Lafayette ---- Memoirs, Correspondence and Manuscripts of General Lafayette

MEMOIRS

CORRESPONDENCE ANDMANUSCRIPTS

OF

GENERAL LAFAYETTE

PUBLISHED BY HIS FAMILY.

Entered according to the act ofCongress, in the year 1837,

by William A. Duer,

In the Clerk's Office of the SouthernDistrict of New-York.

Respectfully to collect and scrupulouslyto arrange the manuscripts of which anirreparable misfortune has renderedthem depositaries, have been for theFamily of General Lafayette theaccomplishment of a sacred duty.

To publish those manuscripts withoutany commentary, and place them,unaltered, in the hands of the friendsof Liberty, is a pious and solemnhomage which his children now offerwith confidence to his memory.

GEORGE WASHINGTONLAFAYETTE.

ADVERTISEMENT

OF THE AMERICAN EDITOR.

* * * * *

It was the desire of the late GeneralLafayette, that this edition of hisMemoirs and Correspondence shouldbe considered as a legacy of theAmerican people. His representativeshave accordingly pursued a course

which they conceived the best adaptedto give effect to his wishes, byfurnishing a separate edition for thiscountry, without any reservation fortheir own advantage, beyond thetransfer of the copyright as anindemnity for the expense and risk ofpublication.

In this edition are inserted some letterswhich will not appear in the editionspublished in Paris and London. Theycontain details relating to the AmericanRevolution, and render the presentedition more complete, or, at least,more interesting to Americans.Although written during the firstresidence of General Lafayette in

America when he was little accustomedto write in the English language theletters in question are given exactly asthey came from his pen and as well asthe others in the collection written byhim in that language are distinguishedfrom those translated from the Frenchby having the word "Original" prefixedto them.

It was intended that these letters shouldhave been arranged among those in thebody of the work; in the order of theirrespective dates; but as the latter havebeen stereotyped before the former hadbeen transmitted to the Americaneditor, this design was renderedimpracticable. They have therefore from

necessity been added in a supplementalform with the marginal notes whichseemed requisite for their explanation.

Columbia College, N. Y., July, 1837.

CONTENTS OF THE FIRSTVOLUME.

AMERICAN REVOLUTION.

Notice by the Editors

FIRST VOYAGE AND FIRST

CAMPAIGN IN AMERICA 1777,1778.

Memoirs written by myself, until theyear 1780

FRAGMENTS EXTRACTED FROMVARIOUS MANUSCRIPTS

A. Departure for America in 1777

B. First Interview between GeneralWashington and General Lafayette

C. On the Military commands duringthe Winter of 1778

D. Retreat of Barren Hill

E. Arrival of the French Fleet

F. Dissensions between the FrenchFleet and the American Army

CORRESPONDENCE 1777, 1778:

To the Duke d'Ayen. London, March 9,1777

To Madame de Lafayette. On board theVictory, May 30

To Madame de Lafayette. Charlestown,June 19

To Madame de Lafayette. Petersburg,

July 17

To Madame de Lafayette. July 23

To Madame de Lafayette. Philadelphia,Sept. 12

To Madame de Lafayette. Oct. 1

To M. de Vergennes, Minister ofForeign affairs. Whitemarsh Camp, Oct.24

To Madame de Lafayette. WhitemarshCamp, Oct. 29, and Nov. 6

To General Washington. Haddonfeld,Nov. 26

To the Duke d'Ayen. Camp Gulph,Pennsylvania, Dec. 16

To General Washington. Camp, Dec. 30

To General Washington. HeadQuarters, Dec. 31

To General Washington. Valley Forge,Dec. 31

To Madame de Lafayette. Camp, nearValley Forge, Jan. 6, 1778

To General Washington

To Madame de Lafayette. York. Feb 3

To General Washington. Hermingtown,Feb. 9

To General Washington. Albany, Feb.19

To General Washington. Feb. 23

From General Washington to theMarquis de Lafayette. Head Quarters,March 10

To Baron de Steuben. Albany, March12

Fragment of a Letter to the Presidentof Congress. Albany, March 20

To General Washington. Albany, March25

To Madame de Lafayette. Valley ForgeCamp, in Pennsylvania, April 14

To Madame de Lafayette. Germantown,April 28

To General Washington. Valley ForgeCamp, May 19

From General Washington to theMarquis de Lafayette. Camp, May 17

To the Marquis de Lafayette.(Instructions.)

To Madame de Lafayette. Valley ForgeCamp, June 16

To the Marquis de Lafayette.(Instructions.)

To General Washington. Ice Town,June 26

From General Washington to theMarquis de Lafayette. Cranberry, June26

From General Washington to theMarquis de Lafayette. White Plains, July22

From General Washington to theMarquis de Lafayette. Head Quarters,White Plains, July 27

To General Washington. Providence,Aug. 6

From General Washington to theMarquis de Lafayette. White Plains,Aug. 10

To General Washington. Camp beforeNewport, Aug. 25

From General Washington to theMarquis de Lafayette. White Plains,Sept.

From General Washington to Major-General Sullivan. Head Quarters, WhitePlains, Sept. 1

From General Washington to Major-General Greene. Head Quarters, WhitePlains, Sept. 1

To General Washington. Tyverton, Sept.I

To General Washington. Camp, nearBristol, Sept. 7

To the Duke d'Ayen. Bristol, nearRhode Island, Sept. 11

To Madame de Lafayette. Bristol, near

Rhode Island, Sept. 13

President Laurens to the Marquis deLafayette. Philadelphia, Sept. 13

Marquis de Lafayette to PresidentLaurens. Camp, Sept. 23

To General Washington. Warren, Sept.24

From General Washington to theMarquis de Lafayette. Fredericksburg,Sept. 25

To General Washington. Camp nearWarren, Sept. 24

To General Washington. Boston, Sept.28

From General Washington to theMarquis de Lafayette. Fishkill, Oct. 4

Marquis de Lafayette to PresidentLaurens. Philadelphia, Oct. 13

President Laurens to the Marquis deLafayette. Philadelphia, Oct. 24

To General Washington. Philadelphia,Oct. 24

Lord Carlisle to M. de LafayetteMarquis de Lafayette

To President Laurens. Philadelphia,Oct. 26

Fragment of a Letter from the FrenchMinister, M. Gerard, to Count deVergennes. October

From General Washington to theMarquis de Lafayette. Philadelphia, Dec.29

From General Washington to GeneralFranklin, American Minister in France.Philadelphia, Dec. 28

To General Washington. Boston,January 5, 1779

To General Washington. On board theAlliance, off Boston, January 11, 1779

SECOND VOYAGE TO AMERICA,AND CAMPAIGNS OF 1780, 1781.

HISTORICAL MEMOIRS OF 1779,1780, and 1781.

CORRESPONDENCE 1779-1781

To Count de Vergennes. Paris, February24, 1779

From General Washington to theMarquis de Lafayette. Camp atMiddlebrook, March 8

To M. de Vergennes, Paris, April 1, andApril 26

To the President of Congress. St. Jeande Angeli, near Rochefort, June 12

To General Washington. St. Jean deAngeli, near Rochefort harbor, June 12

To the Count de Vergennes. Havre, July30

To M. de Vergennes. Paris, August

Dr. Franklin to the Marquis deLafayette. Fassy, August 24

To Dr. Franklin. Havre, August 29

Page From General Washington to theMarquis de Lafayette. West Point,December 30

To General Washington. Havre,October 7

To M. de Vergennes. Versailles, Feb. 22,1780

To his Excellency General Washington.At the entrance of Boston harbor,April 27

To M. de Vergennes. Waterburg, on theBoston road, from the Camp, May 6

From General Washington. MorrisTown, May

To the Count de Rochambeau.Philadelphia, May 19

To General Washington. Camp atPreakness, July 4

To MM. le Comte de Rochambeau andle Chevalier de Ternay. Camp beforeDobb's Ferry, August 9

From Count de Rochambeau to M. deLafayette. Newport, August 12

To MM. de Rochambeau and deTernay. Camp, August 18

To M. de Rochambeau. Camp, August18

From M. de Rochambeau. Newport,August 27

To the Chevalier de la Luzerne.Robinson House, opposite West Point,Sept. 26

To Madame de Tess. Camp, on the rightside of North River, near the Island ofNew York, October 4

To General Washington. Light Camp,October 30

From General Washington to theMarquis de Lafayette. Head Quarters,October 30

To General Washington. Light Camp,November 13

To General Washington, Paramus,November 28

To his Excellency General Washington.Philadelphia, Dec. 5

From General Washington to theMarquis de Lafayette. New Windsor,December 14

To M. de Vergennes. New Windsor, on

the North River, January 30, 1781

To Madame de Lafayette. NewWindsor, on the North River, February2

To General Washington. Elk, March 8

To General Washington. On board theDolphin, March 9

To General Washington. Williamsburg,March 23

From General Washington to theMarquis de Lafayette. New Windsor,April 6

To General Washington. Elk, April 8

To Colonel Hamilton. SusquehannahFerry, April 18

To General Washington. Baltimore,April 18

To General Washington. Alexandria,April 23

From General Washington to theMarquis de Lafayette New Windsor,May 4

From General Washington to LundWashington. New Windsor, April 30

To General Washington. Camp Wilton,on James River, May 17

From General Phillips to the Marquisde Lafayette. British Camp at Osborn,April 28

From General Phillips to the Marquisde Lafayette. Camp at Osborn, April 29

To Major General Phillips. AmericanCamp, April 30

To Major-General Phillips. May 3

Note for Captain Emyne. May 15

Note from General Arnold to Captain

Ragedale

To General Washington. Richmond,May 24

To General Washington. Camp, June 28

Extracts of several Letters to GeneralWashington

To Madame de Lafayette. Camp,between the branches of York River,August 24

To M. de Vergennes. Camp between thebranches of York River, August 24

To M de Maurepas. Camp, between the

branches of York River, August 24

To General Washington. Holt's Forge,September 1

To General Washington. Williamsburg,September 8

To General Washington. Camp beforeYork, October 16

To M. de Maurepas. Camp near York,October 20

To M. de Vergennes. Camp near York,October 20

To Madame de Lafayette. On board La

Ville de Paris, Chesapeake Bay, October22

The Marquis de Sgur to M. deLafayette. Dec. 5

To General Washington. Alliance, offBoston, December 21

ADDITIONALCORRESPONDENCE.

To General Washington. Robins'Tavern, June 26, 1778

To General Washington. Cranbarry,June

To General Washington. June 28

To General Washington. Cranbarry,June 29

To the Count de Vergennes. St. Jean deAngeli, June, 1779

To the Count de Vergennes. Havre, July9

To the President of Congress. Havre,October 7

To General Washington. Peekskill, July20, 1780

To General Washington. Danbury, July

21

To General Washington. Hartford, July22

To General Washington. Lebanon, July23

To General Washington. Newport, July26



To General Washington. Newport, July

31

To General Washington. Newport,August 1

To General Washington.Elizabethtown, October 27

To General Washington. Light Camp,October 27

To General Washington. Philadelphia,December 4

To General Washington. December 5

To General Washington. Philadelphia,December 16

To General Washington. Philadelphia,March 2, 1781

To General Washington. Head of Elk,March 7

To General Washington. Off TurkeyPoint, March 9

To General Washington. York, March15

To General Washington. Elk, April 10

To General Washington. SusquehannahFerry, April 13



To Major-General Greene. HanoverCourt House, April 28

To General Greene. Camp onPamunkey River, May 3

To General Washington. Camp nearBottom's Creek, May 4


To General Washington. Welton, northside of James River, May 18

To Colonel Hamilton. Richmond, May23


To General Washington. Camp betweenRappanannock and North Anna, June3

To General Greene. Camp betweenRappahannock and North Anna, June3

To General Greene. Allen's Creek, June

18

To General Greene. Mr. Tyter'sPlantation, June 27

To General Greene. Ambler'sPlantation, July 8

To General Washington. Mrs. Ruffin's,August 29

To General Washington. Holt's Forge,September 1

To General Washington. CampWilliamsburg, September 8

To General Washington. Williamsburg,

September 10

To General Washington. Camp beforeYork, Sept. 30

To General Washington. November 29

APPENDIX.

I. A Summary of the Campaign of1781, explanatory of the Map

II. Letter from M. de Lafayette to M. deVergennes

NOTICE BY THE EDITORS.

Under the title of Revolution of America,are comprised eight years of M. deLafayette's life, from thecommencement of 1771 until the endof 1784. His three voyages to theUnited States divide those eight yearsinto three periods: 1777, 1778; 1779-1781; and 1782-1784.~[1]

1st. Circumstantial Memoirs, written forhis friends after the peace of Versailles,and which were to have extended to1780, open this collection.

2nd. These are continued andcompleted by two detached relations,composed between 1800 and 1814; the

first, which has no title, and might becalled Notice of the American Life ofGeneral Lafayette, appears to have beenwritten for a person intending topublish the history of the war, or ofGeneral Washington; the second isentitled, Observations on some portion ofAmerican History, by a friend of GeneralLafayette.

As these two relations, both written byM. de Lafayette, and which wedesignate under the names ofManuscript, No. 1, and manuscript, No.2, contain a second, and occasionally athird, account of events alreadymentioned in the Memoirs, we haveonly inserted quotations from them.

3rd. A relation of the campaign inVirginia, in 1781, shall be inserted in itscomplete state.

4th. Extracts from the collection of thegeneral's speeches, begun by him in1829, will give some details of his thirdvoyage to America (1784).

5th. With the account of eachparticular period that portion of thecorrespondence which may relate to itwill be inserted. From a great numberof letters, written from America, andaddressed either to France or toAmerica, or from France to America,those only have been suppressed whose

repetitions or details, purely military,would render them uninteresting to thepublic.

6th. In the Correspondence, someletters have been inserted from GeneralWashington, and other contemporaries,and also some historical records, ofwhich M. de Lafayette had taken copies,or which have been extracted fromvarious collections published in theUnited States.

Footnote

1. M. de Lafayette (Marie-Paul-Joseph-Roch-Yves-Gilbert Motier) born atChavaniae, in Auvergne, the 6th of

September, 1757; married the 11th ofApril, 1774; set out for America the26th of April, 1777. The other dateswill be mentioned in proper order, witheach particular event. All the noteswhich are not followed by the name ofM. de Lafayette, may be attributed tothe members of his family, sole editorsof this work.

* * * * *

TO THE READER.~[1]

When, devoted from early youth to theambition of liberty, I beheld no limit to

the path that I had opened for myself, itappeared to me that I was sufficientlyfulfilling my destiny, and satisfying myglory, by rushing incessantly forward,and leaving to others the care ofcollecting the recollections, as well asthe fruits, of my labour.

After having enjoyed an uninterruptedcourse of good fortune for fifteenyears, I presented myself, with afavourable prospect of success, beforethe coalition of kings, and thearistocracy of Europe: I wasoverthrown by the simultaneous furyof French jacobinism. My person wasthen given up to the vengeance of mynatural enemies, and my reputation to

the calumnies of those self-styledpatriots who had so lately violatedevery sworn and national guarantee. Itis well known that the regimen of myfive years' imprisonment was notfavourable to literary occupations, andwhen, on my deliverance from prison, Iwas advised to write an explanation ofmy conduct, I was disgusted with allworks of the kind, by the numerousmemoirs or notices by which so manypersons had trespassed upon theattention of the public. Events had alsospoken for us; and many accusers, andmany accusations, had fallen intooblivion.

As soon as I returned to France, my

friends requested me to write memoirs:I found excuses for not doing so in myreluctance to judge with severity thefirst jacobin chiefs who have sharedsince in my proscription, the Girondins,who have died for those very principlesthey had opposed and persecuted inme, the king and queen, whoselamentable fate only allows me to pridemyself upon some services I haverendered them, and the vanquishedroyalists, who are at present deprived offortune, and exposed to every, arbitrarymeasure. I ought to add, likewise that,happy in my retreat, in the bosom ofmy family and occupied withagricultural pursuits, I know not howto purloin one moment from the

enjoyments of my domestic life.

But my friends have renewed theirrequest, and to comply in some degreewith it, I have consented to place inorder the few papers that I still possessand assemble together some relationswhich have been already published, andunite, by notes, the whole collection, inwhich my children and friends may oneday find materials for a lessinsignificant work. As to myself, Iacknowledge that my indolence in thisrespect is owing to the intimateconviction which I feel, that liberty willultimately be established in the old aswell as in the new world, and that thenthe history of our revolutions will put

all things and all persons in their properplaces.

Footnote

1. Although this notice, written a shorttime after the 18th Brumaire, be anteriorto a great number of events, in themidst of which General Lafayettecontinued his public life, we haveplaced it in this part of the work, as asort of general introduction to thevarious materials it contains.

* * * * *

FIRST VOYAGE

AND

FIRST CAMPAIGN IN AMERICA1777-1778.

MEMOIRS WRITTEN BYMYSELF,~[1]

UNTIL THE YEAR 1780.

TO MY FRIENDS.

If I were to confound, as is too oftendone, obstinacy with firmness, I should

blush at beginning these memoirs, afterhaving so long refused to do so, and ateven increasing their apparent egotismby my style, instead of shelteringmyself under cover of the third person;but I will not yield a half compliance tothe request of that tender friendshipwhich is far more valuable to me thanthe ephemeral success which a journalmight obtain. It is sufficient for me toknow that this relation, intended for afew friends only, will never extendbeyond their circle: it even possessestwo very great advantages over manycelebrated books: these are, that thepublic not being concerned in thiswork it cannot need a preface, and thatthe dedication of affection cannot

require an epistle.

It would be too poetical to placemyself at once in another hemisphere,and too minute to dwell upon theparticulars of my birth, which soonfollowed the death of my father atMinden;[2] of my education inAuvergne, with tender and reveredrelations; of my removal, at twelveyears of age to a college at Paris,[3]where I soon lost my virtuous mother,[4] and where the death of herfather rendered me rich, although Ihad been born, comparativelyspeaking, poor; of some schoolboysuccesses, inspired by the love ofglory and somewhat disturbed by

that of liberty; of my entrance intothe regiment of the blackmusketeers, which only interruptedmy studies on review days; andfinally, of my marriage, at the ageof sixteen, preceded by a residenceat the academy of Versailles.[5] Ihave still less to say relating to myentrance into the world; to the shortfavour I enjoyed as constituting onemember of a youthful society; to somepromises to the regiment de Noailles;and to the unfavourable opinionentertained of me owing to myhabitual silence when I did not thinkthe subjects discussing worthy of beingcanvassed. The bad effects produced bydisguised self-love and an observing

disposition, were not softened by anatural simplicity of manner, which,without being improper on any greatoccasion, rendered it impossible for meto bend to the graces of the court, orto the charms of a supper in thecapital.

You ask me at what period I firstexperienced my ardent love of libertyand glory I recollect no time of my lifeanterior to my enthusiasm foranecdotes of glorious deeds, and to myprojects of travelling over the world toacquire fame. At eight years of age, myheart beat when I heard of a hyena thathad done some injury, and caused stillmore alarm, in our neighbourhood,

and the hope of meeting it was theobject of all my walks. When I arrivedat college, nothing ever interrupted mystudies, except my ardent wish ofstudying without restraint. I neverdeserved to be chastised; but, in spiteof my usual gentleness, it would havebeen dangerous to have attempted todo so; and I recollect with pleasure that,when I was to described in rhetoric aperfect courser, I sacrificed the hope ofobtaining a premium, and described theone who, on perceiving the whip, threwdown his rider. Republican anecdotesalways delighted me, and when my newconnexions wished to obtain for me aplace at court, I did not hesitatedispleasing them to preserve my

independence.~[6] I was in that frameof mind when I first learnt the troublesin America; they only becamethoroughly known in Europe in 1776,and the memorable declaration of the4th of July reached France at the closeof that same year.

After having crowned herself withlaurels and enriched herself withconquests; after having becomemistress of all seas; and after havinginsulted all nations, England hadturned her pride against her owncolonies. North America had long beendispleasing to her; she wished to addnew vexations to former injuries, and todestroy the most sacred privileges. The

Americans, attached to the mothercountry, contented themselves at firstwith merely uttering complaints; theyonly accused the ministry, and thewhole nation rose up against them; theywere termed insolent and rebellious,and at length declared the enemies oftheir country: thus did the obstinacy ofthe king, the violence of the ministers,and the arrogance of the Englishnation, oblige thirteen of their coloniesto render themselves independent. Sucha glorious cause had never beforeattracted the attention of mankind; itwas the last struggle of Liberty; andhad she then been vanquished, neitherhope nor asylum would have remainedfor her. The oppressors and oppressed

were to receive a powerful lesson; thegreat work was to be accomplished, orthe rights of humanity were to fallbeneath its ruin. The destiny of Franceand that of her rival were to be decidedat the same moment; England was tolose, with the new states, an importantcommerce, of which she derived thesole advantage, one quarter of hersubjects, who were constantlyaugmenting by a rapid increase ofpopulation, and by emigration from allparts of Europe, in a word, more thanhalf of the most beautiful portion ofthe British territory. But if she retainedpossession of her thirteen colonies, allwas ended for our West Indies, ourpossessions in Asia and Africa, our

maritime commerce, and consequentlyour navy and our political existence.

(1776.) When I first learnt the subjectof the quarrel, my heart espousedwarmly the cause of liberty, and Ithought of nothing but of adding alsothe aid of my banner.[7] Somecircumstances, which it would beneedless to relate, had taught me toexpect only obstacles in this casefrom my own family; I depended,therefore, solely upon myself, and Iventured to adopt for a device onmy arms these words "Cur non "that they might equally serve as anencouragement to my-self, and as areply to others. Silas Deane was

then at Paris; but the ministersfeared to receive him, and his voicewas overpowered by the louderaccents of Lord Stormont. Hedespatched privately to Americasome old arms, which were of littleuse, and some young officers, whodid but little good, the wholedirected by M. de Beaumarchais;and when the English ambassadorspoke to our court, it denied havingsent any cargoes, ordered thosethat were preparing to bedischarged, and dismissed fromour ports all American privateers.Whilst wishing to address myselfin a direct manner to Mr. Deane, Ibecame the friend of Kalb, a

German in our employ, who wasapplying for service with theinsurgents, (the expression in useat that time,) and who became myinterpreter. He was the person sentby M. de Choiseul to examine theEnglish colonies; and on his returnhe received some money, but neversucceeded in obtaining anaudience, so little did that ministerin reality think of the revolutionwhose retrograde movements somepersons have inscribed to him!When I presented to Mr. Deane myboyish face, (for I was scarcelynineteen years of age,) I spokemore of my ardour in the causethan of my experience; but I dwelt

much upon the effect my departurewould excite in France, and hesigned our mutual agreement. Thesecrecy with which this negotiationand my preparations were madeappears almost a miracle; family,friends, ministers; French spies andEnglish spies, all were keptcompletely in the dark as to myintentions. Amongst my discreetconfidants, I owe much to M. duBoismartin,[8] secretary of the Countde Broglie, and to the Count de Brogliehimself, whose affectionate heart, whenall his efforts to turn me from thisproject had proved in vain, entered intomy views with even paternaltenderness.

Preparations were making to send avessel to America, when very badtidings arrived from thence. New York,Long Island, White Plains, FortWashington, and the Jerseys, had seenthe American forces successivelydestroyed by thirty-three thousandEnglishmen or Germans. Threethousand Americans alone remained inarms, and these were closely pursued byGeneral Howe. From that moment allthe credit of the insurgents vanished; toobtain a vessel for them wasimpossible: the envoys themselvesthought it right to express to me theirown discouragement, and persuade meto abandon my project. I called upon

Mr. Deane, and I thanked him for hisfrankness.

"Until now, sir," said I, "you have onlyseen my ardour in your cause, and thatmay not prove at present whollyuseless. I shall purchase a ship to carryout your officers; we must feelconfidence in the future, and it isespecially in the hour of danger that Iwish to share your fortune."~[9] Myproject was received with approbation;but it was necessary afterwards to findmoney, and to purchase and arm avessel secretly: all this wasaccomplished with the greatestdespatch.

The period was, however, approaching,which had been long fixed for mytaking a journey to England;[10] Icould not refuse to go withoutrisking the discovery of my secret,and by consenting to take thisjourney I knew I could betterconceal my preparations for agreater one. This last measure wasalso thought most expedient byMM. Franklin and Deane; for thedoctor himself was then in France;and although I did not venture togo to his house, for fear of beingseen, I corresponded with himthrough M. Carmichael, anAmerican less generally known. Iarrived in London with M. de Poix;

and I first paid my respects toBancroft, the American, andafterwards to his British Majesty. Ayouth of nineteen may be, perhaps,too fond of playing a trick upon theking he is going to fight with, ofdancing at the house of LordGermaine minister for the Englishcolonies, and at the house of LordRawdon, who had just returnedfrom New York, and of seeing atthe opera that Clinton, whom hewas afterwards to meet atMonmouth. But whilst I concealedmy intentions, I openly avowed mysentiments; I often defended theAmericans; I rejoiced at theirsuccess at Trenton; and my spirit

of opposition obtained for me aninvitation to breakfast with LordShelbourne. I refused the offersmade me to visit the sea ports, thevessels fitting out against therebels, and everything that mightbe construed into an abuse ofconfidence. At the end of threeweeks, when it became necessaryfor me to return home, whilstrefusing my uncle,[11] theambassador, to accompany him tocourt, I confided to him my strongdesire to take a trip to Paris. Heproposed saying that I was ill duringmy absence. I should not have madeuse of this stratagem myself, but I didnot object to his doing so.

After having suffered dreadfully in thechannel, and being reminded, as aconsolation, how very short the voyagewould be, I arrived at M. de Kalb'shouse in Paris, concealed myself threedays at Chaillot, saw a few of myfriends and some Americans, and setout for Bordeaux, where I was forsome time unexpectedly delayed.~[12] Itook advantage of that delay to send toParis, from whence the intelligence Ireceived was by no means encouraging;but as my messenger was followed onhis road by one from the government, Ilost not a moment in setting sail, andthe orders of my sovereign were onlyable to overtake me at Passage, a

Spanish port, at which we stopped onour way. The letters from my ownfamily were extremely violent, andthose from the government wereperemptory. I was forbidden to proceedto the American continent under thepenalty of disobedience; I was enjoinedto repair instantly to Marseilles, andawait there further orders. A sufficientnumber of commentaries were notwanting upon the consequences ofsuch an anathema, the laws of the state,and the power and displeasure of thegovernment: but the grief of his wife,who was pregnant, and the thoughts ofhis family and friends, had far moreeffect upon M. de Lafayette.~[13] Ashis vessel could no longer be stopped,

he returned to Bordeaux to enter into ajustification of his own conduct; and,in a declaration to M. de Fumel, hetook upon himself all theconsequences of his present evasion.As the court did not deign to relax inits determination, he wrote to M. deMaurepas that that silence was a tacitconsent, and his own departure tookplace soon after that joking despatch.After having set out on the road toMarseilles, he retraced his steps, and,disguised as a courier, he had almostescaped all danger, when, at Saint Jeande Luz, a young girl recognised him;but a sign from him silenced her, andher adroit fidelity turned away allsuspicion. It was thus that M. de

Lafayette rejoined his ship, the 26th ofApril 1777; and on that same day, aftersix months anxiety and labour, he setsail for the American continent.~[14]

* * * * *

(1777.) As soon as M. de Lafayette hadrecovered from the effects of seasickness, he studied the language andtrade he was adopting. A heavy ship,two bad cannons, and some guns,could not have escaped from thesmallest privateer. In his presentsituation, he resolved rather to blow upthe vessel than to surrender; heconcerted measures to achieve this endwith a brave Dutchman named

Bedaulx, whose sole alternative, iftaken, would have been the gibbet. Thecaptain insisted upon stopping at theislands; but government and orderswould have been found there, and hefollowed a direct course, less fromchoice than from compulsion.[15] Atforty leagues from shore, they weremet by a small vessel: the captainturned pale, but the crew wereattached to M. de Lafatette, and theofficers were numerous: they madea show of resistance. It turned out,fortunately, to be an American ship,whom they vainly endeavoured tokeep up with; but scarcely had theformer lost sight of M. deLafayette's vessel, when it fell in

with two English frigates, and thisis not the only time when theelements seemed bent on opposingM. de Lafayette, as if with theintention of saving him. Afterhaving encountered for sevenweeks various perils and chances,he arrived at Georgetown, inCarolina. Ascending the river in acanoe, his foot touched at lengththe American soil, and he sworethat he would conquer or perish inthat cause. Landing at midnight atMajor Huger's house,[16] he founda vessel sailing for France, whichappeared only waiting for his letters.Several of the officers landed, othersremained on board, and all hastened to

proceed to Charleston:

This beautiful city is worthy of itsinhabitants and everything thereannounced not only comfort but evenluxury. Without knowing much of M.de Lafayette, the generals Howe,~[17]Moultrie, and Gulden, received himwith the utmost kindness and attention.The new works were shown him, andalso that battery which Moultrieafterwards defended so extremely well,and which the English appear, we mustacknowledge, to have seized the onlypossible means of destroying. Severaladventurers, the refuse of the islands,endeavoured vainly to unite themselvesto M. de Lafayette, and to infuse into

his mind their own feelings andprejudices. Having procured horses, heset out with six officers forPhiladelphia. His vessel had arrived,but it was no longer protected byfortune, and on its return home it waslost on the bar of Charlestown Torepair to the congress of the UnitedStates, M. de Lafayette rode nearly ninehundred miles on horseback; beforereaching the capital of Pennsylvania, hewas obliged to travel through the twoCarolinas, Virginia, Maryland, andDelaware. Whilst studying the languageand customs of the inhabitants, heobserved also new productions ofnature, and new methods ofcultivation: vast forests and immense

rivers combine to give to that countryan appearance of youth and majesty.After a fatiguing journey of onemonth, he beheld at length thatPhiladelphia, so well known in thepresent day, and whose future grandeurPenn appeared to designate when helaid the first stone of its foundation.

After having accomplished his noblemanoeuvres at Trenton andPrincetown, General Washington hadremained in his camp at Middlebrook.The English, finding themselvesfrustrated in their first hopes, combinedto make a decisive campaign. Burgoynewas already advancing with tenthousand men, preceded by his

proclamations and his savages.Ticonderoga, a famous stand of arms,was abandoned by Saint-Clair; he drewupon himself much public odium bythis deed, but he saved the only corpswhom the militia could rally round.Whilst the generals were busiedassembling the militia, the congressrecalled them, sent Gates their place,and used all possible means to supporthim. At that same time the greatEnglish army, of about eighteenthousand men, had sailed from NewYork, and the two Howes were unitingtheir forces for a secret enterprise;Rhode Island was occupied by a hostilecorps, and General Clinton who hadremained at New York, was there

preparing for an expedition. To be ableto withstand many various blows,General Washington, leaving Putnamon the north river, crossed over theDelaware, and encamped, with eleventhousand men, within reach ofPhiladelphia.

It was under these circumstances thatM. de Lafayette first arrived in America;but the moment, although important tothe common cause, was peculiarlyunfavourable to strangers. TheAmericans were displeased with thepretensions, and disgusted with theconduct, of many Frenchmen; theimprudent selections they had in somecases made, the extreme boldness of

some foreign adventurers, the jealousyof the army, and strong nationalprejudices, all contributed to confounddisinterested zeal with private ambition,and talents with quackery. Supportedby the promises which had been givenby Mr. Deane, a numerous band offoreigners besieged the congress; theirchief was a clever but very imprudentman, and although a good officer, hisexcessive vanity amounted almost tomadness. With M. de Lafayette, Mr.Deane had sent out a fresh detachment,and every day such crowds arrived, thatthe congress had finally adopted theplan of not listening to any stranger.The coldness with which M. deLafayette was received, might have been

taken as a dismissal; but, withoutappearing disconcerted by the mannerin which the deputies addressed him,~[18] he entreated them to return tocongress, and read the following note:

"After the sacrifices I have made, I havethe right to exact two favours: one is, toserve at my own expense, the other is,to serve at first as volunteer."

This style, to which they were so littleaccustomed, awakened their attention;the despatches from the envoys wereread over, and, in a very flatteringresolution, the rank of major-generalwas granted to M. de Lafayette.Amongst the various officers who

accompanied him, several werestrangers to him; he was interested,however, for them all, and to thosewhose services were not accepted anindemnity for their trouble was granted.Some months afterwards, M. - drownedhimself in the Schuylkill, and the lossof that impetuous and imprudent manwas perhaps a fortunate circumstance.

The two Howes having appearedbefore the capes of the Delaware,General Washington came toPhiladelphia, and M. de Lafayettebeheld for the first time that great man.[19] Although he was surroundedby officers and citizens, it wasimpossible to mistake for a moment

his majestic figure and deportment;nor was he less distinguished bythe noble affability of his manner.M. de Lafayette accompanied himin his examination of thefortifications. Invited by theGeneral to establish himself in hishouse, he looked upon it from thatmoment as his own: with thisperfect ease and simplicity, wasformed the tie that united twofriends, whose confidence andattachment were to be cemented bythe strongest interests of humanity.[20]

The American army, stationed somemiles from Philadelphia, was waiting

until the movements the hostile armyshould be decided: the General himselfreviewed the troops; M. de Lafayettearrived there the same day. Abouteleven thousand men, ill armed, andstill worse clothed, presented a strangespectacle to the eye of the youngFrenchman: their clothes were parti-coloured, and many of them werealmost naked; the best clad wore huntingshirts, large grey linen coats which weremuch used in Carolina. As to theirmilitary tactics, it will be sufficient tosay that, for a regiment ranged in orderof battle to move forward on the rightof its line, it was necessary for the leftto make a continued counter march.They were always arranged in two lines,

the smallest men in the first line; noother distinction as to height was everobserved. In spite of thesedisadvantages, the soldiers were fine,and the officers zealous; virtue stood inplace of science, and each day addedboth to experience and discipline. LordStirling, more courageous thanjudicious, another general, who wasoften intoxicated, and Greene, whosetalents were only then known to hisimmediate friends, commanded asmajors-general. General Knox, who hadchanged the profession of booksellerto that of artillery officer, was therealso, and had himself formed otherofficers, and created an artillery. "Wemust feel embarrassed," said General

Washington, on his arrival, "to exhibitourselves before an officer who has justquitted French troops." "It is to learn,and not to teach, that I come hither,"replied M. de Lafayette; and thatmodest tone, which was not commonin Europeans, produced a very goodeffect.

After having menaced the Delaware,the English fleet again disappeared, andduring some days the Americansamused themselves by making jokes atits expense. These jokes, however,ceased when it reappeared in theChesapeak; and, in order to approach itmore closely during thedisembarkation, the patriot army

crossed through the town. Their headscovered with green branches, andmarching to the sound of drums andfifes, these soldiers, in spite of theirstate of nudity, offered an agreeablespectacle to the eyes of all the citizens.General Washington was marching attheir head, and M. de Lafayette was byhis side. The army stationed itself uponthe heights of Wilmington, and that ofthe enemy landed in the Elk river, at thebottom of Chesapeak bay. The very daythey landed, General Washingtonexposed himself to danger in the mostimprudent manner; after havingreconnoitred for a long time theenemy's position, he was overtaken by astorm during a very dark night, entered

a farm house close to the hostile army,and, from a reluctance to change hisown opinion, remained there withGeneral Greene, M. de Lafayette, andtheir aide-de-camp; but when at daybreak he quitted the farm, heacknowledged that any one traitormight have caused his ruin. Some dayslater, Sullivan's division joined thearmy, which augmented it in all tothirteen thousand men. This Major-General Sullivan made a goodbeginning, but a bad ending, in anintended surprise on Staten Island.

If, by making too extensive a plan ofattack, the English committed a greaterror, it must also be acknowledged

that the Americans were notirreproachable in their manner ofdefence. Burgoyne, leading his army,with their heads bent upon the ground,into woods from whence he could notextricate them, dragged on, upon asingle road, his numerous cannons andrich military equipages. Certain of notbeing attacked from behind, theAmericans could dispute every stepthey took: this kind of warfare attractedthe militia, and Gates improved eachday in strength. Every tree sheltered askilful rifleman, and the resourcesoffered by military tactics, and thetalents even of their chiefs, had becomeuseless to the English. The corps left inNew York could, it is true, laugh at the

corps of Putnam, but it was too feebleto succour Burgoyne; and instead ofbeing able to secure his triumph, itsown fate was even dependent upon his.During that time, Howe was onlythinking of Philadelphia, and it was atthe expense of the northern expeditionthat he was repairing thither by anenormous circuit. But, on the otherside, why were the English permitted toland so tranquilly Why was the momentallowed to pass when their army wasdivided by the river Elk Why in thesouth were so many false movementsand so much hesitation displayedBecause the Americans had hithertohad combats but not battles; because,instead of harassing an army and

disputing hollows, they were obliged toprotect an open city, and manoeuvre ina plain, close to a hostile army, who, byattacking them from behind, mightcompletely ruin them. GeneralWashington, had he followed theadvice of the people, would haveenclosed his army in a city, and thushave entrusted to one hazard the fateof America; but, whilst refusing tocommit such an act of folly, he wasobliged to make some sacrifice, andgratify the nation by a battle. Europeeven expected it; and although he hadbeen created a dictator for six months,the General thought he ought tosubmit everything to the orders ofcongress, and to the deliberations of a

council of war.

After having advanced as far asWilmington, the general had detached athousand men under Maxwell, the mostancient brigadier in the army. At thefirst march of the English, he wasbeaten by their advance guard nearChristiana Bridge. During that time thearmy took but an indifferent station atNewport; they then removed a littlesouth, waited two days for the enemy,and, at the moment when these weremarching upon their right wing, anocturnal council of war decided thatthe army was to proceed to theBrandywine. The stream bearing thatname covered its front; the ford called

Chad's Ford, placed nearly in the centre,was defended by batteries. It was in thatscarcely examined station that, inobedience to a letter from congress, theAmericans awaited the battle. Theevening of the 10th of September,Howe advanced in two columns, and,by a very fine movement, the leftcolumn (about 8000 men under LordCornwallis, with grenadiers and guards)directed themselves towards the fordsof Birmingham, three miles on ourright; the other column continued itsroad, and at about nine o'clock in themorning it appeared on the other sideof the stream. The enemy was so nearthe skirts of the wood that it wasimpossible to judge of his force some

time was lost in a mutual cannonading.General Washington walked along histwo lines, and was received withacclamations which seemed to promisehim success. The intelligence that wasreceived of the movements ofCornwallis was both confused andcontradictory; owing to the conformityof name betwixt two roads that wereof equal length and parallel to eachother, the best officers were mistaken intheir reports. The only musket shotsthat had been fired were from Maxwell,who killed several of the enemy, butwas driven back upon the left of theAmerican army, across a ford by whichhe had before advanced. Threethousand militia had been added to the

army, but they were placed in the rear toguard some still more distant militia,and took no part themselves in theaction. Such was the situation of thetroops when they learnt the march ofLord Cornwallis towards the scarcelyknown fords of Birmingham: they thendetached three divisions, forming aboutfive thousand men, under the generalsSullivan, Stirling, and Stephen. M. deLafayette, as volunteer, had alwaysaccompanied the general. The left wingremaining in a state of tranquillity, andthe right appearing fated to receive allthe heavy blows, he obtainedpermission to join Sullivan. At hisarrival, which seemed to inspirit thetroops, he found that, the enemy

having crossed the ford, the corps ofSullivan had scarcely had time to formitself on a line in front of a thinly-wooded forest. A few moments after,Lord Cornwallis formed in the finestorder: advancing across the plain, hisfirst line opened a brisk fire ofmusketry and artillery; the Americansreturned the fire, and did much injuryto the enemy; but their right and leftwings having given way, the generalsand several officers joined the centraldivision, in which were M. de Lafayetteand Stirling, and of which eighthundred men were commanded in amost brilliant manner by Conway, anIrishman, in the service of France. Byseparating that division from its two

wings, and advancing through an openplain, in which they lost many men, theenemy united all their fire upon thecentre: the confusion became extreme;and it was whilst M. de Lafayette wasrallying the troops that a ball passedthrough his leg; at that moment allthose remaining on the field gave way.M. de Lafayette was indebted to Gimat,his aide-de-camp, for the happiness ofgetting upon his horse. GeneralWashington arrived from a distancewith fresh troops; M. de Lafayette waspreparing to join him, when loss ofblood obliged him to stop and have hiswound bandaged; he was even verynear being taken. Fugitives, cannon,and baggage now crowded without

order into the road leading to Chester.The general employed the remainingdaylight in checking the enemy: someregiments behaved extremely well butthe disorder was complete. During thattime the ford of Chad was forced, thecannon taken and the Chester roadbecame the common retreat of thewhole army. In the midst of thatdreadful confusion, and during thedarkness of the night, it was impossibleto recover; but at Chester, twelve milesfrom the field of battle, they met with abridge which it was necessary to cross;M. de Lafayette occupied himself inarresting the fugitives; some degree oforder was re-established; the generalsand the commander-in-chief arrived;

and he had leisure to have his wounddressed.

It was thus, at twenty-six miles fromPhiladelphia, that the fate of that townwas decided, (11th September, 1777.)The inhabitants had heard everycannon that was fired there; the twoparties, assembled in two distinct bandsin all the squares and public places, hadawaited the event in silence. The lastcourier at length arrived, and thefriends of Liberty were thrown intoconsternation. The Americans had lostfrom 1000 to 1200 men. Howe's armywas composed of about 12,000 men;their losses had been so considerablethat their surgeons and those in the

country, were found insufficient, andthey requested the American army tosupply them with some for theirprisoners. If the enemy had marched toDerby, the army would have been cutup and destroyed: they lost an all-important night; and this was perhapstheir greatest fault, during a war inwhich they committed so many errors.

M. de Lafayette, having been conveyedby water to Philadelphia, was carefullyattended to by the citizens, who were allinterested in his situation and extremeyouth. That same evening the congressdetermined to quit the city: a vastnumber of the inhabitants desertedtheir own hearths whole families,

abandoning their possessions, anduncertain of the future, took refuge inthe mountains. M. de Lafayette wascarried to Bristol in a boat; he there sawthe fugitive congress, who onlyassembled again on the other side ofthe Susquehannah; he was himselfconducted to Bethlehem, a Moravianestablishment, where the mild religionof the brotherhood, the community offortune, education, and interests,amongst that large and simple family,formed a striking contrast to scenes ofblood, and the convulsions occasionedby a civil war.

After the Brandywine defeat, the twoarmies maneouvered along the banks

of the Schuylkill. General Washingtonstill remained on a height above theenemy, and completely out of his reach;nor had they again an opportunity ofcutting him off. Waine, an Americanbrigadier, was detached to observe theEnglish; but, being surprised during thenight, near the White-Horse, byGeneral Grey, he lost there the greatestpart of his corps. At length Howecrossed the Schuylkill at Swede's Ford,and Lord Cornwallis enteredPhiladelphia.

In spite of the declaration ofindependence of the New States,everything there bore the appearance ofa civil war. The names of Whig and

Tory distinguished the republicans androyalists; the English army was stillcalled the regular troops; the Britishsovereign was always designated by thename of the king. Provinces, towns,and families were divided by theviolence of party spirit: brothers,officers in the two opposing armies,meeting by chance in their father'shouse, have seized their arms to fightwith each other. Whilst, in the rancourof their pride, the English committedhorrible acts of licence and cruelty,whilst discipline dragged in her trainthose venal Germans who knew onlyhow to kill, burn, and pillage, in thesame army were seen regiments ofAmericans, who, trampling under foot

their brethren, assisted in enslavingtheir wasted country. Each cantoncontained a still greater number whosesole object was to injure the friends ofliberty, and give information to thoseof despotism. To these inveterateTories must be added the number ofthose whom fear, private interest, orreligion, rendered adverse to war. If thePresbyterians, the children of Cromwelland Fairfax, detested royalty, theLutherans, who had sprung from it,were divided among themselves: theQuakers hated slaughter, but servedwillingly as guides to the royal troops.Insurrections were by no meansuncommon: near the enemy's stations,farmers often shot each other; robbers

were even encouraged. The republicanchiefs were exposed to great dangerswhen they travelled through thecountry; it was always necessary forthem to declare that they should passthe night in one house, then takepossession of another, barricadethemselves in it, and only sleep withtheir arms by their side. In the midst ofthese troubles, M. de Lafayette was nolonger considered as a stranger; neverwas any adoption more complete thanhis own: and whilst, in the councils ofwar, he trembled when he consideredthat his voice (at twenty years of age)might decide the fate of two worlds, hewas also initiated in those deliberationsin which, by reassuring the Whigs,

intimidating the Tories, supporting anideal money, and redoubling theirfirmness in the hour of adversity, theAmerican chiefs conducted thatrevolution through so many obstacles.

