cities indicate
that
they
rarely
treat
physical
and mental
problems
but
rather
focus
on
life's
hardships.
They
concentrate
on
treatingproblems
whose
causes
are
considered
supernatural,
utilizing supernatural
treatment
practices
and
tend
to
adopt
masculine
treatment
practices
more
often than their
Bedouin
counterparts.
The differences
between
the
urban
and
theBedouin
women
healers
point to the different evels of change present in the treatmentpractices described.
Therefore,
it
an
be assumed
that
it
is
originated
by
wider
processes
that
ffect
not
only
traditional
healing
but
rather
the Palestinian
society
in
Israel
in
general.
Owing
to
advances
inand
increasing
access
to
biomedicine
by
thePalestinian
population
in
Israel,
especially
in the
mixed
Jewish-Arab
cities
in
the
country's
center,
the
use
of traditional
medicine
for
the
treatment
of
physical
ailments
is
decreasing.
Healers
who
treat
physical
ailments
such
as
bone
setters
and
those
who
treat
snakebites
(Al-Krenawi
2000;
Havakouk
1985)
are
disappearing;
these
problems,
like
many
other
characteristic
of
childhood,
are
increasingly
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7/25/2019 Lechenie Pri Palestinskite Jeni
14/24
TRADITIONAL
PALESTINIAN WOMEN HEALERS
39
treated
by allopathic
medicine.12
Nonetheless,
the literature indicates thatmental
health
concerns
still fall under
the
purview
of
traditional
medicine,
although
the
respondents'
narratives
indicated
that
those
coping
with
mental
illnesses,
especially
in
the
cities,
are
also
increasingly turning
o
allopathic
medicine.13
Thus,
the
change
marking
the traditional
Palestinian
woman
healer's activities
may
be
summed
up
as a
decrease
in
her involvement
with
physical
and mental ailments
and
an
increase
in
her
involvementwith life's
hardships,
particularly
in
the realm
of romantic
problems.
Her
activities
in the
physical
realm
are
being pushed
aside
in
favor of
biomedicine,
and her
activities
are
increasingly
based, instead,
in
the
supernatural
realm.
Gradually,
the
weight
of
naturally
caused
problems
(climate
and
dietary
concerns)
is reduced
while
the
woman
healer,
especially
the urban
one,
is
perceived
as someone
who
almost
exclusively
treats
problems
caused
by
the supernatural,which allopathic medicine fails todiagnose and heal.
In
dealing
with such
problems,
the
woman
healer,
particularly
in
the urban
context,
abandons
the
naturally
based
treatment
practices
(medicinal
herbs
and
massage)
and
adopts supernatural
treatment
practices
such
as
amulets and
spells.
These
tendencies reflect
wider
processes
occurring
among
Palestinians
in
Israel
today.
The
government's
relocation of Bedouins
to
permanent
settlements
in
the
Negev
and
the increased
urbanization
in
the
country's
center
contributed
to
the
transformation
n
the economic roles of
women.
The abandonment of
herding
and
agriculture, inwhich women in thepast took part,mostly owing to the Jewish
expropriation
of Palestinian
lands,
and
the
fact
that
increasing
numbers
of
men
participate
in
wage
labor have
in
fact
quarantined
women
into
their homes. As
a
result,
much of the
popular
knowledge
about medicinal
herbs has been lost.
This
process
is
taking place
at
a
slower
pace
in
the Bedouin
society
and
at
a
relatively
fast
pace
in
the
country's
center,
to
the
point
where
one
of
the urban
woman
healers, Zarifa,
who
acknowledges using
medicinal
herbs,
claimed
to
have
learned about themfrom books.
The
above-mentioned
change
in
the
treatment
practices
of
traditional
Palestinian women healers in Israel isnot limited to the transformation rom the
natural,
physical
realm
to
the
supernatural
one
but
also involves the
adoption
of
treatment
practices
conventionally
identified
s
masculine.