Confined to his bed for six weeks, M.de Lafayette suffered from his wound,but still more severely from hisinactivity. The good Moravian brothersloved him, and deplored his warlikefolly. Whilst listening to their sermons,he planned setting Europe and Asia ina flame. As he was no longer able to doanything but write, he wrote to thecommander of la Martinique, andproposed to him to make a descentupon the English islands under

American colours. He wrote also to M.de Maurepas, and offered to conductsome Americans to the Isle of France,concerting previously with individualsan attack upon the English factories.~[21] From the particulars which havesince become known, that project inIndia would have succeeded; but it wasrejected at Versailles, where no answerswere yet vouchsafed to M. deLafayette's letters. Bouill more ardent intemper, would have adopted the wholeplan, but he could not act withoutpermission; and these delays led to theperiod of the war which M. deLafayette was so desirous of bringingon.

During his residence at Bethlehem, theEnglish entrenched themselves atPhiladelphia. The two rivers whichencompassed the town were united bya chain of wooden palisades and goodredoubts, partly covered by aninundation. A portion of their armywas encamped at Germantown, fivemiles in advance of those lines; thesewere attacked, the 4th of October, byWashington, and although his leftcolumn was retarded by an absurdprecedence of divisions, and misled bya thick fog, although the advance guardof the right, under Conway, attacked infront what it ought to have attacked inflank, the enemy was not less taken bysurprise and beaten, and the general,

with his victorious wing, passedthrough the whole extent of theenemy's encampment. All things wenton well until then; but a falsemovement of the left column, and stillmore the attack of a stone house whichthey should have turned, gave theenemy time to rally. Howe was thinkingof a retreat, but Cornwallis arrived inhaste with a reinforcement. TheAmericans repassed through theEnglish encampment, and the actionended by a complete defeat. Many menwere lost on both sides. GeneralAgnew, an Englishman, and GeneralNash, an American, were killed. TheAmericans had some dragoons underPulaski, the only one of the

confederated Poles who had refused toaccept a pardon. He was an intrepidknight, a libertine and devotee, and abetter captain than general; he insistedon being a Pole on all occasions, andM. de Lafayette, after havingcontributed to his reception in thearmy, often exerted himself to effect areconciliation betwixt him and theother officers. Without waiting for hiswound to be closed, M. de Lafayettereturned to head-quarters, twenty-fivemiles from Philadelphia. The enemy,who had fallen back upon their lines,attacked Fort Mifflin, upon an island,and Fort Red-Bank, on the left side ofthe Delaware. Some chevaux de frise,protected by the forts, and some galleys,

stopped the fleet, magazines, anddetachments which had been sent fromthe Chesapeak. Amongst the skirmisheswhich took place betwixt small partiesof soldiers, the most remarkable onewas the surprise of a corps of militia atCevoked-Billet,[22] in which theEnglish burnt their woundedprisoners in a barn. Such was thesituation of the south, when newswas received of the capitulation ofBurgoyne. That general, when hequitted Canada, had made adiversion on his right; but SaintLeger had failed in an operationagainst Fort Schuyler; and hehimself, by advancing towardsAlbany, appeared to have lost much

time. Gates was constantly addingnumerous militia to his continentaltroops. All the citizens being armedmilitia, a signal of alarmassembled them, or an order ofstate summoned them to march.But if that crusade were rather avoluntary one, their residence at thecamp was still more dependent ontheir own inclination: the disciplinewas suitable to the formation of thecorps. The continentalists, on thecontrary, belonged to the thirteenstates, of which each one suppliedsome regiments; the soldiers wereeither engaged for the war or forthree years, which improperalternative was occasioned by

republican jealousy. These regulartroops had military regulations, asevere discipline, and the officersof each state vied with each otherfor promotion. Gates, placed in anentrenched position, in the centreof woods, on the road to Albany,and with the North river on hisright, had assembled sixteenthousand men; and this invasion ofthe enemy, by threatening NewEngland, had served as an instantsummons to the brave militia. Theyhad already proved their strength atBennington, where Stark hadsurrounded and destroyed adetachment belonging toBurgoyne. The enemy, having

arrived within three miles of Gates,and not being able to make a circuitround him without abandoningtheir cannon and militaryaccoutrements, attempted twice toforce him; but they had scarcelycommenced their march whenArnold fell upon them with hisdivision, and in those woods, linedwith sharpshooters, it was onlypossible for them to reach theentrenchments. Arnold had his legbroken at the second affair;Lincoln, the other major-general,was wounded also. Four thousandmen, who embarked at New York,had, it is true, ascended theHudson. Whilst Vaughan was

needlessly burning Esopus,Clinton had taken all the forts thatdefended the river. They were butlittle annoyed by Putnam, who, inthe first breaking out of thetroubles, had thrown aside hisplough to bear to the army far morezeal than talent. But still thatdiversion was too weak; and by anote which a spy who had beentaken swallowed, but which wasrecovered by an emetic, it was seenthat Clinton was aware of his ownweakness. Burgoyne, abandoned bythe savages, regretting his bestsoldiers, and Frazer, his bestgeneral, reduced to five thousandmen, who were in want of

provisions, wished to retreat; but itwas then too late: hiscommunications were no longeropen; and it was at Saratoga, somemiles in the rear of his army, thathe signed the celebratedconvention. A brilliant troop,covered with gold, filed out withBurgoyne: they encountered Gatesand his officers, all clothed in plaingrey cloth. After a frugal repast, thetwo generals beheld the conqueredarmy filing out; and, as a memberof parliament said, "five thousandmen crossed the rebel country totake up their winter quarters nearBoston." Clinton then redescendedto New York, and the militia

returned to their domestic hearths.Gates' chief merit consisted in hisskilful choice of a position;Burgoyne's misfortune was owingto the nature of the country, whichwas impracticable and almost adesert. If the enemies of theformer criticised the terms of theconvention, M. de Lafayette loudlyproclaimed how glorious hethought it; but he blamed Gatesafterwards for rendering himselfindependent of his general, and forretaining the troops which he oughtto have sent him. To obtain them, itwas necessary to despatchHamilton, a young man of greattalents, whose counsels had justly

acquired much credit.[23]

The forts of the Delaware had not yetyielded: that of Red-Bank, defended byfour hundred men, was attacked, swordin hand, by sixteen hundred Hessians.The work having been reduced byMauduit, a young Frenchman, theenemy engaged betwixt the old andnew entrenchments. They were drivenback with the loss of seven hundredmen and Count Donop, their chief,whose last words were "I die the victim ofmy own ambition, and the avarice of mysovereign." That fort was commanded byan old and respected colonel, Greene,who, three years after, was massacred bythe English to whom he had

surrendered, whilst, covering him withhis own body, an old negro perishedheroically by his side. Fort Mifflin,although attacked by land and water,did not defend itself less valiantly; theAugusta, an English ship of the line,had been already blown up; a frigatealso perished; and Colonel Smith didnot even think of surrendering: but theisland being attacked from an unknownpassage, the works were assaulted fromthe rear, and were obliged to beevacuated. Lord Cornwallis and fivethousand men having fallen upon theJerseys, it became also necessary to quitRed-Bank which the Americans blewup before leaving it: General Greene,crossing the river at Trenton opposed,

with a precisely equal force, thedetachment of Cornwallis.

Although M. de Lafayette's wound wasnot yet sufficiently closed for him toput on a boot, he accompanied Greeneto Mount Holly; and detaching himselfin order to reconnoitre, he found theenemy, November 25th, at Gloucester,opposite Philadelphia. The booty theyhad collected was crossing the river. Toassure himself more fully on this pointM. de Lafayette advanced upon thestrip of land called Sandy Point, andfor this imprudence he would havepaid dearly if those who had the powerof killing him had not depended toomuch on those who had the power of

taking him prisoner. After havingsucceeded in somewhat appeasing theterror of his guides, he found himself,about four o'clock, two miles from theEnglish camp, before a post of fourhundred Hessians with their cannon.Having only three hundred and fiftymen, most of them militia, he suddenlyattacked the enemy, who gave waybefore him. Lord Cornwallis came upwith his grenadiers; but, supposinghimself to be engaged with the corpsof General Greene, he allowed himselfto be driven back to theneighbourhood of Gloucester, with aloss of about sixty men. Greene arrivedin the night, but would not attack theenemy. Lord Cornwallis passed over the

river, and the American detachmentrejoined the army at its station atWhitemarsh, twelve miles fromPhiladelphia. It had occupied, since thelast month, some excellent heights; thegeneral's accurate glance had discernedthe situation of the encampmentthrough an almost impenetrable wood.

The slight success of Gloucestergratified the army, and especially themilitia. The congress resolved, that "itwould be extremely agreeable to themto see the Marquis de Lafayette at thehead of a division."~[24] He quitted,therefore, his situation of volunteer,and succeeded Stephen in thecommand of the Virginians. The

junction of Cornwallis having been thework of some hours, and that ofGreene requiring several marches, it isdifficult to imagine why Howe gavehim time to arrive, and only proceededwith his army on the 5th of Decemberto Chesnut Hill, three miles fromWhitemarsh. After having felt his waywith the right wing, of which he stoodin some awe, he threatened to attack theextreme left; and that wing, followinghis own movements, stationed itself onthe declivity of the heights. Some shotswere exchanged betwixt the Englishlight horsemen and the Americanriflemen, very skilful carabineers, whoinhabit the frontiers of the savagetribes. Not being able to attack that

position, and not wishing to make thecircuit of it, Howe returned, on thefourth day, to Philadelphia. In spite ofthe northern reinforcements, theAmericans were reduced to ninethousand, and the advanced seasondiminished their numbers rapidly. Theprotection of the country had cost thearmy dear. The 15th of December theymarched toward Swedes' Ford, whereLord Cornwallis was accidentallyforaging on the other side of the river.M. de Lafayette, being upon duty, wasexamining a position, when his escortand the enemy fired upon each other.The uncertainty being mutual, LordCornwallis and General Washingtonsuspended their march; the former

having retired during the night, thearmy crossed over the Schuylkill, andentrenched itself in the station ofValley-Forge, twenty-two miles fromPhiladelphia. Having skillfully erectedthere, in a few days, a city of woodenhuts the army established itself in itsmelancholy winter quarters. A smallcorps was detached to Wilmington, andfortified itself, under the command ofBrigadier-General Smallwood.

Notwithstanding the success in thenorth, the situation of the Americanshad never been more critical than at thepresent moment. A paper money,without out any certain foundation,and unmixed with any specie, was both

counterfeited by the enemy anddiscredited by their partizans. Theyfeared to establish taxes, and had stillless the power of levying them. Thepeople, who had risen against thetaxation of England, were astonished atpaying still heavier taxes now; and thegovernment was without any power toenforce them. On the other side, NewYork and Philadelphia wereoverstocked with gold and variousmerchandizes; the threatened penaltyof death could not stop acommunication that was but too easy.To refuse the payment of taxes, todepreciate the paper currency, and feedthe enemy, was a certain method ofattaining wealth; privations and misery

were only experienced by good citizens.Each proclamation of the English wassupported by their seductions, theirriches, and the intrigues of the Tories.Whilst a numerous garrison livedsumptuously at New York, somehundreds of men, ill-clothed and ill-fed, wandered upon the shores of theHudson. The army of Philadelphia,freshly recruited from Europe,abundantly supplied with everythingthey could require, consisted ofeighteen thousand men: that of Valley-Forge was successively reduced to fivethousand men; and two marches on thefine Lancaster road, (on which roadalso was a chain of magazines,) byestablishing the English in the rear of

their right flank, would have renderedtheir position untenable; from which,however, they had no means of retiring.The unfortunate soldiers were in wantof everything; they had no coats, hats,shirts, or shoes; their feet and legs frozetill they became black, and it was oftennecessary to amputate them. From wantof money, they could neither obtainprovisions nor any means of transport;the colonels were often reduced to tworations, and sometimes even to one.The army frequently remained wholedays without provisions, and thepatient endurance of both soldiers andofficers was a miracle which eachmoment served to renew. But the sightof their misery prevented new

engagements; it was almost impossibleto levy recruits; it was easy to desertinto the interior of the country. Thesacred liberty was not extinguished, it istrue, and the majority of the citizensdetested British tyranny; but thetriumph of the north, and thetranquillity of the south, had lulled tosleep two-thirds of the continent. Theremaining part was harassed by twoarmies; and, throughout this revolution,the great difficulty was, that, in order toconceal misfortunes from the enemy, itwas necessary to conceal them from thenation also; that by awakening the one,information was likewise given to theother; and that fatal blows would havebeen struck upon the weakest points

before democratic tardiness could havebeen roused to support them. It wasfrom this cause that, during the wholewar, the real force of the army wasalways kept a profound secret; evencongress was not apprised of it, andthe generals were often themselvesdeceived. General Washington neverplaced unlimited confidence in anyperson, except in M. de Lafayette;because for him alone, perhaps,confidence sprung from warmaffection. As the situation grew morecritical, discipline became morenecessary. In the course of hisnocturnal rounds, in the midst ofheavy snows, de Lafayette was obligedto break some negligent officers. He

adopted in every respect the Americandress, habits, and food. He wished tobe more simple, frugal, and austerethan the Americans themselves.Brought up in the lap of luxury, hesuddenly changed his whole manner ofliving, and his constitution bent itselfto privation as well as to fatigue. Healways took the liberty of freely writinghis ideas to congress; or, in imitation ofthe prudence of the general, he gavehis opinion to some members of acorps or state assembly, that, beingadopted by them, it might be broughtforward in the deliberations ofcongress.

In addition to the difficulties which

lasted during the whole of the war, thewinter of Valley-Forge recals others stillmore painful. At Yorktown, behind theSusquehannah, congress was dividedinto two factions, which, in spite oftheir distinction of south and east, didnot the less occasion a separationbetween members of the same state.The deputies substituted their privateintrigues for the wishes of the nation.Several impartial men had retired;several states had but onerepresentative, and in some cases noteven one. Party spirit was so strong,that three years afterwards congress stillfelt the effects of it. Any great event,however, would awaken theirpatriotism; and when Burgoyne

declared that his treaty had beenbroken, means were found to stop thedeparture of his troops, whicheverything, even the few provisions forthe transports, had foolishly betrayed.But all these divisions failed to producethe greatest of calamities the loss ofthe only man capable of conductingthe revolution.

Gates was at Yorktown, where heinspired respect by his manners,promises, and European acquirements.Amongst the deputies who unitedthemselves to him, may be numberedthe Lees, Virginians, enemies ofWashington, and the two Adams.Mifflin, quarter-master-general, aided

him with his talents and brillianteloquence. They required a name tobring forward in the plot, and theyselected Conway, who fancied himselfthe chief of a party. To praise Gates,with a certain portion of the continentand the troops, was a pretext forspeaking of themselves. The peopleattach themselves to prosperousgenerals, and the commander-in-chiefhad been unsuccessful. His owncharacter inspired respect and affection;but Greene, Hamilton, Knox, his bestfriends, were sadly defamed. The Toriesfomented these dissensions. Thepresidency of the war-office, which hadbeen created for Gates, restricted thepower of the general. This was not the

only inconvenience; a committee fromcongress arrived at the camp, and theattack of Philadelphia was daringlyproposed. The most shrewd people didnot believe that Gates was the realobject of this intrigue. Though a goodofficer he had not the power to asserthimself. He would have given place tothe famous General Lee, then aprisoner of the English, whose firstcare would have been to have madeover to them his friends and allAmerica.

Attached to the general, and still moreso to the cause, M. de Lafayette did nothesitate for a moment; and, in spite ofthe caresses of one party, he remained

faithful to the other, whose ruinseemed then impending. He saw andcorresponded frequently with thegeneral, and often discused with himhis own private situation, and the effectthat various meliorations in the armymight produce. Having sent for his wifeto the camp, the general preserved inhis deportment the noble composurewhich belongs to a strong and virtuousmind. "I have not sought for thisplace," said he to M. de Lafayette; "if Iam displeasing to the nation I willretire; but until then I will oppose allintrigues."

(1778.) The 22nd of January, congressresolved that Canada should be

entered, and the choice fell upon M. deLafayette. The Generals Conway andStark were placed under him. Hopingto intoxicate and govern so young acommander, the war-office, withoutconsulting the commander-in- chief,wrote to him to go and await hisfurther instructions at Albany.[25] Butafter having won over by hisarguments the committee whichcongress had sent to the camp, M.de Lafayette hastened to Yorktown,and declared there "that herequired circumstantial orders, astatement of the means to beemployed, the certainty of notdeceiving the Canadians, anaugmentation of generals, and

rank for several Frenchmen, fullyimpressed," he added, "with thevarious duties and advantages theyderived from their name; but thefirst condition he demanded was,not to be made, like Gates,independent of GeneralWashington." At Gates' own househe braved the whole party, andthrew them into confusion bymaking them drink the health oftheir general.[26] In congress he wassupported by President Laurens, and heobtained all that he demanded. Hisinstructions from the war-officepromised that 2500 men should beassembled at Albany, and a large corpsof militia at Coos; that he should have

two millions in paper money, somehard specie, and, all means supplied forcrossing lake Champlain upon the ice,whence, after having burnt the Englishflotilla, he was to proceed to Montreal,and act there as circumstances mightrequire.

Repassing then, not without somedanger, the Susquehannah, which wasfilled with floating masses of ice, M. deLafayette set out for Albany, and, inspite of the obstacles offered by ice andsnow, rapidly traversed an extent offour hundred miles. Whilst travellingthus on horseback, he becamethoroughly acquainted with thesimplicity and purity of the inhabitants,

their patriarchal mode of life, and theirrepublican ideas. Devoted to theirhousehold cares, the women are happy,and afford to their husbands thecalmest and truest felicity. Theunmarried women alone is love spokenof, and their modesty enhances thecharm of their innocent coquetry. Inthe chance marriages which take placein Paris, the fidelity of the wife is oftenrepugnant to the voice of nature andof reason, one might almost say to theprinciples of justice. In America, a girlmarries her lover, and it would be likehaving two lovers at the same time ifshe were to break that valid agreement;because both parties know equally howand in what manner they are bound to

each other. In the bosom of their ownfamilies, the men occupy themselveswith their private affairs, or assembletogether to regulate those of the state.They talk politics over their glasses, andbecome animated by patriotism ratherthan strong liquor. Whilst the childrenshed tears at the name of Tory, the oldmen sent up prayers to Heaven thatthey might be permitted to see the endof that war. During his repeated andrapid journeys, M. de Lafayette, mixingwith all classes of society, was notwholly useless to the good cause, to theinterest of the French, and to the partyof General Washington.

M. de Lafayette, on arriving at Albany,

experienced some disappointments.Instead of 2500 men, there were not1200. Stark's militia had not evenreceived a summons. Clothes,provisions, magazines, sledges, all wereinsufficient for that glacial expedition.By making better preparations andappointing the general earlier, successwould probably have been secured.Several Canadians began to make amovement, and from that moment theytestified great interest in M. deLafayette; but two months wererequisite to collect all that wasnecessary, and towards the middle ofMarch the lakes begin to thaw. M. deLafayette, general, at twenty years ofage, of a small army, charged with an

important and very difficult operation,authorized by the orders of congress,animated by the expectations now feltin America, and which, he knew, wouldere long be felt likewise in Europe, hadmany motives for becomingadventurous; but, on the other hand,his resources were slender, the timeallowed him was short, the enemy wasin a good position, and Lieutenant-General Carleton was preparing for himanother Saratoga. Forced to take adecisive step immediately, he wrote acalm letter to congress, and with aheavy sigh abandoned the enterprise. Atthe same period, congress, becoming alittle less confident, despatched to himsome wavering counsels, which,

arriving too late, only served tocompromise the general and justify thegovernment. But the prudence of M.de Lafayette was at length rewarded bythe approbation of congress and ofthe nation; and, until the opening ofthe campaign, he continued tocommand that department.~[27] Hefound there that intrepid Arnold, whowas still detained by his wound, andwho since ...... ; he became intimatelyacquainted with Schuyler, thepredecessor of Gates, in disgrace aswell as Saint-Clair, but who continueduseful to the cause from the superiorityof his talents, his importance in thatpart of the country, and the confidencehe enjoyed in New York, of which state

he was a citizen.

If Canada did not herself send anoffensive army, all the savages were paidand protected by the English party: theHurons and Iroquois committed theirdevastations on that whole frontier.Some baubles or a barrel of rum weresufficient to make them seize thetomahawk; they then rushed uponvillages, burnt houses, destroyedharvests, massacred all, without regardto age or sex, and received on theirreturn the price of each bloody scalpthey could exhibit. A young Americangirl, whom her lover, an English, wasexpecting, that their marriage mighttake place, was killed by the very

savages he had sent to escort her. TwoAmericans were actually eaten up by theSenecas, and a colonel of the Englisharmy was a guest at that horrible repast."It is thus," was often said to thesavages, whilst drinking with them atthe councils, "it is thus we must drinkthe blood of rebels." M. de Lafayette,conscious that he could not protectsuch an immense extent of frontier,prepared quarters in every direction,and announced the speedy arrival oftroops in all the counties; and thisstratagem stopped the depredations ofthe savages, who do not usually attackthose places in which they expect tofind much resistance. But he kept theAlbany troops close together, satisfied

them a little as to payment, provisionedthe forts, which had been hithertoneglected, and arrested a plot of whichany particulars have never beenprecisely known. He found in GeorgeClinton, governor of the state of NewYork, a firm and an enlightened co-operator.

Soon after, Schuyler and Duane, whowere charged with the management ofthe affairs of the savages, appointed ageneral assembly at Johnson's Town,upon the Mohawk river. Recalling tothem their former attachment to theFrench, M. de Lafayette repaired thitherin a sledge to shew himself in personto those nations whom the English had

endeavoured to prejudice against him.Five hundred men, women, andchildren, covered with various colouredpaints and feathers, with their ears cutopen, their noses ornamented withrings, and their half-naked bodiesmarked with different figures, werepresent at the councils. Their old men,whilst smoking, talked politicsextremely well. Their object seemed tobe to promote a balance of power; ifthe intoxication of rum, as that ofambition in Europe, had not oftenturned them aside from it. M. deLafayette, adopted by them, receivedthe name of Kayewla, which belongedformerly to one of their warriors; andunder this name he is well known to all

the savage tribes. Some louis which hedistributed under the form of medals,and some stuffs from the state of NewYork, produced but little effect whencompared to the presents they hadreceived from England. A treaty wasentered into, which some of themrigidly observed; and the course of theevil was at least arrested for the present.The Oneidas and Tuscaroras, the onlyreal friends the Americans possessed,requested to have a fort; and M. deLafayette left them M. de Gouvion, aFrench officer, whose talents andvirtues rendered him of great value tothe cause. Whenever savages wererequired at the army, whenever therewas any dealings with these tribes,

recourse was always had to the creditof M. de Lafayette, whose necklaces andwords were equally respected.

On his return, he found that the formof a new oath had been established,which each civil and military officerwas to take, according to his ownreligious belief. An acknowledgment of theindependence, liberty, and sovereignty of theUnited States; an eternal renunciation ofGeorge III., his successors, and heirs, and everyKing of England; a promise to defend the saidstates against the said George III.; this wasthe purport of the oath administeredby him to the whole northerndepartment.~[28] At the approach ofspring, M. de Lafayette was recalled to

the south. The affairs of GeneralWashington were already in a moreflourishing condition. Several of thestates recommended him to theirdeputies; and from only suspecting oneof them of being unfavourable to him,the New York assembly wished to recalone of their delegates. Congress hadbeen a little recruited, and they werethinking of recruiting the army. AtValley-Forge, M. de Lafayette foundsome difficulty not from the substance,but merely from the form of the oath;but that difficulty was easily obviated.A short time after, Simeon Deanearrived with the treaty of commercebetween France and the United States.

By quitting France in so public amanner, M. de Lafayette had served thecause of the revolution. One portionof society was anxious for his successand the attention of the other hadbecome, to say the least, somewhatoccupied in the struggle. If a spirit ofemulation made those connected withthe court desirous of war, the rest ofthe nation supported the young rebel,and followed with interest all hismovements; and it is well known thatthe rupture that ensued was truly anational one. Some circumstancesrelating to his departure havingdispleased the court of London, M. deLafayette omitted nothing that coulddraw more closely together the nations

whose union he so ardently desired.The incredible prejudices of theAmericans had been, augmented by theconduct of the first Frenchmen whohad joined them. These men graduallydisappeared, and all those whoremained were remarkable for talents,or at least for probity. They became thefriends of M. de Lafayette, whosincerely sought out all the nationalprejudices of the Americans against hiscountrymen for the purpose ofovercoming them. Love and respect forthe name of Frenchman animated hisletters and speeches, and he wished theaffection that was granted to himindividually to become completelynational. On the other side, when

writing to Europe, he denied thereports made by discontentedadventurers, by good officers who werepiqued at not having been employed,and by those men who, servingthemselves in the army, wished to bewitty or amusing by the politicalcontrasts they described in their letters.But, without giving a circumstantialaccount of what private influenceachieved, it is certain that enthusiasmfor the cause, and esteem for itsdefenders, had electrified all France,and that the affair of Saratoga decidedthe ministerial commotion. Bills ofconciliation passed in the Englishhouse of parliament, and fivecommissioners were sent to offer far

more than have been demanded untilthen. No longer waiting to see how thingswould turn out, M. de Maurepas yieldedto the public wish, and what hisluminous mind had projected, the moreunchanging disposition of M. deVergennes put in execution. A treatywas generously entered into withFranklin, Deane, and Arthur Lee, andthat treaty was announced with moreconfidence than had been for sometime displayed. But the war was notsufficiently foreseen, or at leastsufficient preparations were not made.The most singular fact is, that at thevery period when the firm resistance ofthe court of France had guided theconduct of two courts, America had

fallen herself into such a state ofweakness, that she was on the verybrink of ruin. The 2nd of May, thearmy made a bonfire, and M. deLafayette, ornamented with a whitescarf, proceeded to the spot,accompanied by all the French. Sincethe arrival of the conciliatory bills, hehad never ceased writing against thecommission, and against everycommissioner. The advances of thesemen were ill-received by congress; and,foreseeing a French co-operation, theenemy began to think of quittingPhiladelphia.

General Washington sent two thousandchosen men across the Schuylkill to

collect intelligence. M. de Lafayette,their commander, repaired, the 18th ofMay, to Barren Hill, eleven miles fromthe two armies. On a good elevation,his right resting upon some rocks andthe river, on his left some excellentstone houses and a small wood, hisfront sustained by five pieces ofcannon, and with roads in his rear, suchwas the position of M. de Lafayette. Anhundred dragoons whom he wasexpecting did not arrive in sufficienttime; but he stationed six hundredmilitia on his left at Whitemarsh, andtheir general, Porter, made himselfanswerable for those roads. On theevening of the 19th, Howe, who hadjust been recalled, and Clinton, who

replaced him, sent out a detachment ofseven thousand men, with fourteenpieces of cannon, under GeneralGrant. Passing behind the inundation,that corps proceeded on the road toFrancfort, and, by a circuitousmovement, fell into that ofWhitemarsh, from which the militiahad just thought proper to retire. Onthe morning of the 20th, M. deLafayette was conversing with a younglady, who, on pretence of seeing herrelations, to oblige him had consentedto go to Philadelphia, when he wasinformed that the red dragoons were atWhitemarsh. It was the uniform ofthose he was expecting; he had placedPorter there; he had promised to pay

him a visit, and intended that veryevening to carry thither his detachment.But, for greater security, he examinedcarefully into the truth of the report;and, ascertaining that a column wasmarching on the left, he changed hisfront, and covered it with the houses,the wood, and a small churchyard.Scarcely was that movement ended,when he found himself cut off byGrant on the Swedes' Ford road in hisrear. It was in the presence of thetroops that he first heard the cry that hewas surrounded, and he was forced tosmile at the unpleasant intelligence.Several officers, whom he haddespatched to Valley-Forge, declaredthat they had been unable to find a

passage. Every moment was precious,and M. de Lafayette proceeded on theroad of Matson Ford, to which theenemy was nearer than himself. GeneralPoor commanded his advance guard;and to him he sent Gimat, his ownconfidential aide-de-camp. He placedhimself as the rear guard, and marchedon with rapidity, but withoutprecipitation. Grant had possession ofthe heights, and M. de Lafayette's roadlay immediately beneath them. Hisapparent composure deceived hisadversary; and perceiving that he wasreconnoitring him, he presented to him,from among the trees and behindcurtains, false heads of columns. Thetime that Grant occupied in

reconnoitring, and discovering animaginary ambuscade, M. de Lafayetteemployed in regaining the foreground;at length he passed by Grant's column.He managed to impose likewise onGrey's column, which followed him;and when the third division, underHowe and Clinton, reached BarrenHill, the Americans had already passedover Matson Ford. Forming themselveson the opposite shore, they awaited theenemy, who dared not attack them.Advancing on the ground, Howe wasastonished at finding only one red line:the generals quarrelled; and althoughthe commander in chief had invitedsome ladies to sup with M. deLafayette, although the admiral,

(Howe's brother,) knowing him to besurrounded, had prepared a frigate forhim, the whole army, (of which halfhad made a march of forty miles,)returned, much fatigued, withouthaving taken a single man. It was thenthat fifty savages, friends of theAmericans, encountered fifty Englishdragoons; and the cries of war on oneside, and the appearance of the cavalryon the other, surprised the parties somuch that they both fled, with equalspeed. The alarm had been likewisegreat at Valley Forge; and the report ofthree pieces of cannon that were therefired appeared an additional mystery toGrant. The aim of the general beingattained, the detachment returned to its

quarters, and M. de Lafayette was wellreceived by the general and army.~[29]

An exchange of prisoners had longbeen talked of, and the cruelty of theEnglish rendered this measure morenecessary. Cooped up in a vessel atNew York, and breathing a mostnoxious atmosphere, the Americanprisoners suffered all that grossinsolence could add to famine, dirt,disease, and complete neglect. Theirfood was, to say the least,unwholesome. The officers, oftenconfounded with their soldiers,appealed to former capitulations and tothe right of nations; but they were onlyanswered by fresh outrages. When one

victim sunk beneath such treatment,"Tis well," was said to the survivors;"there is one rebel less." Acts ofretaliation had been but rarely practisedby the Americans; and the English, likeother tyrants, mistook their mildnessand generosity for timidity. Fivehundred Americans, in a half-dyingstate, had been carried to the sea-shore,where the greatest number of themsoon expired, and the general veryproperly refused to reckon them inexchange for his own prisoners of war.Another obstacle to the cartel was thecapture of Lee, who had been takenprisoner in 1776; the congress insistedon his liberation, and, after muchdebating on both sides, he was at length

exchanged for General Prescot. Lee,who had been formerly a colonel in theEnglish service, a general in Poland,and a fellow-soldier of the Russiansand Portuguese, was well acquaintedwith all countries, all services, andseveral languages. His features wereplain, his turn of mind caustic, hisfeelings ambitious and avaricious, histemper uncomplying, and his wholeappearance singular andunprepossessing. A temporary fit ofgenerosity had induced him to quit theEnglish service, and the Americans, atthat period, listened to him as to anoracle. In his heart he detested thegeneral, and felt a sincere affection forhimself alone; but, in 1776, his advice

had undoubtedly saved both thegeneral and the army. He made manyadvances to M. de Lafayette, but theone was a violent Englishman, and theother an enthusiastic Frenchman, andtheir intimacy was often interrupted bytheir differences of opinion. Gates,whose great projects had beenfrustrated, was at that timecommanding a corps at White Plains,upon the left side of the Hudson,opposite to the island of New York.Conway had retired from service, andthe place of inspector, which had beencreated for him, was given to Steuben,an old Prussian, with moderate talents,but methodical habits, who organizedthe army and perfected their tactics. The

congress received at that time someconciliatory epistles, and the sentimentstheir answers breathed, like all the otherdeliberations of that assembly, werenobly felt, and nobly expressed. LordCarlisle was president of thecommission, and Lord Howe, SirHenry Clinton, Mr. Eden, andGovernor Johnstone were its members.The last named person wrote to somefriends, who published his letters.

On the 17th of June, Philadelphia wasevacuated. The invalids, magazines, andheavy ammunition of the British wereembarked with the general; thecommissioners of conciliation aloneremained behind. Passing over to

Gloucester, the army marched in twocolumns, each consisting of seventhousand men, commanded by Clintonand Knyphausen, towards New York.The army of the United States, whichwas of nearly equal force, directeditself from Valley Forge to Coryell'sFerry, and from thence to King's Town,within a march of the enemy; it wasthus left at the option of theAmericans, either to follow on theirtrack, or to repair to White Plains. In acouncil held on this subject, Lee veryeloquently endeavoured to prove that itwas necessary to erect a bridge of goldfor the enemy; that while on the verypoint of forming an alliance with them,every thing ought not to be placed at

hazard; that the English army had neverbeen so excellent and so welldisciplined; he declared himself to befor White Plains: his speech influencedthe opinion of Lord Stirling and of thebrigadiers-general. M. de Lafayette,placed on the other side, spoke late,and asserted that it would bedisgraceful for the chiefs, andhumiliating for the troops, to allow theenemy to traverse the Jerseys tranquilly;that, without running, any improperrisk, the rear guard might be attacked;that it was necessary to follow theEnglish, manoeuvre with prudence,take advantage of a temporaryseparation, and, in short, seize the mostfavourable opportunities and

situations. This advice was approved bymany of the council, and above all byM. du Portail, chief of the engineers,and a very distinguished officer. Themajority were, however, in favour ofLee; but M. de Lafayette spoke again tothe general on this subject in theevening, and was seconded byHamilton, and by Greene, who hadbeen lately named quarter-master inplace of Mifflin. Several of the generalofficers changed their opinion; and thetroops having already begun theirmarch, they were halted, in order toform a detachment. When united, therewere 3,000 continentalists and 1,200militia; the command fell to the shareof Lee, but, by the express desire of the

general, M. de Lafayette succeeded inobtaining it. Everything was going onextremely well, when Lee changed hismind, and chose to command thetroops himself; having again yieldedthis point, he re-changed once more;and as the general wished him toadhere to his first decision "It is myfortune and honour," said Lee, to M. deLafayette, "that I place in your hands;you are too generous to cause the lossof both!" This tone succeeded better,and M. de Lafayette promised to ask forhim the next day. The enemy,unfortunately, continued their march;M. de Lafayette was delayed by want ofprovisions; and it was not until the26th, at a quarter to twelve at night, that

he could ask for Lee, who was sentwith a detachment of one thousandmen to Englishtown, on the left side ofthe enemy. The first corps hadadvanced upon the right; and M. deLafayette, by Lee's especial order, joinedhim at midday, within reach of theenemy from whom he fortunatelysucceeded in concealing thismovement. The two columns of theEnglish army had united together atMonmouth Court-house, from whencethey departed on the morning of the28th. Whilst following them, theAmericans marched rapidly through thewoods of Freehold; and at eighto'clock the enemy's rear-guard was stillin the vicinity of the court-house. If

Lee had continued the direction he wasthen taking, he would have placedhimself in an excellent position,especially as the American army wasadvancing on the road to Freehold; butthe head of his cohort quitted thewood, into which it was again forced toretreat by the enemy's cannon. Lee thenaddressing himself to M. de Lafayette,told him to cross the plain, and attackthe left flank of the enemy; and whilstthis manoeuvre, which exposed themto the fire of the English artillery, wasexecuting, he sent him an order to fallback into the village in which he hadplaced the rest of the troops. Fromthence he drew back still farther, and,changing his attack to a retreat, he

exposed himself to be driven back byLord Cornwallis, and subsequently bythe whole English army, to whom goodspace of time had been allowed toform themselves in proper order.

At the first retrograde movement, M. deLafayette sent information to thegeneral of what was passing, who,arriving speedily on the spot, found thetroops retreating in confusion. "Youknow," said Lee, "that all this wasagainst my advice." The general,sending Lee to the rear,~[30] himselfformed seven or eight hundred men,and stationed them, with some cannon,upon a chosen spot, and M. deLafayette undertook to retard the

enemy's march. The English dragoonsmade their first charge upon a smallmorass which sheltered him: theinfantry marched round to attack himon the other side, but he had sufficienttime to retire; and the army had by thistime placed itself upon a height, wherehe took the command of the secondline. A cannonade was kept up on bothsides during the whole day, and twoattacks of the enemy were repulsed. Abattery, placed on their left, obligedthem to change their position, and,when they presented their flank, thegeneral attacked them and forced themto retreat, until darkness interrupted alloperations. The American troopscontinued to gain ground, and Clinton

retired during the night, leaving behindhim more than three hundred dead andmany wounded. The heat was sointense that the soldiers fell deadwithout having received a singlewound, and the fire of battle soonbecame untenable. During this affairwhich ended so well, although begunso ill, General Washington appeared toarrest fortune by his glance, and hispresence of mind, valour, and decisionof character, were never displayed togreater advantage than at thatmoment.~[31] Wayne distinguishedhimself; Greene and the brave Stirlingled forward the first line in the ablestmanner. From four o'clock in themorning until night M. de Lafayette

was momentarily obliged to change hisoccupations. The general and he passedthe night lying on the same mantle,talking over the conduct of Lee, whowrote the next morning a veryimproper letter, and was placed underarrest. He was afterwards suspended bya council of war, quitted the service,and was not regretted by the army.Clinton having retreated towards thehollows of Shrewsbury, the generalcontented himself with the successalready gained, and marched towardsWhite Plains; the second line, under M.de Lafayette forming the right column.The 4th of July, being the anniversaryof the declaration of independence,was celebrated at Brunswick; and a few

days later the army learnt that theCount d'Estaing was before NewYork.~[32]

Twelve French vessels, which sailedfrom Toulon, had been three months inreaching the Delaware: they arrivedthree days after the departure of theEnglish fleet, and, following it to NewYork, M. d'Estaing anchored at Sandy-hook, outside the bar. He offeredimmense sums to be conveyed acrossthat bar, but the pilots declared that thelarge vessels drew too much water, andthe French finally agreed to attackRhode Island, which the enemy thenoccupied with a force of 5000 men,who had entrenched themselves; whilst

the state militia, under the command ofSullivan, were stationed at Providence.M. Girard, a French minister, arrived onboard that squadron; he had been longmost anxiously expected by theAmericans, and M. de Lafayette calledhis delay a proof of confidence. Thelast mark of attention with which thecourt honoured M. de Lafayette, hadbeen an order to arrest him in the WestIndies; he was, in truth, out of favourin that quarter, and their displeasurehad increased on receiving his letters,which were dictated less by theprudence of a philosopher than by theenthusiasm of a young lover of liberty:but although no letters were addressedto him, M. d'Estaing was not less kind

and attentive in his conduct; and 2000continentalists having been despatchedfrom White-Plains to Providence, M.de Lafayette, who had exerted himselfto hasten their departure, conductedthem rapidly along the sound, across asmiling country, covered with villages,in which the evident equality of thepopulation distinctly proved thedemocracy of the government. Fromthe apparent prosperity of each colony,it was easy to judge of the degree offreedom which its constitution mightenjoy.

By forcing the passage between RhodeIsland and Connecticut, M. d'Estaingmight easily have carried off as

prisoners 1500 Hessians who werestationed on the latter island; but heyielded to Sullivan's entreaties, andwaited until that general should be inreadiness: but although the troops ofM. de Lafayette had traversed 240 miles,he found on his arrival that nopreparations were yet made. Herepaired to the squadron, and wasreceived with the greatest possibleattention, especially by the general; and,as M. de Suffren was placed in front, hecarried back to him an order from M.d'Estaing to attack three frigates, which,however, were burnt by their owncrews. The American army repaired, onthe 8th of August, to Howland's Ferry,during the time that the squadron was

forcing its way between the two islands.General Greene having joined the army,M. de Lafayette yielded to him thecommand of half his corps; each thenpossessed a wing, of 1000continentalists and 5000 militia. M. deLafayette's corps was to receive theaddition of the two battalions of Foixand Hainaut, with some marines. TheEnglish, fearing to be interceptedevacuated the forts on the right of theisland during the night of the 8th, andSullivan landed with his troops the nextday. M. de Lafayette was expecting theFrench that afternoon, and the boatswere already under way, when asquadron appeared in sight on thesouth of the island, at M. d'Estaing's

former anchorage. Lord Howe, braveeven to audacity, having watched themovements of the French admiral andhis fleet, collected a greater number ofships, of which the sizes were howevertoo unequal; his position, and thesouthern wind, would enable him, hethought, to throw succours intoNewport where General Pigot hadconcentrated his force; but the windchanged during the night, and the nextday M. d'Estaing, within sight of botharmies passed gallantly through the fireof the two batteries whilst the enemy,cutting their cables, fled, under heavypress of sail. After a chase of eighthours the two squadrons at length met,and Lord Howe would have paid dearly

for his temerity, had not a violent stormarisen, which dispersed the ships. By asingular chance, several of Byron'svessels came up at the same time ontheir return from Portsmouth, havingbeen separated at the Azores by aviolent gale of wind. The Languedoc, theadmiral's ship, deprived of its mastsand rudder, and driven by the tempestto a distance from the other vessels, wasattacked by the Isis, of fifty guns, andowed its safety only to the courage andfirmness of M. d'Estaing. At length hesucceeded in rallying his squadron, and,faithful to his engagements, reappearedbefore Rhode Island; but as he nolonger possessed the superiority offorce, he announced his intention of

repairing to Boston, where the Cesarhad taken shelter after a combat. Whenthe storm, which lasted three days,subsided, the American army drew nearNewport. This town was defended bytwo lines of redoubts and batteries,surrounded by a wooden palisade, thetwo concentrated fronts of whichrested on the sea-shore, and weresupported by a ravine that it wasnecessary to cross. The trench wasopened, the heavy batteries established,and General Greene and M. deLafayette were deputed to go on boardthe French admiral ship, to endeavourto obtain time, and propose either tomake an immediate attack, or to stationvessels in the Providence river. If M. de

Lafayette had felt consternation uponhearing of the dispersion of the fleet,the conduct of the sailors during thecombat, which he learnt with tears inhis eyes, inspired him with the deepestgrief. In the council, where the questionwas agitated, M. de Brugnon (althoughfive minutes before he had maintainedthe contrary) gave his voice in favourof Boston, and his opinion wasunanimously adopted. Before theyseparated, the admiral offered his twobattalions to M. de Lafayette, andappeared to feel great pleasure in beingthus enabled to secure him his rank inthe French army; but these troops wereuseful on board, and were notnecessary on the island, and M. de

Lafayette would not expose them todanger for his own private interest. Atthe departure of the vessels, there wasbut one unanimous feeling of regretand indignation. Their lost time,extinguished hopes, and embarrassedsituation, all served to increase theirritation of the militia, and theirdiscontent became contagious. Thepeople of Boston already spoke ofrefusing the fleet admission into theirport; the generals drew up aprotestation, which M. de Lafayetterefused to sign. Carried away by animpulse of passion, Sullivan inserted inan order "that our allies haveabandoned us." His ill humour wasencouraged by Hancock, a member of

congress, formerly its president, andwho then commanded the militia ofMassachusets stationed on the island.To him M. de Lafayette first declaredhis intentions, and then, calling uponSullivan, he insisted upon the wordsused in the order of the morning beingretracted in that of the evening. Somehours after, the general returned hisvisit, and, drawing him aside, a verywarm altercation took place; butalthough totally indifferent to the perilof a duel, Sullivan was neitherindifferent to the loss of the intimacyof M. de Lafayette, nor to the influencethis young Frenchman possessed athead-quarters, and over congress andthe nation; and in the numerous letters

which M. de Lafayette wrote on thisoccasion, he made ample use of hisinfluence over those three importantpowers.

Dr. Cooper, a presbyterian minister, wasextremely useful at Boston; andHancock himself ended by repairingthither to receive the squadron. Ratherthan yield to the public torrent, M. deLafayette had risked his ownpopularity; and in the fear of beingguided by private interest, he had goneto the extreme in the opposite line ofconduct. He lived in completeretirement, in his own military quarter,and was never seen but at the trench orthe council, in which latter place he

would not allow the slightestobservation to be made against theFrench squadron. As hopes were stillentertained of obtaining assistancefrom the latter, it was resolved to retreatto the north of the island; and M. deLafayette was sent on an embassy to M.d'Estaing. After having travelled allnight, he arrived at the moment whenthe general and his officers wereentering Boston. A grand repast, givenby the town, was followed by aconference between the council, theadmiral, and himself, at which M.d'Estaing, while he clearlydemonstrated the insufficiency of hisnaval force, offered to march himselfwith his troops. Every word was

submitted to M. de Lafayette, and theadmiral remarked this deferencewithout appearing hurt by it. That sameday, the 29th August, Sullivan retreatedfrom his post; and although thediscontent which the militiaexperienced had diminished thenumber of his troops, he conductedthis movement, and the attack which itoccasioned, with great ability.

The next morning, at the same time thatM. de Lafayette was informed of theevent, he learnt also that the two armieswere in close contact at the north ofthe island, and that Clinton had arrivedwith a reinforcement. Traversing theneighty miles in less than eight hours, he

repaired to Howland's Ferry, arrivingthere just as the army was re-crossing it.A corps of a thousand men had beenleft on the island, surrounded withdivisions of the enemy: M. de Lafayetteundertook the charge of them, andsucceeded in withdrawing themwithout losing a single man. Whencongress returned thanks to him for hisconduct during this retreat, theylikewise expressed their gratitude forhis journey to Boston, at the veryperiod when he might so rationallyhave expected an engagement.~[33]Sullivan returned to Providence, andleft M. de Lafayette in the command ofthe posts around the island: the post ofBristol, in which his principal corps

was placed, was exposed to an attack bywater; he announced this to GeneralWashington, to whom, Sullivan said, hethought the same idea had alsooccurred. It was at this place he learntthe affair of Ouessant, which heexpected to celebrate as an importantvictory; but the welfare of thesquadron recalled him to Boston,where he felt he could be useful to hiscountrymen. The general dissatisfactionwas soon appeased; and although M. deSaint Sauveur had been killedaccidentally in a tumult, the French hadnevertheless full cause to acknowledgethe kindness and moderation of theBostonians. During a walk which hetook with the Count d'Estaing, M. de

Lafayette pointed out to him theremains of the army of Burgoyne: twosoldiers of militia, stationed at eachwing, alone constituted its guard.Feeling that his presence was no longernecessary to the squadron, andbelieving that it was his duty to returnto France, M. de Lafayette set out torejoin the principal corps of the armyat Philadelphia.

During that time, the commissionershad made many addresses andproclamations. By endeavouring to gainover one member, Johnstone haddispleased the congress, who refused totreat with him. In a public letter, signedCarlisle, the French nation was taxed

with a perfidy too universally acknowledged torequire any new proof. With theeffervescence of youth and patriotism,M. de Lafayette seized this opportunityof opposing the commission; and thefirst impulse of M. d'Estaing was toapprove of his conduct. A haughtychallenge was sent from head-quartersto Lord Carlisle: the answer was an ill-explained refusal; and the impetuosityof M. de Lafayette was attended with agood result, whilst the prudence of thepresident was ridiculed in every publicpaper.~[34]

Soon afterwards, during M. deLafayette's residence at Philadelphia, thecommission received its death-blow;

whilst he was breakfasting with themembers of congress, the differentmeasures proper to be pursued werefrankly and cheerfully discussed. Thecorrespondence which took place atthat time is generally known; thecongress remained ever noble; firm,and faithful to its allies: secretaryThomson, in his last letter to Sir HenryClinton, informs him, that "the congressdoes not answer impertinent letters." Toconceal nothing from the people, all theproposals were invariably printed; butable writers were employed in pointingout the errors they contained. In thathappy country, where each manunderstood and attended to publicaffairs, the newspapers became

powerful instruments to aid therevolution. The same spirit was alsobreathed from the pulpit, for the Biblein many places favours republicanism.M. de Lafayette, having oncereproached an Anglican minister withspeaking only of heaven, went to hearhim preach the following Sunday, andthe words, the execrable house of Hanover,proved the docility of the minister.

M. de Lafayette addressed a polite letterto the French minister, and wrote alsoto the congress, that, "whilst hebelieved himself free, he had supportedthe cause under the American banner;that his country was now at war, andthat his services were first due to her;

that he hoped to return; and that heshould always retain his zealous interestfor the United States." The congressnot only granted him an unlimitedleave of absence, but added to it themost flattering expressions ofgratitude. It was resolved that a sword,covered with emblems, should bepresented to him, in the name of theUnited States, by their minister inFrance; they wrote to the king; and theAlliance, of thirty-six guns, their finestship, was chosen to carry him back toEurope. M. de Lafayette would neitherreceive from them anything farther, norallow them to ask any favour for him atthe court of France. But the congress,when proposing a co-operation in

Canada, expressed its wish of seeingthe arrangement of the affair confidedto him: this project was afterwardsdeferred from the general's notentertaining hopes Of its ultimatesuccess. But although old prejudiceswere much softened, although theconduct of the admiral and thesquadron had excited universalapprobation, the congress, the general,and, in short, every one, told M. deLafayette that, in the whole circuit ofthe thirteen states, vessels only wererequired, and that the appearance of aFrench corps would alarm the nation.As M. de Lafayette was obliged toembark at Boston, he set out again onthis journey of four hundred miles; he

hoped, also, that he should be able totake leave of M. d'Estaing, who hadoffered to accompany him to theislands; and whose friendship andmisfortunes affected him as deeply ashis active genius and patriotic courageexcited his admiration. Heated byfatiguing journeys and over exertion,and still more by the grief he hadexperienced at Rhode Island; andhaving afterwards laboured hard, drankfreely, and passed several sleeplessnights at Philadelphia, M. de Lafayetteproceeded on horseback, in a high stateof fever, and during a pelting autumnalrain. Fetes were given in compliment tohim throughout his journey, and heendeavoured to strengthen himself

with wine, tea, and rum: but at Fishkill,eight miles from head-quarters, he wasobliged to yield to the violence of aninflammatory fever. He was soonreduced to the last extremity, and thereport of his approaching deathdistressed the army, by whom he wascalled the soldier's friend, and the wholenation were unanimous in expressingtheir good wishes and regrets for themarquis, the name by which he wasexclusively designated. From the firstmoment, Cockran, director of thehospitals, left all his other occupationsto attend to him alone. GeneralWashington came every day to inquireafter his friend; but, fearing to agitatehim, he only conversed with the

physician, and returned home withtearful eyes, and a heart oppressed withgrief.~[35] Suffering acutely from araging fever and violent head-ache, M.de Lafayette felt convinced that he wasdying, but did not lose for a momentthe clearness of his understanding:having taken measures to be apprisedof the approach of death, he regrettedthat he could not hope again to see hiscountry and the dearest objects of hisaffection. Far from foreseeing thehappy fate that awaited him, he wouldwillingly have exchanged his futurechance of life, in spite of his one andtwenty years, for the certainty of livingbut for three months, on the conditionof again seeing his friends, and

witnessing the happy termination ofthe American war. But to the assistanceof medical art, and the assiduous careof Dr. Cockran, nature added thealarming though salutary remedy of anhemorrhage. At the expiration of threemonths, M. de Lafayette's life was nolonger in danger: he was at lengthallowed to see the general, and think ofpublic affairs. By decyphering a letterfrom M. d'Estaing, he learnt that, inspite of twenty-one English vessels, thesquadron had set out for la Martinique.After having spent some days together,and spoken of their past labours,present situations, and future projects,General Washington and he took atender and painful leave of each other.

At the same time that the enemies ofthis great man have accused him ofinsensibility, they have acknowledgedhis tenderness for M. de Lafayette; andhow is it possible that he should nothave been warmly cherished by hisdisciple, he who, uniting all that is goodto all that is great, is even more sublimefrom his virtues than from his talentsHad he been a common soldier, hewould have been the bravest in theranks; had he been an obscure citizen,all his neighbours would have respectedhim. With a heart and mind equallycorrectly formed, he judged both ofhimself and circumstances with strictimpartiality. Nature, whilst creating himexpressly for that revolution, conferred

an honour upon herself; and, to showher work to the greatest possibleadvantage, she constituted it in such apeculiar manner, that each distinctquality would have failed in producingthe end required, had it not beensustained by all the others.

In spite of his extreme debility, M. deLafayette, accompanied by hisphysician, repaired, on horseback, toBoston, where Madeira wine effectuallyrestored his health. The crew of theAlliance was not complete, and thecouncil offered to institute a press, butM. de Lafayette would not consent tothis method of obtaining sailors, and itwas at length resolved to make up the

required number by embarking someEnglish deserters, together with somevolunteers from among the prisoners.After he had written to Canada, andsent some necklaces to a few of thesavage tribes, Brice and Nevil, his aides-de-camp, bore his farewell addresses tothe congress, the general, and hisfriends. The inhabitants of Boston,who had given him so many proofs oftheir kindness and attention, renewedtheir marks of affection at hisdeparture; and the Alliance sailed on the11th of January. A winter voyage isalways boisterous in that latitude; buton approaching the banks ofNewfoundland, the frigate experienceda violent storm: her main-top mast torn

away, injured by a heavy sea, filling withwater, during one long dark night shewas in imminent danger; but a stillgreater peril awaited her, two hundredleagues from the coast of France. HisBritish Majesty, encouraging, themutiny of crews, had issued asomewhat immoral proclamation,promising them the value of every rebelvessel that they should bring into anEnglish port; which exploit could onlybe performed by the massacre of theofficers and those who opposed themutiny. This proclamation gave rise to aplot which was formed by the Englishdeserters and volunteers, who had mostimprudently been admitted, in greatnumbers, on board the ship: not one

American or Frenchman (for someFrench sailors had been found atBoston, after the departure of thesquadron) took part in this conspiracy.The cry of Sail! was to be raised, andwhen the passengers and officers cameon deck, four cannon, loaded withcanister shot, prepared by the gunner'smate, were to blow them into atoms.An English serjeant had also contrivedto get possession of some loaded arms.The hour first named was four in themorning, but was changed to four inthe afternoon. During that interim, theconspirators, deceived by the accent ofan American who had lived a long timein Ireland, and traded on its coast,disclosed the plot to him, and offered

him the command of the frigate: theworthy man pretended to accept it, andwas only able to inform the captain andM. de Lafayette of the conspiracy onehour before the time fixed for itsexecution. They rushed, sword in hand,upon deck, followed by the otherpassengers and officers, called upontheir own sailors to assist them, and,seized thirty-one of the culprits, whomthey placed in irons. Many others wereaccused in the depositions, but it wasjudged expedient to appear to relyupon the rest of the crew, although realconfidence was only placed in theFrench and Americans. Eight daysafterwards, the Alliance entered safelythe port of Brest, February, 1779.

When I saw the port of Brest receiveand salute the banner which floated onmy frigate, I recalled to mind the stateof my country and of America, and mypeculiar situation when I quittedFrance. The conspirators were merelyexchanged as English prisoners, and Ionly thought of rejoining my familyand friends, of whom I had receivedno intelligence during the last eightmonths. When I repaired to a courtwhich had hitherto only granted melettres de cachet, M. de Poix made meacquainted with all the ministers. I wasinterrogated, complimented, and exiled,but to the good city of Paris; and theresidence of the Hotel de Noailles was

selected, instead of according me thehorrors of the Bastille, which had beenat first proposed. Some days afterwards,I wrote to the king to acknowledge anerror of which the termination hadbeen so fortunate: he permitted me toreceive a gentle reprimand in person;and, when my liberty was restored tome, I was advised to avoid those placesin which the public might consecratemy disobedience by its approbation.On my arrival, I had the honour ofbeing consulted by all the ministers,and, what was far better, embraced byall the ladies. Those embraces lasted butone day; but I retained for a greaterlength of time the confidence of thecabinet, and I enjoyed both favour at

the court of Versailles, and popularityat Paris. I was the theme ofconversation in every circle, even afterthe queen's kind exertions had obtainedfor me the regiment of the king'sdragoons. Times are widely changed;but I have retained all that I mostvalued popular favour and the affectionof those I love.

Amidst the various tumultuous scenesthat occupied my mind, I did not forgetour revolution, of which the ultimatesuccess still appeared uncertain.Accustomed to see great interestssupported by slender means, I oftensaid to myself that the expense of onefte would have organized the army of

the United States; and to clothe thatarmy I would willingly, according to theexpression of M. de Maurepas, haveunfurnished the palace of Versailles. Inthe meantime, the principal object ofthe quarrel, American independence,and the advantage our government andreputation would derive from seizingthe first favourable opportunity, didnot appear to me sufficiently promotedby those immense preparations fortrifling conquests, and those projectsconceived in the expectation of peace;for no person seriously believed in war,not even when it was declared, after thehundredth injury had induced Spain toenter into those co-operations whichfinally terminated in nothing more than

noisy exercises.

Footnotes:

1. Note by M. de Lafayette upon theMemoirs written by himself and hisAmerican correspondence. Many papersrelating to the first years of my publiclife have been destroyed during thereign of terror. An imperfect copy ofthese memoirs has been saved: thisought to have been re-written; I havepreferred copying it precisely as it wasoriginally composed.

Several letters written from America

had been copied by my wife for Dr.Dubrucil, (physician to the king and tola Charit, at St. Germain-en-laza,deceased 1785,) whose friendship wasthe pride of one portion of my life,and who has filled the remainder of itwith a deep and tender recollection.Those papers have been preserved; itwould be necessary to suppress somerepetitions and insignificant details, butI have left them almost all untouched,because, whilst forming this collection,I felt pleasure in recalling thesentiments that had animated me atvarious periods of my existence.

The Duke d'Ayen, my father-in-law, wasnot one of the least hasty and severe

censurers of my departure for Americabut he restored to me his favour withall the kindness and sincerity whichcharacterized him: his affectionatecongratulations deeply touched myheart. The same feeling induces me atthe present moment to repeat somedetails contained in the letters Iaddressed to him.

2. Michel-Louis-Christophe-Roch-Gilbert de Motier, Marquis deLafayette, colonel of the grenadiers ofFrance, Chevalier de St. Louis, killed atthe battle of Minden before the age oftwenty-five.

3. The college du Plessis.

4. Marie-Louise-Julie de la Rivire, diedat Paris the 12th of April, 1770, somedays before her father Joseph-Yves-Thibauld-Hyacinthe, Marquis de laRivire.

5. Previous to the marriage of M. deLafayette, we have only one letterwritten by him at fourteen years of age,the 8th of February, 1772, which willbe read perhaps with some curiosity. Itis addressed to his cousin,Mademoiselle de Chavaniac.

"I have just received, my dear cousin,your letter, and the good account yougive me of my grandmother's health.

After that, which was what firsttouched my heart, I was muchinterested by the account of the huntof the proprietor of the forests ofLata. I should like very much to knowwhether those dogs that neither walknor bark contributed to the success ofthe expedition The details of that huntwould have amused me very much; if Ihad been speaking to you of a new-fashioned cap, I should have thought itmy duty to have described to you itsfigure and proportions, with a compassin my hand.

"Our cousin's marriage is broken off;there is another one on the carpet, butthey are obliged to lower their tone

exceedingly. Mademoiselle deRoucherolles, a place with Madame deBourbon, of a thousand crowns a-year,and five thousand small livres a-yearthat is the whole amount. You see thatthis is a very short abridgment of theother intended matches. My uncle, whocame to see me the other day, consentsto the marriage, on condition that thePrince de Cond will promise one of hisregiments of cavalry to the cousin.Madame de Montboissier thinks this isasking too much, and told M. leMarquis de Canillic that, in truth, if hewere so difficult, her husband wouldno longer take any part in his affairs;this offended him and some highwords passed on both sides. The

nephew does not care much about themarriage. He said, there were in his ownprovince far better matches, which henamed, that would not be refused him.

"I thought I had written you word thatthe Cardinal de Le Roche-Aimon wasabb de St. Germain. It is said that M. deBriges has the barony de Mercoeur. M.de la Vauguyon has died, little regrettedeither by the court or by the town. Theball of last Thursday is put off to the15th, that is to say, for week hence. Idined, the day before yesterday,Thursday, with M. de la Tourd'Auvergne, who is on a complimentaryfooting with M. de Turenne, now Dukede Bouillon. He told us he should lose

perhaps a million from politeness. Youwill recognise him by that phrase.

"Adieu, dear cousin; my respects, if youplease, to all the family; M. de Fayonpresents his to you, and I remain yourobedient servant,

"LAFAYETTE."

6. A place in the household of a princeof royal blood. The Marshal deNoailles wished for this arrangement.To prevent it without openly opposingthe will of those he loved, M. deLafayette took an opportunity ofdispleasing, by a few words, the prince,to whose person they were desirous of

attaching him, and all negotiations onthe subject were thus broken off. Wedo not believe that since that period areconciliation has ever taken placebetween him and Louis XVIII.

7. In 1828, Mr. Jared Sparks, adistinguished American author,intending to form a collection of thewritings of Washington, which he is atpresent publishing at Boston, made avoyage to France to converse with M.de Lafayette, and consult the archivesof foreign affairs. He obtained fromthe general many anecdotes, letters, anddocuments, of which extracts haveenriched his publication. At the closeof vol. v., he has placed an appendix,

containing the account of thedeparture of M. de Lafayette fromFrance, and his arrival in America. Wedoubt not but that the details of thatnarration were related, nay, perhapseven written, by the general himself. Weshall therefore quote some extractsfrom it without hesitation, which,placed as notes, will completelyelucidate the text of these memoirs.

"In the summer of 1776," says Mr.Sparks, "M. de Lafayette was stationedon military duty at Metz, being then anofficer in the French army. It happenedat this time that the Duke ofGloucester, brother to the King ofEngland, was at Metz, and a dinner was

given to him by the commandant ofthat place. Several officers were invited,and among others Lafayette.Despatches had just been received bythe duke from England, and he madetheir contents the topic ofconversation; they related to Americanaffairs, the recent declaration ofindependence, the resistance of thecolonists, and the strong measuresadopted by the ministry to crush therebellion.

"The details were new to Lafayette; helistened with eagerness to theconversation, and prolonged it byasking questions of the duke. Hiscuriosity was deeply excited by what he

heard, and the idea of a people fightingfor liberty had a strong influence uponhis imagination; the cause seemed tohim just and noble, from therepresentations of the duke himself;and before he left the table, the thoughtcame into his head that he would go toAmerica, and offer his services to apeople who were struggling forfreedom and independence. From thathour he could think of nothing butthis chivalrous enterprise. He resolvedto return to Paris and make furtherinquiries.

When he arrived in that city, heconfided his scheme to two youngfriends, Count Segur and Viscount de

Noailles, and proposed that theyshould join him. They entered withenthusiasm into his views; but as theywere dependent on their families, it wasnecessary to consult their parents, whoreprobated the plan and refused theirconsent. The young men faithfully keptLafayette's secret: his situation wasmore fortunate, as his property was athis own disposal, and he possessed anannual revenue of nearly two hundredthousand livres.

"He next explained his intentions to theCount de Broglie who told him that hisproject was so chimerical, and fraughtwith so many hazards, without aprospect of the least advantage, that he

could not for a moment regard it withfavor, nor encourage him with anyadvice which should prevent him fromabandoning it immediately. WhenLafayette found him thus determined,he requested that at least he would notbetray him for he was resolved to go toAmerica. The Count de Broglie assuredhim that his confidence was notmisplaced; 'But,' said he, 'I have seenyour uncle die in the wars of Italy; Iwitnessed your father's death at thebattle of Minden; and I will not beaccessary to the ruin of the onlyremaining branch of the family: Hethen used all his powers of argumentand persuasion to divert Lafayette fromhis purpose, but in vain. Finding his

determination unalterable, the Countde Broglie said, as he could render himno aid, he would introduce him to theBaron de Kalb, who he knew wasseeking an opportunity to go toAmerica, and whose experience andcounsels might be valuable. (TheWritings of George Washington, vol. v.Appendix, No. 1, p. 445.)

8. M. du Boismartin was the personsent to Bourdeaux to secure thepurchase and equipment of the shipthat M. de Lafayette intended for theUnited States. (Sparks, loc. cit.)

9. It is a singular coincidence that, atthe same time that General Washington,

who had never left America, reduced tocorps of two thousand men, did notdespair of the common cause, the samesentiment was animating, two thousandleagues from thence, the breast of ayouth of nineteen, who was destined tobecome one day his intimate friend,partake with him the vicissitudes andhappy termination of that revolution,and afterwards carry back to anotherhemisphere the principles of libertyand equality which formed its basis.

10. With the Prince de Poix. Thisjourney lasted three weeks.

11. The Marquis de Noailles, brother tothe Duke d'Aven, and uncle to Madame

de Lafayette.

12. M. de Lafayette learnt, at Bordeaux,that his intended departure was knownat Versailles, and that the order toprevent it had been already issued.After having taken his ship to thecommon port of the Passage, hereturned himself to Bordeaux, andwrote to the ministers, to his family andfriends. Amongst the latter was M. deCoigny, to whom he sent a confidentialperson, and who bade him entertain nohopes of obtaining the permission hewished for. Pretending to repair toMarseilles, where he had received anorder to join his father-in-law, who wasgoing into Italy, he set off in a

postchaise with an officer namedMauroy, who was desirous of going toAmerica. Some leagues from Bordeauxhe got on horseback, disguised as acourier, and rode on before thecarriage, which took the road toBayonne. They remained two or threehours in that town, and whilst Mauroywas arranging some necessary affairs,M. de Lafayette remained lying on somestraw in the stable. It was thepostmaster's daughter who recognisedthe pretended courier Saint Jean deLuz, from having seen him whenreturning from the Passage harbour toBordeaux. (Sparks, loc. cit.)

13. These memoirs, written until now

in the first person, change here to thethird person, in spite of the kind ofengagement taken in the first page tocontinue them in the former manner.We are ignorant of the cause of theinconsistency thus offered by themanuscript, which is, however,completely written in the general's ownhand.

14. See, at the end of these memoirs,amongst the various fragments,fragment A.

15. The court of France despatchedorders to the Leeward and WindwardIslands to stop him on his road,because the ship, not being able to take

out papers for North America, was tohave stopped in the Spanish islands.(Manuscript No. 1.) Mr. Sparks relatesthat M. de Lafayette declared to thecaptain that the ship belonged to him,and that if he offered the slightestresistance, he would take from him thecommand and give it to the mate. Butas he soon discovered that the realmotive of the captain's resistance was acargo belonging to him of 8000dollars, M. de Lafayette secured to himits full value upon his own privatefortune, and thus succeeded inovercoming all his scruples.(Washington's writings, loc. cit.)

16. When they landed, says Mr. Sparks,

a distant light served to guide them. Asthey approached the house fromwhence it issued, the dogs barked, andthe people took them for a band ofmarauders landing from an enemy'sship. They were asked who they were,and what they wanted. Baron Kalbreplied and all suspicions vanished. Thenext morning the weather wasbeautiful. The novelty of all thatsurrounded him, the room, the bedcovered with mosquito nets, the blackservant who came to ask hiscommands, the beauty and foreignaspect of the country which he beheldfrom his windows, and which wascovered by a rich vegetation, all unitedto produce on M. de Lafayette a

magical effect, and excite in him avariety of inexpressible sensations.(Sparks, appendix.)

17. An American, who must not beconfounded with the two brothers ofthat name who commanded the one theEnglish army, the other the Englishfleet.

18. When he arrived at Philadelphia, M.de Lafayette delivered his letters to Mr.Lovell, president of the committee forforeign affairs. The next day heproceeded to congress: Mr. Lovell cameout of the meeting, and told him therewas but little hope of his request beingacceded to. Suspecting that his letters

had not been read, M. de Lafayettewrote the note which will be found inthe text. The resolution of the congressconcerning him, deliberated the 31st ofJuly, is expressed in the followingmanner: "Seeing that the Marquis deLafayette, on account of his great zealin the cause of liberty in which theUnited States are engaged, has quittedhis family and country, and has come tooffer his services to the United States,without demanding either pay orprivate indemnity, and that he desires toexpose his life in our cause, resolved,that his services be accepted, and that,on account of his zeal, illustriousfamily and connexions, he shall havethe rank and commission of major-

general in the army of the UnitedStates." The real intention of thisresolution was to give a rank to M. deLafayette, and to leave to GeneralWashington the right and care ofconfiding to him a command in unisonwith that rank. (Letters of Washington,2nd part. V, p. 10, 35, and 128, andappendix No. I.)

19. He was presented, for the first time,to Washington, says Mr. Sparks, at adinner, at which several members ofcongress were present. When they wereseparating, Washington drew Lafayetteaside, expressed much kindness forhim, complimented him upon his zealand his sacrifices, and invited him to

consider the headquarters as his ownhouse, adding, with a smile that hecould not promise him the luxuries ofa court, but that as he was become anAmerican soldier, he would doubtlesssubmit cheerfully to the customs andprivations of a republican army. Thenext day Washington visited the fortsof the Delaware, and invited Lafayetteto accompany him. (Sparks, ibid.)

20. See fragment B.

21. From Bethlehem he wrote to M. deBoull, governor of the WindwardIslands, to propose to him to attack theEnglish islands under Americancolours. That general approved of the

project, and forwarded it to the court,who would not, however, accept it. Atthe same period, M. de Lafayette,although in disgrace himself at court,wrote to the Count de Maurepas, topropose to him a still more importantenterprise against the English factories,but also under American colours. Theold minister, from prudential motives,did not adopt this project, but he spokepublicly in praise of it, and expressed,ever after, a great partiality for Lafayette."He will end, one day," said he, smiling,"by unfurnishing the palace ofVersailles to serve the American cause;for when he has taken anything into hishead, it is impossible to resist him."(Note by M. de Lafayette.)

22. This name is very illegible in themanuscript.

23. The celebrated Alexander Hamilton,one of the authors of the Federalist.

24. Journal of Congress, 1st December,1777.

25. See fragment C, at the end of theMemoirs.

26. After having thus declared himself,he wrote to congress that "he couldonly accept the command on conditionof remaining subordinate to GeneralWashington, of being but considered

as an officer detached from him, andof addressing all his letters to him, ofwhich those received by congresswould be but duplicates." Theserequests, and all the others he made,were granted. (Manuscript No. 2.)

27. He had the discretion to renouncean expedition which, undertakenwithout proper means, would haveproduced fatal effects upon the wholenorthern part of the United States. AtGeorgetown, the present residence ofcongress, some anxiety wasexperienced, because they feared thatM. de Lafayette had trusted himselfupon the lakes in the season of the yearwhen the ice begins to melt. The

counter orders that were sent himwould have arrived too late; and whenit became known that he had himselfrenounced the expedition, he receivedthe thanks of congress and of theminister of war, General Gates, who, inspite of the line of conduct Lafayettehad pursued during his quarrel withGeneral Washington, had alwaysexpressed great respect and esteem forhim. (Manuscript No. 1.)

28. It is singular that the oath ofrenunciation to Great Britain and herking, which every one employed in thecontinental service was obliged to takeat that time, should have beenadministered in one half of the United

States by a Frenchman of twenty yearsof age. (Manuscript No. 2.)

29. See, after these Memoirs, fragmentD.

30. The two battalions formed to arrestthe enemy's march were placed byGeneral Washington himself. When,after having expressed his own feelingsof dissatisfaction, he wished to givehimself time to form his army on theheights behind the passage, he left thereMajor-General Lafayette, Brigadier-General Knox, commanding theartillery, and some officers of his staff.The colonels were good officers, andthe battalions conducted themselves

perfectly well. When the army wasranged in order of battle, GeneralGreene commanded the right of thefirst line, Lord Stirling the left, andLafayette the second line. (ManuscriptNo. 2.)

31. General Washington was nevergreater in battle than this action. Hispresence stopped the retreat; hisarrangements secured the victory. Hisgraceful bearing on horseback, his calmand dignified deportment, which stillretained some trace of the displeasurehe had experienced in the morning,were all calculated to excite the highestdegree of enthusiasm. (Manuscript No.2.)

32. See, after these Memoirs, thefragment E.

33. See fragment F.

34. The following was written by M. deLafayette twenty years after thepresumed date of the memoirs: "LordCarlisle refused, and he was right. Thechallenge, however, excited some jokesagainst the commission and itspresident, which, whether well or illfounded, are always disadvantageous tothose who become their objects."(Manuscript No. 1.) "Lord Carlisle wasright: but the challenge appearing theresult of chivalric patriotism, party

spirit took advantage of thecircumstance, and the feeling whichhad inspired this irregular step wasgenerally approved." (Manuscript No.2.)

35. General Washington who, whenLafayette was wounded at Brandywine,said to the surgeon, "Take care of him asif he were my son, for I love him the same"expressed for him, during this illness,the most tender and paternal anxiety.(Manuscript No. 1.)

FRAGMENTS

EXTRACTED FROM VARIOUSMANUSCRIPTS.~[1]

Footnote:

1. We have already mentioned thesemanuscripts. The one we termManuscript No. 1, consists of a rapidsketch of the American life of GeneralLafayette; the other one, or Manuscript 2,is entitled, Observations on some portion ofthe American History, by a Friend ofGeneral Lafayette. Both appear to havebeen written about the period of theempire. Fragment A is drawn from theManuscript No. 2.

* * * * *

A.

DEPARTURE FOR AMERICA IN1777.

The histories of the American war andrevolution are, generally speaking, veryfavourable to M. de Lafayette; the lifeof Washington, by Mr. Marshall, isespecially so. There is one phrase,however, (page 410 of the third volumeof the London edition,) which requiressome explanation. "He left Franceostensibly in opposition to his sovereign." Thiscircumstance is treated in a more lucidand exact manner in the followingworks: The History, etc., by William

Gordon, D.D., vol. ii., pages 499 and 500.London, 1788. The History of the AmericanRevolution, by Dr. Ramsay, vol. ii., page11. Philadelphia, 1789.

The importance of this step wasincreased by a peculiar circumstance.The preparations for the purchase andequipment of the vessel had delayedLafayette's departure until the periodwhich had been long previously fixedupon for an excursion of some weeksinto England; this enabled him toconceal his departure; the Americancommissioners were well pleased totake advantage of this accident.Lafayette refused the proposals whichwere made him in London to visit the

ports, or to do anything which could beconstrued into an abuse of confidence.He did not conceal his partiality for theAmerican insurgents; but heendeavoured to profit by the paradewith which, from political motives, theking and his ministry received at thatperiod all persons coming from thecourt of France, and the attentionwhich was paid them. The Marquis deNoailles, the ambassador, was his uncle.Lafayette felt no scruple incompromising the diplomatic characterof this representation of the King ofFrance, so that the maximum of thefavourable effect that his departurecould produce was obtained inEngland.

The same result took place in France. Itwould be difficult at this period toimagine into what a state of politicaland military insignificance the nationand government had been reducedduring the war of seven years, and,above all, after the partition of Poland.The French ministry had personally, atthat period, the reputation of greatcircumspection; the few indirectrelations it permitted itself to hold withthe agents of the insurgent colonieswere only managed through themedium of unacknowledged agents,and were discovered the moment theambassador pretended to becomeacquainted with them, or that the

Americans could have drawn anyadvantage from them. Amongst thedepartures on which the ministers werekind enough to close their eyes, therewere only four engineers for whom thistoleration was in truth a secretmission.~[1] One word from LordStormont was sufficient to procure thedetention, discharge, and sometimesimprisonment of the Americansadmitted into our ports: their liberty orproperty was only restored to themsurreptitiously, and as if escaping fromthe vigilance of a superior.

Amidst this labyrinth of precautions,feebleness, and denials, the effect maybe conceived that was produced at

Versailles by the bold step taken by ayouth of distinguished birth andfortune, allied to one of the firstfamilies of the court, by whom theKing of England and his ministerswould fancy themselves braved andeven laughed at, and whose departurewould leave no doubt as to theconnivance of the ambassador andgovernment of France. The displeasureof the rulers was roused to the highestpitch: a portion of Lafayette's familyshared in this displeasure. He hadsecretly traversed France. Having metnear Paris with Carmichael, secretary ofthe American agents, he had urged theimmediate departure of his vessel fromBordeaux, preferring to complete the

necessary arrangements at the Spanishport of Passage. He returned himselfto Bordeaux, in the hope of obtaininga consent which he considered wouldbe useful to his cause. The return ofhis courier having informed him thatthey would not condescend to give ananswer to such an indiscreet request, hehastened to quit France himself in thedisguise of a courier, and lost no timein setting sail.

The government, to appease as far aspossible, the English ambassador,despatched two light vessels to theLeeward and Windward Islands to stopLafayette. At that period, the Frenchnavigators did not risk steering straight

towards the American continent; theyfirst repaired to the West Indies, and,taking out papers for France, theyranged as close as possible to theAmerican coast, and endeavoured toseize a favourable moment or pretext tosteal into a harbour. Lafayette's vesselhad followed the common course ofall expeditions; but its youthful owner,who had several officers with him, andhad won the affection of the crew,obliged the captain to take astraightforward direction. A lucky galeof wind drove off the frigates that hadbeen cruising on the preceding daybefore Georgetown, and he sailed intothat port, having been protected by fateagainst the various obstacles which had

been opposed to his enterprise.

But whilst the French government thusseconded the views of the Englishgovernment, the departure of youngLafayette produced, in Paris, in thecommercial towns, in all societies, andeven at court, a sensation that was veryfavourable to the American cause. Theenthusiasm it excited was in a greatmeasure owing to the state of politicalstagnation into which the country hadso long been plunged, the resentmentexcited by the arrogance of England,her commissioner at Dunkirk, her navalpretensions, and the love inherent in allmankind of bold and extraordinarydeeds, especially when they are in

defiance of the powerful, and toprotect the weak in their struggle forliberty. To these peculiar circumstancesmay be imputed the increased interestand attention, the strong nationalfeeling, and the constantly augmentingforce of public opinion to which theFrench government at length yielded,when, in its treaties with the UnitedStates, it formed engagements withthem, and commenced a war withEngland, which were both equallyopposed to its real character andinclination.

Footnote:

1: MM. de de Gouvion, Duportail,

Laradire, and Laumoy.

B.

FIRST INTERVIEW BETWEENGENERAL WASHINGTON ANDGENERAL LAFAYETTE.

The appearance of the two brothersHowe before the capes of the Delawarehad given rise to the supposition that itwas upon that side they intended toland. General Washington repaired withhis army towards the neighbourhoodof Philadelphia. That army had beenrecruiting during the winter.

Washington went to Philadelphia toattend a public dinner given in honourof him. It was then Lafayette wasintroduced to him. This youngforeigner had travelled by land over thesouthern states, and had made a directapplication to the congress, requestingto serve at first as volunteer, and toserve at his own expense. The memberswere much struck with two requestsdiffering so widely from those ofseveral other officers, and of one inparticular, an officer of artillery, whohad made great pretensions on hisarrival, and had soon afterwardsdrowned himself in the Schuylkill. Therank of major-general (the highest inthe American army) was given to

Lafayette. Washington received theyoung volunteer in the most friendlymanner, and invited him to reside in hishouse as a member of his militaryfamily, which offer Lafayette acceptedwith the same frankness with which itwas made.

He remained there until he wasappointed to the command of adivision. The court of France hadrequired that the American envoysshould write to America to preventLafayette from being employed in theirarmy. They did not hasten to despatchthat letter, and, when its contentsbecame known, the popularity ofLafayette was so great that it could not

produce any effect. It is thus evident,that from the first moment of hisembracing the American cause everyobstacle was thrown in his way; all ofwhich, however, he encountered andsurmounted. (Manuscript No. 1.)

C.

ON THE MILITARY COMMANDSDURING THE WINTER OF 1778,AND THE FRENCH IN THESERVICE OF THE UNITEDSTATES.

Amongst the various means employed

to deprive the general-in-chief of hisfriends, attempts were made to awakenthe ambition of Lafayette, who alreadyenjoyed much popularity in the armyand in the country, and who besidesappeared to the enemies ofWashington, from his relations withEurope, one of the men whom it wasmost important to draw into their party.They fancied they should gain him overby offering him the government of thenorth, which Gates had just quitted,and by the hope of an expedition intoCanada. General Washington received apacket from the minister of war,enclosing a commission for Lafayette asan independent commander-in-chief,with an order to repair to the congress

to receive instructions. The generalplaced it in his hands, without allowinghimself any observation on the subject.Lafayette immediately declared to threecommissioners of congress, whohappened to be at that moment in thecamp, "that he would never accept anycommand independent of the general,and that the title of his aide-de-campappeared to him preferable to any otherthat could be offered him." WhenGeneral Washington received the orderof congress, he only said to his youngfriend, whilst placing the letter in hishand, "I prefer its being for you ratherthan for any other person."

The military commands, during the

winter of 1777-1778, were distributedin the following manner: GeneralWashington assembled in some huts atValley-Forge what was termed theprincipal army, reduced at that time tofour or five thousand half-clothed men.General Mac-Dougal had the directionof a station at Peekskill. Lafayettecommanded what was called thenorthern army, that is to say, a handfulof men; his head-quarters were atAlbany. The enemy made a fewincursions, but of slight importance;and by the exercise of great vigilance,and a judicious choice of stations, thewinter passed away tranquilly. Lafayettehad under his orders two generalofficers, who had been engaged in the

service of France, namely, GeneralKalb, a German by birth, who cameover in the same vessel with himself;and General Conway, an Irishman, whohad been a major in a regiment of thatnation, also in the service of France.Besides the four engineers who havebeen before named, and these twoofficers, we must also mention,amongst the foreigners employed in theservice of the United States, Pulaski, aPolish nobleman, who had taken aconspicuous part in the confederationof his own country, and who, after thesuccess of the Russians, had arrived inAmerica with letters of introduction tothe congress, General Washington, andGeneral Lafayette; Kosciuszko, his

countryman, who was a colonel ofengineers in America, and whoafterwards acted such a grand andnoble part during the last revolutions inPoland; Ternant, by birth a Frenchman,who has served the United States,Holland, and France with great ability;La Colombe, aide-de-camp to Lafayette,who has been subsequently so usefullyemployed in the French revolution; theMarquis de la Royerie, whomdisappointed love brought to theUnited States, and who has since takenpart in the counter-revolution; Gimat,aide-de-camp to Lafayette, who hassince had the command in the Frenchislands; Fleury, who distinguishedhimself in the defence of Fort Mifflin,

and in the attack of the fort of West-Point, and who afterwards died a field-marshal in France; Mauduit-Duplessis,an extremely brave officer of artillery,who has since taken part against theFrench revolution, and was massacredat Saint Domingo; Touzard, an officerof artillery, who lost his arm at RhodeIsland, where he was acting as aide-de-camp to Lafayette; Major Lenfant,employed as engineer; Baron Steuben, aPrussian officer, a good tactician, whoarrived at the commencement of 1778,and was of essential service indisciplining the American troops. Theseofficers, and several others, obtainedemployment in America. The greatestnumber, however, of those who

presented themselves were refusedservice, and returned to France, withsome few exceptions, to bear thithertheir own prejudices against theAmericans. Some of those whoremained appear to have written homelikewise in the same spirit. GeneralWashington therefore observes veryjustly in one of his letters, thatLafayette, in his correspondence, bydestroying the unfavourableimpressions that were given of theAmericans, and seeking, on thecontrary, to excite the feelings of theFrench in their favour, rendered a newand very important service to theircause. (Manuscript No. 1.)

D.

RETREAT OF BARREN-HILL.

As the English army was preparing toevacuate Philadelphia, Lafayette wassent, with a detachment of twothousand chosen men, and five piecesof cannon, to a station half-waybetwixt that city and Valley-Forge; thiswas Barren-hill. A corps of militiaunder General Porter had been placedon Lafayette's left wing; but he retiredfarther back, and the English tookadvantage of that movement tosurround Lafayette's detachment.

General Grant, with seven thousandmen and fourteen pieces of cannon,was behind him, and nearer thanhimself to the only ford by which itwas possible for him to pass theSchuylkill. General Grey, with twothousand men, arrived on his left atBarren-hill church; whilst theremainder of the English army, underthe command of Generals Clinton andHowe, prepared to attack him in front.It is said that Admiral Lord Howejoined the army as a volunteer. TheEnglish generals felt so certain of thecapture of Lafayette, that they sent toPhiladelphia several invitations to a fte,at which they said Lafayette would bepresent. If he had not, in truth,

manoeuvred rather better than they did,the whole corps must inevitably havebeen lost. Alarm-guns were fired by thearmy; General Washington feltadditional anxiety from the fact that,those troops being the flower of hisarmy, their defeat would, he knew, havediscouraged the rest. Lafayette instantlyformed his plan of operation: he threwsome troops into the churchyard, tocheck those of General Grey. He madea false attack upon General Grant,'shewing him the heads of columns;and whilst the latter halted, and formedhis troops to receive him, he caused hisdetachment to file off. By thesemanoeuvres he gained the ford, andpassed it in presence of the enemy,

without losing a single man. TwoEnglish lines met, and were on thepoint of attacking each other, for therewas no longer anything between them;the Americans had been for some timein safety at the other side of theSchuylkill. The English then returnedto Philadelphia, much fatigued andashamed, and were laughed at for theirill success. (Manuscript No. 1.)

E.

ARRIVAL OF THE FRENCHFLEET.

The treaty with France became known ashort time before the opening of thecampaign. The national enthusiasm forthe Americans had much increased, butthe ministry was afraid of war. Necker,in particular, did all he could to preventthe court of France from espousing theAmerican cause, which may serve as ananswer to the accusations ofrevolutionary ardour that were madeagainst him by the aristocrats in France.Maurepas was very timid, but the newsof the taking of Burgoyne inspired himwith some courage. The Count deVergennes flattered himself that heshould succeed in avoiding war. Thecourt of France shewed little sincerityin its proceedings with England. The

treaty was at length concluded. Dr.Franklin, Silas Deane, and John Adams,accompanied by many other Americansthen in Paris, were presented to theKing and royal family. They repairedafterwards to the young Madame deLafayette, who was at Versailles,wishing to testify by that public acthow much they thought themselvesindebted to Lafayette for the happydirection which their affairs had taken.The news of the treaty excited a greatsensation in America, and, above all, inthe army. Lafayette had long sincereturned from his command in thenorth to the head-quarters of GeneralWashington. The manifesto of theFrench government to the British

cabinet contained this expression: "TheAmericans having become independentby their declaration of such a day.""That," said Lafayette, smiling, "is aprinciple of national sovereignty whichshall one day be recalled to them." TheFrench revolution, and the part whichhe took in it, have doubly verified thisprediction. (Manuscript No. 1.)

Mr. Marshall's work contains a curiousdissertation upon the declaration ofwar between France and England, andgives also the extract of a memorial ofM. Turgot, which it would beinteresting to verify. It would then beseen what opinions were supported atthat time, concerning the colonies in

general, and the quarrel with theEnglish colonies in particular, by oneof the most liberal and enlightenedmen in regard to political andcommercial questions. The idea that thequeen supported the war party is notcorrect; her social tastes were rather ofthe Anglomania kind; her politics werecompletely Austrian, and the court ofVienna did not wish that France shouldhave any pretext for refusing to fulfilthe conditions of the treaty made withit, which were soon afterwards exacted;but the queen, like a true woman of theworld, followed the impulse given byParis, the commercial towns, and thepublic.