From
the
respondent's
narratives,
it
becomes
apparent
that this
phenomenon
has
three
expressions,
manifested
more
frequently
among
the
urban
women
healers.
Most
of the
women
healers
claim,
similarly
to
men
healers,
that
they
believe
in
theMuslim
God,
depend
on
him
for their
healing,
and work
as
his
representatives.
They
present
their
initiation
revelations
as
if
they
had
occurred
during
a
dream
or
through supernatural entities,described as positive angels rather thannegative
demons.14
The
women
healers
describe
themselves
as
Muslim
believers
who abide
by
the
religion's
commandments
and,
in
particular,
the
duty
to
pray
and
to
fast
during
Ramadan.
One
woman
healer
described herself
as
someone
who
prays
constantly ;
another
claimed
she has
carried
out
the
Haj
Commandment
seven
times,
while
other
women
healers,
who
have
not
yet
achieved
the
Haj,
hope
to
do
so
in
the
near
future.
Furthermore,
traditional
Palestinian
women
healers who
do
not
carry
out
the
religious
commandments still
claim
to
believe in
and abide
by
the
moral
commandments of
Islam.
Most
of
them
deny
practicing
witchcraft,
even
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40 JOURNAL OF
ANTHROPOLOGICAL
RESEARCH
though
their
narratives indicate
they
are
well versed
in
its
ways.
They
deny
any
activities considered
irreligious
or
immoral and
present
themselves
as
working
in
healing
as
a
result
of
a
divine
calling
or
altruistic
reasons.
Women healers
often
situate theMuslim
God
in
the
center
of the
discourse
concerning
their ork
and
minimize the
contacts
they
have with other
supernatural
entities,
as
described
by
theBedouin
woman
healer
Majda:
IfGod
allows
me
to
tell,
I
speak.
If
he
doesn't,
I
can't. I
don't know what is
written,
what iswritten in the coffee_At
night
I
ask
God
to
allow
me
to
succeed.
From
God
I
derive
my
intuition.
If
I
see
the
person,
I
know
what
his
problem
is.
From
God,
I
look and
know what
his
problem
is.
Moreover,
women healers
claim,
similarly
to theirmale
counterparts,
that
they
heal
with the
help
of the
Koran.
Nonetheless,
in
contrast to
men
healers,
whose
associations
with the
body
of
texts
are
the result of
years
of
study,
women
healers,
and
particularly
those
who
are
illiterate,
base
their
affinity
with
the
texts
on
an
alternative
basis,
which is less
religious
and
more
magical.
They
chant the
holy
text
from
memory,
scribble
onto
amulets
faulty
words
and
passages,
or
literally
mbody
the
text
using
their
wn
bodies,
as
described
by
the
Bedouin
woman
healer Nora:
I speakwith my lips but I can't write.... I remember, I have images, but I
can't
write
them....
My problem
is
that
I
can
speak
but
I
can't read....
I
also
can't
write
so
I
only
remember the book.
The
women
healers
frequently
mention
the
phrase
to read
and describe
how
they
chant
verses
from
the
Koran
over
the
patients
and command
them
to
swallow,
inhale,
or
to
anoint
themselves
with
water
in
which the
verses were
dissolved. Some
of the
women
healers also
claim
that
they
use,
similarly
to
male
healers,
magic
formulas
written
in
special
books.
Although
these formulas
are
not
religious
per
se,
they
enjoy
the
special
value attributed towritten texts.The
women
healers
primarily
use
them
for
amulets
whose
purpose
is
to treat
serious
problems
derived
from
witchcraft.
Importantly,
although
they
themselves
often
chant
rather than
read
texts
during healing,
women
healers
adopt
the
popular
belief that
the influence of
thewritten
text is
stronger
than
that of chanted
text
and thus
that the
written
word
provides
the
most
appropriate
medium
for
esoteric
knowledge
and actions.