Dr. Ramsay alludes to the happinesswhich Lafayette must have experiencedwhen, upon learning the happy newsof the French alliance, he, with tears ofjoy, embraced his illustrious general.Several persons present have sincerecollected that when the message ofthe court of Versailles to that ofLondon was read aloud, with all thejustifications which dwelt upon theright of the American nation to givethemselves a government, Lafayetteexclaimed, "That is a great truth whichwe will recall to them at home."(Manuscript No. 2.)

F.

DISSENSIONS BETWEEN THEFRENCH FLEET AND THEAMERICAN ARMY.

The history of Dr. Gordon, that ofRamsay, and of Mr. Marshall, give adetailed account of the arrival ofCount d'Estaing at the entrance of theDelaware, his arrival at Sandyhook, andthe expedition against Rhode Island.Lafayette conducted thither, fromWhite Plains, two thousand men of thecontinental troops. He made thatjourney (two hundred and forty miles)very rapidly, and arrived before theremainder of the troops under Sullivan

were in readiness. It is to be lamentedthat the latter general persuaded Countd'Estaing to await the cooperation ofthe Americans, whilst, had heencouraged him to force the passagebetween, Rhode Island and CannanicutIsland, he would have had time, at thefirst moment of his arrival, to havecaptured fifteen hundred Hessians whowere upon the last-mentioned island.On the other hand, M. d'Estaing waswrong in being displeased with GeneralSullivan for effecting his passage andtaking possession of the forts on thenorth of the island, as soon as he learntthat they had been abandoned by theenemy, and without having concertedany plan of operations with the

admiral. Everything, however, went onextremely well. The Americans hadtwelve thousand men upon the island;their right was composed of the halfof the continentalists brought byLafayette from White Plains, and offive thousand militia, and was underthe command of General Greene; theleft consisted also of five thousandmilitia, with the other half of thecontinentalists, and was commanded byM. de Lafayette. On the 8th of Augustthe American army proceeded toHowland's ferry, whilst the squadronforced the passage. The English set fireto three of their own frigates; they hadsix frigates, and several other vessels,burnt during this expedition. In the

afternoon of the day that Sullivan'sarmy landed, they were expecting thebattalions of Foix and Hainaut, and themarines, which were to have joinedLafayette's corps, when Admiral Howesuddenly hove in sight, and tookpossession of the anchorage thatCount d'Estaing had quitted, in orderto force his passage between theislands. The French sailors feared thatthe enemy, would take advantage oftheir situation, enclosed as they werebetween the islands, or that somereinforcements would at least bethrown upon the southern part of theisland; but the wind having changedduring the night, Count d'Estaing sailedout gallantly through the fire of the

English batteries, and Lord Howe,cutting his cables, fled before him. Thisskilful admiral would have paid dearlyfor his bold manoeuvre, if the stormhad not come most opportunely to hisaid.

Mr. Marshall, who had the letters ofWashington and Lafayette before him,states the manner in which Lafayette,on the one side, exposed himself,without reserve, to the loss of hispopularity, and on the other, zealouslyexerted himself in defending thehonour of the French from theaccusations that the dissatisfaction ofthe Americans had universally excited,especially at Rhode Island and Boston,

against the officers of the squadron;and also to prevent that dissatisfactionfrom breaking into open disputes.Sullivan, the senior of the three majors-general, was commander-in-chief. Itwas after an explanation with Lafayette,his friend and comrade, that hesoftened, by a subsequent order of theday, the expressions which he hadimprudently used in the one preceding.General Greene, a man of superiormerit, contributed much to thereconciliation. The ex-president,Hancock, who had at first loudlyexpressed his displeasure, consented torepair to Boston to endeavour to calmthe public mind, and to obtainprovisions for the squadron. The

popularity of Lafayette was usefullyemployed during his short visit to thattown. The congress, and GeneralWashington also, thought that thisquarrel could not he too speedilyappeased; but they were at a distance,and a proper mixture of firmness andpersuasion was required from the firstmoment. Such a perfect understanding,however, was now established, that itwas not even disturbed by theunfortunate event which, some timeafterwards, cost M. de Saint Sauveur hislife. Much was also due to Dr. Cooper,a distinguished minister of thePresbyterian church. (Manuscript No.2.)

CORRESPONDENCE.

1777 1778.

TO THE DUKE D'AYEN.~[1]

London, March 9,1777.

You will be astonished, my dear father,at the news I am on the point of givingyou: it has cost me far more than I canexpress not to consult you. My respectand affection for you, as well as mygreat confidence in you, must convinceyou of the truth of this assertion; butmy word was given, and you would not

have esteemed me had I broken it; thestep I am now taking will at least proveto you, I hope, the goodness of myintentions. I have found a peculiaropportunity of distinguishing myself,and of learning a soldier's trade: I am ageneral officer in the army of theUnited States of America. Thefrankness of my conduct, and my zealin their service, have completely wontheir confidence. I have done, on myside, all I could do for them, and theirinterest will ever be dearer to me thanmy own. In short, my dear father, I amat this moment in London, anxiouslyawaiting letters from my friends; uponreceiving them, I shall set off fromhence, and, without stopping at Paris, I

shall embark in a vessel that I havemyself purchased and chartered. Mytravelling companions are the Baron deKalb, a very distinguished officer,brigadier in the King's service, andmajor-general, as well as myself, in theUnited States' army; and some otherexcellent officers, who have kindlyconsented to share the chances of myfate. I rejoice at having found such aglorious opportunity of occupyingmyself, and of acquiring knowledge. Iam conscious that I am making animmense sacrifice, and that to quit myfamily, my friends, and you, my dearestfather, costs me more than it could doany other person, because I love you allfar more tenderly than any other person

ever loved his friends. But this voyagewill not be a very long one; we seeevery day far longer journeys taken foramusement only; and I hope also toreturn more worthy of all those whoare kind enough to regret my absence.Adieu, my dear father, I hope I shallsoon see you again. Retain youraffection for me; I ardently desire tomerit it nay, I do merit it already, frommy warm affection towards you, andfrom the respect that, during theremainder of his life, will be felt foryou by,

Your affectionate son,

LAFAYETTE.

I have arrived, for one moment, atParis, my dear father, and have onlytime to bid you again farewell. Iintended writing to my uncle~[2] andto Madame de Lusignem, but I am insuch haste that I must request you topresent to them my respectful regards.

Footnotes:

1. Jean Paul Francois de Noailles, Duked'Ayen, afterwards Duke de Noailles,died a member of the House of Peers,in 1824, and was, as is well known,father-in-law to M. de Lafayette, whohad been, we may say, brought up inthe hotel de Noailles, and who looked

upon all his wife's family as his own. Itwas at that time divided into twobranches. The Marshal de Noailles,governor of Roussillon, and captain ofthe guards of the Scotch company, wasthe head of the eldest branch. He badfour children: the Duke d'Ayen, theMarquis de Noailles, and Mesdames deTesse and de Lesparre. The Duked'Ayen, a general officer, captain of theguards in reversion, married HenrietteAnne Louise Daguesseau, by whom hehad daughters only. The eldest, whodied in 1794, on the same scaffold asher mother, had married her cousin, theViscount de Noailles. The second,Marie Adrienne Franoise, born the 2ndNovember, 1759, died the 24th

December, 1807, was Madame deLafayette. The three others, unmarriedat the time this letter was written,married afterwards MM. de Thsan, deMontagu, and de Grammont.

The head of the younger branch of thefamilv of Noailles was the Marshal deMouchy, brother of the Marshal deNoailles, whose children were, thePrince de Poix, who died peer ofFrance, and captain of the guardsunder the restoration; the Duchess deDuras; and the same Viscount deNoailles, member of the constituentassembly, who died of his wounds inthe expedition to St. Domingo, in 1802.

2. M. de Lusignem, an uncle bymarriage of M. de Lafayette.

TO MADAME DE LAFAYETTE.

On board the Victory, May 30th, 1777.

I am writing to you from a greatdistance, my dearest love, and, inaddition to this painful circumstance, Ifeel also the still more dreadfuluncertainty of the time in which I mayreceive any news of you. I hope,however, soon to have a letter fromyou; and, amongst the various reasonswhich render me so desirous of a

speedy arrival, this is the one whichexcites in me the greatest degree ofimpatience. How many fears andanxieties enhance the keen anguish Ifeel at being separated from all that Ilove most fondly in the world! Howhave you borne my second departurehave you loved me less have youpardoned me have you reflected that, atall events, I must equally have beenparted from you, wandering about inItaly,[1] dragging on an ingloriouslife, surrounded by the personsmost opposed to my projects, andto my manner of thinking All thesereflections did not prevent myexperiencing the most bitter griefwhen the moment arrived for

quitting my native shore. Yoursorrow, that of my friends,Henrietta,[2] all rushed upon mythoughts, and my heart was torn by athousand painful feelings. I could notat that instant find any excuse for myown conduct. If you could know allthat I have suffered, and themelancholy days that I have passed,whilst thus flying from all that I lovebest in the World! Must I join to thisaffliction the grief of hearing that youdo not pardon me I should, in truth,my love, be too unhappy. But I am notspeaking to you of myself and of myhealth, and I well know that thesedetails will deeply interest you.

Since writing my last letter, I have beenconfined to the most dreary of allregions: the sea is so melancholy, thatwe mutually, I believe, sadden eachother. I ought to have landed by thistime, but the winds have been mostprovokingly contrary; I shall not arriveat Charlestown for eight or ten days. Itwill be a great pleasure to me to land, asI am expecting to do, in that city. WhenI am once on shore, I shall hope eachday to receive news from France; I shalllearn so many interesting, things, bothconcerning the new country I amseeking, and, above all, that homewhich I have quitted with so muchregret! Provided I only learn that youare in good health, that you still love

me, and that a certain number of myfriends entertain the same feelingstowards me, I can become a perfectphilosopher with respect to all the rest,whatever it may be, or whatever land itmay concern. But if my heart beattacked in its most vulnerable part, ifyou were to love me less, I should feel,in truth, too miserable. But I need notfear this need I, my dearest love I wasvery ill during the first part of myvoyage, and I might have enjoyed thepleasure of an ill-natured person, thatof knowing that I had many fellowsufferers. I treated myself according tomy own judgment, and recoveredsooner than the other passengers; I amnow nearly the same as if I were on

shore. I am certain that, on my arrival, Ishall be in a perfect state of health, andcontinue so for a long time. Do notfancy that I shall incur any real dangersby the occupations I am undertaking.The post of general officer has alwaysbeen considered like a commission forimmortality. The service will be verydifferent from the one I must haveperformed if I had been, for example, acolonel in the French army. Myattendance will only be required in thecouncil. Ask the opinion of all generalofficers, and these are very numerous,because, having once attained thatheight, they are no longer exposed toany hazards, and do not therefore yieldtheir places to inferior officers, as is the

case in other situations. To prove that Ido not wish to deceive you, I willacknowledge that we are at thismoment exposed to some danger, fromthe risk of being attacked by Englishvessels, and that my ship is not ofsufficient force for defence. But when Ihave once landed, I shall be in perfectsafety. You see that I tell you everything,my dearest love; confide therefore inme, and do not, I conjure you, give wayto idle fears. I will not write you ajournal of my voyage: days succeedeach other, and, what is worse, resembleeach other. Always sky, always water,and the next day a repetition of thesame thing. In truth, those who writevolumes upon a sea voyage must be

incessant babblers; for my part, I havehad contrary winds, as well as otherpeople; I have made a long voyage, likeother people; I have encounteredstorms; I have seen vessels, and theywere far more interesting for me thanfor any other person: well! I have notobserved one single event worth thetrouble of relating, or that has not beendescribed by many other persons.

Let us speak of more important things:of yourself, of dear Henriette, and ofher brother or sister. Henriette is sodelightful, that she has made me in lovewith little girls. To whichever sex ournew infant may belong, I shall receive itwith unbounded joy. Lose not a

moment in hastening my happiness byapprising me of its birth. I know not ifit be because I am twice a father, butmy parental feelings are stronger thanthey ever were. Mr. Deane, and myfriend Carmichael, will forward yourletters, and will, I am sure, neglectnothing to promote my happiness assoon as possible. Write, and even sendme a confidential person, it would giveme such pleasure to question any onewho has seen you: Landrin, forexample; in short, whom you please.You do not know the warmth andextent of my affection, if you fancythat you may neglect anything relatingto yourself. You will be, at first, a longtime without hearing from me; but

when I am once established you willreceive letters constantly, and of a veryrecent date. There is no great differenceof time between letters from Americaand letters from Sicily. I own that Sicilyweighs heavily on my heart. I fanciedmyself near seeing you again! But letme break off at the word Sicily. Adieu,my dearest love; I shall write to youfrom Charlestown, and write to youalso before I arrive there. Good night,for the present.

7th June.

I am still floating on this dreary plain,the most wearisome of all humanhabitations. To console myself a little, I

think of you and of my friends: I thinkof the pleasure of seeing you again.How delightful will be the moment ofmy arrival! I shall hasten to surprise andembrace you. I shall perhaps find youwith your children. To think, only, ofthat happy moment, is an inexpressiblepleasure to me; do not fancy that it isdistant; although the time of myabsence will appear, I own, very long tome, yet we shall meet sooner than youcan expect. Without being able myselfto fix the day or the month of ourreunion, without being aware even ofthe cause of our absence, the exileprescribed by the Duke d'Ayen, untilthe month of January, appeared to meso immeasurably long, that I certainly

shall not inflict upon myself one ofequal length. You must acknowledge,my love, that the occupation andsituation I shall have are very differentfrom those that were intended for meduring that useless journey. Whilstdefending the liberty I adore, I shallenjoy perfect freedom myself: I butoffer my service to that interestingrepublic from motives of the purestkind, unmixed with ambition or privateviews; her happiness and my glory aremy only incentives to the task. I hopethat, for my sake, you will become agood American, for that feeling isworthy of every noble heart. Thehappiness of America is intimatelyconnected with the happiness of all

mankind; she will become the safe andrespected asylum of virtue, integrity,toleration, equality, and tranquilhappiness.

We have occasionally some slightalarms, but, with a little skill and goodluck, I am certain of reaching the portin safety. I am more pleased with thisprospect, because I feel that I ambecoming, every day, extremelyreasonable. You know that theviscount~[3] has the habit ofrepeating, that "travelling forms youngmen;" if he said this but once everymorning and once every evening, intruth it would not be too much, for Iam constantly more strongly impressed

with the justice of the observation. Iknow not where the poor viscount is atthis present moment, nor the prince,~[4] nor all my other friends. This stateof uncertainty is a very painful one.Whenever you chance to meet any onewhom I love, tell him a thousand andten thousand things from me. Embracetenderly my three sisters, and tell themthat they must remember me, and loveme; present my compliments toMademoiselle Marin;~[5] Irecommend, also, poor Abb Fayon toyour care. As to the Marshal deNoailles, tell him that I do not write tohim, for fear of tiring him, and becauseI should have nothing to announce tohim but my arrival; that I am expecting

his commissions for trees or plants, orwhatever else he may desire, and that Ishould wish my exactness in fulfillinghis wishes to be a proof of myaffection for him. Present, also, myrespects to the Duchess de la Trmolle,~[6] and tell her that I make the sameoffer to her as to the Marshal deNoailles, either for herself or herdaughter-in-law, who has such abeautiful garden. Tell my old friendDesplaus,~[7] also, that I am well. Asto my aunts, Madame d'Ayen and theviscountess, I am myself writing tothem.

These are my little commissions, mylove; I have also written to Sicily. We

have seen, to-day, several kinds ofbirds, which announce that we are notfar from shore. The hope of arriving isvery sweet, for a ship life is a mostwearisome one. My health, fortunately,allows me to occupy myself a little; Idivide my time between military booksand English books. I have made someprogress in this language, which willbecome very necessary to me. Adieu;night obliges me to discontinue myletter, as I forbade some days ago, anycandles being used in my vessel: seehow prudent I have become! Oncemore, adieu; if my fingers be at allguided by my heart, it is not necessaryto see clearly to tell you that I love you,and that I shall love you all my life.

15th June At Major Hughes's.~[8]

I have arrived, my dearest love, inperfect health, at the house of anAmerican officer; and, by the mostfortunate chance in the world, a Frenchvessel is on the point of sailing;conceive how happy I am. I am goingthis evening to Charlestown, fromwhence I will write to you. There is noimportant news. The campaign isopened, but there is no fighting, or atleast, very little. The manners in thispart of the world are simple, polite, andworthy in every respect of the countryin which the noble name of liberty isconstantly repeated. I intended writing

to Madame d'Ayen, but I find it isimpossible. Adieu, adieu, my love.From Charlestown I shall repair, byland, to Philadelphia, to rejoin thearmy. Is it not true that you will alwayslove me

Footnotes:

1. At the moment when M. deLafayette's project of departure wastaking place, he had been desired tojoin the Duke d'Ayen, and Madame deTess, his sister, who were setting out forItaly and Sicily.

2. The first-born of M. de Lafayette,which died during his voyage. (See letter

16th June, 1778.)

3. The Viscount de Noailles, brother-in-law to M. de Lafayette.

4. The Prince de Poix, son of theMarshal de Mouchy, and consequentlyuncle, according to the mode ofBretagne, to Madame de Lafayette.

5. Mademoiselle Marin was governessto Mesdemoiselles de Noailles; and theAbb Fayon was tutor to M. deLafayette.

6. Madame de Lafayette, author of thePrincess de Clever, had only one daughter,who became Madame de la Tremoille,

and heiress to the property of theLafayette family; and who cheerfullyconsented to restore to her cousins,who inhabited the province, thoseestates which a love of their familymight make them wish to conserve tothe heritors of the name of Lafayette.Since that period, the members of thatbranch, of which M. de Lafayette wasthe last scion, have constantly kept upfeelings, not only of relationship, butof friendship, with the family of laTremoille.

7. An old valet de chambre.

8. The father of him who so generouslydevoted himself to save Lafayette from

the prisons of Olmutz (Note of M. deLafayette.)


June 19th, 1777, Charlestown.

If my last letter, my dearest love,written five or six days ago, was closedhastily, I hope at least that the Americancaptain, whom I then believed to be aFrench one, will remit it to you as soonas possible. That letter announced toyou that I had landed safely in thiscountry, after having suffered a littlefrom sea-sickness during the first weeks

of my voyage; that I was staying with avery kind officer, in whose house I wasreceived upon my arrival; that I hadbeen nearly two months at sea, and wasanxious to continue my journeyimmediately; that letter spoke ofeverything which interests my heartmost deeply, of my regret at havingquitted you, of your pregnancy, and ofour dear children; it told you, also, thatI was in perfect health. I repeat thisextract from it, because the English mayvery possibly amuse themselves byseizing it on its way. I place, however,so much confidence in my lucky star,that I hope it will reach you safely. Thatsame star has protected me to theastonishment of every person; you may,

therefore, trust a little to it in future, mylove, and let this conviction tranquillizeyour fears. I landed after having sailedfor several days along a coast swarmingwith hostile vessels. On my arrival hereevery one told me that my ship mustundoubtedly be taken, because twoEnglish frigates had blockaded theharbour. I even sent, both by land andsea, orders to the captain to put themen on shore, and burn the vessel, ifhe had still the power of doing so.Well! by a most extraordinary piece ofgood fortune, a sudden gale of windhaving blown away the frigates for ashort time, my vessel arrived at noon-day, without having encountered friendor foe. At Charlestown I have met with

General Howe, a general officer, nowengaged in service. The governor ofthe state is expected this evening fromthe country. All the persons with whomI wished to be acquainted have shewnme the greatest attention and politeness(not European politeness merely); I canonly feel gratitude for the reception Ihave met with, although I have not yetthought proper to enter into any detailrespecting my future prospects andarrangements. I wish to see thecongress first. I hope to set out in twodays for Philadelphia, which is a landjourney of more than two hundred andfifty leagues. We shall divide into smallparties; I have already purchased horsesand light carriages for this purpose.

There are some French and Americanvessels at present here, who are to sailout of the harbour in company to-morrow morning, taking advantage ofa moment when the frigates are out ofsight: they are numerous and armed,and have promised me to defendthemselves stoutly against the smallprivateers they will undoubtedly meetwith. I shall distribute my lettersamongst the different ships, in case anyaccident should happen to either oneof them.

I shall now speak to you, my love,about the country and its inhabitants,who are as agreeable as my enthusiasmhad led me to imagine. Simplicity of

manner, kindness of heart, love ofcountry and of liberty, and a delightfulstate of equality, are met withuniversally. The richest and the poorestman are completely on a level; andalthough there are some immensefortunes in this country, I maychallenge any one to point out theslightest difference in their respectivemanner towards each other. I first sawand judged of a country life at MajorHughes's house: I am at present in thecity, where everything somewhatresembles the English customs, exceptthat you find more simplicity here thanyou would do in England. Charlestownis one of the best built, handsomest,and most agreeable cities that I have

ever seen. The American women arevery pretty, and have great simplicity ofcharacter; and the extreme neatness oftheir appearance is truly delightful:cleanliness is everywhere even morestudiously attended to here than inEngland. What gives me most pleasureis to see how completely the citizens areall brethren of one family. In Americathere are none poor, and none even thatcan be called peasants. Each citizen hassome property, and all citizens have thesame rights as the richest individual, orlanded proprietor, in the country. Theinns are very different from those ofEurope; the host and hostess sit at tablewith you, and do the honours of acomfortable meal; and when you

depart, you pay your bill without beingobliged to tax it. If you should dislikegoing to inns, you may always findcountry houses in which you will bereceived, as a good American, with thesame attention that you might expect ina friend's house in Europe.

My own reception has been mostpeculiarly agreeable. To have beenmerely my travelling companion,suffices to secure the kindest welcome.I have just passed five hours at a largedinner given in compliment to me byan individual of this town. GeneralsHowe and Moultrie, and severalofficers of my suite, were present. Wedrank each other's health, and

endeavoured to talk English, which Iam beginning to speak a little. I shallpay a visit to-morrow, with thesegentlemen, to the governor of the state,and make the last arrangements for mydeparture. The next day, thecommanding officers here will take meto see the town and its environs, and Ishall then set out to join the army. Imust close and send my letterimmediately, because the vessel goes to-night to the entrance of the harbour,and sails to-morrow at five o'clock. Asall the ships are exposed to some risk, Ishall divide my letters amongst them. Iwrite to M M. de Coigny, de Poix, deNoailles, de Sgur, and to Madamed'Ayen.~[1] If either of these should

not receive my letter, be so kind as tomention this circumstance.

From the agreeable life I lead in thiscountry, from the sympathy whichmakes me feel as much at ease with theinhabitants as if I had known them fortwenty years, the similarity betweentheir manner of thinking and of myown, my love of glory and of liberty,you might imagine that I am veryhappy: but you are not with me, mydearest love; my friends are not withme; and there is no happiness for mewhen far from you and them. I oftenask you if you still love, but I put thatquestion still more often to myself andmy heart ever answers, yes: I trust that

heart does not deceive me. I aminexpressibly anxious to hear from you;I hope to find some letters atPhiladelphia. My only fear is that theprivateer which was to bring them tome should have been captured on herway. Although I can easily imagine thatI have excited the especial displeasureof the English, by taking the liberty ofcoming hither in spite of them, andlanding before their very face, yet Imust confess that we shall be evenmore than on a par if they succeed incatching that vessel, the object of myfondest hopes, by which I am expectingto receive your letters. I entreat you tosend me both long and frequent letters.You are not sufficiently conscious of

the joy with which I shall receive them.Embrace, most tenderly, my Henriette:may I add, embrace our children Thefather of those poor children is awanderer, but he is, nevertheless, agood, honest man, a, good father,warmly attached to his family, and agood husband also, for he loves hiswife most tenderly. Present mycompliments to your friends and tomine; may I not say our friends with thepermission of the Countess Augusteand Madame de Fronsac.[2] By myfriends, you know that I mean myown dear circle, formerly of thecourt, and which afterwardsbecame the society of the woodensword;[3] we republicans like it the

better for the change. This letter will begiven you by a French captain, who, Ithink, will deliver it into your ownhands; but I must confide to you that Ihave an agreeable anticipation for to-morrow, which is to write to you by anAmerican, who will sail on the sameday, but at a later hour. Adieu, then, mydearest love; I must leave off for wantof time and paper; and if I do notrepeat ten thousand times that I loveyou, it is not from want of affection,but from my having the vanity to hopethat I have already convinced you of it.The night is far advanced, the heatintense, and I am devoured by gnats;but the best countries, as you perceive,have their inconveniences. Adieu, my

love, adieu.

Footnotes:

1. The Viscount de Coigny, son of thelast marshal of that name, was theintimate friend of M. de Lafayette inhis youth. He died young, perhaps evenduring this voyage. (See the letters ofJanuary the 6th, and February 13th,1778.) The Count de Sgur, who hadmarried the sister of the Duchessd'Ayen, and who was, therefore, theuncle of M. de Lafayette, continued, tothe last, his friend (See the memoirspublished before his death, whichoccurred in 1830.)

2. The Countess Auguste d'Aremberg,the wife of Count de Lamark, thefriend of Mirabeau, and the Duchessde Fronsac, daughter-in-law to theMarshal de Richelieu.

3. A society of young men, who firstassembled at Versailles, and afterwardsat an inn at Paris. (Note by M. deLafayette.)


Petersburg, July 17th, 1777.

I am very happy, my dearest love, if the

word happiness can truly be applied tome, whilst I am separated from all Ilove; there is a vessel on the point ofsailing for France, and I am enabled totell you, before setting out forPhiladelphia, that I love you, my dearestlife, and that you may be perfectlytranquil respecting my health. I bore thefatigue of the journey withoutsuffering from it; although the landexpedition was long and wearisome, yetthe confinement of my melancholyship was far more so. I am now eightdays' journey from Philadelphia, in thebeautiful state of Virginia. All fatigue isover, and I fear that my martial labourswill be very light, if it be true thatGeneral Howe has left New York, to go

I know not whither. But all theaccounts I receive are so uncertain, thatI cannot form any fixed opinion until Ireach my destination; from thence, mylove, I shall write you a long letter. Youmust already have received four lettersfrom me, if they have not fallen intothe hands of the English. I havereceived no news of you, and myimpatience to arrive at Philadelphia tohear, from you cannot be compared toany other earthly feeling. Conceive thestate of my mind, after having passedsuch an immense length of timewithout, having received a line fromany friend! I hope all this will soon end,for I cannot live in such a state ofuncertainty. I have undertaken a task

which is, in truth, beyond my power,for my heart was not formed for somuch suffering.

You must have learnt the particulars ofthe commencement of my journey: youknow that I set out in a brilliantmanner in a carriage, and I must nowtell you that we are all on horseback,having broken the carriage, accordingto my usual praiseworthy custom, and Ihope soon to write to you that we havearrived on foot. The journey issomewhat fatiguing; but althoughseveral of my comrades have suffered agreat deal, I have scarcely myself beenconscious of fatigue. The captain whotakes charge of this letter will, perhaps,

pay you a visit; I beg you in that case toreceive him with great kindness.

I scarcely dare think of the time ofyour confinement, and yet I think of itevery moment of the day. I cannotdwell upon it without the mostdreadful anxiety. I am, indeed,unfortunate, at being so distant fromyou; even if you did not love me, youought to pity me; but you do love me,and we shall mutually render each otherhappy. This little note will be short incomparison to the volumes I havealready sent you, but you shall receiveanother letter in a few days from me.

The farther I advance to the north, the

better pleased am I with the countryand inhabitants. There is no attentionor kindness that I do not receive,although many scarcely know who Iam. But I will write all this to you morein detail from Philadelphia. I have onlytime to intreat you, my dearest love, notto forget an unhappy man, who paysmost dearly for the error he committedin parting from you, and who never feltbefore how tenderly he loved you.

My respectful compliments to Madamed'Ayen, and my affectionate regards tomy sisters. Tell M. de Coigny and M. dePoix that I am in good health, in casesome letters should miscarry which Ishall send by another opportunity, by

which I shall also send a line to you,although I do not consider it so secureas this one.


July 23rd, 1777.

I am always meeting, my dearest love,with opportunities of sending letters; Ihave this time only a quarter of anhour to give you. The vessel is on thepoint of sailing, and I can onlyannounce to you my safe arrival atAnnapolis, forty leagues fromPhiladelphia. I can tell you nothing of

the town, for, as I alighted from myhorse, I armed myself with a littleweapon dipt in invisible ink. You mustalready have received five letters fromme, unless King George should havereceived some of them. The last onewas despatched three days since; in it Iannounced to you that my health wasperfectly good, and had not been evenimpaired by my anxiety to arrive atPhiladelphia. I have received bad newshere; Ticonderoga, the strongestAmerican post, has been forced by theenemy; this is very unfortunate, and wemust endeavour to repair the evil. Ourtroops have taken, in retaliation, anEnglish general officer, near New York.I am each day more miserable from

having quitted you, my dearest love; Ihope to receive news of you atPhiladelphia, and this hope adds muchto the impatience I feel to arrive in thatcity. Adieu, my life; I am in such hastethat I know not what I write, but I doknow that I love you more tenderlythan ever; that the pain of thisseparation were necessary to convinceme how very dear you are to me, andthat I would give at this moment halfmy existence for the pleasure ofembracing you again, and telling youwith my own lips how well I love you.My respects to Madame d'Ayen, mycompliments to the viscountess, mysisters, and all my friends: to you onlyhave I time to write. O! if you knew

how much I sigh to see you, how muchI suffer at being separated from you,and all that my heart has been called onto endure, you would think mesomewhat worthy of your love! I haveleft no space for Henriette; may I sayfor my children Give them a hundredthousand embraces; I shall mostheartily share them with you.


Philadelphia, September 12th, 1777.

I write you a line, my dearest love, bysome French officers, my friends, who

embarked with me, but, not havingreceived any appointment in theAmerican army, are returning to France.I must begin by telling you that I amperfectly well, because I must end bytelling you that we fought seriously lastnight, and that we were not thestrongest on the field of battle. OurAmericans, after having stood theirground for some time, ended at lengthby being routed: whilst endeavouring torally them, the English honoured mewith a musket ball, which slightlywounded me in the leg, but it is a trifle,my dearest love; the ball touchedneither bone nor nerve, and I haveescaped with the obligation of lying onmy back for some time, which puts me

much out of humour. I hope that youwill feel no anxiety; this event ought, onthe contrary, rather to reassure you,since I am incapacitated from appearingon the field for some time: I haveresolved to take great care of myself; beconvinced of this, my love. This affair,will, I fear, be attended with badconsequences for America. We willendeavour, if possible, to repair theevil. You must have received manyletters from me, unless the English beequally ill-disposed towards my epistlesas towards my legs. I have not yetreceived one letter, and I am mostimpatient to hear from you. Adieu; Iam forbidden to write longer. Forseveral days I have not had time to

sleep. Our retreat, and my journeyhither, took up the whole of last night;I am perfectly well taken care of in thisplace. Tell all my friends that I am ingood health. My tender respects toMadame d'Ayen. A thousandcompliments to the viscountess and mysisters. The officers will soon set out.They will see you; what pleasure! Goodnight, my dearest life! I love you betterthan ever.


October 1st, 1777.

I wrote to you, my dearest love, the12th of September; the twelfth was theday after the eleventh, and I have a littletale to relate to you concerning thateleventh day. To render my action moremeritorious, I might tell you thatprudent reflections induced me toremain for some weeks in my bed, safesheltered from all danger; but I mustacknowledge that I was encouraged totake this measure by a slight wound,which I met with I know not how, for Idid not, in truth, expose myself toperil. It was the first conflict at which Ihad been present; so you see how veryrare engagements are. It will be the lastof this campaign, or, in all probability,at least, the last great battle; and if

anything should occur, you see that Icould not myself be present.

You may, therefore, my love, feelperfectly secure. I have much pleasurein thus reassuring you. While I amdesiring you not to be alarmed on myaccount, I repeat to myself that youlove me; and this little conversationwith my own heart is inexpressiblydelightful to me, for I love you moretenderly than I have ever done before.

My first occupation was to write to youthe day after that affair: I told you thatit was a mere trifle, and I was right; all Ifear is that you should not havereceived my letter. As General Howe is

giving, in the meantime, ratherpompous details of his Americanexploits to the king his master, if heshould write word that I am wounded,he may also write word that I am killed,which would not cost him anything;but I hope that my friends, and youespecially, will not give faith to thereports of those persons who last yeardared to publish that GeneralWashington, and all the general officersof his army, being in a boat together,had been upset, and every individualdrowned. But let us speak about thewound: it is only a flesh-wound, andhas neither touched bone nor nerve.The surgeons are astonished at therapidity with which it heals; they are in

an ecstasy of joy each time they dress it,and pretend it is the finest thing in theworld: for my part, I think it mostdisagreeable, painful, and wearisome;but tastes often differ: if a man,however, wished to be wounded for hisamusement only, he should come andexamine how I have been struck, thathe might be struck precisely in the samemanner. This, my dearest love, is what Ipompously style my wound, to givemyself airs, and render myselfinteresting.

I must now give you your lesson, aswife of an American general officer.They will say to you, "They have beenbeaten:" you must answer, "That is true;

but when two armies of equal numbermeet in the field, old soldiers havenaturally the advantage over new ones;they have, besides, had the pleasure ofkilling a great many of the enemy, manymore than they have lost." They willafterwards add: "All that is very well;but Philadelphia is taken, the capital ofAmerica, the rampart of liberty!" Youmust politely answer, "You are all greatfools! Philadelphia is a poor forlorntown, exposed on every side, whoseharbour was already closed; though theresidence of congress lent it, I knownot why, some degree of celebrity. Thisis the famous city which, be it added,we will, sooner or later, make themyield back to us." If they continue to

persecute you with questions, you maysend them about their business interms which the Viscount de Noailleswill teach you, for I cannot lose time bytalking to you of politics.

I have delayed writing your letter till thelast, in the hope of receiving one fromyou, answering it, and giving you thelatest intelligence of my health; but Iam told, if I do not send immediatelyto congress, twenty-five leagues fromhence, my captain will have set out, andI shall lose the opportunity of writingto you. This is the cause of my scrawlbeing more unintelligible than usual;however, if I were to send you anythingbut a hurried scrawl, I ought, in that

case, to beg your pardon, from thesingularity of the case. Recollect, mydearest love, that I have only onceheard of you, from Count Pulaski. Iam much provoked, and am verymiserable. Imagine how dreadful it is tobe far from all I love, in this state ofsuspense and almost despair; it isimpossible to support it; and I feel, atthe same time, that I do not deserve tobe pitied. Why was I so obstinately benton coming hither I have been wellpunished for my error; my affectionsare too strongly rooted for me to beable to perform such deeds. I hope youpity me; if you knew all I suffer,especially at this moment, wheneverything concerning you is so deeply

interesting! I cannot, withoutshuddering, think of this. I am toldthat a parcel has arrived from France; Ihave despatched expresses on everyroad and in every corner; I have sent anofficer to congress; I am expecting himevery day, and you may conceive withwhat feelings of intense anxiety. Mysurgeon is also very anxious for hisarrival, for this suspense keeps myblood in a state of effervescence, andhe would fain require that it shouldflow calmly. O, my dearest life, if Ireceive good news from you, and all Ilove, if those delightful letters arrive to-day, how happy I shall be! but withwhat agitation, also, I shall open them!

Be perfectly at ease about my wound;all the faculty in America are engaged inmy service. I have a friend, who hasspoken to them in such a manner that Iam certain of being well attended to;that friend is General Washington. Thisexcellent man, whose talents andvirtues I admired, and whom I havelearnt to revere as I know him better,has now become my intimate friend: hisaffectionate interest in me instantly wonmy heart. I am established in his house,and we live together like two attachedbrothers, with mutual confidence andcordiality. This friendship renders me ashappy as I can possibly be in thiscountry. When he sent his best surgeonto me, he told him to take charge of me

as if I were his son, because he lovedme with the same affection. Havingheard that I wished to rejoin the armytoo soon, he wrote me a letter full oftenderness, in which he requested meto attend to the perfect restoration ofmy health. I give you these details, mydearest love, that you may feel quitecertain of the care that is taken of me.Amongst the French officers, who haveall expressed the warmest interest forme, M. de Gimat, my aide-de-camp, hasfollowed me about like my shadow,both before and since the battle, andhas given me every possible proof ofattachment. You may thus feel quitesecure on this account, both for thepresent and for the future.

All the foreigners who are in the army,for I do not speak only of those whohave not been employed, and who, ontheir return to France, will naturallygive an unjust account of America,because the discontented, anxious torevenge their fancied injuries, cannot beimpartial, all the foreigners, I say, whohave been employed here aredissatisfied, complain, detest others,and are themselves detested: they donot understand why I am the onlystranger beloved in America, and Icannot understand why they are somuch hated. In the midst of thedisputes and dissensions common toall armies, especially when there are

officers of various nations, I, for mypart, who am an easy and a good-tempered man, am so fortunate as to beloved by all parties, both foreigners andAmericans: I love them all I hope Ideserve their esteem; and we areperfectly satisfied the one with theother. I am at present in the solitude ofBethlehem, which the Abb Raynal hasdescribed so minutely. Thisestablishment is a very interesting one;the fraternity lead an agreeable and avery tranquil life: we will talk over allthis on my return; and I intend toweary those I love, yourself, of course,in the first place, by the relation of myadventures, for you know that I wasalways a great prattler. You must

become a prattler also, my love, and saymany things for me to Henriette mypoor little Henriette! embrace her athousand times talk of me to her, butdo not tell her all I deserve to suffer;my punishment will be, not to berecognised by her on my arrival; that isthe penance Henriette will impose onme. Has she a brother or a sister thechoice is quite indifferent to me,provided I have a second time thepleasure of being a father, and that Imay soon learn that circumstance. If Ishould have a son, I will tell him toexamine his own heart carefully; and ifthat heart should be a tender one, if heshould have a wife whom he loves as Ilove you, in that case I shall advise him

not to give way to feelings ofenthusiasm, which would separate himfrom the object of his affection, forthat affection will afterwards give rise toa thousand dreadful fears.

I am writing, by a different opportunity,to various persons, and also to yourself.I think this letter will arrive first; if thisvessel should accidentally arrive, andthe other one be lost, I have given theviscount a list of the letters I haveaddressed to him. I forgot to mentionmy aunts;[1] give them news of meas soon as this reaches you. I havemade no duplicata for you, becauseI write to you by every opportunity.Give news of me, also, to M.

Margelay,[2] the Abbe Fayon, andDesplaces.

A thousand tender regards to mysisters; I permit them to despise me asan infamous deserter but they mustalso love me at the same time. Myrespects to Madame la ComtesseAuguste, and Madame de Fronsac. Ifmy grandfather's letters should notreach him, present to him my respectfuland affectionate regards. Adieu, adieu,my dearest life; continue to love me, forI love you most tenderly.

Present my compliments to Dr.Franklin and Mr. Deane; I wished towrite to them, but cannot find time.

Footnotes:

1. Madame de Chavaniac and Madamede Motier, sisters of General Lafayette'sfather.

2. An ancient officer, to whom M. deLafayette was confided, on leavingcollege, as to a governor.

TO M. DE VERGENNES,

MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Whitemarsh Camp, October 24, 1777.

SIR, You were formerly annoyed, muchagainst my wish, by the part you werecalled upon to take in my first projects;you will, perhaps, also feel annoyed bythe attention I take the liberty ofrequesting you to give to the objects Ihave at present in view. They mayappear to you as little worthy as the firstof occupying your valuable time; but inthis case, as in the previous one, mygood intentions (even should they beill-directed) may serve as my apology.My age might also, perhaps, have beenone, formerly; I only request now that itmay not prevent you from taking intoconsideration whether my opinions berational.

I do not permit myself to examinewhat succour the glorious cause we aredefending in America may havereceived; but my love for my owncountry makes me observe, withpleasure, under how many points ofview the vexations of the family ofEngland may be advantageous to her.There is, above all, one project which,in every case, and at all events, wouldpresent, I think, rational hopes ofattaining any useful end, in exactproportion to the means employed inits execution; I allude to an expeditionof greater or less importance againstthe East Indies; and I should fear toinjure the cause by proposing myself to

take charge of it.

Without pretending to the art ofprophecy in relation to present events,but convinced in the sincerity of myheart that to injure England would beserving (shall I say revenging ) mycountry, I believe that this idea wouldpowerfully excite the energy of eachindividual bearing the honourablename of Frenchman. I came hitherwithout permission; I have obtained noapprobation but that which may beimplied by silence; I might alsoundertake another little voyage withouthaving been authorized by government:if the success be uncertain, I shouldhave the advantage of exposing only

myself to danger, and what should,therefore, prevent my being enterprisingIf I could but succeed in the slightestdegree, a flame kindled on the leastimportant establishment of England,even if part of my own fortune were tobe consumed also, would satisfy myheart by awakening hopes for a morepropitious hour.

Guided by the slight knowledge whichmy ignorance has been able to obtain, Ishall now state in what manner, Sir, Iwould undertake this enterprise. AnAmerican patent, to render mymovements regular, the triflingsuccours by which it might besustained, the assistance I might obtain

at the French islands, the speculationsof some merchants, the voluntary aidof a few of my fellow comrades, suchare the feeble resources which wouldenable me to land peacefully on the Isleof France. I should there find, Ibelieve, privateers ready to assist me,and men to accompany me in sufficientnumbers to lie in wait for the vesselsreturning from China, which wouldoffer me a fresh supply of force,sufficient perhaps to enable me to fallupon one or two of their factories, anddestroy them before they could beprotected. With an aid, which I darescarcely hope would be granted me,and, above all, with talents which I amfar from having yet acquired, might not

some advantage be taken of thejealousy of the different nabobs, thehatred of the Mahrattas, the venality ofthe sepoys, and the effeminacy of theEnglish Might not the crowd ofFrenchmen dispersed at present on thatcoast be employed with advantage inthe cause As to myself personally, inany case, the fear of compromising myown country would prevent myacknowledging the pride I feel in beingher son, even as the nobility in someprovinces occasionally lay aside theirmarks of distinction to reassume themat a later period.

Although by no means blind as to theimprudence of the step, I would have

hazarded this enterprise alone, if thefear of injuring the interests I wish toserve, by not sufficiently understandingthem, or of proving a detriment tosome better-concerted expedition, hadnot arrested my intended movements;for I have the vanity to believe that aproject of this kind may one day beexecuted on a grander scale, and by farabler hands, than mine. Even now itmight be executed in a manner thatwould, I think, insure success, if Icould hope to receive from thegovernment, not an order, notsuccours, not mere indifference, but Iknow scarcely what, which I can findno language to express with sufficientdelicacy.

In this case, an order from the king,should he deign to restore me for sometime to my friends and family, withoutprohibiting my return hither, wouldgive me a hint to prepare myself withAmerican continental commissions;some preparations and instructionsfrom France might also precede thatpretended return, and conduct mestraight to the East Indies: the silencewhich was formerly perhaps an error,would then become a sacred duty, andwould serve to conceal my truedestination, and above all the sort ofapprobation it might receive.

Such, Sir, are the ideas that, duly

impressed with a sense of myincapacity and youth, I presume tosubmit to your better judgment, and, ifyou should think favourably of them,to the various modifications to whichyou may conceive them liable; I amcertain, at least, that they cannot bedeemed ridiculous, because they areinspired by a laudable motive the loveof my country. I only ask for thehonour of serving her under othercolours, and I rejoice at seeing herinterest united to that of therepublicans for whom I am combating;earnestly hoping, however, that I shallsoon be allowed to fight under theFrench banner. A commission ofgrenadier in the king's army would, in

that case, be more agreeable to me thanthe highest rank in a foreign army.

I reproach myself too much, Sir, forthus offering you my undigested ideasregarding Asia, to heighten my offenceby presumptuously tracing a plan ofAmerica, embellished with my ownreflections, which you do not require,and have not asked for: the zeal whichled me hither, and, above all, thefriendship which unites me to thegeneral-in-chief, would render me liableto the accusation of partiality, fromwhich feeling I flatter myself I amwholly free. I reserve till my return thehonour of mentioning to you thenames of those officers of merit whom

the love of their profession has led tothis continent. All those who areFrench, Sir, have a right to feelconfidence in you. It is on this groundthat I claim your indulgence; I have asecond claim upon it from the respectwith which I have the honour to be, Sir,

Your very humble and obedientservant,

LAFAYETTE.

If this letter should weary you, Sir, themanner in which it will reach you maybe deemed perhaps but too secure. Ientrust it to M. de Valfort, captain ofthe regiment of Aunis, with the

commission of colonel in our islands,whom his talents, reputation, andresearches, have rendered useful in thiscountry, and whom the wishes ofGeneral Washington would havedetained here, if his health had notrendered it absolutely necessary for himto return to France. I shall here awaityour orders, (which cannot, withoutdifficulty, enter an American harbour,)or I shall go myself to receive them, asfuture circumstances may renderproper; for, since my arrival, I have notreceived one order which couldregulate my movements.


The Camp near Whitemarsh, Oct. 29th,1777.

I send you an open letter, my dearestlove, in the person of M. de Valfort, myfriend, whom I entreat you to receive assuch. He will tell you at lengtheverything concerning me; but I musttell you myself how well I love you. Ihave too much pleasure in experiencingthis sentiment not to have also pleasurein repeating it to you a thousand times,if that were possible. I have noresource left me, my love, but to writeand write again, without even hopingthat my letters will ever reach you, and I

endeavour to console myself, by thepleasure of conversing with you, forthe disappointment and anguish of notreceiving one single line from France. Itis impossible to describe to you howcompletely my heart is torn by anxietyand fear; nor should I wish to expressall I feel, even if it were in my power todo so; for I would not disturb, by anypainful impressions, the happiestmoments of my exile those in which Ican speak to you of my tenderness. Butdo you, at least, pity me Do youcomprehend all that I endure If I couldonly know at this moment where youare, and what you are doing! but in thecourse of time I shall learn all this, for Iam not separated from you in reality, as

if I were dead. I am expecting yourletters with an impatience, from whichnothing can for an instant divert mythoughts: every one tells me they mustsoon arrive; but can I rely on thisNeglect not one opportunity of writingto me, if my happiness be still dear toyou. Repeat to me that you love me: theless I merit your affection, the morenecessary to me are your consolingassurances of it. You must havereceived so many accounts of my slightwound, that all repetitions on thesubject would be useless; and if youever believed it was anything serious, M.de Valfort can undeceive you. In a veryshort time I shall not even be lame.

Is it not dreadful, my love, to reflectthat it is by the public, by Englishpapers, by our enemy's gazettes, that Ishould receive intelligence concerningyou In an unimportant article relatingto my arrival here, they ended byspeaking of yourself, your situation,and approaching confinement; thatsource of all my fears, agitations, hopes,and joy. How happy I should feel if Icould learn that I had become a secondtime a father, that you are in goodhealth, that my two children and theirmother are likely to constitute thefelicity of my future life! This countryis delightful for the growth of filial andpaternal love: these feelings may evenbe termed passions, and give rise to the

most assiduous and unremitting care.The news of your confinement will bereceived with joy by the whole army,and above all by its commander.

I shall find my poor little Henriette veryamusing on my return. I hope she willdeliver a long sermon of reproof, andthat she will speak to me with all thefrankness of friendship; for mydaughter will be always, I trust, mymost intimate friend; I will only be afather in affection, and paternal loveshall unite in my heart with friendship.Embrace her, my love, may I sayembrace them for me! But I will notdwell upon all I suffer from thispainful uncertainty. I know that you

share all the sorrows of my heart, and Iwill not afflict you. I wrote by the lastopportunity to Madame d'Ayen; sincemy wound I have written to everybody;but those letters have perhaps been lost.It is not my fault; I wish to return alittle evil to those wicked letter- stealerswhen they are on land, but on the sea Ihave only the consolation of the weak,that of cursing heartily those of whomI cannot be revenged. A thousandtender respects to your mother; mykind regards to your sisters. Do notforget my compliments to the Marshalde Noailles, and to your paternal andmaternal relations. I have received fourfoolish lines from the Marshal deMouchy, who does not say one word

of you; I swore at him in everylanguage. Adieu, my love, adieu; askquestions of my good, excellent friend,M. de Valfort, for my paper is comingto a close. It is dreadful to be reducedto hold no communication but by letterwith a person whom one loves as I loveyou, and as I shall ever love you, until Idraw my latest breath.

I have not missed a single opportunity,not even the most indirect one, withoutwriting to you. Do the same also onyour side, my dearest life, if you loveme; but I should indeed be unfeelingand ungrateful if I were to doubt yourlove.


Camp of Whitemarsh, November 6th,1777.

You will perhaps receive this letter, mydearest love, at the expiration of five orsix years, for I am writing to you by anaccidental opportunity, in which I donot place great trust. See what a circuitmy letter must make. An officer in thearmy will carry it to Fort Pitt, threehundred miles in the interior of thecontinent; it will then embark on thegreat Ohio river, and traverse regionsinhabited only by savages; having

reached New Orleans, a small vesselwill transport it to the Spanish islands;a ship of that nation God knows when!will carry it with her on her return toEurope. But it will even then be verydistant from you; and it is only afterhaving been soiled by the dirty handsof all the Spanish post-masters that itwill be allowed to pass the Pyrenees. Itmay very possibly be unsealed andresealed five or six times before it befinally placed in your hands; but it willprove to you that I neglect noopportunity, not even the most indirectone, of sending you news of myself,and of repeating how well I love you.It is, however, for my own satisfactiononly that I delight to tell you so at

present; I hope that I shall have thepleasure of throwing this letter in thefire when it arrives, for be it understoodI shall be there also, and my presencewill render this piece of paper veryinsignificant. The idea is most soothingto my heart, and I indulge it withrapture. How enchanting to think ofthe moments when we shall betogether! but how painful also torecollect that my joy is only caused byan illusion, and that I am separatedfrom the reality of my happiness bytwo thousand leagues, an immenseocean, and villanous English vessels!Those wretched vessels make me veryunhappy. One letter, one letter only,have I yet received from you, my love;

the others have been lost or taken, andare probably at the bottom of the sea. Imust consider our enemy the cause ofthis dreadful loss; for I am certain youdo not neglect to write to me fromevery port, and by all the despatchessent by Dr. Franklin and Mr. Deane.And yet some ships arrived; I have sentcouriers to every corner of thecontinent; but all my hopes have beenfrustrated. Perhaps you have not beenproperly informed. I entreat you, mylove, to inquire carefully in whatmanner you may best send your letters.It is so dreadful for me to be deprivedof them, and I am so unhappy at beingseparated from all I love! I am guilty, itis true, of having caused my own

calamity; but you would pity me if youknew all that my heart endured.

But why tell you news in a letterdestined to travel about the world foryears, which will reach you perhaps inshreds, and will represent antiquitypersonified My other despatches musthave informed you of the variousevents of the campaign. The battle ofBrandywine, in which I most skilfullylost a small part of my leg; the takingpossession of Philadelphia, which willby no means, however, be attendedwith the ill consequences which havebeen expected in Europe; the attack ofa post at Germantown, at which I wasnot present, from having received a

recent wound, and which did not provesuccessful; the surrender of GeneralBurgoyne, with five thousand men thatsame Burgoyne who wished to devourus all, last spring, but who findshimself this autumn the prisoner ofwar of our northern army; and finally,our present situation, stationedimmediately opposite each other, atfour leagues distance, and GeneralHowe established at Philadelphia,making great exertion to take certainforts, and having already lost in theattempt one large and one small vessel.You are now quite as well informed onthe subject as if you were general-in-chief of either army. I need only at thismoment add, that the wound of the

11th of September, of which I havespoken to you a thousand times, isalmost completely healed, although Iam still a little lame, but that in a fewdays there will scarcely remain anytraces of this accident. All these detailswill be given you very circumstantiallyby my friend Mr. de Valfort, to whom Ihave given a letter for you, and onwhose accounts you may implicitly rely.I have just learnt that he has sailed, not,as I expected, in a packet, but in a goodfrigate of thirty- five guns: it would beunlucky indeed if he were taken. Fromhis lips, and the epistle which Iconfided to him five or six days ago,you will learn all that your affection forme may make you wish to know. I wish

you also knew the precise day of myreturn, and I am most impatient to fixthat day myself, and to be able to say toyou, in the joy of my heart, upon sucha day I set out to rejoin you, and obtainall earthly happiness.

A little gentleman, in a blue coat, withlemon-coloured facings and a whitewaistcoat, a German, coming hither tosolicit an employment, (which he willnot obtain,) and speaking wretchedFrench, told me that he quitted Europein the month of August: he talked tome of politics and of the ministry; heupset all Europe generally, and everycourt individually; but he knew not aword of what was most interesting to

my heart. I examined him in every way;I mentioned fifty names to him; hisanswer was always, "Me not know themnoblemen."

I will not weary you with a longaccount of the state of my finances.The accident which occurred to myvessel was a source of vexation to me,because that vessel would have beenuseful to me in the present settlementof my affairs; but it is no longer inbeing, and I should reproach myselfwith having sent it back, had I not beenobliged to make its return a clause inmy engagements, on account of myminority.~[1] Everything here isincredibly dear. We feel the consolation

of the malevolent in thinking that thescarcity is still greater in Philadelphia.In time of war, we become reconciledto all we may ourselves endure bymaking our enemies suffer ten timesmore. We have here an abundance ofprovisions, and we learn with pleasurethat our English neighbours are not sofortunate.

Do not think at present of beinguneasy on my account; all the hardblows are over, and there can be, atmost, but some little miniature strokes,which cannot concern me; I am not lesssecure in this camp than I should bewere I in the centre of Paris. If everypossible advantage to be attained by

serving here; if the friendship of thearmy in gross and in detail; if a tenderunion with the most respectable andadmirable of men, GeneralWashington, sustained by mutualconfidence; if the affection of thoseAmericans by whom I wish to bebeloved; if all this were sufficient toconstitute my happiness, I shouldindeed have nothing to desire. But myheart is far from being tranquil. Youwould compassionate me, if you knewhow much that heart suffers, and howwell it loves you!

The present season of the year makesme hope to receive some letters. Whatmay they announce to me what may I

hope O, my dearest love, how cruel it isto endure this painful anxiety, undercircumstances which are so all-important to my happiness! Have I twochildren have I another infant to sharemy tender affection with my dearestHenriette Embrace my dear little girl athousand times for me; embrace themboth tenderly, my dearest life. I trustthey will know one day how well I lovethem.

A thousand respectful compliments toMadame d'Ayen; a thousand tenderones to the viscountess and my sisters;to my friends a million of kind regards;remember me to every one. Adieu! takecare of your own health; give me

circumstantial details of all things;believe that I love you more than ever,that you are the first object of myaffection, and the surest guarantee ofmy felicity. The sentiments so deeplyengraven on a heart which belongs toyou alone, shall remain, whilst thatheart continues to vibrate. Will you,too, always love me, my dearest life Idare believe it, and that we shallmutually render each other happy by anaffection equally tender and eternal.Adieu, adieu! how delightful would itbe to embrace you at this moment, andsay to you with my own lips, I love theebetter than I have ever loved, and Ishall love thee for the remainder of mylife.

Footnotes:

1. It will be seen by the memoirs thatthat vessel was wrecked on the bar ofCharlestown.

TO GENERAL WASHINGTON.~[1]

(ORIGINAL.)

Haddonfield, the 26th November,1777.

Dear General, I went down to thisplace since the day before yesterday, in

order to be acquainted of all the roadsand grounds around the enemy. I heardat my arrival that their main body wasbetween Great and Little Timber Creeksince the same evening. Yesterdaymorning, in reconnoitering about, Ihave been told that they were very busyin crossing the Delaware. I saw themmyself in their boats, and sent thatintelligence to General Greene as soonas possible, as every other thing I heardof. But I want to acquaint yourexcellency of a little event of lastevening, which, though not veryconsiderable in itself, will certainlyplease you, on account of the braveryand alacrity a small party of oursshewed on that occasion. After having

spent the most part of the day to makemyself well acquainted with thecertainty of their motions, I came prettylate into the Gloucester road, betweenthe two creeks. I had ten light-horsewith Mr. Lindsey, almost a hundred andfifty riflemen, under Colonel Buttler,and two piquets of the militia,commanded by Colonels Hite andEllis: my whole body was not threehundred. Colonel Armand, ColonelLaumoy, the chevaliers Duplessis andGimat, were the Frenchmen who wentwith me. A scout of my men, withwhom was Mr. Duplessis, to see hownear were the first piquets fromGloucester, found at two miles and ahalf of it a strong post of three

hundred and fifty Hessians with field-pieces, (what number I did know, bythe unanimous deposition of theirprisoners,) and engaged immediately. Asmy little reconnoitering party was all infine spirits, I supported them. Wepushed the Hessians more than an halfmile from the place where was theirmain body, and we made them run veryfast: British reinforcements came twiceto them, but, very far from recoveringtheir ground, they went always back.The darkness of the night prevented usthen to push that advantage, and, afterstanding upon the ground we had got,I ordered them to return very slow toHaddonfield. The enemy, knowingperhaps by our drums that we were not

so near, came again to fire at us; but thebrave Major Moriss, with a part of hisriflemen, sent them back, and pushedthem very fast. I understand that theyhave had between twenty-five andthirty wounded, at least that numberkilled, among whom I am certain, is anofficer; some say more, and theprisoners told me they have lost thecommandant of that body; we got yet,this day, fourteen prisoners. I sent youthe most moderate account I had fromthemselves. We left one single mankilled, a lieutenant of militia, and onlyfive of ours were wounded. Such is theaccount of our little entertainment,which is indeed much too long for thematter, but I take the greatest pleasure

to let you know that the conduct ofour soldiers is above all praises: I neversaw men so merry, so spirited, sodesirous to go on to the enemy,whatever forces they could have, as thatsmall party was in this little fight. Ifound the riflemen above even theirreputation, and the militia above allexpectations I could have: I returned tothem my very sincere thanks thismorning. I wish that this little successof ours may please you, though a verytrifling one, I find it very interesting onaccount of the behaviour of oursoldiers.

Some time after I came back, GeneralVarnum arrived here; General Greene

is, too, in this place since this morning;he engaged me to give you myself theaccount of the little advantage of thatsmall part of the troops under hiscommand. I have nothing more to sayto your excellency about our businesson this side, because he is writinghimself: I should have been very glad,if circumstances had permitted me, tobe useful to him upon a greater scale.As he is obliged to march slow in orderto attend his troops, and as I am hereonly a volunteer, I will have the honourto wait upon your excellency as soon aspossible, and I'll set out to-day: it willbe a great pleasure for me to findmyself again with you.

With the most tender affection andhighest respect I have the honour to be,

LAFAYETTE.

I must tell, too, that the riflemen hadbeen the whole day running before myhorse, without eating or taking any rest.

I have just now a certain assurance thattwo British officers, besides those Ispoke you of, have died this morningof their wounds in an house; this, andsome other circumstances, let mebelieve that their lost may be greaterthan I told to your excellency.

Footnotes:

1. All the letters addressed to GeneralWashington, as well as to otherAmericans, were written in English.Since the death of GeneralWashington, his family have returned toGeneral Lafayette the original letters hehad addressed to him, and these arenow in our possession. The originalsof Washington's letters were almost alllost in the French revolution; but M. deLafayette, during his last journey to theUnited States, had a great number ofthem copied from minutes preservedby Washington himself: they have beeninserted in the collection we have sofrequently quoted from, published byMr. Sparks.

TO THE DUKE D'AYEN.

Camp Gulph, Pennsylvania, Dec. 16th,1777.

This letter, if it ever reaches you, willfind you at least in France; somehazards are averted by thiscircumstance, but I must not indulge inmany hopes. I never write a letter forEurope without deploring before handthe fate most probably awaiting it, and Ilabour, undoubtedly, more for LordHowe than for any of my friends. Thebad season is fortunately drawing near;

the English ships will be obliged to quittheir confounded cruising stations; Imay then receive letters, and forwardthem from hence with some degree ofsecurity; this will make me very happy,and will prevent my wearying you by arepetition of events which I wish youto be acquainted with, but which I donot wish to remind you of each time Iwrite. I am very anxious for the accountof your journey. I depend principallyon Madame de Lafayette for its details;she well knows how interesting theywill be to me. The Marshall de Noaillestells me, in general terms, that the lettershe receives from Italy assure him thetravellers are all in good health. Fromhim I have also learnt the confinement

of Madame Lafayette; he does notspeak of it as if it were the happiest ofall possible circumstances; but myanxiety was too keen to be able to makeany distinction of sex; and by kindlywriting to me, and giving me anaccount of the event, he rendered mefar, far happier than he imagined, whenhe announced to me that I had only adaughter.[1] The Rue de St. Honorhas now for ever lost its credit,whilst the other Hotel de Noailleshas acquired new lustre by thebirth of Adrian.[2] It is truly an ill-proceeding on my part to throw thatdisgrace on a family from whom I havereceived so much kindness. You mustnow be freezing on the high roads of

France; those of Pennsylvania are alsovery cold, and I endeavour vainly topersuade myself that the difference oflatitude betwixt this and Paris ought togive us, comparatively speaking, adelightful winter: I am even told that itwill be more severe. We are destined topass it in huts, twenty miles fromPhiladelphia, that we may protect thecountry, be enabled to take advantageof every favourable opportunity, andalso have the power of instructing thetroops by keeping them together. Itwould, perhaps, have been better tohave entered quietly into real winterquarters; but political reasons inducedGeneral Washington to adopt this half-way measure.

I wish I had sufficient skill to give youa satisfactory account of the militaryevents passing in this country; but, inaddition to my own incapacity, reasons,of which you will understand theweight, prevent my hazarding in a letter,exposed to the capture of the Englishfleet, a relation which might explainmany things, if I had the happiness ofconversing with you in person. I will,however, endeavour to repeat to you,once more, the most important eventsthat have occurred during thiscampaign. My gazette, which will bemore valuable from not containing myown remarks, must be preferable to thegazettes of Europe; because the man

who sees with his own eyes, even if heshould not see quite correctly, mustalways merit more attention than theman who has seen nothing. As to thegazettes which the English showerupon us, they appear to me only fit toamuse chairmen over their mugs of ale;and even these men must have indulgedin liberal potations, not to perceive thefalsehoods they contain. It seems to methat the project of the English ministrywas to cut in a line that part ofAmerica which extends from the bay ofChesapeak to Ticonderoga. GeneralHowe was ordered to repair toPhiladelphia by the Elk river; Burgoyneto descend to Albany, and Clinton toascend from New York by the North

river: the three generals might in thismanner have joined hands; they wouldhave received, or pretended to receive,the submission of the allegedconquered provinces; we should onlyhave retained for our winter quartersthe interior of the country, and havedepended solely for our resources onthe four southern states. An attack onCharlestown may also, perhaps, havebeen intended: in the opinion of thecabinet of the King of England,America was thus almost conquered.Providence fortunately permitted somealterations to take place in the executionof this finely-conceived project toexercise, probably, for some time, theconstancy of the British nation.

When I arrived at the army, in themonth of August, I was muchastonished at not finding any enemies.After having made some marches intoJersey, where nothing occurred, GeneralHowe embarked at New York. We wereencamped, and expecting their descent,on the Chester side, when we learntthat they were at the mouth of the Elkriver. General Washington marched tomeet them, and after having taken upseveral stations, resolved to wait theirarrival upon some excellent heights onthe Brandywine stream. The 11th ofSeptember the English marched toattack us; but whilst they were amusingus with their cannon, and several

movements in front, they suddenlydetached the greater part of theirtroops, the choicest men of their army,with the grenadiers, under thecommand of General Howe, and LordCornwallis, to pass a ford four milesdistant on our right. As soon asGeneral Washington became aware ofthis movement, he detached his wholeright wing to march towards them.Some unfounded reports, which had allthe appearance of truth, and whichcontradicted the first accounts received,arrested for a length of time theprogress of that wing, and when itarrived, the enemy had already crossedthe ford. Thus it became necessary toengage in an open field with an army

superior in numbers to our own. Afterhaving for some time sustained a verybrisk fire, though many were killed onthe side of the English, the Americanswere obliged to give way. A portion ofthem was rallied and brought back: itwas then that I received my wound. Ina word, to cut the matter short,everything went on badly on both sides,and General Washington was defeatedbecause he could not gain the firstgeneral battle which had been foughtduring the war. The army reassembledat Chester; but having been carried to adistance from it, I have not been able tofollow its different movements. GeneralHowe took advantage of the disorderwhich a tremendous rain had

occasioned in our army to pass theSchuylkill; he repaired to Philadelphia,to take possession of it, and stationedhimself between that town andGermantown. General Washingtonattacked him on the 4th of October;and we may assert that our general beattheirs, although their troops defeatedours, since he surprised him, and evendrove back the English for some time;but their experience proved againtriumphant over our unpractisedofficers and soldiers. Some time beforethis event, an American brigadier,placed in detachment on the other sideof the river, had been attacked at nightin his camp, and had lost some of hismen. These are the only important

events which took place on our sideduring the six weeks that I was absentfrom the camp, whilst obliged to keepmy bed from my unclosed wound: atthat time we received good news ofGeneral Burgoyne. When I firstrejoined the army, whilst General Howewas on the water, I learnt thatTiconderoga had been precipitatelyabandoned by the Americans, leavingthere several cannons and a quantity ofammunition. This success inflamed thepride of General Burgoyne, and heissued a pompous proclamation, forwhich he has since paid very dearly. Hisfirst act was to send a detachment,which was repulsed; he was not,however, discouraged, but marched on,

through immense forests, in a countrywhich contained but a single road.General Gates had under his ordersfifteen or sixteen thousand men, whodistressed the enemy by firing uponthem from behind the trees. Whetherconqueror or conquered, GeneralBurgoyne's force became graduallyweakened, and every quarter of aleague cost him many men. At length,surrounded on all sides, and perishingwith hunger, he was obliged to enterinto a convention, in virtue of whichhe was conducted by the New Englandmilitia into that same state ofMassachusets in which it had beenasserted in London he was to take uphis winter quarters. From thence he is

to be conveyed, with whatever troopshe may have remaining, to England, atthe expense of the king his master.Ticonderoga has been since evacuatedby the English.

General Clinton, who had set outrather late from New York, after havingtaken and destroyed Fort Montgomery,on the north river, endeavoured toreach the rear of Gates; but, hearing ofthe convention, he returned on thesame road by which he had advanced.If he had been more rapid in hismarch, the affairs of General Gateswould not have ended so fortunately.

When my wound permitted me, after

the space of six weeks, to rejoin thearmy, I found it stationed fifteen milesfrom Philadelphia; our northernreinforcements had arrived; GeneralHowe was much incommoded by twoforts, one on the Jersey side, the otheron the little Island of Mud, that youwill find on your map, below theSchuylkill. These two forts defendedthe chevaux de frise of the Delaware;they held out for a long time, against allthe efforts of the English troops, bothby sea and land. Two youngFrenchmen, who were acting there asengineers, acquired much glory by theirconduct; MM. de Fleury, of theregiment of Rouergue, and MauduitDuplessis, who had also at the same

time the command of the artillery: he isan artillery officer in France. SomeHessians, commanded by CountDonop, attacked the fort in whichMauduit was stationed, and wererepulsed with considerable loss. CountDonop was taken and received a mortalwound. These forts, after having madea vigorous resistance, were at lengthevacuated. Lord Cornwallis then passedinto Jersey with five thousand men. Thesame number of our troops wasstationed there, under one of ourmajor-generals. As I was only avolunteer, I went to reconnoitre theground, and having met, accidentally,with a detachment near the enemy'spost, the good conduct of my soldiers

rendered an imprudent attackjustifiable. We were told that hislordship had been wounded. He thenagain re-crossed the river, and we alsodid the same. Some days afterwards ourarmy assembled at Whitemarsh,thirteen miles from Philadelphia. Thewhole army of General Howeadvanced to attack us: but havingexamined our position on every side,they judged it more prudent to retireduring the night, after four days ofapparent hesitation. We then executedthe project of crossing over on this sideof the Schuylkill, and after having beendelayed on the opposite side, fromfinding on this shore a part of theenemy's army, (although they only fired

a few cannon balls at us,) they left us afree passage the next day, and we shallall repair unto our huts for the winter.

Whilst remaining there, the Americanarmy will endeavour to clothe itself,because it is almost in a state of nudity,to form itself, because it requiresinstruction, and to recruit itself,because it is feeble; but the thirteenstates are going to rouse themselves andsend us some men. My division will, Itrust, be one of the strongest, and I willexert myself to make it one of the best.The actual situation of the enemy is byno means an unpleasant one; the armyof Burgoyne is fed at the expense ofthe republic, and the few men they may

obtain back, for many will be lost uponthe road, will immediately be replacedby other troops; Clinton is quite at easein New York, with a numerousgarrison; General Howe is paying courtto the belles of Philadelphia. Theliberty the English take of stealing andpillaging from friends as well as foes,places them completely at their ease.Their ships at present sail up to thetown, not, however, without somedanger, for, without counting the shipof sixty-four guns and the frigatewhich were burnt before the forts, andwithout counting all those that I trustthe ice will destroy, several are lost everyday on the difficult passage they areobliged to undertake.

The loss of Philadelphia is far frombeing so important as it is conceived tobe in Europe. If the differences ofcircumstances, of countries, and ofproportion between the two armies,were not duly considered, the successof General Gates would appearsurprising when compared to theevents that have occurred with us,taking into account the superiority ofGeneral Washington over GeneralGates. Our General is a man formed, intruth, for this revolution, which couldnot have been accomplished withouthim. I see him more intimately than anyother man, and I see that he is worthyof the adoration of his country. His

tender friendship for me, and hiscomplete confidence in me, relating toall military and political subjects, greatas well as small, enable me to judge ofall the interests he has to conciliate, andall the difficulties he has to conquer. Iadmire each day more fully theexcellence of his character, and thekindness of his heart. Some foreignersare displeased at not having beenemployed, (although it did not dependon him to employ them) others, whoseambitious projects he would not serve,and some intriguing, jealous men, haveendeavoured to injure his reputation;but his name will be revered in everyage, by all true lovers of liberty andhumanity; and although I may appear

to be eulogising my friend, I believethat the part he makes me act, gives methe right of avowing publicly howmuch I admire and respect him. Thereare many interesting things that Icannot write, but will one day relate toyou, on which I entreat you to suspendyour judgment, and which willredouble your esteem for him.

America is most impatiently expectingus to declare for her, and France willone day, I hope, determine to humblethe pride of England. This hope, andthe measures which America appearsdetermined to pursue, give me greathopes for the glorious establishment ofher independence. We are not, I

confess, so strong as I expected, but weare strong enough to fight; we shall doso, I trust, with some degree of success;and, with the assistance of France, weshall gain, with costs, the cause that Icherish, because it is the cause ofjustice, because it honors humanity,because it is important to my country,and because my American friends, andmyself, are deeply engaged in it. Theapproaching campaign will be aninteresting one. It is said that theEnglish are sending us someHanoverians; some time ago theythreatened us with, what was far worse,the arrival of some Russians. A slightmenace from France would lessen thenumber of these reinforcements. The

more I see of the English, the morethoroughly convinced I am, that it isnecessary to speak to them in a loudtone.

After having wearied you with publicaffairs, you must not expect to escapewithout being wearied also with myprivate affairs. It is impossible to bemore agreeably situated than I am in aforeign country. I have only feelings ofpleasure to express, and I have each daymore reason to be satisfied with theconduct of the congress towards me,although my military occupations haveallowed me to become personallyacquainted with but few of itsmembers. Those I do know have

especially loaded me with marks ofkindness and attention. The newpresident, Mr. Laurens, one of the mostrespectable men of America, is myparticular friend. As to the army, I havehad the happiness of obtaining thefriendship of every individual; not oneopportunity is lost of giving me proofsof it. I passed the whole summerwithout accepting a division, which youknow had been my previous intention;I passed all that time at GeneralWashington's house, where I felt as if Iwere with a friend of twenty years'standing. Since my return from Jersey,he has desired me to choose, amongstseveral brigades, the division whichmay please me best; but I have chosen

one entirely composed of Virginians. Itis weak in point of numbers at present,just in proportion, however, to theweakness of the whole army, andalmost in a state of nakedness; but I ampromised cloth, of which I shall makeclothes, and recruits, of which soldiersmust be made, about the same period;but, unfortunately, the last is the mostdifficult task, even for more skilful menthan me. The task I am performinghere, if I had acquired sufficientexperience to perform it well, wouldimprove exceedingly my futureknowledge. The major-general replacesthe lieutenant-general, and the field-marshal, in their most importantfunctions, and I should have the power

of employing to advantage, both mytalents and experience, if Providenceand my extreme youth allowed me toboast of possessing either. I read, Istudy, I examine, I listen, I reflect, andthe result of all is the endeavour atforming an opinion, into which Iinfuse as much common sense aspossible. I will not talk much, for fearof saying foolish things; I will still lessrisk acting much, for fear of doingfoolish things; for I am not disposed toabuse the confidence which theAmericans have kindly placed in me.Such is the plan of conduct which Ihave followed until now, and which Ishall continue to follow; but whensome ideas occur to me, which I believe

may become useful when properlyrectified, I hasten to impart them to agreat judge, who is good enough to saythat he is pleased with them. On theother hand, when my heart tells me thata favourable opportunity offers, Icannot refuse myself the pleasure ofparticipating in the peril, but I do notthink that the vanity of success oughtto make us risk the safety of an army,or of any portion of it, which may notbe formed or calculated for theoffensive. If I could make an axiom,with the certainty of not saying afoolish thing, I should venture to addthat, whatever may be our force, wemust content ourselves with acompletely defensive plan, with the

exception, however, of the momentwhen we may be forced to action,because I think I have perceived thatthe English troops are more astonishedby a brisk attack than by a firmresistance.

This letter will be given you by thecelebrated Adams, whose name mustundoubtedly be known to you. As Ihave never allowed myself to quit thearmy, I have not been able to see him.He wished that I should give himletters of introduction to France,especially to yourself. May I hope thatyou will have the goodness of receivinghim kindly, and even of giving himsome information respecting the

present state of affairs. I fancied youwould not be sorry to converse with aman whose merit is so universallyacknowledged. He desires ardently tosucceed in obtaining the esteem of ournation. One of his friends himself toldme so.

Footnotes:

1. Madame Charles de Latour-Maubourg.

2. A son of the Viscount de Noailles,who was the son of Marshal deMouchy, and married the eldestdaughter of the Duke d'Ayen.


(ORIGINAL)

Camp, 30th December, 1777.

MY DEAR GENERAL, I wentyesterday morning to head-quarterswith an intention of speaking to yourexcellency, but you were too busy, and Ishall lay down in this letter what Iwished to say.

I don't need to tell you that I am sorryfor all that has happened for some timepast. It is a necessary dependence of

my most tender and respectfulfriendship for you, which affection is astrue and candid as the other sentimentsof my heart, and much stronger thanso new an acquaintance seems to admit;but another reason, to be concerned inthe present circumstances, is my ardentand perhaps enthusiastic wishes for thehappiness and liberty of this country. Isee plainly that America can defendherself if proper measures are taken,and now I begin to fear lest she shouldbe lost by herself and her own sons.

When I was in Europe I thought thathere almost every man was a lover ofliberty, and would rather die free thanlive a slave. You can conceive my

astonishment when I saw that toryismwas as openly professed as whiggismitself: however, at that time I believedthat all good Americans were unitedtogether; that the confidence ofcongress in you was unbounded. ThenI entertained the certitude that Americawould be independent in case sheshould not lose you. Take away, for aninstant, that modest diffidence ofyourself, (which, pardon my freedom,my dear General, is sometimes toogreat, and I wish you could know, aswell as myself, what difference there isbetween you and any other man,) youwould see very plainly that if you werelost for America, there is no body whocould keep the army and the revolution

for six months. There are opendissensions in congress, parties whohate one another as much as thecommon enemy; stupid men, who,without knowing a single word aboutwar, undertake to judge you, to makeridiculous comparisons; they areinfatuated with Gates, without thinkingof the different circumstances, andbelieve that attacking is the only thingnecessary to conquer. Those ideas areentertained in their minds by somejealous men, and perhaps secret friendsto the British Government, who wantto push you in a moment of ill humourto some rash enterprise upon the lines,or against a much stronger army. Ishould not take the liberty of

mentioning these particulars to you if Idid not receive a letter about thismatter, from a young good-naturedgentleman at York, whom Conway hasruined by his cunning, bad advice, butwho entertains the greatest respect foryou.

I have been surprised at first, to see thefew establishments of this board ofwar, to see the difference made betweennorthern and southern departments, tosee resolves from congress aboutmilitary operations; but the promotionof Conway is beyond all myexpectations. I should be glad to havenew major-generals, because, as I know,you take some interest in my happiness

and reputation it is, perhaps, anoccasion for your excellency to give memore agreeable commands in someinteresting instances. On the otherhand, General Conway says he isentirely a man to be disposed of by me.He calls himself my soldier, and thereason of such behaviour to me is, thathe wishes to be well spoken of at theFrench court, and his protector, theMarquis de Castries, is an intimateacquaintance of mine; but since theletter of Lord Stirling I inquired in hischaracter. I found that he was anambitious and dangerous man. He hasdone all in his power, by cunningmanoeuvres, to take off my confidenceand affection for you. His desire was to

engage me to leave this country. Now Isee all the general officers of the armyagainst congress; such disputes, ifknown by the enemy, would beattended with the worst consequences. Iam very sorry whenever I perceivetroubles raised among the defenders ofthe same cause, but my concern ismuch greater when I find officerscoming from France, officers of somecharacter in my country, to whom anyfault of that kind may be imputed. Thereason of my fondness for Conwaywas his being by all means a very braveand very good officer. However, thattalent for manoeuvres, and whichseems so extraordinary to congress, isnot so very difficult a matter for any

man of common sense who applieshimself to it. I must pay to GeneralPortail, and some French officers, whocame to speak me, the justice to say,that I found them as I could wish uponthis occasion; for it has made a greatnoise among many in the army. I wish,indeed, those matters could be soonpacified. I wish your excellency couldlet them know how necessary you areto them, and engage them at the sametime to keep peace, and simulate loveamong themselves till the momentwhen those little disputes shall not beattended with such inconveniences. Itwould be, too, a great pity that slavery,dishonour, ruin, and unhappiness of awhole world, should issue from some

trifling differences between a few men.

You will find, perhaps, this letter veryuseless, and even inopportune; but Iwas desirous of having a pretty, longconversation with you upon the presentcircumstances, to explain you what Ithink of this matter. As a properopportunity for it did not occur, I tookthe liberty of laying down some of myideas in this letter, because it is for mysatisfaction to be convinced that you,my dear general, who have beenindulgent enough to permit me to lookon you as upon a friend, should knowthe confession of my sentiments in amatter which I consider as a veryimportant one. I have the warmest love

for my country and for every goodFrenchman; their success fills my heartwith joy; but, sir, besides, Conway is anIrishman, I want countrymen, whodeserve, in every point, to do honour totheir country. That gentleman hadengaged me by entertaining my headwith ideas of glory and shiningprojects, and I must confess, to myshame, that it is a too certain way ofdeceiving me.

I wished to join to the few theoriesabout war I can have, and the fewdispositions nature gave, perhaps, tome, the experience of thirty campaigns,in hope that I should be able to be themore useful in the present

circumstances. My desire of deservingyour satisfaction is stronger than ever,and everywhere you will employ meyou can be certain of my trying everyexertion in my power to succeed. I amnow fixed to your fate, and I shallfollow it and sustain it as well by mysword as by all means in my power.You will pardon my importunity infavour of the sentiment which dictatedit. Youth and friendship make me,perhaps, too warm, but I feel thegreatest concern at all that hashappened for some time since.

With the most tender and profoundrespect, I have the honour to be, &c.

Footnote:

1. This letter was occasioned by themomentary success of an intrigue,known in American history under thename of Conway's cabal. Conway, whowished to oppose Gates to Washington,had written to the former a letter, inwhich he attacked the general-in-chief.An aide-de-camp of Lord Stirlinggained knowledge of that letter, andcommunicated its contents toWashington, who entered immediatelyinto an explanation with Conway, inconsequence of which the latter sent inhis resignation, and announced theintention of re-entering the service ofFrance. The resignation was not

accepted by congress, and Conway was,on the contrary, named inspector-general of the army, with the rank ofmajor-general, and the formation ofthe war office in relation to themercenary troops. We see, by a letterfrom General Washington, that M. deLafayette was the only person to whomhe shewed General Conway's letter,transmitted by Lord Stirling's aide-de-camp. (Letter to Horatio Gates, of the4th of January, 1778, written fromWashington. V. 1st, Appendix No. 6.)

FROM GENERAL WASHINGTON.

(ORIGINAL)

Head-quarters, December 31st, 1777.

MY DEAR MARQUIS, Your favourof yesterday conveyed to me freshproof of that friendship andattachment, which I have happilyexperienced since the first of ouracquaintance, and for which I entertainsentiments of the purest affection. Itwill ever constitute part of myhappiness to know that I stand well inyour opinion; because I am satisfiedthat you can have no views to answerby throwing out false colours, and thatyou possess a mind too exalted tocondescend to low arts and intrigues to

acquire a reputation. Happy, thricehappy, would it have been for this armyand the cause we are embarked in, ifthe same generous spirit had pervadedall the actors in it. But one gentleman,whose name you have mentioned, had,I am confident, far different views; hisambition and great desire of beingpuffed off, as one of the first officersof the age, could only be equalled bythe means which he used to obtainthem. But finding that I wasdetermined not to go beyond the lineof my duty to indulge him in the firstnor to exceed the strictest rules ofpropriety to gratify him in the secondhe became my inveterate enemy; and hehas, I am persuaded, practised every art

to do me an injury, even at the expenseof reprobating a measure that did notsucceed, that he himself advised to.How far he may have accomplished hisends, I know not; and except forconsiderations of a public nature, Icare not; for, it is well known, thatneither ambitious nor lucrative motives,led me to accept my presentappointments, in the discharge ofwhich, I have endeavoured to observeone steady and uniform system ofconduct, which I shall invariablypursue, while I have the honour tocommand, regardless of the tongue ofslander, or the powers of detraction.The fatal tendency of disunion is soobvious, that I have, in earnest terms,

exhorted such officers as haveexpressed their dissatisfaction atGeneral Conway's promotion, to becool and dispassionate in their decisionabout the matter; and I have hopes thatthey will not suffer any hastydetermination to injure the service. Atthe same time, it must beacknowledged, that officers' feelingsupon these occasions are not to berestrained, although you may controltheir actions.

The other observations contained inyour letter have too much truth inthem; and, it is much to be lamented,that things are not now as they formerlywere. But we must not, in so great a

contest, expect to meet with nothingbut sunshine. I have no doubt thateverything happens for the best, that weshall triumph over all our misfortunes,and, in the end, be happy; when, mydear marquis, if you will give me yourcompany in Virginia, we will laugh atour past difficulties and the folly ofothers; and I will endeavour, by everycivility in my power, to shew you howmuch, and how sincerely, I am youraffectionate and obedient servant.

TO GENERAL WASHINGTON.

(ORIGINAL.)

Valley Forge, December 31st, 1777.

My Dear General, I should have muchreproached myself the liberty I took ofwriting to your excellency, if I hadbelieved it could engage you in thetrouble of answering that letter. Butnow, as you have written it, I must tellyou that I received this favour with thegreatest satisfaction and pleasure. Everyassurance and proof of your affectionfills my heart with joy, because thatsentiment of yours is extremely dearand precious to me. A tender andrespectful attachment for you, and aninvariable frankness, will be found inmy mind as you know me better; but,

after those merits, I must tell you, thatvery few others are to be found. I neverwished so heartily to be entrusted bynature with an immensity of talentsthan on this occasion; I could be thenof some use to your glory andhappiness, as well as to my own.

What man do not join the pureambition of glory with this otherambitious of advancement, rank, andfortune As an ardent lover of laurels, Icannot bear the idea that so noble asentiment should be mixed with anylow one. In your preaching moderationto the brigadiers upon such anoccasion, I am not surprised torecognise your virtuous character. As I

hope my warm interest is known toyour excellency, I dare entertain the ideathat you will be so indulgent as to letme know everything concerning you,whenever you will not be under the lawof secrecy or particular circumstances.

With the most tender and affectionatefriendship with the most profoundrespect I have the honour to be, &c.


Camp, near Valley-Forge, January 6th,1778.

What a date, my dearest love, and fromwhat a region I am now writing, in themonth of January! It is in a camp, inthe centre of woods, fifteen hundredleagues from you, that I find myselfenclosed in the midst of winter. It isnot very long since we were onlyseparated from the enemy by a smallriver; we are at present stationed sevenleagues from them, and it is on thisspot that the American army will passthe whole winter, in small barracks,which are scarcely more cheerful thandungeons. I know not whether it willbe agreeable to General Howe to visitour new city, in which case we wouldendeavour to receive him with all duehonour. The bearer of this letter will

describe to you the pleasant residencewhich I choose in preference to thehappiness of being with you, with allmy friends, in the midst of all possibleenjoyments; in truth, my love, do younot believe that powerful reasons arerequisite to induce a person to makesuch a sacrifice Everything combinedto urge me to depart, honour alone toldme to remain; and when you learn indetail the circumstances in which I amplaced, those in which the army, myfriend, its commander, and the wholeAmerican cause were placed, you willnot only forgive me, but you willexcuse, and I may almost venture to say,applaud me. What a pleasure I shall feelin explaining to you myself all the

reasons of my conduct, and, in asking,whilst embracing you, a pardon, whichI am very certain I shall then obtain!But do not condemn me before hearingmy defence. In addition to the reasons Ihave given you, there is one otherreason which I would not relate toevery one, because it might appear likeaffecting airs of ridiculous importance.My presence is more necessary at thismoment to the American cause, thanyou can possibly conceive; manyforeigners, who have been refusedemployment, or whose ambitious viewshave been frustrated, have raised upsome powerful cabals; they haveendeavoured, by every sort of artifice,to make me discontented with this

revolution, and with him who is itschief; they have spread as widely as theycould, the report that I was quitting thecontinent. The English haveproclaimed also, loudly, the sameintention on my side. I cannot inconscience appear to justify the maliceof these people. If I were to depart,many Frenchmen who are useful herewould follow my example. GeneralWashington would feel very unhappy ifI were to speak of quitting him; hisconfidence in me is greater than I dareacknowledge, on account of my youth.In the place he occupies, he is liable tobe surrounded by flatterers or secretenemies; he finds in me a secure friend,in whose bosom he may always confide

his most secret thoughts, and who willalways speak the truth. Not one daypasses without his holding longconversations with me, writing me longletters, and he has the kindness toconsult me on the most importantmatters. A peculiar circumstance isoccurring at this moment whichrenders my presence of some use tohim: this is not the time to speak of mydeparture. I am also at present engagedin an interesting correspondence withthe president of congress. The desire todebase England, to promote theadvantage of my own country, and thehappiness of humanity, which isstrongly interested in the existence ofone perfectly free nation, all induces me

not to depart at the moment when myabsence might prove injurious to thecause I have embraced. The General,also, after a slight success in Jersey,requested me, with the unanimousconsent of congress, to accept adivision in the army, and to form itaccording to my own judgment, as wellas my feeble resources might permit; Iought not to have replied to such amark of confidence, by asking whatwere his commissions for Europe.These are some of the reasons, which Iconfide to you, with an injunction ofsecrecy. I will repeat to you many morein person, which I dare not hazard in aletter. This letter will be given you by agood Frenchman, who has come a

hundred miles to ask me for mycommissions. I wrote to you a few daysago by the celebrated Mr. Adams; hewill facilitate your sending me letters.You must have received those I sentyou as soon as I heard of yourconfinement. How very happy thatevent has rendered me, my dearest love!I delight in speaking of it in all myletters, because I delight in occupyingmyself with it at every moment of mylife! What a pleasure it will give me toembrace my two poor little girls, andmake them request their mother toforgive me! You do not believe me sohard hearted, and at the same time soridiculous, as to suppose that the sex ofour new infant can have diminished in

any degree my joy at its birth. Our ageis not so far advanced, that we may notexpect to have another child, without amiracle from Heaven. The next onemust absolutely be a boy. However, if itbe on account of the name that we areto regret not having a son, I declare thatI have formed the project of livinglong enough to bear it many yearsmyself, before I yield it to any otherperson. I am indebted to the Marshalde Noailles for the joyful news. I amanxiously expecting a letter from you. Ireceived the other day one fromDesplaces, who mentioned having senta preceding one; but the caprice of thewinds, without speaking of Englishships, often deranges the order of my

correspondence. I was for some daysvery uneasy about the Viscount deCoigny, who, some of my lettersannounced, was in a precarious state ofhealth. But that letter from Desplaces,who told me all were well, withoutmentioning the viscount's name, hasquite reassured me. I have also receivedsome other letters which do not speakof his health. When you write, I entreatyou to send me many details of all thepeople whom I love, and even of allmy acquaintance. It is veryextraordinary that I have not heard ofMadame de Fronsac's confinement. Saya thousand tender and respectful thingsfrom me to her, as well as to theCountess Auguste. If those ladies do

not enter into the reasons which forceme to remain here, they must indeedthink me a most absurd being, moreespecially as they have opportunities ofseeing clearly what a charming wife Iam separated from; but even that mayprove to them what powerful motivesmust guide my conduct. Several generalofficers have brought their wives to thecamp; I envy them not their wives butthe happiness they enjoy in being ableto see them. General Washington hasalso resolved to send for his wife. As tothe English, they have received areinforcement of three hundred youngladies from New York; and we havecaptured a vessel filled with chasteofficers' wives, who had come to rejoin

their husbands: they were in great fearof being kept for the American army.