Writing
of
amulets,
reading
the
Koran,
and
using
witchcraft
books
are
very popular among theurban women healers and less so among theirBedouin
counterparts
in
the
Negev,
most
of
whom
are
illiterate.
t
can
be therefore
ssumed
that
the increased level
of education
and
access
to
secular
and
religious
texts
contribute
to
the
changes
in
treatment
practices.
Among
the
Palestinians
in
Israel,
similar
to
other
Muslim
societies
(Eickelman
1992;
Horvatich
1994;
Starrett
1998),
there is
increased
access
to
education
for both
men
and
women,
primarily
inurban
centers.
Since
thedefinitions
of the
great
and
little raditions
relate
to
the
distribution
of
religious
knowledge
and written
texts,
where
there is
an
increase
in the number
of educated
individuals,
the
distinction
between the
two
becomes blurred.
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TRADITIONAL PALESTINIAN WOMEN
HEALERS
41
Traditional
Palestinian
women
healers' narratives
indicate that
they
adopt
treatment
practices
similar
to
those
utilized
by
men
healers?reliance
on
God and
the
use
of the
Koran,
and
additional
texts
identified
as
religious.
This
can
also
be
seen as
part
of the
Islamization
process
which has
characterized
many
Muslim
societies
during
therecentdecades
(Eickelman
and
Piscatori
1996)
and
influences
Palestinians
in
Israel
as
well.
Subsequently,
healers who
are
identified
as
Koranic
healers
are
increasingly popular
and
enjoy
greater
prestige
(Beckerleg
1994;
Rothenberg
2004).
In
light
f these
changes,
traditionalPalestinian
women
healers
in
Israel,
particularly
in theurban
centers
where these
processes
aremore
strongly
evident,
integrate
an
increasing
number
of
Muslim
religious
characteristics
into
theirwork. This
religious
knowledge
enjoys
widespread validity,
and
only
a
few
are
willing
to
speak
out
against
it.
t casts
on
thosewho
use
it
moral
aura,
power,
authority, legitimacy, and prestige, all traitstowhich women healers aspire.
Thus,
the
women
healers?especially
in
urban
centers?consciously
break
away
from the
little
tradition,
identified
as
feminine,
and enter
the
great
tradition,
identified
as
masculine.
Nonetheless,
the
women
healers do
not
adopt
themasculine
treatment
practices
in
their
entirety
but
rather
choose
practices
and their relevant
applications.
For
example,
some
place
God
at
the
discourse's
heart,
yet,
in
contrast
to
men
healers
who
emphasize
His
monotheistic, distant,
and
restrained
nature,
the
women
healers have
a
personal,
direct,
and
intimate
contact
with Him.
God is
perceived by
women
healers
as
an
entity that ispresent
and
influential,
and
they
connect
with Him
on a
regular
and
frequent
basis.
This
relationship
has
such
an
intimate character that it
is
possible
to
see
in it
an
imitation
of
or
compensation
for their
relationships
with
their
spouses
or
others
in
their
community,
as
pointed
out
by
the
Bedouin
woman
healer Nora:
Of
course
I
speak
to
God.
He
is
constantly
there....
God
opened
the door
for
me
today.
He
hears
me
and
of
course
he
answers.
Whenever
I
speak,
he hears
everything.
Therefore,
although
some
of
women
healers
cross
the
boundaries
of the little
tradition,
their
penetration
into the
world of
masculine
healing
is
not
a
total
crossing
of the
lines.
According
to
social
norms,
no
woman,
not
even
an
extremely
powerful
woman
healer,
can
serve
as a
Koranic healer.
This
title is
dependant
upon
acquiring
religious
knowledge
and
obeying
the
strict
rules of
ritual
purity
and
is thus
limited
to
men.
Women
healers,
even
those
adopting
masculine
treatment
practices,
still
care
mostly
for
women
patients
and
continuously
concern
themselves with
the
domestic
realm and
the
female
body.
Nonetheless,
women
healers
are