You will learn by the bearer of thisletter that my health is very good, thatmy wound is healed, and that thechange of country has produced noeffect upon me. Do you not think that,at my return, we shall be old enough toestablish ourselves in our own house,live there happily together, receive ourfriends, institute a delightful state offreedom, and read foreign newspapers,without feeling any curiosity to judgeby ourselves of what may pass inforeign countries I enjoy thus building,in France, castles of felicity andpleasure: you always share them with

me, my dearest love, and when we areonce united, nothing shall againseparate us, or prevent our experiencingtogether, and through each other, thejoy of mutual affection, and thesweetest and most tranquil happiness.Adieu, my love; I only wish this projectcould be executed on this present day.Would it not be agreeable to you alsoPresent my tender respects to Madamed'Ayen: embrace a thousand times theviscountess and my sisters. Adieu,adieu; continue to love me, and forgetnot for a moment the unhappy exilewho thinks incessantly of thee withrenewed ardour and tenderness.


(ORIGINAL.)

DEAR GENERAL, I shall make use,in this particular instance, of the libertyyou gave me, of telling freely every ideaof mine which could strike me as notbeing useless to a better order ofthings.

There were two gentlemen, same rank,same duty to perform, and same neglectof it, who have been arrested the sameday by me. As I went in the nightaround the picquets, I found them infault, and I gave an account of it thenext day to your excellency. Youanswered, that I was much in wrong

not to have had them relieved andarrested immediately. I objected that itwas then very late for such achangement, and that I did not knowwhich was the rule in this army, butthat the gentlemen should be arrestedin that very moment. The last answerof your excellency has been, "they areto have a court-martial, and you mustgive notice of it to the adjutant-general." Therefore, Major Nevil madetwo letters in order to arrest them, onefor having been surprised in his post, and theother, for the same cause, and allowing hissentries to have fires, which he could see instanding before the picquet. I give you myword of honour, that there was not anyexaggeration.

Now I see in the orders, the less guiltypunished in a manner much too severeindeed, and dismissed from the service,(it is among all the delicate mindsdeprived of his honour,) when he wasonly to be severely reprimanded andkept for some time under arrest. But itcan be attributed to a very severediscipline.

What must I think of the same court,when they unanimously acquit (it is tosay that my accusation is not true) theofficer who joins to the same fault,entirely the same this, of allowing hissentries to have fire in his own sight;for in every service being surprised or

being found in the middle of hispicquet without any challenging orstopping sentry, as Major Nevil, ridingbefore me, found him, is entirely thesame thing; and Major Nevil, ridingbefore me, when I was busy to make asentry pull off his fire, can swear thatsuch was the case with that officer hecan do more than swearing, for he cangive his word of honour, and I thinkthat idea honour is the same in everycountry.

But the prjugs are not the same thing;for giving publicly the best of such adispute (for here it becomes a trial forboth parties) to an officer of the lastmilitary stage against one of the first,

should be looked on as an affront tothe rank, and acquitting a man, whomone other man accuses, looked upon asan affront to the person. It is the samein Poland, for Count de Pulaski wasmuch affronted at the decision of acourt-martial entirely acquittingColonel Molens. However, as I knowthe English customs, I am nothing elsebut surprised to see such a partiality ina court-martial.

Your excellency will certainly approvemy not arresting any officer for beingbrought before a court-martial for anyneglect of duty; but when they will berobbers or cowards, or when they willassassinate in all, when they will deserve

being cashiered or put to death.

Give me leave to tell your excellencyhow I am adverse to court-martials. Iknow it is the English custom, and Ibelieve it is a very bad one. It comesfrom their love of lawyers, speakers,and of that black apparatus ofsentences and judgments; but such isnot the American temper, and I thinkthis new army must pick up the goodinstitutions, and leave the bad oneswherever they may be. In France, anofficer is arrested by his superior, whogives notice of it to the commandingofficer, and then he is punished enoughin being deprived of going out of hisroom in time of peace of going his

duty in time of war. Nobody knows ofit but his comrades. When the fault isgreater, he is confined in a commonroom for prisoner officers, and this ismuch more shameful. Notice of it isimmediately given to the general officerwho commands there. That goes, too,to the king's minister, who is to bereplaced here by the commander-in-chief; in time of war, it goes to thegeneral-in-chief.

Soldiers are punished the same, or nextday, by order of proper officers, andthe right of punishing is proportionateto their ranks.

But when both officers and soldiers

have done something which deserves amore severe punishment; when theirhonour, or their life, or their liberty formore than a very short time, isconcerned, then a court-martial meets,and the sentence is known. How willyou let an unhappy soldier be confinedseveral weeks with men who are to behanged, with spies, with the mosthorrid sort of people, and in the sametime be lost for the duty, when theydeserve only some lashes. There is noproportion in the punishments.

How is it possible to carry a gentlemanbefore a parcel of dreadful judges, atthe same place where an officer of thesame rank has been just now cashiered,

for a trifling neglect of his duty; for, Isuppose, speaking to his nextneighbour, in a manoeuvre for goinginto a house to speak to a pretty girl,when the army is on its march, and athousand other things How is itpossible to bring to the certainty ofbeing cashiered or dishonoured, ayoung lad who has made a considerablefault because he had a light head, a toogreat vivacity, when that young manwould be, perhaps, in some years, thebest officer of the army, if he had beenfriendly reprimanded and arrested forsome time, without any dishonour

The law is always severe; and bringswith it an eternal shameful mark. When

the judges are partial, as on thisoccasion, it is much worse, because theyhave the same inconvenience as lawitself.

In court-martial, men are judged bytheir inferiors. How it is averse todiscipline, I don't want to say. Thepublication exposes men to be despisedby the least soldier. When men havebeen before a court-martial, theyshould be or acquitted or dismissed.What do you think can be produced bythe half condemnation of a generalofficer What necessity for all thesoldiers, all the officers, to know thatGeneral Maxwell has been prevented fromdoing his duty by his being drunk Where is

the man who will not laugh at him, ifhe is told by him, you are a drunkard; andis it right to ridiculize a man,respectable by his rank, because hedrank two or three gills of rum

These are my reasons against courts-martial, when there is not someconsiderable fault to punish. Accordingto my affair, I am sorry in seeing theless guilty being the only one punished.However, I shall send to courts-martialbut for such crimes that there will befor the judges no way of indulgenceand partiality.

With the most tender respect, I am, &c.


York, February 3rd, 1778.

I shall never have any cause to reproachmyself, my dearest love, with havingallowed an opportunity to pass withoutwriting to you, and I have found oneby M. du Bouchet, who has thehappiness of embarking for France.You must have already received severalletters in which I speak of the birth ofour new infant, and of the pleasure thisjoyful event has given me. If I thoughtthat you could imagine the happiness Ifeel at this event had been at all

diminished because our Anastasia isonly a daughter, I should be so muchdispleased with you, that I should butlove you a very little for a few moments.O, my love! what an enchantingpleasure it will be for me to embraceyou all; what a consolation to be able toweep with my other friends for the dearfriend whom I have lost!

I will not give you a long account ofthe proofs of confidence with which Ihave been honoured by America.Suffice it to say that Canada isoppressed by the English; the whole ofthat immense country is in the powerof the enemy, who are there inpossession of troops, forts, and a fleet.

I am to repair thither with the title ofGeneral of the Northern Army, at thehead of three thousand men, to see ifno evil can be done to the English inthat country. The idea of rendering thewhole of New France free, and ofdelivering her from a heavy yoke, is tooglorious for me to allow myself todwell upon it. My army would, in thatcase, increase at an immense rate, andwould be increased also by the French.I am undertaking a most difficult task,above all taking into account the fewresources I possess. As to those myown merit offers, they are very triflingin comparison to the importance of theplace; nor can a man of twenty be fit tocommand an army, charged with the

numerous details to which a generalmust attend, and having under hisdirect orders a vast extent of country.

The number of the troops I shallcommand would appear, I own, triflingin Europe, but it is considerable forAmerica. What gives me most pleasurein all this is, that, under anycircumstances, I shall be now soonerable to rejoin you. How delightful itwill be to hurry through my affairs withthe English there above! I am justsetting out for Albany, and from thenceto another place, nearly a hundred andfifty leagues from hence, where mylabours will commence. I shall go partof the way on sledges; having once

reached that spot, I shall have only iceto tread upon.

I do not write to any of my friends bythis opportunity. I have an immensedeal of business to do; there is aninfinite number of military andpolitical affairs to arrange; there are somany things to repair, so many newobstacles to remove, that I shouldrequire, in truth, forty years' experience,and very superior talents, to be able toconquer all the difficulties I meet with.I will, at least, do the best I can, and if Ionly succeed in occupying the enemy'sattention in the north, even if I dothem no other injury, it would berendering an important service, and my

little army would not be wholly useless.Be so kind as to tell the prince~[1] thathis youthful captain, although now ageneral-in-chief, has not acquired moreknowledge than he possessed atPolygone, and that he knows not how,unless chance or his good angel shoulddirect him, to justify the confidencewhich has been placed in him. Athousand tender respects to Madamed'Ayen. A thousand assurances of mytender affection to the viscountess andall my sisters. Do not forget me to yourfather, Madame de Tess, and theMarshal de Noailles. Adieu, adieu, mydearest love; embrace our dear children;I embrace a million of times theirbeloved mother. When shall I find

myself again within her arms

Footnote:

1. The Prince de Poix, colonel of theregiment de Noailles, in which M. deLafayette was captain.


(ORIGINAL.)

Hemingtown, the 9th February, 1778.

Dear General, I cannot let go my guidewithout taking this opportunity of

writing to your excellency, though Ihave not yet public business to speakof. I go on very slowly; sometimesdrenched by rain, sometimes coveredby snow, and not entertaining manyhandsome thoughts about theprojected incursion into Canada; ifsuccesses were to be had, it wouldsurprise me in a most agreeable mannerby that very reason that I don't expectany shining ones. Lake Champlain istoo cold for producing the least bit oflaurel, and if I am not starved I shall beas proud as if I had gained threebattles.

Mr. Duer had given to me a rendezvousat a tavern, but nobody was to be

found there. I fancy that he will be withMr. Conway sooner than he has toldme; they will perhaps conquer Canadabefore my arrival, and I expect to meetthem at the governor's house inQuebec.

Could I believe, for one single instant,that this pompous command of anorthern army will let your excellencyforget a little us absent friends, then, Iwould send the project to the place itcomes from. But I dare hope that youwill remember me sometimes. I wishyou, very heartily, the greatest publicand private happiness and successes. Itis a very melancholy idea for me that Icannot follow your fortunes as near

your person as I could wish; but myheart will take, very sincerely, its part ofeverything which can happen to you,and I am already thinking of theagreeable moment when I may comedown to assure your excellency of themost tender affection and highestrespect. I have the honour to be, &c.


(ORIGINAL.)

Albany, the 19th February, 1778.

Dear General, Why am I so far from

you and what business had the boardof war to hurry me through the ice andsnow without knowing what I shoulddo, neither what they were doingthemselves You have thought, perhaps,that their project would be attendedwith some difficulty, that some meanshad been neglected, that I could notobtain all the success and theimmensity of laurels which they hadpromised to me; but I defy yourexcellency to conceive any idea of whatI have seen since I left the place where Iwas quiet and near my friends, to runmyself through all the blunders ofmadness or treachery (God knowswhat). Let me begin the journal of myfine and glorious campaign.

According to Lord Stirling's advice, Iwent by Corich-ferry to Ringo's tavern,where Mr. Duer had given me arendezvous; but there no Duer was tobe found, and they did never hear fromhim.

From thence I proceeded by the Stateof New York, and had the pleasure ofseeing the friends of America, as warmin their love for the commander-in-chief as his best friend could wish. Ispoke to Governor Clinton, and wasmuch satisfied with that gentleman. Atlength I met Albany, the 17th, though Iwas not expected before the 25th.General Conway had been here only

three days before me, and I mustconfess I found him very active andlooking as if he had good intentions;but we know a great deal upon thatsubject. His first word has been that theexpedition is quite impossible. I was atfirst very diffident of this report, buthave found that he was right. Such is, atleast, the idea I can form of this ill-concerted operation within these twodays.

General Schuyler, General Lincoln,General Arnold, had written, before myarrival, to General Conway, in the mostexpressive terms, that, in our presentcircumstances, there was no possibilityto begin, now, an enterprise into

Canada. Hay, deputy quarter-master-general; Cuyler, deputy commissary-general; Mearsin, deputy clothier-general, in what they call the northerndepartment, are entirely of the sameopinion. Colonel Hazen, who has beenappointed to a place which interfereswith the three others above mentioned,was the most desirous of going there.The reasons of such an order I think Imay attribute to other motives. Thesame Hazen confesses we are notstrong enough to think of theexpedition in this moment. As to thetroops, they are disgusted, and (if youexcept some Hazen's Canadians)reluctant, to the utmost degree, to begina winter incursion in a so cold country.

I have consulted everybody, andeverybody answers me that it would bemadness to undertake this operation.

I have been deceived by the board ofwar; they have, by the strongestexpressions, promised to me onethousand, and (what is more to bedepended upon) they have assured tome in writing, two thou-sand and fivehundred combatants, at a low estimate. Now,Sir, I do not believe I can find, in all,twelve hundred fit for duty, and mostpart of those very men are naked, evenfor a summer's campaign. I was to findGeneral Stark with a large body, andindeed General Gates had told to me,General Stark will have burnt the fleet before

your arrival. Well, the first letter I receivein Albany is from General Stark, whowishes to know what number of men, fromwhence, for what time, for what rendezvous, Idesire him to raise. Colonel Biveld, whowas to rise too, would have donesomething had he received money. Oneasks, what encouragement his peoplewill have, the other has no clothes; notone of them has received a dollar ofwhat was due to them. I have appliedto every body, I have begged at everydoor I could these two days, and I seethat I could do something were theexpedition to be begun in five weeks.But you know we have not an hour tolose, and indeed it is now rather toolate, had we every thing in readiness.

There is a spirit of dissatisfactionprevailing among the soldiers, and eventhe officers, which is owing to their notbeing paid for some time since. Thisdepartment is much indebted, and asnear as I can ascertain, for so short atime, I have already discovered neareight hundred thousand dollars due tothe continental troops, some militia, thequartermaster's department, &c. &c. &c.It was with four hundred thousanddollars, only the half of which isarrived to day, that I was to undertakethe operation, and satisfy the menunder my commands. I send tocongress the account of those debts.Some clothes, by Colonel Hazen's

activity, are arrived from Boston, butnot enough by far, and the greatest partis cut off.

We have had intelligence from adeserter, who makes the enemy strongerthan I thought. There is no such thingas straw on board the vessels to burn them. Ihave sent to congress a full account ofthe matter; I hope it will open theireyes. What they will resolve upon I donot know, but I think I must wait herefor their answer. I have inclosed to thepresident, copies of the mostimportant letters I had received. Itwould be tedious for your excellency,were I to undertake the minutest detailof everything; it will be sufficient to say

that the want of men, clothes, money,and the want of time, deprives me ofall hopes as to this excursion. If it maybegin again in the month of June, bythe east, I cannot venture to assure; butfor the present moment such is the ideaI conceive of the famous incursion, asfar as I may be informed, in a so shorttime.

Your excellency may judge that I amvery distressed by this disappointment.My being appointed to the commandof the expedition is known through thecontinent, it will be soon known inEurope, as I have been desired, bymembers of congress, to write to myfriends; my being at the head of an

army, people will be in greatexpectations, and what shall I answer

I am afraid it will reflect on myreputation, and I shall be laughed at.My fears upon that subject are sostrong, that I would choose to becomeagain only a volunteer, unless congressoffers the means of mending this uglybusiness by some glorious operation;but I am very far from giving to themthe least notice upon that matter.General Arnold seems very fond of adiversion against New York, and he istoo sick to take the field before four orfive months. I should be happy ifsomething was proposed to me in thatway, but I will never ask, nor even seem

desirous, of anything directly fromcongress; for you, dear general, I knowvery well, that you will do everything toprocure me the only thing I amambitious of glory.

I think your excellency will approve ofmy staying here till further orders, andof my taking the liberty of sending mydespatches to congress by a very quickoccasion, without going through thehands of my general; but I wasdesirous to acquaint them early of mydisagreeable and ridiculous situation.

With the greatest affection and respect,I have the honour to be, &c.

TO GENERAL WASHINGTON

(ORIGINAL)

The 23rd February, 1778.

DEAR GENERAL, I have anopportunity of writing to yourexcellency which I will not miss by anymeans, even should I be afraid ofbecoming tedious and troublesome;but if they have sent me far from you, Idon't know for what purpose, at least Imust make some little use of my pen,to prevent all communication frombeing cut off between your excellency

and myself. I have written lately to youmy distressing, ridiculous, foolish, and,indeed, nameless situation. I am sent,with a great noise, at the head of anarmy for doing great things; the wholecontinent, France and Europe herself,and what is the worse, the British army,are in great expectations. How far theywill be deceived, how far we shall beridiculed, you may judge by the candidaccount you have got of the state ofour affairs.

There are things, I dare say, in which Iam deceived a certain colonel is nothere for nothing: one other gentlemanbecame very popular before I went tothis place; Arnold himself is very fond

of him. Every part on which I turn tolook I am sure a cloud is drawn beforemy eyes; however, there are points Icannot be deceived upon. The want ofmoney, the dissatisfaction among thesoldiers, the disinclination of every one(except the Canadians, who mean tostay at home) for this expedition, are asconspicuous as possible; however, I amsure I will become very ridiculous, andlaughed at. My expedition will be asfamous as the secret expedition againstRhode Island. I confess, my deargeneral, that I find myself of veryquick feelings whenever my reputationand glory are concerned in anything. Itis very hard indeed that such a part ofmy happiness, without which I cannot

live, should depend upon schemeswhich I never knew of but when therewas no time to put them into execution.I assure you, my most dear andrespected friend, that I am moreunhappy than I ever was.

My desire of doing something wassuch, that I have thought of doing it bysurprise with a detachment, but itseems to me rash and quite impossible.I should be very happy if you werehere to give me some advice; but I havenobody to consult with. They have sentto me more than twenty Frenchofficers; I do not know what to do withthem; I beg you will acquaint me theline of conduct you advise me to

follow on every point. I am at a losshow to act, and indeed I do not knowwhat I am here for myself. However, asbeing the eldest officer, (after GeneralArnold has desired me to take thecommand,) I think it is my duty tomind the business of this part ofAmerica as well as I can. General Gatesholds yet the title and power ofcommander-in-chief of the Northerndepartment; but, as two hundredthousand dollars are arrived, I havetaken upon myself to pay the mostnecessary part of the debts we areinvolved in. I am about sendingprovisions to Fort Schuyller: I will goto see the fort. I will try to get someclothes for the troops, to buy some

articles for the next campaign. I havedirected some money to be borrowedupon my credit to satisfy the troops,who are much discontented. In all, Iendeavour to do for the best, though Ihave no particular authority orinstructions; and I will come as near asI can to General Gates's intentions, butI want much to get an answer to myletters.

I fancy (between us) that the actualscheme is to have me out of this partof the continent, and General Conwayin chief, under the immediate directionof General Gates. How they will bringit up I do not know, but you may besure something of that kind will

appear. You are nearer than myself, andevery honest man in congress is yourfriend; therefore you may foresee andprevent, if possible, the evil a hundredtimes better than I can: I would onlygive that idea to your excellency.

After having written in Europe (by thedesire of the members of congress) somany fine things about mycommanding an army, I shall beashamed if nothing can be done by mein that way. I am told General Putnamis recalled; but your excellency knowsbetter than I do what would beconvenient, therefore I don't want tomind these things myself.

Will you be so good as to present myrespects to your lady. With the mosttender affection and highest respect, Ihave the honour to be,

LAFAYETTE.

FROM GENERAL WASHINGTONTO THE MARQUIS DELAFAYETTE.

(ORIGINAL.)

Head Quarters, 10th March, 1778.

MY DEAR MARQUIS, I have had the

pleasure of receiving your two favoursof the 19th and 23rd of February, andhasten to dispel those fears respectingyour reputation, which are excited onlyby an uncommon degree of sensibility.You seem to apprehend that censure,proportioned to the disappointedexpectations of the world, will fall onyou in consequence of the failure ofthe Canadian expedition. But, in thefirst place, it will be no disadvantage toyou to have it known in Europe thatyou had received so manifest a proofof the good opinion and confidenceof congress as an important detachedcommand; and I am persuaded thatevery one will applaud your prudencein renouncing a project, in pursuing

which you would vainly have attemptedphysical impossibilities; indeed, unlessyou can be chargeable with theinvariable effects of natural causes, andbe arraigned for not suspending thecourse of the seasons, to accommodateyour march over the lake, the mostprompt to slander can have nothing tofound blame upon.

However sensibly your ardour for glorymay make you feel this disappointment,you may be assured that your characterstands as fair as ever it did, and that nonew enterprise is necessary to wipe offthis imaginary stain. The expeditionwhich you hint at I think unadvisablein our present circumstances. Anything

in the way of a formal attack, whichwould necessarily be announced to theenemy by preparatory measures, wouldnot be likely to succeed. If a stroke ismeditated in that quarter, it must beeffected by troops stationed at a properdistance for availing themselves of thefirst favourable opportunity offered bythe enemy, and success wouldprincipally depend upon thesuddenness of the attempt. This,therefore, must rather be the effect oftime and chance than premeditation.You undoubtedly have determinedjudiciously in waiting the further ordersof congress. Whether they allow me thepleasure of seeing you shortly, ordestine you to a longer absence, you

may assure yourself of the sinceregood wishes of,

Dear Sir, &c.

P. S. Your directing payment of suchdebts as appear to be most pressing iscertainly right. There is not moneyenough to answer every demand; and Iwish your supplies of clothing hadbeen better. Your ordering a largesupply of provisions into Fort Schuylerwas a very judicious measure, and Ithank you for it.

TO BARON DE STEUBEN.

(ORIGINAL A FRAGMENT.)

Albany, March 12th.

Permit me to express my satisfaction atyour having seen General Washington.No enemies to that great man can befound except among the enemies to hiscountry; nor is it possible for any manof a noble spirit to refrain from lovingthe excellent qualities of his heart. Ithink I know him as well as any person,and such is the idea which I haveformed of him; his honesty, hisfrankness, his sensibility, his virtue, tothe full extent in which this word canbe understood, are above all praise. It is

not for me to judge of his militarytalents; but, according to my imperfectknowledge of these matters, his advicein council has always appeared to methe best, although his modesty preventshim sometimes from sustaining it; andhis predictions have generally beenfulfilled. I am the more happy in givingyou this opinion of my friend with allthe sincerity which I feel, because somepersons may perhaps attempt to deceiveyou on this point.

FRAGMENT OF A LETTER TOTHE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

(ORIGINAL.)

Albany, 20th March, 1778.

... His Excellency General Washingtonwill, I believe, mention to congress that,at the request of the commissioners ofIndian affairs, I send Colonel Gouvion,and have given proper directions forthe building of a small fort, which theyand myself have thought very necessaryto be granted to the Oneydas. The loveof the French blood, mixed with thelove of some French Louis d'or, haveengaged those Indians to promise theywould come with me.~[1]

As I am very certain the Congress of

the United States will not proposeanything to me but consistent with myfeelings and the sentiment I flattermyself to have obtained from them, Ican assure them, by advance, that anypost they will give, any disposition theywill make, with such manners, will becheerfully received and complied to byme with acknowledgment. However, Iwill beg leave to say, that any command,whatever honourable it may be, where Iwould not be so near the danger oroccasions of doing something, I shallalways look upon as not suited to me.

I never mentioned to congress a longletter I have written, four months ago,to France, about a project for the East

Indies, to which I expect the answer.Was I to succeed in my expectation, itwould bring, soon, that so muchdesired French war, in spite of somepeaceful men, and be of some use tothe noble cause of freedom, withoutbringing the continent in any expense.

With the greatest respect, I have thehonour to be, &c.

Footnote:

1. M. de Lafayette, during this journey,some curious relations with the Indian,in a letter of the 27th of February, toGeneral Washington, which, being voidof interest in other respects, has been

suppressed. It appears that he wassolicited by General Schuyler to bepresent at a numerous meeting ofIndians, convoked for a treaty. Thetraces of those communications will befound further.


(ORIGINAL.)

Albany, 25th March, 1778.

Dear General, How happy I have beenin receiving your excellency's favour ofthe tenth present; I hope you will be

convinced by the knowledge of mytender affection for you. I am verysensible of that goodness which triesto dissipate my fears about thatridiculous Canadian expedition. At thepresent time we know which was theaim of the honourable board, and forwhich project three or four men haverushed the country into a greatexpense, and risked the reputation ofour arms, and the life of many hundredmen, had the general, your deceivedfriend, been as rash and foolish as theyseem to have expected. O, Americanfreedom, what shall become of you ifyou are in such hands

I have received a letter from the board

and a resolve of congress,~[1] bywhich you are directed to recall me andthe Baron de Kalb, whose presence isdeemed absolutely necessary to yourarmy. I believe this of General Conwayis absolutely necessary to Albany, and hehas received orders to stay there, whichI have no objection to, as nothing,perhaps, will be done in this quarterbut some disputes of Indians andtories. However, you know I have wroteto congress, and as soon as their leavewill come, I shall let Conway have thecommand of these few regiments, and Ishall immediately join my respectablefriend; but till I have receivedinstructions for leaving that place fromyourself, I shall stay, as powerful

commander-in-chief, as if congress hadnever resolved my presence absolutelynecessary for the great army.

Since your last letter, I have given upthe idea of New York, and my onlydesire is to join you. The only favour Ihave asked of your commissioners inFrance, has been, not to be under anyorders but those of GeneralWashington. I seem to have had ananticipation of our future friendship,and what I have done out of esteemand respect for your excellency's nameand reputation, I should do now outof mere love for General Washingtonhimself. I am glad to hear GeneralGreene is quarter-master-general; it is

very interesting to have there an honestman and a friend of yours. But I feelthe greatest pain not to hear anythingabout reinforcements. What can you dowith a handful of men, and my poordivision, whom I was so desirous ofinstructing, clothing, managing myselfin the winter, whom, I was told, Ishould find six thousand strong at theopening of the campaign Don't yourexcellency think that I could recruit alittle in General Greene's division nowthat he is quarter-master-general By thatpromotion I find myself very proud tobe the third officer of your army.

With the utmost respect and affection, Ihave the honour to be, &c.

Footnote:

1. That congress entertain a high senseof his prudence, activity, and zeal, andthat they are fully persuaded nothinghas or would have been wanting on hispart, or on the part of his officers whoaccompanied him, to give theexpedition the utmost possible effect.(Secret Journal, March 2.)


Valley Forge Camp, in Pennsylvania,April 14th, 1778.

If thirty opportunities were to presentthemselves at once, my dearest love,you may rest assured that I would writethirty letters; and that, if you do notreceive any news from me, I havenothing, at least, to reproach myselfwith. This letter will be accompanied byothers, saying nearly the same things,and having nearly the same date; butaccidents are unfortunately verycommon, and by this means, someletters may reach you safely. Respectingyour own, my love, I prefer accusingfate, the waves, Lord Howe, and thedevil, to suspecting you for onemoment of negligence. I am convincedthat you will not allow a single

opportunity to escape of writing to me;but I should feel, if possible, still moreso, if I could only hope that you knewthe degree of happiness your lettersgive me. I love you more ardently thanever, and repeated assurances of youraffection are absolutely necessary to myrepose, and to that species of felicitywhich I can enjoy whilst separated fromall I love most fondly if, however, theword felicity can be applied to mymelancholy, exiled state. Endeavour toafford me some consolation, andneglect no opportunity of writing tome. Millions of ages have elapsed sinceI have received a line from any one.This complete ignorance of thesituation of all those who are most

dear to me, is, indeed, a dreadfulcalamity: I have, however, some reasonto believe that it cannot last for ever;the scene will soon become interesting;France must take some decisive part,and vessels will then arrive with letters.I can give you no news at present; weare all in a state of repose, and arewaiting with impatience for theopening campaign to awaken us fromour stupor. In my other letters, Imentioned my journey to Albany, andmy visit to an assembly of savages. I amexpecting some good Iroquois whohave promised to rejoin me here. Eitherafter, or before receiving this letter,Madame d'Ayen, the viscountess, andmy grandfather,~[1] will receive letters

by an opportunity which, I believe, ismore secure than the one I am nowwriting by; I have written a longer letterto you also at the same time. I write animmense number of epistles; Godgrant that they may arrive! Present myaffectionate respects to your mother,and my grandfather; embrace athousand times the viscountess and mysisters; recall me to the remembrance ofthe Countess Auguste, Madame deFronsac, and all your and my friends.Embrace a thousand times our dearestfamily. When shall I be able to assureyou, my dearest life, that I love youbetter than any other person in theworld, and that I shall love you as longas I live Adieu; I only look upon this

letter as a note.

Present my respects to the Marshal deNoailles, and tell him that I have senthim some trees from Albany; but I willsend him others also at various times,that I may feel certain of his receiving afew of them. When you present mycompliments to my acquaintance, donot forget the Chevalier de Chastellux.

Footnote:

1. The Count de la Riviere, (Charles-Ives-Thibault), lieutenant-captain ofthe black musketeers, was grandfatherof the mother of M. de Lafayette ofwhom he had been appointed guardian.


Germantown, April 28th, 1778.

I write to you, my dearest love, by avery strange opportunity, since it is anEnglish officer who has taken chargeof my letter. But your wonder willcease, when you hear that that officer ismy friend Fitz-Patrick.~[1] He isreturning to England, and I could notresist my wish of embracing him beforehis departure. It was the first time wehad met unarmed in America, and thatmanner of meeting suits us both much

better than the hostile appearancewhich we had, until now, thoughtproper to affect. It is long since I havereceived any news from France, and Iam very impatiently expecting letters.Write frequently, my love, I need theconsolation of hearing often from youduring this painful separation. There isno important news; neither would it beproper for Mr. Fitz-Patrick to carrypolitical news from a hand at presentengaged in fighting with his army. I amin perfect health; my wound iscompletely healed, but my heart is farfrom being tranquil, for I am far fromall those I love; and my anxiety aboutthem, as well as my impatience tobehold them, increase every hour. Say a

thousand things for me to all myfriends; present my respects to Madamed'Ayen, and to the Marshal de Noailles.Embrace, above all, our children, mydearest love, and be convinced yourselfthat every moment that separates mefrom you and them appears to me anage. Adieu; I must quit you, for thehour is far advanced, and to-morrowwill not be an idle day. Adieu, Adieu!

Footnote:

1. M. de Lafayette had become veryintimate with him in England: he is thesame General Fitz-Patrick, who madetwo famous motions in the House ofCommons; the one March 17th, 1794,

for the prisoners of Magdebourg, andthe other, December 16th, 1796, for theprisoners of Olmutz.


(ORIGINAL.)

Valley Forge Camp, the 19th May, 1778.

MY DEAR GENERAL, Agreeable toyour excellency's orders, I have takenthe oath of the gentlemen officers inGeneral Woodford's brigade, and theircertificates have been sent to theadjutant-general's office. Give me leave,

now, to present you with someobservations delivered to me by manyofficers in that brigade, who desire meto submit them to your perusal. I know,sir, (besides I am not of their opinionin the fact itself) that I should notaccept for you the objections thosegentlemen could have had, as a body, toany order from congress; but I confessthe desire of being agreeable to them,of giving them any mark of friendshipand affection which is in my power andacknowledging the kind sentimentsthey honour me with, have been myfirst and dearest considerations. Besidesthat, be pleased to consider that theybegan by obeying orders, and want onlyto let their beloved general know which

were the reasons of their being ratherreluctant (as far as reluctance maycomply with their duty and honour) toan oath, the meaning and spirit ofwhich was, I believe, misunderstood bythem. I may add, sir, with a perfectconviction, that there is not one amongthem but would be thrice happy wereoccasions offered to them ofdistinguishing yet, by new exertions,their love for their country, their zealfor their duty as officers, theirconsideration for the civil superiorpower, and their love for yourexcellency.

With the greatest respect and mosttender affection, I have the honour to

be, &c.


(ORIGINAL.)

Camp, 17th May, 1778.

DEAR SIR, I received yesterday yourfavour of the 15th instant, enclosing apaper subscribed by sundry officers ofGeneral Woodford's brigade, settingforth the reasons for not taking theoath of abjuration, allegiance, and

office; and I thank you much for thecautious delicacy used incommunicating the matter to me. Asevery oath should be a free act of themind, founded on the conviction of itspropriety, I would not wish, in anyinstance, that there should be the leastdegree of compulsion exercised; nor tointerpose my opinion, in order toinduce any to make it of whom it isrequired. The gentlemen, therefore,who signed the paper, will use theirown discretion in the matter, and swear,or not swear, as their conscience andfeelings dictate.

At the same time, I cannot but considerit as a circumstance of some singularity,

that the scruples against the oathshould be peculiar to the officers ofone brigade, and so very extensive. Theoath in itself is not new. It issubstantially the same with thatrequired in all governments, and,therefore, does not imply any indignity;and it is perfectly consistent with theprofessions, actions, and impliedengagements of every officer. Theobjection founded on the supposedunsettled rank of the officers, is of novalidity, rank being only mentioned as afurther designation of the partyswearing; nor can it be seriouslythought that the oath is either intendedto prevent, or can prevent, their beingpromoted, or their resignation.

The fourth objection, stated by thegentlemen, serves as a key to theirscruples; and I would willinglypersuade myself, that their ownreflections will point out to them theimpropriety of the whole proceeding,and not suffer them to be betrayed infuture into a similar conduct. I have aregard for them all, and cannot butregret that they were ever engaged inthe measure. I am certain they willregret it themselves; sure I am that theyought. I am, my dear marquis, youraffectionate friend and servant.

TO THE MARQUIS DELAFAYETTE.

(ORIGINAL INSTRUCTION.)~[1]

SIR, The detachment under yourcommand, with which you willimmediately march towards the enemy'slines, is designed to answer thefollowing purposes; namely, to be asecurity to this camp, and a cover to thecountry, between the Delaware and theSchuylkill, to interrupt thecommunication with Philadelphia, toobstruct the incursions of the enemy'sparties, and to obtain intelligence oftheir motions and designs. This last is amatter of very interesting moment, and

ought to claim your particularattention. You will endeavour toprocure trusty and intelligent spies,who will advise you faithfully ofwhatever may be passing in the city, andyou will, without delay, communicate tome every piece of material informationyou obtain. A variety of concurringaccounts make it probable that theenemy are preparing to evacuatePhiladelphia; this is a point of theutmost importance to ascertain, and, ifpossible, the place of their futuredestination. Should you be able to gaincertain intelligence of the time of theirintended embarkation, so that you maybe able to take advantage of it, and fallupon the rear of the enemy in the act

of withdrawing, it will be a verydesirable event; but this will be a matterof no small difficulty, and will requirethe greatest caution and prudence inthe execution. Any deception orprecipitation may be attended with themost disastrous consequences. You willremember that your detachment is avery valuable one, and that any accidenthappening to it would be a severe blow,to this army; you will, therefore, useevery possible precaution for itssecurity, and to guard against a surprise.No attempt should be made, noranything risked, without the greatestprospect of success, and with everyreasonable advantage on your side. Ishall not point out any precise position

to you, but shall leave it to yourdiscretion to take such postsoccasionally, as shall appear to you bestadapted to the purposes of yourdetachment. In general, I wouldobserve, that a stationary post isunadvisable, as it gives the enemy anopportunity of knowing your situation,and concerting plans successfullyagainst you. In case of any offensivemovement against this army, you willkeep yourself in such a state as to havean easy communication with it, and, atthe same time, harass the enemy'sadvance.

Our parties of horse and foot, betweenthe rivers, are to be under your

command, and to form part of yourdetachment. As great complaints havebeen made of the disorderly conductof the parties which have been senttowards the enemy's lines, it is expectedthat you will be very attentive inpreventing abuses of the like nature,and will inquire how far complaintsalready made are founded in justice.

Given under my hand, at head quarters,this 18th May, 1778.

Footnote:

1. This instruction has been inserted asthe one which M. de Lafayette receivedto repair, as a detached body, betwixt

the Delaware and Schuylkill. It wasafter this movement that he made theretreat of Barren Hill, which waspraised by General Washington. (Seethe Memoirs, in Mr. Spark's collection,the letter Of Washington, May 24th,1778.)


Valley Forge Camp, June 16, 1778.

Chance has furnished me, my dearestlove, with a very uncertain opportunityof writing to you, but, such as it is, Ishall take advantage of it, for I cannot

resist the wish of saying a few words toyou. You must have received manyletters from me lately, if my writingunceasingly, at least, may justify thishope. Several vessels have sailed, allladen with my letters. My expressionsof heartfelt grief must even have addedto your distress. What a dreadful thingis absence! I never experienced beforeall the horrors of separation. My owndeep sorrow is aggravated by thefeeling that I am not able to share andsympathize in your anguish. The lengthof time that elapsed before I heard ofthis event had also increased my misery.Consider, my love, how dreadful itmust be to weep for what I have lost,and tremble for what remains. The

distance between Europe and Americaappears to me more enormous thanever. The loss of our poor child isalmost constantly in my thoughts: thissad news followed immediately that ofthe treaty; and whilst my heart was tornby grief, I was obliged to receive andtake part in expressions of public joy. Ilearnt, at the same time, the loss of ourlittle Adrien, for I always consideredthat child as my own, and I regrettedhim as I should have done a son. I havewritten twice to the viscount andviscountess, to express to them mydeep regret, and I hope my letters willreach them safely. I am writing only toyou at present, because I neither knowwhen the vessel sails, nor when she will

arrive, and I am told that a packet willsoon set out which will probably reachEurope first.

I received letters from M. de Cambraiand M. Carmichael. The first one willbe employed, I hope, in anadvantageous and agreeable manner;the second, whom I am expecting withgreat impatience, has not yet arrived atthe army: how delighted I shall be tosee him, and talk to him about you! hewill come to the camp as soon aspossible. We are expecting every daynews from Europe; they will be deeplyinteresting, especially to me, who offerup such earnest prayers for the successand glory of my country. The King of

Prussia, it is said, has entered intoBohemia, and has forgotten to declarewar. If a conflict were to take placebetween France and England, I shouldprefer our being left completely toourselves, and that the rest of Europeshould content herself with lookingon; we should, in that case, have aglorious war, and our successes wouldbe of a kind to please and gratify thenation.

If the, unfortunate news had reachedme sooner, I should have set outimmediately to rejoin you; but theaccount of the treaty, which wereceived the first of May, prevented myleaving this country. The opening

campaign does not allow me to retire. Ihave always been perfectly convincedthat by serving the cause of humanity,and that of America, I serve also theinterest of France. Another motive forremaining longer is, that thecommissioners have arrived, and that Iam well pleased to be within reach ofthe negotiations. To be useful in anyway to my country will always beagreeable to me. I do not understandwhy a minister plenipotentiary, orsomething of that kind, has not beenalready sent to America; I am mostanxious to see one, provided always itmay not be myself, for I am but littledisposed to quit the military career toenter into the diplomatic corps.

There is no news here; the only topicof conversation is the news fromEurope, and to that many idle tales arealways prefixed: there has been littleaction on either side; the onlyimportant affair was the one which fellto my share the 20th of last month, andthere was not any blood shed eventhere.

General Washington had entrusted meto conduct a detachment of twothousand four hundred chosen men tothe vicinity of Philadelphia. It wouldbe too long to explain to you the cause,but it will suffice to tell you, that, inspite of all my precautions, I could not

prevent the hostile army from making anocturnal march, and I found myselfthe next morning with part of the armyin front, and seven thousand men inmy rear. These gentlemen were soobliging as to take measures forsending to New York those whoshould not be killed; but they were sokind, also, as to permit us to retirequietly, without doing us any injury. Wehad about six or seven killed orwounded, and they twenty-five orthirty, which did not make themamends for a march, in which one partof the army had been obliged to makeforty miles.

Some days afterwards, our situation

having altered, I returned to the camp,and no events of importance haveoccurred since. We are expecting theevacuation of Philadelphia, whichmust, we fancy, soon take place. I havebeen told that on the 10th of Aprilthey were thinking of negotiatingrather than of fighting, and thatEngland was becoming each day morehumble.

If this letter ever reaches you, mydearest love, present my respects to theDuke d'Ayen, the Marshal de Noailles,and Madame de Tess, to whom I havewritten by every vessel, although sheaccuses me of having neglected her,which my heart is incapable of doing. I

have also written to Madame d'Ayen bythe two last ships, and by severalprevious ones. Embrace a thousandtimes the dear viscountess, and tell herhow well I love her. A thousand tenderregards to my sisters; a thousandaffectionate ones to the viscount, M. dePoix, to Coigny,[1] Segur, his brother,Etienne,[2] and all my other friends.Embrace, a million of times, our littleAnastasia; alas! she alone remains to us!I feel that she has engrossed theaffection that was once dividedbetween my two children: take greatcare of her. Adieu; I know not whenthis may reach you, and I even doubt itsever reaching you.

Footnotes:

1. Probably the Marquis de Coigny.

2. The Count Etienne de Durfort, nowpeer of France.


(ORIGINAL INSTRUCTIONS.)

Sir, You are immediately to proceedwith the detachment commanded byGeneral Poor, and form a junction, asexpeditiously as possible, with that

under the command of General Scott.You are to use the most effectual meansfor gaining the enemy's left flank andrear, and giving them every degree ofannoyance. All continental parties thatare already on the lines, will be underyour command, and you will take suchmeasures, in concert with GeneralDickinson, as will cause the enemy thegreatest impediment and loss in theirmarch. For these purposes you willattack them, as occasion may require, bydetachment, and if a proper openingcould be given, by operating againstthem with the whole force of yourcommand. You will naturally take suchprecautions as will secure you againstsurprise, and maintain your

communications with this army.

Given at Kingston, this 25th day ofJune, 1778.


(ORIGINAL.)

Ice Town, 26th June, 1778, at a quarterafter seven.

Dear General, I hope you have receivedmy letter from Cranberry, where Iacquaint you that I am going to IceTown, though we are short of

provisions. When I got there, I wassorry to hear that Mr. Hamilton, whohad been riding all the night, had notbeen able to find anybody who couldgive him certain intelligence; but by aparty who came back, I hear the enemyare in motion, and their rear about onemile off the place they had occupiedlast night, which is seven or eight milesfrom here. I immediately put GeneralsMaxwell and Wayne's brigades inmotion, and I will fall lower down,with General Scott's, with Jackson'sregiment, and some militia. I should bevery happy if we could attack thembefore they halt, for I have no notionof taking one other moment but thisof the march. If I cannot overtake

them, we could lay at some distance,and attack tomorrow morning,provided they don't escape in the night,which I much fear, as our intelligencesare not the best ones. I have sent someparties out, and I will get some morelight by them.

I fancy your excellency will move downwith the army, and if we are at aconvenient distance from you, I havenothing to fear in striking a blow ifopportunity is offered. I believe that, inour present strength, provided they do notescape, we may do something.

General Forman says that, on accountof the nature of the country, it is

impossible for me to be turned by theright or left, but that I shall not quitedepend upon.

An officer just from the lines confirmsthe account of the enemy moving. Anintelligence from General Dickinsonsays that they hear a very heavy fire inthe front of the enemy's column. Iapprehend it is Morgan, who had notreceived my letter, but it will have thegood effect of stopping them, and ifwe attack, he may begin again.

Sir, I want to repeat you in writing whatI have told to you, which is, that if youbelieve it, or if it is believed necessaryor useful to the good of the service

and the honour of General Lee, tosend him down with a couple ofthousand men, or any greater force; Iwill cheerfully obey and serve him, notonly out of duty, but out of what Iowe to that gentleman's character.

I hope to receive, soon, your orders asto what I am to do this day or to-morrow, to know where you are andwhat you intend, and would be veryhappy to furnish you with theopportunity of completing some littleadvantage of ours.

LAFAYETTE.

The road I understand the enemy are

moving by, is the straight road toMonmouth.


(ORIGINAL.)

Cranberry, 26th June, 1778.

My Dear Marquis, General Lee'suneasiness, on accouut of yesterday'stransaction, rather increasing thanabating, and your politeness in wishingto ease him of it, have induced me to

detach him from this army with a partof it, to reinforce, or at least cover, theseveral detachments at present underyour command. At the same time, that Ifelt for General Lee's distress of mind,I have had an eye to your wishes andthe delicacy of your situation; and have,therefore, obtained a promise fromhim, that when he gives you notice ofhis approach and command, he willrequest you to prosecute any plan youmay have already concerted for thepurpose of attacking, or otherwiseannoying the enemy; this is the onlyexpedient I could think of to answerthe views of both. General Lee seemssatisfied with the measure, and I wish itmay prove agreeable to you, as I am,

with the warmest wishes for yourhonour and glory, and with thesincerest esteem and affection, yours,&c.~[1]

Footnote:

1. The combination offered by M. deLafayette, and desired by GeneralWashington, did not prove successful.In spite of the happy issue of the battleof Monmouth, the results were notsuch as might have been expected, onaccount of the conduct of GeneralLee, who was summoned before acourt martial, and condemned to besuspended for one year. (See on thissubject the Memoirs of the Life of

Washington, by Marshall, and theAppendix No. 8, of the 5th vol. of theLetters of Washington.)

FROM GENERAL WASHINGTONTO THE MARQUIS DELAFAYETTE.~[1]

(ORIGINAL.)

White Plains, 22nd July, 1778.

Sir, You are to have the immediatecommand of that detachment from thisarmy, which consists of Glover's andVarnum's brigades, and the detachment

under the command of Colonel HenryJackson. You are to march them, withall convenient expedition, and by thebest routes, to Providence, in the stateof Rhode Island. When there, you areto subject yourself to the orders ofMajor-General Sullivan, who will havethe command of the expedition againstNewport, and the British and othertroops in their pay, on that and theIslands adjacent.

If, on your march, you should receivecertain intelligence of the evacuationof Rhode Island, by the enemy, you areimmediately to counter march for thisplace, giving me the earliest advicethereof. Having the most perfect

reliance on your activity and zeal, andwishing you all the success, honour,and glory, that your heart can wish, Iam, with the most perfect regard, yours,&c.

Footnote:

1. Order for the expedition of RhodeIsland.

FROM GENERAL WASHINGTONTO THE MARQUIS DELAFAYETTE

(ORIGINAL.)

Head Quarters, White Plains, 27th July,1778.

DEAR MARQUIS, This will bedelivered to you by Major-GeneralGreene, whose thorough knowledge ofRhode Island, of which he is a native,and the influence he will have with thepeople, put it in his power to beparticularly useful in the expeditionagainst that place, as well in providingnecessaries for carrying it on, as inassisting to form and execute a plan ofoperations proper for the occasion. Thehonour and interest of the commoncause are so deeply concerned in thesuccess of this enterprise, that it

appears to me of the greatestimportance to omit no step which mayconduce to it; and General Greene, onseveral accounts, will be able to rendervery essential service.

These considerations have determinedme to send him on the expedition, inwhich, as he could not with proprietyact, nor be equally useful merely in hisofficial capacity as quartermaster-general, I have concluded to give him acommand in the troops to be employedin the descent. I have, therefore,directed General Sullivan to throw allthe American troops, both continental,state, and militia, into two divisions,making an equal distribution of each,

to be under the immediate commandof General Greene and yourself. Thecontinental troops being divided in thismanner, with the militia, will serve togive them confidence, and probablymake them act better than they wouldalone. Though this arrangement willdiminish the number of continentaltroops under you, yet this diminutionwill be more than compensated by theaddition of militia; and I persuademyself your command will not be lessagreeable, or less honourable, from thischange in the disposition. I am, withgreat esteem and affection, dearmarquis, your most obedient servant.


(ORIGINAL.)

Providence, 6th August, 1778.

DEAR GENERAL, I have receivedyour excellency's favour by GeneralGreene, and have been much pleasedwith the arrival of a gentleman who,not only on account of his merit, andthe justness of his views, but also byhis knowledge of the country, and hispopularity in this state, may be veryserviceable to the expedition. I willinglypart with the half of my detachment,though I had a great dependence upon

them, as you find it convenient to thegood of the service. Any thing, my dearGeneral, you will order, or even wish,shall always be infinitely agreeable tome, and I will always feel happy indoing any thing which may please you,or forward the public good. I am ofthe same opinion as your excellency,that dividing our continental troopsamong the militia, will have a bettereffect than if we were to keep themtogether in one wing.

You will receive, by General Sullivan,an account of his dispositions,preparations, &c.; I, therefore, havenothing to add, but that I have been onboard of the Admiral~[1] the day

before yesterday. I saw among the fleetan ardour and a desire of doingsomething, which would soon turninto impatience, if we don't give them aspeedy occasion of fighting. Theofficers cannot contain their soldiersand sailors, who are complaining thatthey have been these four monthsrunning after the British, withoutgetting at them; but I hope they will besoon satisfied.

The Count d'Estaing was very glad ofmy arrival, as he could open freely hismind to me. He expressed the greatestanxiety on account of his wants ofevery kind, provisions, water, &c.; hehopes the taking of Rhode Island will

enable him to get some of the twoabove mentioned articles. The admiralwants me to join the French troops tothese I command, as soon as possible. Iconfess I feel very happy to think ofmy co-operating with them, and, had Icontrived in my mind an agreeabledream, I could not have wished a morepleasing event than my joining mycountrymen with my brothers ofAmerica, under my command, and thesame standards. When I left Europe, Iwas very far from hoping such anagreeable turn of our business in theAmerican glorious revolution.

Though I have no account, neitherobservations, to give to your excellency,

as I am here a man of war of the third rate,I will, after the expedition, scribblesome lines to you, and join to theaccount of General Sullivan, theassurance that I have all my limbs, andthat I am, with the most tenderaffection, and entire confidence, yours,with high respect.

Footnote:

1. Admiral d'Estaing. It was the 8th Julythat the French fleet appeared at theentrance of the Delaware. It was at thisperiod stationed before Newport,below the passage, betwixt RhodeIsland and Long Island.


(ORIGINAL.)

White Plains, 10th August, 1778.

My Dear Marquis, Your favour of the6th instant, which came to my handsyesterday, afforded a fresh proof of thenoble principles on which you act, andhas a just claim to my sincere andhearty thanks. The common cause, ofwhich you have been a zealoussupporter, would, I knew, be benefitted

by General Greene's presence at RhodeIsland, as he is a native of that state,has an interest with the people, and athorough knowledge of the country,and, therefore, I accepted his profferedservices; but I was a little uneasy, lestyou should conceive that it wasintended to lessen your command.General Greene did not incline to act ina detached part of the army, merely asquartermaster- general; nor was it to beexpected. It became necessary,therefore, to give him a detachedcommand, and consequently to dividethe continental troops. Your cheerfulacquiescence in the measure, after beingappointed to the command of thebrigades which marched from this

army, obviated every difficulty, and gaveme singular pleasure.

I am very happy to find that thestandards of France and America arelikely to be united under yourcommand, at Rhode Island. I ampersuaded, that the supporters of eachwill be emulous to acquire honour, andpromote your glory upon this occasion.The courier to Count d'Estaing iswaiting. I have only time, therefore, toassure you, that, with most perfectesteem, and exalted regard, I have thehonour to be, my dear marquis, yourobedient and affectionate servant.


(ORIGINAL.)

Camp before Newport, 25th August,1778.

MY DEAR GENERAL, I hadexpected in answering your first letterthat something interesting would havehappened that I might communicate toyour excellency. Every day was going toterminate our uncertainties; nay, everyday was going to bring the hope of asuccess which I did promise myself toacquaint you of. Such was the reasonof my deferring what my duty and

inclination did urge me to do muchsooner. I am now indebted for twofavours of yours, which I beg leave tooffer here my thanks for. The first letterreached me in the time we expected tohear again from the French fleet; thesecond I have just received. My reasonfor not writing the same day the Frenchfleet went to Boston was, that I did notchoose to trouble your friendship withthe sentiments of an afflicted, injuredheart, and injured by that very people Icame from so far to love and support.Don't be surprised, my dear general; thegenerosity of your honest mind wouldbe offended at the shocking sight Ihave under my eyes.

So far am I from a critical dispositionthat I will not give you the journal ofour operations, neither of severalinstances during our staying here,which, however, might occupy someroom in this letter. I will not even say toyou, how contracted was the Frenchfleet when they wanted to come in attheir arrival; which, according to thereport of the advertors, would havehad the greatest effect. How surprisedwas the admiral, when, after a formaland agreed convention, one hour afterthe American general had given a newwritten assurance, our troops made thelanding a day before it was expected.How mortified the French officerswere to find out that there was not a

gun left in these very forts to whoseprotection they were recommended. Allthese things, and many others, I wouldnot take notice of, if they were not atthis moment the supposed groundupon which, it is said, that the Countd'Estaing is gone on to Boston. Believeme, my dear sir, upon my honour, theadmirals, though a little astonished bysome instances of conduct on our part,did consider them in the same light asyou and myself would have done, andif he is gone off, it is because hethought himself obliged by necessity.

Let us consider, my dear general, themotions of that fleet since it wasproposed by the Count d'Estaing

himself, and granted by the king inbehalf of the United States. I will notgo so far up as to remember otherinstances of the affection the Frenchnation have for the Americans. Thenews of that fleet have occasioned theevacuation of Philadelphia. Its arrivalhas opened all the harbours, secured allthe coasts, obliged the British navy tobe together. Six of those frigates, twoof them I have seen, sufficient forterrifying all the trading people of thetwo Carolinas, are taken or burnt. TheCount d'Estaing went to offer battle,and act as a check to the British navyfor a long time. At New York, it wasagreed he should go to Rhode Island,and there he went. They prevented him

from going in at first; afterwards, hewas desired to come in, and so he did.The same day we landed without hisknowledge; an English fleet appears insight. His being divided into three partsby our directions, for, though he is alieutenant-general, he never availedhimself of that title, made him uneasyabout his situation. But finding thenext morning that the wind wasnortherly, being also convinced that itwas his duty to prevent anyreinforcement at Newport, he goes outunder the hottest fire of the Britishland batteries, he puts the British navyto flight, and pursues them, and theywere all in his hands when that horridstorm arrives to ruin all our hopes.

Both fleets are divided, scattered; theCaesar, a 74 gun ship, is lost; theMarseillais, of the same size, loses hermasts, and after that accident is obligedto send back an enemy's ship of 64; theLanguedo having lost her masts, unableto be governed and make any motions,separated from the others, is attackedby a ship of the line against which shecould only bring six guns.

When the storm was over, they metagain in a shattered condition, and theCaesar was not to be found. All thecaptains represented to their generalthat, after a so long navigation, in sucha want of victuals, water, &c., whichthey had not been yet supplied with,

after the intelligence given by GeneralSullivan that there was a British fleetcoming, they should go to Boston; butthe Count d'Estaing had promised tocome here again, and so he did at allevents. The news of his arrival andsituation came by the Senegal, a frigatetaken from the enemy. General Greeneand myself went on board. The countexpressed to me not so much as to theenvoy from General Sullivan, than as tohis friend, the unhappy circumstanceshe was in. Bound by express ordersfrom the King to go to Boston in caseof an accident or a superior fleet,engaged by the common sentiment ofall the officers, even of some Americanpilots, that he would ruin all his

squadron in deferring his going toBoston, he called a new council of war,and finding every body of the sameopinion, he did not think himselfjustifiable in staying here any longer,and took leave of me with trueaffliction not being able to assistAmerica for some days, which has beenrewarded with the most horridungratefulness; but no matter. I amonly speaking of facts. The count saidto me these last words: after manymonths of sufferings, my men will restsome days; I will man my ships, and, ifI am assisted in getting masts, &c., threeweeks after my arrival I shall go outagain, and then we shall fight for theglory of the French name, and the

interests of America.

The day the count went off, the generalAmerican officers drew a protestation,which, as I had been very strangely calledthere, I refused to sign, but I wrote aletter to the admiral. The protestationand the letter did not arrive in time.

Now, my dear general, I am going tohurt your generous feelings by animperfect picture of what I am forcedto see. Forgive me for it; it is not to thecommander-in-chief, it is to my mostdearest friend, General Washington,that I am speaking. I want to lamentwith him the ungenerous sentiments Ihave been forced to see in many

American breasts.

Could you believe, that forgetting anynational obligation, forgetting whatthey were owing to that same fleet,what they were yet to expect from them,and instead of resenting their accidentsas these, of allies and brothers, thepeople turned mad at their departure,and wishing them all the evils in theworld, did treat them as a generous onewould be ashamed to treat the mostinveterate enemies. You cannot haveany idea of the horrors which were tobe heard in that occasion. Many leadersthemselves finding they weredisappointed, abandoned their mindsto illiberality and ungratefulness.

Frenchmen of the highest characterhave been exposed to the mostdisagreeable circumstances, and yet,myself, the friend of America the friendof General Washington. I am moreupon a warlike footing in the Americanlines, than when I come near the Britishlines at Newport.

Such is, my dear general, the true stateof matters. I am sure it will infinitelydisplease and hurt your feelings. I amalso sure you will approve the part Ihave taken in it, which was to staymuch at home with all the Frenchgentlemen who are here, and declare, atthe same time, that anything thrownbefore me against my nation I would

take as the most particular affront.

Inclosed I send you the general ordersof the 24th, upon which I thought Iwas obliged to pay a visit to GeneralSullivan, who has agreed to alter themin the following manner. Remember,my dear general, that I don't speak tothe commander-in-chief, but to myfriend, that I am far from complainingof anybody. I have no complaints at allto make you against any one; but Ilament with you that I have had anoccasion of seeing so ungeneroussentiments in American hearts.

I will tell you the true reason. Theleaders of the expedition are, most of

them, ashamed to return after havingspoken of their Rhode Island successin proud terms before their family, theirfriends, their internal enemies. Theothers, regardless of the expenseFrance has been put to by that fleet, ofthe tedious, tiresome voyage, which somany men have had for their service,though they are angry that the fleettakes three weeks, upon the wholecampaign, to refit themselves, theycannot bear the idea of being broughtto a small expense, to the loss of a littletime, to the fatigue of staying some fewdays more in a camp at some few milesoff their houses; for I am very far fromlooking upon the expedition as havingmiscarried, and there I see even a

certainty of success.

If, as soon as the fleet is repaired,which (in case they are treated as one isin a country one is not at war with,)would be done in three weeks from thistime, the Count d'Estaing was to comearound, the expedition seems to offer avery good prospect. If the enemyevacuates New York, we have the wholecontinental army, if not, we mightperhaps have some more men, whatnumber, however, I cannot pretend tojudge. All that I know is, that I shall bevery happy to see the fleet cooperatingwith General Washington himself.

I think I shall be forced, by the board

of general officers, to go soon toBoston. That I will do as soon asrequired, though with reluctance, for Ido not believe that our position on thispart of the island is without danger; but myprinciple is to do everything which isthought good for the service. I havevery often rode express to the fleet, tothe frigates, and that, I assure you, withthe greatest pleasure; on the other hand,I may perhaps be useful to the fleet.Perhaps, too, it will be in the power ofthe count to do something which mightsatisfy them. I wish, my dear general,you could know as well as myself, howdesirous the Count d'Estaing is toforward the public good, to help yoursuccess, and to serve the cause of

America.

I earnestly beg you will recommend tothe several chief persons of Boston todo everything they can to put theFrench fleet in a situation for sailingsoon. Give me leave to add, that I wishmany people, by the declaration ofyour sentiments in that affair, couldlearn how to regulate theirs, and blushat the sight of your generosity.

You will find my letter immense. Ibegan it one day and finished it thenext, as my time was swallowed up bythose eternal councils of war. I shallhave the pleasure of writing you fromBoston. I am afraid the Count

d'Estaing will have felt to the quick thebehaviour of the people on thisoccasion. You cannot conceive howdistressed he was to be prevented fromserving this country for some time. I doassure you his circumstances were verycritical and distressing.

For my part, my sentiments are knownto the world. My tender affection forGeneral Washington is added to them;therefore I want no apologies forwriting upon what has afflicted meboth as an American and as aFrenchman.

I am much obliged to you for the careyou are so kind as to take of that poor

horse of mine; had he not found sucha good stable as this at headquarters, hewould have cut a pitiful figure at theend of his travels, and I should havebeen too happy if there had remainedso much of the horse as the bones, theskin, and the four shoes.

Farewell, my dear general; whenever Iquit you, I meet with somedisappointment and misfortune. I didnot need it to desire seeing you asmuch as possible. With the most tenderaffection and high regard, I have thehonour to be, &c.

Dear General, I must add to my letter,that I have received one from General

Greene, very different, from theexpressions I have to complain of, heseems there very sensible of what I feel.I am very happy when placed in asituation to do justice to any one.

Footnote:

1. The circumstances which gave rise tothis letter are mentioned in thememoirs. The following details will stillfurther explain them:

When the storm had dispersed his fleet,M. de Estaing wrote a very remarkableletter to General Sullivan, in which heexplained to him the impossibility ofremaining in sight of Rhode Island

without danger, and withoutdisobeying the precise orders of theking. He expressed his regret that thelanding of the Americans in the island,which had been effected one day beforethe day agreed upon, should not havebeen protected by the vessels; and herejected strongly the imputation ofhaving blamed him under thesecircumstances for having operated soearly, and with only two thousand men.To his great regret, his situation obligedhim to answer the proposal of acombined attack, by a refusal. Thisanswer excited much dissatisfactionamongst the Americans. Their officerssigned a protestation, which appears tohave been considered by some of them

as the means of seconding the secretinclination of the admiral by forcinghim to fight. The report was spread, intruth, that a cabal in the naval forcealone obliged him to make a retreat,from a feeling of jealousy of the glorywhich he might have acquired, as hehad belonged formerly to the landforces. This protestation was carried tohim by Colonel Laurens; after arecapitulation of all the argumentswhich might be used against thedeparture of the fleet, it terminated bythe solemn declaration that thatmeasure was derogatory to the honour ofFrance, contrary to the intentions of hisV. C. Majesty, and to the interests of theAmerican nation, &c. When this

protestation was submitted to congress,they immediately ordered that it shouldbe kept secret, and that M. Grardshould be informed of this order,which General Washington wascharged with executing by every meansin his power.

General Sullivan issued the followingorder at the same time:

"It having been supposed, by somepersons, that by the orders of the 21stinstant, the commander-in-chief meantto insinuate that the departure of theFrench fleet was owing to a fixeddetermination not to assist in thepresent enterprise, and that, as the

general did not wish to give the leastcolour to ungenerous and illiberalminds to make such an unfairinterpretation, he thinks it necessary tosay, that as he could not possibly beacquainted with the orders of theFrench admiral, he could not determinewhether the removal of the fleet wasabsolutely necessary or not; and,therefore, did not mean to censure anact which those orders might renderabsolutely necessary." These details,borrowed from the edition of thewritings of Washington, will explainsome passages of this letter, and thesense of the following letters.


(ORIGINAL.)

White Plains, September 1778.

MY DEAR MARQUIS, I have beenhonoured with your favour of the 25thultimo by Monsieur Pontgibaud, and Iwish my time, which at present is takenup by a committee at congress, wouldpermit me to go fully into the contentsof it; this, however, it is not in mypower to do; but in one word let mesay, I feel everything that hurts the

sensibility of a gentleman, andconsequently, upon the presentoccasion, I feel for you and for ourgood and great allies the French. I feelmyself hurt, also, at every illiberal andunthinking reflection which may havebeen cast upon the Count d'Estaing, orthe conduct of the fleet under hiscommand; and, lastly, I feel for mycountry. Let me entreat you, therefore,my dear marquis, to take no exceptionat unmeaning expressions, uttered,perhaps, without consideration, and inthe first transport of disappointedhope. Every body, sir, who reasons, willacknowledge the advantages which wehave derived from the French fleet, andthe zeal of the commander of it; but,

in a free and republican government,you cannot restrain the voice of themultitude; every man will speak as hethinks, or, more properly, withoutthinking, and consequently will judge ateffects without attending to the causes.The censures which have been levelledat the officers of the French fleetwould, more than probably, have fallenin a much higher degree upon a fleetof our own if we had one in the samesituation. It is the nature of man to bedispleased with everything thatdisappoints a favourite hope orflattering project; and it is the folly oftoo many of them to condemn withoutinvestigating circumstances.

Let me beseech you, therefore, my goodsir, to afford a healing hand to thewound that, unintentionally, has beenmade. America esteems your virtuesand your services, and admires theprinciples upon which you act; yourcountrymen, in our army, look up toyou as their patron; the count and hisofficers consider you as a man high inrank, and high in estimation here andalso in France; and I, your friend, haveno doubt but you will use your utmostendeavours to restore harmony, that thehonour, the glory, and mutual interestof the two nations maybe promotedand cemented in the firmest manner. Iwould say more on the subject, but amrestrained for the want of time, and

therefore shall only add, that with everysentiment of esteem and regard, I am,my dear marquis, &c.

FROM GENERAL WASHINGTONTO MAJOR-GENERAL SULLIVAN.

(ORIGINAL.)

Head Quarters, White Plains, 1stSeptember, 1778.

Dear Sir, The disagreement between thearmy under your command and thefleet, has given me very singularuneasiness: the continent at large is

concerned in our cordiality, and itshould be kept up, by all possiblemeans, consistent with our honour andpolicy. First impressions, you know, aregenerally longest remembered, and willserve to fix, in a great degree, ournational character among the French.In our conduct towards them weshould remember that they are peopleold in war, very strict in militaryetiquette, and apt to take fire, whereothers scarcely seem warmed. Permitme to recommend, in the mostparticular manner, the cultivation ofharmony and good agreement, andyour endeavours to destroy that ill-humour which may have got into theofficers. It is of the greatest

importance, also, that the soldiers andthe people should know nothing of themisunderstanding, or, if it has reachedthem, that ways may be used to stop itsprogress and prevent its effects.

I have received from congress theenclosed, by which you will perceivetheir opinion with regard to keepingsecret the protest of the generalofficers: I need add nothing on thishead. I have one thing, however, moreto say: I make no doubt but you will doall in your power to forward the repairof the count's fleet, and render it fit forservice, by your recommendations forthat purpose to those who can beimmediately instrumental.

I am, dear Sir, &c.

FROM GENERAL WASHINGTONTO MAJOR-GENERAL GREENE.

(ORIGINAL.)

Head-quarters, White Plains, 1stSeptember, 1778.

DEAR SIR, I have had the pleasure ofreceiving your several letters, the last ofwhich was of the 22nd of August. Ihave not now time to take notice of thearguments that were made use of for

and against the count's quitting theharbour of Newport and sailing forBoston: right or wrong, it will probablydisappoint our sanguine expectationsof success; and, what I esteem a stillworse consequence, I fear it will sowthe seeds of dissension and distrustbetween us and our new allies, unlessthe most prudent measures are taken tosuppress the feuds and jealousies thathave already arisen. I depend muchupon your aid and influence toconciliate that animosity which I plainlyperceive, by a letter from the marquis,subsists between the American officersand the French in our service; this, youmay depend, will extend itself to thecount, and to the officers and men of

his whole fleet, should they return toRhode Island, unless, upon their arrivalthere, they find a reconciliation hastaken place. The marquis speaks kindlyof a letter from you to him on thesubject; he will therefore take anyadvice coming from you in a friendlylight; and, if he can be pacified, theother French gentlemen will of coursebe satisfied, as they look up to him astheir head. The marquis grounds hiscomplaint upon a general order of the24th of August, the latter part ofwhich is certainly very impolitic,especially considering the universalclamour that prevailed against theFrench nation.

I beg you will take every measure tokeep the protest entered into by thegeneral officers from being madepublic. The congress, sensible of the illconsequences that will flow from theworld's knowing our differences, havepassed a resolve to that purpose. Uponthe whole, my dear sir, you canconceive my meaning better than I canexpress it; and I therefore fully dependupon your exerting yourself to heal allprivate animosities between ourprincipal officers and the French, andto prevent all illiberal expressions andreflections that may fall from the armyat large.

I have this moment received a letter

from General Sullivan of the 29th ofAugust, in which he barely informs meof an action upon that day, in which hesays we had the better, but does notmention particulars.

I am, &c.


(ORIGINAL.)

Tyvertown, 1st September, 1778.

MY DEAR GENERAL, That there hasbeen an action fought where I could

have been, and where I was not, is athing which will seem as extraordinaryto you as it seems so to myself. Afteralong journey and a longer stay fromhome, (I mean from head-quarters,) theonly satisfactory day I have, finds me inthe middle of a town. There I had beensent, pushed, hurried, by the board ofgeneral officers, and principally byGenerals Sullivan and Greene, whothought I should be of great use to thecommon cause, and to whom Iforetold the disagreeable event whichwould happen to me; I felt, on thatoccasion, the impression of that badstar which, some days ago, hasinfluenced the French undertakings,and which, I hope, will soon be

removed. People say that I don't wantan action; but if it is not necessary tomy reputation as a tolerable privatesoldier, it would at least add to mysatisfaction and pleasure. However, Iwas happy enough to arrive before thesecond retreat: it was not attended withsuch trouble and danger as it wouldhave been had not the enemy been sosleepy, I was thus once more deprivedof my fighting expectations.

From what I have heard from sensibleand candid French gentlemen, the actiondoes great honour to General Sullivan:he retreated in good order; he opposed,very properly, every effort of theenemy; he never sent troops but well

supported, and displayed greatcoolness during the whole day. Theevacuation I have seen extremely wellperformed, and my private opinion is, thatif both events are satisfactory to us,they are very shameful to the Britishgenerals and troops; they had, indeed,so many fine chances to cut us topieces; but they are very good people.

Now, my dear general, I must give youan account of that journey for which Ihave paid so dear. The Count d'Estaingarrived the day before in Boston. Ifound him much displeased at a protestof which you have heard, and manyother circumstances which I havereported to you: I did what I could on

the occasion; but I must do the admiralthe justice to say that it has not at alldiminished his warm desire of servingAmerica. We waited together on thecouncil, General Heath, GeneralHancock, and were very well satisfiedwith them; the last one distinguishedhimself very much by his zeal on theoccasion. Some people in Boston wererather dissatisfied; but when they sawthe behaviour of the council, GeneralsHeath and Hancock, they, I hope, willdo the same; I, therefore, fear nothingbut delays. The marts are very far off,provisions difficult to be provided. TheCount d'Estaing was ready to comewith his land forces and put himselfunder General Sullivan's orders, though

dissatisfied with the latter; but our newcircumstances will alter that design.

I beg you will pardon me once more,my dear general, for having troubledand afflicted you with the account ofwhat I had seen after the departure ofthe French fleet. My confidence in youis such, that I could not feel so warmlyupon this point withoutcommunicating it to your excellency. Ihave now the pleasure to inform youthat the discontent does not appear sogreat. The French hospital is arrived atBoston, though under difficulties,which, however, I think I havediminished a good deal by sending partof my family, with orders to some

persons, and entreaties to others, to givethem all the assistance in their power.Now, everything will be right providedthe Count d'Estaing is enabled to sailsoon. Every exertion, I think, ought tobe employed for that purpose in all theseveral parts of the continent: marts,biscuit, water, and provisions are hiswants. I long to see that we have againthe command, or at least an equal force,upon the American seas.

By your letters to General Sullivan, Iapprehend that there is some generalmove in the British army, and that yourexcellency is going to send usreinforcements. God grant you maysend us as many as with the militia will

make a larger army, that you mightcommand them yourself. I long, mydear general, to be again with you, andto have the pleasure of co-operatingwith the French fleet, under yourimmediate orders, this will be thegreatest I can feel; I am sure everythingwill then be right. The Count d'Estaing(if Rhode Island is again to be taken,which I ardently wish,) would beextremely happy to take it inconjunction with General Washington,and it would remove the otherinconveniences. I am now entrusted, byGeneral Sullivan, with the care ofWarren, Bristol, and the eastern shore. Iam to defend a country with very fewtroops who are not able to defend

more than a single point. I cannotanswer that the enemy won't go and dowhat they please, for I am not able toprevent them, only with a part of theirarmy, and yet this part must not landfar from me; but I answer, that if theycome with equal or not very superiorforces to those I may collect, we shallflog them pretty well; at least, I hope so.My situation seems to be uncertain, forwe expect to hear soon from yourexcellency. You know Mr. Touzard, agentleman of my family he met with aterrible accident in the last action;running before all the others, to take apiece of cannon in the midst of theenemy, with the greatest excess ofbravery, he was immediately covered

with their shots, had his horse killed,and his right arm shattered to pieces.He was happy enough not to fall intotheir hands: his life is not despaired of.Congress was going to send him acommission of major.

Give me joy, my dear general, I intendto have your picture, and Mr. Hancockhas promised me a copy of that he hasin Boston. He gave one to Countd'Estaing, and I never saw a man soglad at possessing his sweetheart'spicture, as the admiral was to receiveyours.

In expecting, with the greatestimpatience, to hear from your

excellency as to what are to be thegeneral plans, and your privatemovements, I have the honour to be,with the highest respect, the warmestand most endless affection, deargeneral, &c.


(ORIGINAL.)

Camp, near Bristol, the 7th September,1778.

My Dear General, I cannot let M. de laNeuville go to head-quarters without

recalling to your excellency's memoryan inhabitant of the eastern RhodeIsland, those who long much to beagain reunited to you, and conceivenow great hopes, from Sir HenryClinton's movement to New York, thatyou will come to oppose him in person.I think if we meet to oppose the enemyin this quarter, that more troops areabsolutely necessary, for we are not ableto do anything in our scatteredsituation. I confess I am myself veryuneasy in this quarter, and fear thatthese people will put it in their heads totake some of our batteries, &c., which,if properly attacked, it will be difficultto prevent. I am upon a little advanceof land, where, in case of an alarm, a

long stay might be very dangerous; butwe will do the best.

I am told that the enemy is going toevacuate New York. My policy leads meto believe that some troops will be sentto Halifax, to the West Indies, and toCanada; that Canada, I apprehend, willbe your occupation next winter andspring. This idea, my dear general, altersa plan I had to make a voyage homesome months hence, however, as longas you fight I want to fight along withyou, and I much desire to see yourexcellency in Quebec next summer.

With the most tender affection andhighest respect, I have the honour to

be, &c.

TO THE DUKE D'AYEN.

Bristol, near Rhode Island, September11th, 1778,

I have already endeavoured to describeto you some part of the pleasure yourlast letter gave me; but I cannot writeagain without repeating my assuranceof the delight I derived from itsperusal. I have blessed, a thousandtimes, the vessel that brought that letter,and the favourable winds that blew it,to the American shore. The kindness

and affection you express have sunkdeeply into a heart which is fullysensible of all their value. Yourpartiality has far over-rated my slightmerit; but your approbation is soprecious to me, my desire of obtainingit is so very strong, that I experience thesame pleasure as if I were conscious ofmeriting your good opinion. I love youtoo well not to be enchanted andoverjoyed when I receive any proof ofyour affection. You may find manypersons more worthy of it, but I maytake the liberty of challenging you tofind one human being who eithervalues it more highly, or is moredesirous of obtaining it. I place fullreliance on your kindness, and even if I

were unhappy enough to fall underyour displeasure, I hope I should notforfeit your affection. I think I maypromise that that last misfortune shallnever occur through any fault of mine,and I wish I could feel as certain ofnever erring from my head as from myheart. The goodness of my friendsimposes a weight of obligation uponme. My greatest pleasure will be to hearyou say, whilst I embrace you, that youdo not disapprove of my conduct, andthat you retain for me that friendshipwhich renders me so happy. It isimpossible for me to describe to youthe joy your letter, and the kind feelingwhich dictated it, have inspired mewith. How delighted I shall be to thank

you for it, and to find myself again inyour society! If you should ever amuseyourself by looking at the Americancampaigns, or following them on yourmaps, I shall ask permission to insert asmall river or a mountain: this wouldgive me an opportunity of describingto you the little I have seen, ofconfiding to you my own trifling ideas,and of endeavouring so to combinethem as to render them more military:for there is so great a differencebetween what I behold here, and thoselarge, fine, well-organised armies ofGermany, that, in truth, when I recurfrom them to our American armies, Iscarcely dare say that we are makingwar. If the French war should

terminate before that of the rest ofEurope, and you were disposed to seehow things were going on, andpermitted me to accompany you, Ishould feel perfectly happy; in themeantime, I have great pleasure inthinking that I shall pass somemornings with you at your own house,and I promise myself as muchimprovement as amusement fromconversing with you, if you are so kindas to grant me some portion of yourtime.

I received, with heartfelt gratitude, theadvice you gave me to remain hereduring this campaign; it was inspired bytrue friendship and a thorough

knowledge of my interest: such is thespecies of advice we give to those wereally love, and this idea has rendered itstill dearer to me. I will be guided by itin proportion as events may follow thedirection you appear to have expected.A change of circumstances renders achange of conduct sometimesnecessary. I had intended, as soon aswar was declared, to range myselfunder the French banner: I wasinduced to take this resolution from thefear that the ambition of obtaininghigher rank, or the wish of retainingthe one I actually enjoy, should appearto be my only motives for remaininghere. Such unworthy sentiments havenever found entrance into my heart.

But your letter, advising me to remain,and assuring me there would be noland campaign, induced me to changemy determination, and I now rejoicethat I have done so. The arrival of theFrench fleet upon this coast, hasoffered me the agreeable prospect ofacting in concert with it, and of being ahappy spectator of the glory of theFrench banner. Although the elements,until now, have declared themselvesagainst us, I have not lost the sanguinehopes of the future, which the greattalents of M. d'Estaing have inspired uswith. You will be astonished to hearthat the English still retain all theirposts, and have contented themselveswith merely evacuating Philadelphia. I

expected, and General Washington alsoexpected, to see them abandoneverything for Canada, Halifax, andtheir islands; but these gentlemen areapparently in no great haste. The fleet,it is true, may hitherto have renderedsuch a division of their troops ratherdifficult; but now that it is removed toBoston, they might easily begin to makea move: they appear to me, instead ofmoving off, to intend fighting a little inthis part of the country. I thought Iought to consult M. d'Estaing, and evenM. Grard on this subject. Both agreedthat I was right to remain, and evensaid, that my presence here would notprove wholly useless to my owncountry. That I might have nothing to

reproach myself with, I wrote to M. deMontbarrey a short letter, whichapprised him of my being still inexistence, and of the resolution I hadtaken not to return to France in themidst of this campaign.

The kind manner in which you receivedthe gazette which John Adamsconveyed to you, induced me to sendyou a second, which must have madeyou acquainted with the few events thathave taken place during this campaign.The visit that the English armydesigned to pay to a detachment whichI commanded the 28th of May, andwhich escaped their hands owing totheir own dilatory movements; the

arrival of the treaty, subsequently thatof the commissioners, the letter theyaddressed to congress, the firm answerthey received, the evacuation ofPhiladelphia, and the retreat of GeneralClinton through Jersey, are the onlyarticles worthy of attention. I have alsodescribed to you in what manner wefollowed the English army, and howGeneral Lee, after my detachment hadjoined him, allowed himself to bebeaten. The arrival of GeneralWashington arrested the disorder, anddetermined the victory on our side. It isthe battle, or rather affair, ofMonmouth. General Lee has since beensuspended for a year by a council ofwar, for his conduct on this occasion.

I must now relate to you what hasoccurred since the arrival of the fleet,which has experienced contrary windsever since it sailed; after a voyage ofthree months it reached the Delaware,which the English had then quitted;from thence it proceeded toSandyhook, the same place GeneralClinton sailed from after the check heencountered at Monmouth. Our armyrepaired to White Plains, that formerbattle-field of the Americans. M.d'Estaing blockaded New York, and wewere thus neighbours of the Englishboth by land and sea. Lord Howe,enclosed in the harbour, and separatedfrom our fleet only by the Sandy-hook

bar, did not accept the combat whichthe French admiral ardently desired,and offered him for several days. Anoble project was conceived that ofentering into the harbour; but our shipsdrew too much water, and the Englishseventy fours could not enter with theirguns. Some pilots gave no hopes onthis subject; but, when we examined thecase more narrowly, all agreed as to itsimpossibility, and soundings proved thetruth of the latter opinion; we weretherefore obliged to have recourse toother measures.

General Washington, wishing to make adiversion on Rhode Island, orderedGeneral Sullivan, who commanded in

that state, to assemble his troops. Thefleet stationed itself in the channelwhich leads to Newport, and I wasordered to conduct a detachment ofthe great army to General Sullivan, whois my senior in command. After manydelays, which were very annoying to thefleet, and many circumstances, which itwould be too long to relate, all ourpreparations were made, and we landedon the island with twelve thousandmen, many of them militia, of whom Icommanded one half upon the leftside. M. d'Estaing had entered thechannel the day before, in spite of theEnglish batteries. General Pigot hadenclosed himself in the respectablefortifications of Newport. The evening

of our arrival, the English fleetappeared before the channel with allthe vessels that Lord Howe had beenable to collect, and a reinforcement offour thousand men for the enemy, whohad already from five to six thousandmen.

A north wind blew most fortunatelyfor us the next day, and the French fleetpassing gallantly under a sharp firefrom the batteries, to which they repliedwith broadside shot, preparedthemselves to accept the conflict whichLord Howe was apparently proposingto them. The English admiral suddenlycut his cables, and fled at full sail,warmly pursued by all our vessels, with

the admiral at their head. This spectaclewas given during the finest weatherpossible, and within sight of theEnglish, and American armies. I neverfelt so proud as on that day.

The next day, when the victory was onthe point of being completed, and theguns of the Languedoc were directedtowards the English fleet, at the mostglorious moment for the French navy, asudden gale, followed by a dreadfulstorm, separated and dispersed theFrench vessels, Howe's vessels, andthose of Biron, which, by a singularaccident, had just arrived there. TheLanguedoc and the Marseillais weredismasted, and the Cesar was afterwards

unheard of for some time. To find theEnglish fleet was impossible. M.d'Estaing returned to Rhode Island,remained there two days, to ascertainwhether General Sullivan wished toretire, and then entered the Bostonharbour. During these various cruises,the fleet took or burnt six Englishfrigates, and a large number of vessels,of which several were armed; they alsocleared the coast and opened theharbours. Their commander appearedto me to have been formed for greatexploits; his talents, which all men mustacknowledge, the qualities of his heart,his love of discipline and of thehonour of his country, and hisindefatigable activity, excite my

admiration, and make me consider him,as a man created for great actions.

As to ourselves, we remained some timeat Rhode Island, and spent several daysfiring cannon shot at each other, whichproduced no great result on either side;but General Clinton having led himselfa reinforcement of five thousand men,and a part of our militia havingreturned to their own homes, wethought of retiring; the harbour was nolonger blockaded, and the English wereresuming their naval advantage. Ourretreat at that period was preceded by atrifling skirmish, at which I was notpresent, having repaired to Bostonrespecting an affair which I dare not

write for fear of accidents. I returned ingreat haste, as you may imagine, and,after my arrival, we completed theevacuation of the Island. As theEnglish were gone out, we were suchnear neighbours, that our picquetstouched each other; they allowed us,however, to re-embark withoutperceiving it, and this want of activityappeared to me more fortunate, as theywould have incommoded meexceedingly had they attacked the rear.

I am at present on the continent, andhave the command of the troopsstationed nearest Rhode Island;General Sullivan is at Providence; M.d'Estaing is taking in, at Providence,

masts and provisions; GeneralWashington is at White Plains, withthree brigades, stationed some miles inadvance on that side, in case of need.As to the English, they occupy NewYork and the adjacent Islands, and arebetter defended by their vessels than bytheir troops. They possess the samenumber of troops at Rhode Island thatthey did formerly, and General Grey, atthe head of about five thousand men,marches along the coast, with theintention of burning the towns andransoming the small Islands. It isthought, however, that the scene willsoon become more animated; there aregreat movements in New York; LordHowe has gone out with all his fleet,

strengthened with the greatest part ofBiron's squadron; M. d'Estaing hastaken possession of the harbour, andhas established some formidablebatteries. On the other side, Mr. Greymay form and execute more seriousprojects; he is at present in myneighbourhood, and I am obliged tokeep myself still more on the alert,because the stations which I occupyextend from Seconnet Point, which youmay see on the map, to Bristol. I hopeall this will soon end, for we are now ina very tiresome state of inaction.

I am becoming extremely prolix, but Iperceive that I have forgotten dates, andtwo lines more or less will not add

much to your fatigue. The evacuationof Philadelphia took place the 18thJune; the affair of Monmouth the 28th;we arrived on Rhode Island, I think,the 10th August, and evacuated it the30th of the same month: my gazette isnow completed.

An accident has occurred on this Islandwhich has affected me deeply. SeveralFrench officers, in the service ofAmerica, have the kindness to passmuch of their time with me, especiallywhen I am engaged firing musket balls.M. Touzard, an artillery officer in theregiment of La Fre, has been, duringthe last months, one of my constantassociates. Finding a good opportunity

on the Island of snatching a piece ofcannon from the enemy, he threwhimself in the midst of them, with thegreatest gallantry and courage; but histemerity drew upon himself a hot firefrom the enemy, which killed his horse,and carried away his right arm. Hisaction has been admired, even by theEnglish; it would be indeedunfortunate if distance should preventits being known in France; I could notrefrain from giving an account of it toM. de Montbarrey, although I have notany right to do so; but I am veryanxious to be of use to this braveofficer. If any opportunity offers ofserving him, I recommend himearnestly to your love of noble actions.

I confide my letters to M. d'Estaing,who will send them to France. If youshould have the kindness to write tome, and any packet ships be sent out tothe fleet, I beg you to take advantage ofthem. The admiration I feel for himwho commands it, and my firmconviction that he will not let anopportunity escape of performingglorious deeds, will always make medesirous of being employed in unisonwith him; and the friendship ofGeneral Washington gives me theassurance that I need not even makesuch a request; I often also receiveletters from M. d'Estaing, and he willsend me yours as soon as he receivesthem. You must feel how impossible it

is for me to ascertain when I can returnto you. I shall be guided entirely bycircumstances. My great object inwishing to return was the idea of adescent upon England. I shouldconsider myself as almost dishonouredif I were not present at such a moment.I should feel so much regret andshame, that I should be tempted todrown or hang myself, according to theEnglish mode. My greatest happinesswould be to drive them from thiscountry, and then to repair to England,serving under your command. This is avery delightful project; God grant itmay be realized! It is the one whichwould be most peculiarly agreeable tome. I entreat you to send me your

advice as soon as possible; if I butreceive it in time, it shall regulate myconduct. Adieu, I dare not beginanother page; I beg you to accept theassurance of my tender respect, and ofall the sentiments that I shall ever feelfor you during the remainder of mylife.

I shall add this soiled bit of paper,which might have suited Harpagonhimself, to my long epistle, to tell youthat I am become very reasonable asrelates to expenses. Now that I have myown establishment, I shall spend stillless, and I really act very prudently,when you consider the exorbitant priceof every thing, principally with paper

money.

I shall write by another opportunity,perhaps a more speedy one, to Madamede Tess. I entreat you to present herwith my tender respects. If M. de Tess,M. de Mun, M. de Neiailly, M. Senac~[1] retain a kind remembrance of me,deign to present my compliments tothem. If M. de Comte le Broglie doesnot receive news from this country, ashe has always expressed great interest inme, be so good as to give him anaccount of our proceedings when yousee him.

May I flatter myself that I still possessyour good opinion I should not doubt

it, if I could but convince you howmuch I value it; I will do everything inmy power to deserve it, and I should bemiserable if you doubted for an instanthow very deeply this feeling is engravenin my breast. If I have ever erred in thepath I am pursuing, forgive theillusions of my head in favour of thegood intentions and rectitude of myheart, which is filled with feelings ofthe deepest, gratitude, affection, andrespect for you; and these it will everretain, in all countries, and under allcircumstances, until my latest breath.

LAFAYETTE,

Footnote:

1. M. de Tesse, first squire to theQueen, had married Mademoiselle deNoailles, daughter of the Marshal, andaunt to Madame de Lafayette; M. deNeuilly was attached, under theMarshal's orders, to the stables of theQueen; M. de Mun, father to M. deMun, peer of France, was intimate withthe whole family; M. Senac de Meilhanhas been named comptroller general.


Bristol, near Rhode Island, Sept. 13th,1778.

If any thing could lessen my pleasurein writing to you, my dearest love, itwould be the painful idea that I amwriting to you from a corner ofAmerica, and that all I love is twothousand leagues from me. But I havereason to hope that the actual state ofthings cannot subsist for any length oftime, and that the moment appointedfor our meeting is not very far removed.War, which so often causes separation,must reunite us; it even secures myreturn by bringing French vessels here,and the fear of being taken will sooncompletely vanish; we shall be at leasttwo to play at the game, and if theEnglish attempt to interrupt my course,

we shall be able to answer them. Howdelightful it would be for me tocongratulate myself upon having heardfrom you; but that happiness has notbeen granted me. Your last letter arrivedat the same time as the fleet; since thatvery distant day, since two months, Ihave been expecting letters, and nonehave reached me. It is true that theadmiral, and the King's minister, havenot been better treated by fortune; it istrue that several vessels are expected,one in particular, every day: this givesme hope; and it is upon hope, that voidand meagre food, that I must evensubsist. Do not leave me in such apainful state of uncertainty, andalthough I do not expect to be here to

receive an answer to the letter I am nowwriting, yet I entreat you to send me avery long one immediately, as if I wereonly waiting for your letter to depart;when you read this, therefore, callinstantly for pen and ink, and write tome by every opportunity that you loveme, and that you will be glad to see meagain, not but that I am well convincedof this; my affection does not permitme to make use of any complimentswith you, and there would be morevanity in telling you that I doubt yourlove, than in assuring you that I dependfully upon it, and for the remainder ofmy life. But every repetition of thistruth always gives me pleasure. Thefeeling itself is so dear to me, and is so

very necessary to my happiness, that Icannot but rejoice in your sweetexpressions of it. It is not my reason(for I do not doubt your love) but myheart that you delight by repeating athousand times what gives me morepleasure, if possible, each time youutter it. O, when shall I be with you, mylove; when shall I embrace you ahundred times

I flattered myself that the declarationof war would recall me immediately toFrance: independent of the ties whichdraw my heart towards those most dearto me, the love of my country, and mywish to serve her, are powerful motivesfor my return. I feared even that people,

who did not know me, might imaginethat ambition, a taste for the commandI am entrusted with, and theconfidence with which I am honoured,would induce me to remain here sometime longer. I own that I felt somesatisfaction in making these sacrifices tomy country, and in quitting everythingto fly to her assistance, without sayingone word about the service I was givingup. This would have been a source ofthe purest gratification to me, and I hadresolved to set out the moment thenews of war arrived. You shall nowlearn what has delayed me, and I mayventure to say you will approve of myconduct.

The news was brought by a Frenchfleet, who came to co-operate with theAmerican troops; new operations werejust commencing; it was in the midst ofa campaign; this was not a moment toquit the army. I was also assured, fromgood authority, that nothing would takeplace this year in France, and that I lost,therefore, nothing by remaining here. Iran the risk, on the contrary, of passingthe whole autumn in a vessel, and witha strong desire to fight everywhere, tofight in truth nowhere, I was flatteredin this country with the hope ofundertaking some enterprise in concertwith M. d'Estaing; and persons likehimself charged with the affairs ofFrance, told me my quitting America

would be prejudicial, and my remainingin it useful, to my country. I was forcedto sacrifice my delightful hopes, anddelay the execution of my mostagreeable projects. But at length thehappy moment of rejoining you willarrive, and next winter will see meunited to all I love best in the world.

You will hear so much said about war,naval combats, projected expeditions,and military operations, made and to bemade, in America, that I will spare youthe ennui of a gazette. I have, besides,related to you the few events that havetaken place since the commencementof the campaign. I have been sofortunate as to be constantly employed,

and I have never made an unluckyencounter with balls or bullets, to arrestme in my path. It is now more than ayear since I dragged about, atBrandywine, a leg that had beensomewhat rudely handled, but sincethat time it has quite recovered, and myleft leg is now almost as strong as theother one. This is the only scratch Ihave received, or ever shall receive, Ican safely promise you, my love. I had apresentiment that I should be woundedat the first affair, and I have now apresentiment that I shall not bewounded again. I wrote to you afterour success at Monmouth, and Iscrawled my letter almost on the fieldof battle, and still surrounded with

slashed faces. Since that period, theonly events that have taken place, arethe arrival and operations of theFrench fleet, joined to our enterpriseon Rhode Island. I have sent a fulldetail of them to your father. Half theAmericans say that I am passionatelyfond of my country, and the other halfsay that since the arrival of the Frenchships, I have become mad, and that Ineither eat, nor drink, nor sleep, butaccording to the winds that blow.Betwixt ourselves, they are a little in theright; I never felt so strongly what maybe called national pride. Conceive thejoy I experienced on beholding thewhole English fleet flying full sailbefore ours, in presence of the English

and American armies, stationed uponRhode Island. M. d'Estaing havingunfortunately lost some masts, has beenobliged to put into the Boston harbour.He is a man whose talents, genius, andgreat qualities of the heart I admire asmuch as I love his virtues, patriotism,and agreeable manners. He hasexperienced every possible difficulty; hehas not been able to do all he wished todo; but he appears to me a man formedto advance the interests of such anation as ours. Whatever may be theprivate feeling of friendship that unitesme to him, I separate all partiality fromthe high opinion I entertain of ouradmiral. The Americans place greatconfidence in him, and the English fear

him. As to the Rhode Islandexpedition, I shall content myself withsaying that General Washington wasnot there, and that he sent me toconduct a reinforcement to thecommanding officer, my senior inservice. We exchanged, for several days,some cannon balls, which did no greatharm on either side, and GeneralClinton having brought succours to hisparty, we evacuated the island, notwithout danger, but without anyaccident. We are all in a state ofinaction, from which we shall soonawaken.

Whilst we were on the Island, anofficer, who has passed the winter with

me, named Touzard, of the regimentof La Fre, seeing an opportunity ofsnatching a piece of cannon from theenemy, threw himself amongst themwith the utmost bravery. This actionattracted the fire of his antagonists,which killed his horse, and carried offpart of his right arm, which has sincebeen amputated. If he were in France,such an action, followed by such anaccident, would have been the meansof his receiving the cross of St. Louisand a pension. I should feel the greatestpleasure if, through you and my friends,I could obtain for him any recompence.

I entreat you to present my respectfuland affectionate compliments to the

Marshal de Noailles; he must havereceived the trees I sent him. I will takeadvantage of the month of September,the most favourable time, to send him astill larger quantity. Do not forget me toMadame la Marchale de Noailles;embrace my sisters a thousand and athousand times. If you see theChevalier de Chastellux, present to himmy compliments and assurances ofaffection.

But what shall I say to you, my loveWhat expressions can my tendernessfind sufficiently strong for our dearAnastasia You will find them but inyour own heart, and in mine, which isequally open to you. Cover her with

kisses; teach her to love me by lovingyou. We are so completely united, that itis impossible to love one withoutloving also the other. That poor littlechild must supply all we have lost; shehas two places to occupy in my heart,and this heavy task our misfortune hasimposed on her. I love her most fondly,and the misery of trembling for her lifedoes not prevent my feeling for her thewarmest affection. Adieu; when shall Ibe permitted to see thee, to part fromthee no more; to make thy happiness asthou makest mine, and kneel beforethee to implore thy pardon. Adieu,adieu; we shall not be very longdivided.

PRESIDENT LAURENS TO THEMARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE.~[1]

Philadelphia, 13th September, 1777.

Sir, I am sensible of a particular degreeof pleasure in executing the order ofcongress, signified in their act of the9th instant, which will be enclosed withthis, expressing the sentiments of therepresentatives of the United States ofAmerica, of your high merit on the lateexpedition against Rhode Island. Youwill do congress justice, Sir, in receivingthe present acknowledgment as atribute of the respect and gratitude of

a free people. I have the honour to be,with very great respect and esteem, Sir,your obedient and most humbleservant,

HENRY LAURENS, President.

Footnote:

1. This letter, as well as all those thatfollow to that of the 11th of January,1779, with the exception of the letter toLord Carlisle, was written originally inEnglish.

RESOLUTION OF CONGRESS.

Resolved: The president is charged withwriting to the Marquis de Lafayette; thatcongress conceives that the sacrifice hemade of his personal feelings, when,for the interest of the United States, herepaired to Boston, at the momentwhen the opportunity of acquiringglory on the field of battle couldpresent itself; his military zeal inreturning to Rhode Island, when thegreatest part of the army had quitted it,and his measures to secure a retreat,have a right to this present expressionof the approbation of congress.

September 9th, 1778.

MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE TOPRESIDENT LAURENS.

Camp, 23rd September, 1778.

Sir, I have just received your favour ofthe 13th instant, acquainting me withthe honour congress have been pleasedto confer on me by their most graciousresolve. Whatever pride such anapprobation may justly give me, I amnot less affected by the feelings ofgratefulness, and the satisfaction ofthinking my endeavours were everlooked on as useful to a cause, in whichmy heart is so deeply interested. Be so

good, Sir, as to present to congress myplain and hearty thanks, with a frankassurance of a candid attachment, theonly one worth being offered to therepresentatives of a free people. Themoment I heard of America, I lovedher; the moment I knew she wasfighting for freedom, I burnt with adesire of bleeding for her; and themoment I shall be able to serve her atany time, or in any part of the world,will be the happiest one of my life. Inever so much wished for occasions ofdeserving those obliging sentimentswith which I am honoured by thesestates and their representatives, and thatflattering confidence they have beenpleased to put in me, has filled my heart

with the warmest acknowledgmentsand eternal affection.

I am, &c.,

LAFAYETTE.


(ORIGINAL.)

Warren, 24th September, 1778.

MY DEAR GENERAL, I am toacknowledge the reception of your latefavour. Your excellency's sentiments

were already known to me, and myheart had anticipated your answer. I,however, confess it gave me a newpleasure when I received it. My love foryou is such, my dear general, that Ishould enjoy it better, if possible, in aprivate sentimental light than in apolitical one. Nothing makes mehappier than to see a conformity ofsentiments between you and me, uponany matter whatsoever; and the opinionof your heart is so precious to me, thatI will ever expect it to fix mine. I don'tknow how to make out a fineexpression of my sentiments, my mostrespected friend; but you know, I hope,my heart, and I beg you will read in it.

Agreeably to your advices and my ownfeelings, I made every effort that Icould for preventing any bad measuresbeing taken on either side; whichconduct I also closely kept in the lateaffair of Boston concerning M. de St.Sauveur. I wished to have been ofsome use on both occasions, and Ihope we have pretty well succeeded.The Count d'Estaing is entirely ours; so,at least, I apprehend by his confidentialletters to me; and it affords me greatpleasure. I have found by him anoccasion of writing to France; and youwill better conceive than I may describe,how I have acted on the occasion. Ithought the best way of speaking ofthose internal affairs was not to speak

of them, or at least very indifferently, soas to give any such report which mightarrive as groundless and insignificant. Idaresay my scheme will have the desiredeffect, and nothing will be thought ofit in France. I thought it would be wellto let the admiral know that you do notlay any blame upon him, and that youentertained the sentiments any honestFrenchman might wish upon thismatter.

Agreeably to a very useful article of aletter to General Sullivan, I haveremoved my station from Bristol, andam in a safer place, behind Warren, Thefew spies I have been able to procureupon the island seem rather to think of

an evacuation than of any enterprise;but, you know, New York is thefountain-head. I long much, my deargeneral, to be again with you; ourseparation has been long enough, and Iam here as inactive as anywhere else. Mywish, and that you will easily conceive,had been to co-operate with the Frenchfleet; I don't know now what they willdo. The admiral has written to me uponmany plans, and does not seem wellfixed on any scheme: he burns with thedesire of striking a blow, and is not yetdetermined how to accomplish it. Hewrote me that he wanted to see me, butI cannot leave my post, lest somethingmight happen: it has already cost dearenough to me. However, if you give me

leave, I'll ask this of General Sullivan,and will do what I think best for bothcountries.

I have heard of a pistolade between twogentlemen, which lasted very longwithout much effect; it looks like ourtoo much spoken of cannonade atNewport, while the siege was continued.I have not yet been able to find outwhat your excellency desires me toinquire into, on account of the Frenchqueen:~[1] but the people of the navyare too remote from Versailles to haveany knowledge of it, and the Countd'Estaing himself has not any intimacywith her. I'll get that intelligence from abetter source, and more agreeable to your

feelings on the matter, in order that youmay do what you think fit to be done ifthe report is true.

I beg, my dear general, when you writeto your lady, that you would present myrespects to her; and I beg also theliberty to make here a thousandcompliments to your family. With thehighest respect and most tenderfriendship, I have the honour to be,dear general.

Footnote:

1. Several ladies had lately come outfrom New York, who reported that avessel had been captured and brought

to that city, in which was contained apresent from the Queen of France toMrs. Washington, as "an eleganttestimonial of her approbation of the,general's conduct," and that it had beensold at auction for the benefit of thecaptors. This intelligence was soconfidently affirmed from such arespectable source, that GeneralWashington had requested the Marquisde Lafayette to make inquiry as to thetruth of it through the medium ofMadame de Lafayette. Writings ofWashington, vol. vi p. 74.

FROM GENERAL WASHINGTON


(ORIGINAL.)

Fredericksburg, 25th September, 1778.

MY DEAR MARQUIS, The sentimentsof affection and attachment, whichbreathe so conspicuously in. all yourletters to me, are at once pleasing andhonourable, and afford me abundantcause to rejoice at the happiness of myacquaintance with you. Your love ofliberty, the just sense you entertain ofthis valuable blessing, and your nobleand disinterested exertions in the causeof it, added to the innate goodness of

your heart, conspire to render you dearto me; and I think myself happy inbeing linked with you in bonds of thestrictest friendship.

The ardent zeal which you havedisplayed during the whole course ofthe campaign to the eastward, and yourendeavours to cherish harmony amongthe officers of the allied powers, and todispel those unfavourable impressionswhich had begun to take place in theminds of the unthinking, frommisfortunes, which the utmost stretchof human foresight could not avert,deserved, and now receives, myparticular and warmest thanks. I amsorry for Monsieur Touzard's loss of

an arm in the action on Rhode Island;and offer my thanks to him, throughyou, for his gallant behaviour on thatday.

Could I have conceived that my picturehad been an object of your wishes, orin the smallest degree worthy of yourattention, I should, while M. Peale wasin the camp at Valley Forge, have gothim to take the best portrait of me hecould, and presented it to you; but Ireally had not so good an opinion ofmy own worth, as to suppose that sucha compliment would not have beenconsidered as a greater instance of myvanity, than means of your gratification;and therefore, when you requested me

to sit to Monsieur Lanfang, I thought itwas only to obtain the outlines and afew shades of my features, to havesome prints struck from.

If you have entertained thoughts, mydear marquis, of paying a visit to yourcourt, to your lady, and to your friendsthis winter, but waver on account of anexpedition into Canada, friendshipinduces me to tell you, that I do notconceive that the prospect of such anoperation is so favourable at this time,as to cause you to change your views.Many circumstances and events mustconspire to render an enterprise of thiskind practicable and advisable. Theenemy, in the first place, must either

withdraw wholly, or in part, from theirpresent posts, to leave us at liberty todetach largely from this army. In thenext place, if considerablereinforcements should be thrown intothat country, a winter's expeditionwould become impracticable, onaccount of the difficulties which wouldattend the march of a large body ofmen, with the necessary apparatus,provisions, forage, and stores, at thatinclement season. In a word, thechances are so much against theundertaking, that they ought not toinduce you to lay aside your otherpurpose, in the prosecution of whichyou shall have every aid, and carry withyou every honourable testimony of my

regard and entire approbation of yourconduct, that you can wish. But it is acompliment, which is due, so am Ipersuaded you would not wish todispense with the form of signifyingyour desires to congress on the subjectof your voyage and absence.

I come now, in a more especial manner,to acknowledge the receipt of yourobliging favour of the 21st, by MajorDubois, and to thank you for theimportant intelligence thereincontained.

I do most cordially congratulate you onthe glorious defeat of the Britishsquadron under Admiral Keppel, an

event which reflects the highest honouron the good conduct and bravery ofMonsieur d'Orrilliers and the officersof the fleet under his command; at thesame time that it is to be considered, Ihope, as the happy presage, of afortunate and glorious war to his mostChristian Majesty. A confirmation ofthe account I shall impatiently wait anddevoutly wish for. If the Spaniards,under this favourable beginning, wouldunite their fleet to that of France,together they would soon humble thepride of haughty Britain, and no longsuffer her to reign sovereign of theseas, and claim the privilege of givinglaws to the main.

You have my free consent to make theCount d'Estaing a visit, and may signifymy entire approbation of it to GeneralSullivan, who, I am glad to find, hasmoved you out of a cul de sac. It was myadvice to him long ago, to have nodetachments in that situation, letparticular places be ever so muchunguarded and exposed from the wantof troops. Immediately upon myremoval from White Plains to thisground, the enemy threw a body oftroops into the Jerseys; but for whatpurpose, unless to make a grand forage,I have not been able yet to learn. Theyadvanced some troops at the same timefrom their lines at Kingsbridge towardsour old encampment at the plains,

stripping the inhabitants not only oftheir provisions and forage, but eventhe clothes on their backs, and withoutdiscrimination.

The information, my dear marquis,which I begged the favour of you toobtain, was not, I am persuaded, to behad through the channel of the officersof the French fleet, but by applicationto your fair lady, to whom I should behappy in an opportunity of paying myhomage in Virginia, when the war isended, if she could be prevailed uponto quit, for a few months, the gaietiesand splendour of a court, for the ruralamusements of a humble cottage.

I shall not fail to inform Mrs.Washington of your polite attention toher. The gentlemen of my family aresensible of the honour you do them byyour kind inquiries, and join with me ina tender of best regards; and none canoffer them with more sincerity andaffection than I do. With everysentiment you can wish, I am, my dearmarquis, &c.


(ORIGINAL.)

Camp, near Warren, 24th September,

1778.

MY DEAR GENERAL, I am going toconsult your excellency upon a point inwhich I not only want your leave andopinion, as the commander-in-chief,but also your candid advice, as the manwhom I have the happiness to call myfriend. In an address from the Britishcommissaries to congress, the first afterJohnstone was excluded, they speak in themost disrespectful terms of my nationand country. The whole is undersignedby them, and more particularly by thepresident, Lord Carlisle. I am the firstFrench officer, in rank, of theAmerican army; I am not unknown tothe British, and if somebody must take

notice of such expressions, thatadvantage does, I believe, belong to me.Don't you think, my dear general, that Ishould do well to write a letter ont hesubject to Lord Carlisle, wherein Ishould notice his expressions conveyedin an unfriendly manner I havementioned something of this design tothe Count d'Estaing, but wish entirelyto fix my opinion by yours, which Iinstantly beg, as soon as you may find itconvenient.

As everyting is perfectly quiet, andGeneral Sullivan is persuaded that Imay, with all safety, go to Boston, I amgoing to undertake a short journeytowards that place. The admiral has

several times expressed a desire ofconversing with me; he has also thrownout some wishes that something mightbe done towards securing Boston, butit seems he always refers to aconversation for further explanation.My stay will be short, as I don't liketowns in time of war, when I may beabout a camp. If your excellencyanswers me immediately, I may soonreceive your letter.

I want much to see you, my deargeneral, and consult you about manypoints, part of them are respectingmyself. If you approve of my writingto Lord Carlisle, it would be a reasonfor coming near you for a short time, in

case the gentleman is displeased withmy mission.

With the most perfect respect,confidence, and affection, I have thehonour to be, &c.

Footnote:

1. In the preceding session, the Englishparliament had passed bills calledconciliatory, and in the month of June,conciliatory commissioners hadpresented themselves to negotiate anarrangement. These were, Lord Carlisle,Governor George Johnstone, andWilliam Eden. Dr. Adam Ferguson,professor of moral philosophy at the

University of Edinburgh, was secretaryof the commission. They addressed aletter to Mr. Laurens which was to becommunicated to congress. To thatletter were joined private letters fromMr. Johnstone to several members ofthe assembly, whom he endeavoured toseduce by exciting interested hopes. Theletters were given up to the congress,who declared "that it was incompatible withtheir own honour to hold any sort ofcorrespondence or relation with the saidGeorge Johnstone." (See the Letters ofGeneral Washington, vol. v., p. 397, andvol. vi., p. 31; and the History of theAmerican Revolution, by David Ramsay,vol. ii., chap. 16.)

TO LORD CARLISLE.~[1]

I expected, until the present moment,my lord, to have only affairs to settlewith your generals, and I hoped to seethem at the head only of the armieswhich are respectively confided to us;your letter to the Congress of theUnited States, the insulting phrase tomy country, which you yourself havesigned, could alone bring me into directcommunication with you. I do not, mylord, deign to refute your assertion, butI do wish to punish it. It is to you, aschief of the commission, that I nowappeal, to give me a reparation as public

as has been the offence, and as shall bethe denial which arises from it; norwould that denial have been so longdelayed if the letters had reached mesooner. As I am obliged to absentmyself for some days, I hope to findyour answer on my return. M. deGimat, a French officer, will make allthe arrangements for me which may beagreeable to you; I doubt not but thatGeneral Clinton, for the honour of hiscountryman, will consent to themeasure I propose. As to myself, mylord, I shall consider all measures good,if, to the glory of being a Frenchman, Ican add that of proving to one of yournation that my nation can never beattacked with impunity.

LAFAYETTE.

Footnote:

1. This letter was written in French.


(ORIGINAL.)

Boston, 28th September, 1778.

DEAR GENERAL, The news I havegot from France, the reflections I havemade by myself, and those which have

been suggested to me by many people,particularly by the admiral, increasesmore than ever the desire I had ofseeing again your excellency. I want tocommunicate to you my sentiments,and take your opinion upon my presentcircumstances- -I look upon this as ofhigh moment to my private interests.On the other hand, I have some ideas,and some intelligence in reference topublic interests, which I am verydesirous of disclosing to yourexcellency. I am sure, my dear general,that your sentiments upon my privateconcerns are such, that you will haveno objection to my spending somehours with you.~[1]

The moment at which the fleet will beready is not very far, and I think it ofimportance to have settled my affairwith you before that time. I am goingto write to General Sullivan on thesubject, and if he has no objection, I'llgo immediately to head-quarters; butshould he make difficulties, I beg youwill send me that leave. I intend to rideexpress, in order that I may have timeenough. You may think, my deargeneral, that I don't ask, what I neverasked in my life a leave to quit the postI am sent to without strong reasons forit; but the letters I have received fromhome make me very anxious to see you.

With the most tender affection and

highest respect, &c.

Footnote:

1. In spite of the obstacles which hadarrested M. de Lafayette at thecommencement of the projectednorthern campaign, he had embracedwith ardour the idea of a diversionwhich was to be operated in Canada,with the combined forces of Franceand America; and it was partly toconverse on this plan with Washington,and later with the cabinet of Versailles,that he insisted upon having aconference with the general- in-chief,and returning to France before thewinter. He was even summoned to

explain himself on this subject with acommittee from the congress, whoadopted the plan in principle, butdecided that General Washingtonshould be first consulted. The latterexpressed his objections in a publicletter addressed to the congress, and ina private letter addressed to Laurens,(14th November, 1778.) It was longbefore the final decision of congressbecame known. M. de Lafayette wasstill ignorant of it when he embarkedfor Europe. The 29th December, only, aletter was addressed to him fromPresident John Jay, who was charged bycongress to express to him that thedifficulties of execution the want ofmen and materials, and, above all, the

exhausted state of the finances, did notpermit the accomplishment of thisproject; that if, however, France wouldfirst enter into it, the United Stateswould make every effort to second her.But France, from various motives, didnot shew herself disposed to snatchCanada from the English. (See theCorrespondence of Washington, vol.vi., and his Life by Marshal, vol. iii)


(ORIGINAL.)

Fishkill, 4th October, 1778.

MY DEAR MARQUIS, I have had thepleasure of receiving, by the hands ofMonsieur de la Colombe, your favourof the 28th ultimo, accompanied byone of the 24th, which he overtooksomewhere on the road. The leaverequested in the former, I am as muchinterested to grant, as to refuse myapprobation of the challenge proposedin the latter. The generous spirit ofchivalry, exploded by the rest of theworld, finds a refuge, my dear friend, inthe sensibility of your nation only. Butit is in vain to cherish it, unless you canfind antagonists to support it; and,

however well adapted it might havebeen to the times in which it existed, inour days, it is to be feared, that youropponent, sheltering himself behindmodern opinions, and under hispresent public character ofcommissioner, would turn a virtue ofsuch ancient date into ridicule. Besides,supposing his lordship accepted yourterms, experience has proved thatchance is often as much concerned indeciding these matters as bravery, andalways more than the justice of thecause. I would not, therefore, have yourlife, by the remotest possibility,exposed, when it may be reserved forso many greater occasions. Hisexcellency, the admiral, I flatter myself,

will be in sentiment with me; and, assoon as he can spare you, will send youto head-quarters, where I anticipate thepleasure of seeing you.

Having written very fully to you a fewdays ago, and put the letter under coverto General Sullivan, I have nothing toadd at this time, but to assure you that,with the most perfect regard I am, dearsir, &c.


(ORIGINAL.)

Philadelphia, 13th October, 1778.

SIR, Whatever care I should take not toemploy the precious time at congress inprivate considerations, I beg leave to laybefore them my present circumstances,with that confidence which naturallysprings from affection and gratitude.The sentiments which bind me to mycountry, can never be more properlyspoken of than in the presence of menwho have done so much for their own.As long as I thought I could dispose ofmyself, I made it my pride and pleasureto fight under American colours, indefence of a cause, which I dare moreparticularly call ours, because I had the

good fortune to bleed for it. Now, sir,that France is involved in a war, I amurged by a sense of duty, as well as bypatriotic love, to present myself beforethe king, to know in what manner hemay judge proper to employ myservices. The most agreeable of all willbe such as may enable me always toserve the common cause among thosewhose friendship I have the happinessto obtain, and whose fortune I havehad the honour to follow in lesssmiling times. That reason, and others,which I leave to the feelings ofcongress, engage me to beg from themthe liberty of going home for the nextwinter.

As long as there were any hopes of anactive campaign, I did not think ofleaving the field. Now that I see a verypeaceable and undisturbed moment, Itake this opportunity of waiting oncongress. In case my request is granted,I shall so manage my departure as to becertain before going off that thecampaign is really over. Inclosed youwill find a letter from his excellencyGeneral Washington, where heexpresses his assent to my getting leaveof absence. I dare flatter myself, that Ishall be looked upon as a soldier onfurlough, who most heartily wants tojoin again his colours, and his mostesteemed and beloved fellow-soldiers.In case it is thought that I can be in any

way useful to the service of America,when I shall find myself among mycountrymen, and in case any exertionof mine is deemed serviceable, I hope,sir, I shall always be considered as aman who is deeply interested in thewelfare of the United States, and whohas the most perfect affection, regard,and confidence for representatives.With the highest regard, I have thehonour to be, &c.

LAFAYETTE.

PRESIDENT LAURENS TO THEMARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE.

(ORIGINAL.)


SIR, I had the honour of presenting tocongress your letter, soliciting leave ofabsence, and I am directed by the houseto express their thanks for your zeal inpromoting that just cause in which theyare engaged, and for the disinterestedservices you have rendered to theUnited States of America. In testimonyof the high esteem and affection inwhich you are held by the good peopleof these states, as well as inacknowledgment of your gallantry andmilitary talents, displayed on many

signal occasions, their representatives incongress assembled have ordered anelegant sword to be presented to you bythe American minister at the court ofVersailles.

Enclosed within the present cover willbe found an act of congress, of the21st instant, authorizing thesedeclarations, and granting a furloughfor your return to France, to beextended at your own pleasure. I prayGod to bless and protect you, Sir; toconduct you in safety to the presenceof your prince, and to the re-enjoymentof your noble family and friends. Ihave the honour to be, with the highestrespect, and with the most sincere

affection, Sir, your most obedient andmost humble servant,


1778. In Congress, October 21st.Resolved, That the Marquis deLafayette, major-general in the serviceof the United States, have leave to goto France, and that he return at suchtime as shall be most convenient tohim.

Resolved, That the president write aletter to the Marquis de Lafayette,returning him the thanks of congressfor that disinterested zeal which ledhim to America, and for the services he

has rendered to the United States by theexertion of his courage and abilities onmany signal occasions.

Resolved, That the ministerplenipotentiary of the United States ofAmerica at the court of Versailles bedirected to cause an elegant sword, withproper devices, to be made, andpresented in the name of the UnitedStates to the Marquis de Lafayette.

October 22nd. Resolved, That thefollowing letter of recommendation ofthe Marquis de Lafayette be written tothe King of France:

To our great, faithful, and beloved

friend and ally, Louis the Sixteenth,king of France and Navarre:

The Marquis de Lafayette havingobtained our leave to return to hisnative country, we could not suffer himto depart without testifying our deepsense of his zeal, courage, andattachment. We have advanced him tothe rank of major-general in ourarmies, which, as well by his prudent asspirited conduct, he has manifestlymerited. We recommend this youngnobleman to your majesty's notice, asone whom we know to be wise incouncil, gallant in the field, and patientunder the hardships of war. Hisdevotion to his sovereign has led him

in all things to demean himself as anAmerican, acquiring thereby theconfidence of these United States, yourgood and faithful friends and allies, andthe affection of their citizens. We prayGod to keep your majesty in his holyprotection.

Done at Philadelphia, the 22nd day ofOctober, 1778, by the congress of theUnited States of North America, yourgood friends and allies.



(ORIGINAL.)

Philadelphia, the 24th of October,1778.

My Dear General, You will be surprisedto hear that I am yet in this city, andthat I could never get out this time. Myown business was immediately done,and I received from congress allpossible marks of kindness andaffection; but public affairs do not goon quite so fast, and I am detained forthe expedition of projects, instructions,and many papers which I am to carrywith me. The zeal for the commoncause prevents my leaving this place

before I am dismissed. However, I willcertainly set out to-morrow afternoonat farthest.

Congress have been pleased to grantme an undetermined furlough by themost polite and honourable resolves, towhich they have added a letter for theking in my behalf. I will shew the wholeto your excellency as soon as I have thepleasure to see you; and as I hope toarrive two days after this letter, I think itis useless to trouble you with copies.

I have received an answer from LordCarlisle, in which he conceals himselfbehind his dignity, and, by a prudentforesight, he objects to entering into

any explanation in any change ofsituation.

There is a plan going on which I thinkyou will approve. The idea was notsuggested by me, and I acted in theaffair a passive part. I will speak to yourexcellency of it more at length, andwith more freedom, at our firstinterview. May I hope, my dear general,that you will order the enclosed lettersto be sent immediately to Boston, assome of them contain orders for afrigate to put herself in readiness.

With the highest respect and mosttender affection, I have the honour tobe.

LORD CARLISLE TO M. DELAFAYETTE.

Sir, I have received your letter by M. deGimat; I own it appears to me difficultto make a serious answer to it; the onlyone that can be expected from me inmy capacity of commissioner of theking, and which is one you should haveforeseen, is, that I look upon myself,and shall always look upon myself, asnot obliged to be responsible to anyindividual for my public conduct andmode of expression. I am onlyresponsible to my king and country. In

respect to the opinions or expressionscontained in one of the publicdocuments published by the authorityof the commission to which I have thehonour of belonging, unless theyshould be publicly retracted, you mayfeel certain that, whatever change maytake place in my situation, I shall neverbe disposed to give any account ofthem, still less to disown them privately.I must recall to you that the insult youallude to as occurring in thecorrespondence between the king'scommissioners and the congress is notof a private nature. I think, therefore,that all national disputes will be bestdecided when Admiral Biron andCount d'Estaing shall have met.


(ORIGINAL.)


SIR, I have received your excellency'sobliging letter, enclosing the severalresolutions congress have honoured mewith, and the leave of absence theyhave been pleased to grant. Nothingcan make me happier than thereflection that my services have metwith their approbation; the glorious

testimonial of confidence andsatisfaction repeatedly bestowed on meby the representatives of America,though superior to my merit, cannotexceed the grateful sentiments they haveexcited. I consider the noble presentoffered to me in the name of theUnited States as the most flatteringhonour; it is my most fervent desiresoon to employ that sword in theirservice against the common enemy ofmy country, and of their faithful andbeloved allies.

That liberty, safety, wealth, and concordmay ever extend to the United States, isthe ardent wish of a heart glowing witha devoted zeal and unbounded love,

and the highest regard and the mostsincere affection for theirrepresentatives. Be pleased, Sir, topresent my thanks to them, and toaccept, yourself, the assurance of myrespectful attachment. I have thehonour to be, with profoundveneration, your excellency's mostobedient servant,

LAFAYETTE.

FRAGMENT OF A LETTER FROMTHE FRENCH MINISTER, M.GERARD, TO COUNT DEVERGENNES.

October, 1778.

I ought not to terminate this longdespatch, without rendering to thewisdom and dexterity of the Marquisde Lafayette, in the part he has taken inthese discussions, the justice which isdue to his merits. He has given mostsalutary counsels, authorized by hisfriendship and experience. TheAmericans have strongly solicited hisreturn with the troops which the kingmay send. He has replied with a duesensibility, but with an entireresignation to the will of the king. Icannot forbear saying, that the conduct,equally prudent, courageous, and

amiable, of the Marquis de Lafayette,has made him the idol of the congress,the army, and the people of America. Ahigh opinion is entertained of hismilitary talents. You know how little Iam inclined to adulation; but I shouldbe wanting in justice, if I did nottransmit to you these testimonials,which are here in the mouth of thewhole world.


(ORIGINAL.)

Philadelphia, 29th December, 1778.

MY DEAR MARQUIS, This will beaccompanied by a letter from congress,which will inform you, that a certainexpedition, after a full consideration ofall circumstances, has been laid aside. Iam sorry, however, for the delay it hasoccasioned you, by remaining so longundecided.

I am persuaded, my dear marquis, thatthere is no need of fresh proofs toconvince you either of my affection foryou personally, or of the high opinion Ientertain of your military talents andmerits. Yet, as you are on the point of

returning to your native country, Icannot forbear indulging my friendship,by adding to the honourabletestimonies you have received fromcongress, the enclosed letter frommyself to our minister at your court. Ihave therein endeavoured to give himan idea of the value this country setsupon you; and the interest I take inyour happiness cannot but make medesire you may be equally dear to yourown. Adieu, my dear marquis; my bestwishes will ever attend you. May youhave a safe and agreeable passage, and ahappy meeting with your lady andfriends. I ate, &c.

FROM GENERAL WASHINGTONTO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN,AMERICAN MINISTER INFRANCE.

(ORIGINAL)

Philadelphia, 28th December, 1788

SIR, The Marquis de Lafayette, havingserved with distinction as major-generalin the army of the United States fortwo campaigns, has been determined,by the prospect of a European war, toreturn to his native country. It is withpleasure that I embrace the opportunityof introducing to your personal

acquaintance a gentleman, whose meritcannot have left him unknown to youby reputation. The generous motiveswhich first induced him to cross theAtlantic; the tribute which he paid togallantry at the Brandywine; his successin Jersey, before he had recovered fromhis wound, in an affair where hecommanded militia against Britishgrenadiers; the brilliant retreat, bywhich he eluded a combinedmanoeuvre of the British forces in thelast campaign; his services in theenterprise against Rhode Island; aresuch proofs of his zeal, military order,and talents, as have endeared him toAmerica, and must greatly recommendhim to his prince.

Coming with so many titles to claimyour esteem, it were needless, for anyother purpose than to indulge my ownfeelings, to add, that I have a veryparticular friendship for him; and that,whatever services you may have it inyour power to render him, will conferan obligation on one who has thehonour to be with the greatest esteem,regard, and respect, sir, &c.


(ORIGINAL.)

Boston, 5th January, 1779.

DEAR GENERAL, In my difficultsituation, at such a distance from you, Iam obliged to take a determination bymyself, which, I hope, will meet withyour approbation. You remember, thatin making full allowance fordeliberations, the answer from congresswas to reach me before the 15th of lastmonth, and I have long since waitedwithout even hearing from them. Nay,many gentlemen from Philadelphiaassure me, congress believe that I amgone long ago. Though my affairs callme home, private interests would,however, induce me to wait for yourexcellency's letters, for the decision of

congress about an exchange in case Ishould be taken, and for the lastdeterminations concerning the plans ofthe next campaign.

But I think the importance of thedespatches I am the bearer of; theuncertainty and improbability ofreceiving any others here; my givingintelligence at Versailles may be for theadvantage of both nations; theinconvenience of detaining the finefrigate, on board which I return, andthe danger of losing all the men, whodesert very fast, are reasons soimportant as oblige me not to delay anylonger. I am the more of that opinionfrom congress having resolved to send

about this time three fast sailing vesselsto France, and the marine committeehaving promised me to give thedespatches to such officers as I wouldrecommend; it is a very good way offorwarding their letters, and sendingsuch as your excellency may be pleasedto write me. I beg you will send copiesof them by the several vessels.

To hear from you, my most respectedfriend, will be the greatest happiness Ican feel. The longer the letters youwrite, the more blessed with satisfactionI shall think myself. I hope you will notrefuse me that pleasure as often as youcan. I hope you will ever preserve thataffection which I return by the

tenderest sentiments.

How happy, my dear general, I shouldbe to come next spring, principally, as itmight yet be proposed, I need not tosay. Your first letter will let me knowwhat I am to depend upon on thathead, and, I flatter myself, the first fromme will confirm to you that I am atliberty, and that most certainly I intendto come next campaign.

My health is now in the best condition,and I would not remember I ever wassick, were it not for the marks offriendship you gave me on thatoccasion. My good doctor has attendedme with his usual care and tenderness.

He will see me on board and thenreturn to head-quarters; but the chargeof your friend was intrusted to him tillI was on board the frigate. I have metwith the most kind hospitality in thiscity, and, drinking water excepted, thedoctor has done everything he could tolive happy; he dances and sings at theassemblies most charmingly.

The gentlemen who, I hope, will go toFrance, have orders to go to head-quarters; and I flatter myself, my deargeneral, that you will write me by them.I beg you will let the bearer of this,Captain la Colombe, know that Irecommend him to your excellency forthe commission of major.

Be so kind, my dear general, as topresent my best respects to your ladyand the gentlemen of your family. Ihope you will quietly enjoy the pleasureof being with Mrs. Washington,without any disturbance from theenemy, till I join you again; I also hopeyou will approve of my sailing, which,indeed, was urged by necessity, afterwaiting so long.

Farewell, my most beloved general; it isnot without emotion, I bid you this lastadieu, before so long a separation.Don't forget an absent friend, andbelieve me for ever and ever, with thehighest respect and tenderest affection.

On board the Alliance, 10th January,1779.

I open again my letter, my dear general,to let you know that I am not yet gone,but if the wind proves fair, I shall sailto-morrow. Nothing from Philadelphia;nothing from head-quarters. So thateverybody, as well as myself, is ofopinion that I should be wrong to waitany longer. I hope I am right, and Ihope to hear soon from you. Adieu, mydear, and for ever beloved friend, adieu!


(ORIGINAL.)

On board the Alliance, off Boston, 11thJan., 1779

The sails are just going to be hoisted,my dear general, and I have but time totake my last leave of you. I may now becertain that congress did not intend tosend anything more by me. The navyboard and Mr. Nevil write me this verymorning from Boston, that the NorthRiver is passable; that a gentleman fromcamp says, he did not hear of anythinglike an express for me. All agree forcertain that congress think I am gone,and that the sooner I go the better.

Farewell, my dear general; I hope yourFrench friend will ever be dear to you; Ihope I shall soon see you again, and tellyou myself with what emotion I nowleave the coast you inhabit, and withwhat affection and respect I am forever, my dear general, your respectfuland sincere friend.

* * * * *

SECOND VOYAGE TO AMERICA,

AND

CAMPAIGNS OF 1780 & 1781.

HISTORICAL MEMOIRS OR 1779,1780, & 1781.~[1]

Lafayette, who quitted France as a rebeland fugitive, returned there triumphantand in favour. He was scarcelypunished by a week's arrest for hisdisobedience to the King, and that wasonly after he had had a conversationwith the first minister, Maurepas.Lafayette found himself the connectinglink between the United States andFrance; he enjoyed the confidence ofboth countries and both governments.His favour at court and in society wasemployed in serving the cause of the

Americans, in destroying the falseimpressions that were endeavoured tobe raised against them, and in obtainingfor them succours of every kind. Heexperienced, however, many difficulties;the friends of the Austrian alliance saw,with displeasure, that that war wouldcause the refusal of the forty thousandauxiliaries stipulated by the treaty ofVienna; the French ministry alreadyfeared the too great aggrandisement ofthe United States, and decidedly refusedthe conquest of Canada, on pretencethat before a fourteenth state wasadded to those that had alreadydeclared themselves independent, it wasnecessary first to deliver the thirteenfrom the yoke of the English. M.

Neckar feared everything that couldeither increase the expense of the waror prolong it. Maurepas himself, whohad been reluctantly led into it, wascompletely weary of it; he hoped toobtain peace by making an attempt onEngland. Lafayette, taking advantage ofthis idea, had organized an expedition,in which the celebrated Paul Jones wasto command the marines, and of whichthe object was to transport a body oftroops, bearing the American banner,upon the coast of England, and levycontributions to supply the Americanswith the money that could not bedrawn from the treasury of France.Liverpool and some other towns wouldhave been justly punished for the part

they had taken in the vexationsexercised against the colonies, to whomthey were indebted for their prosperity;but the economy and timidity of theFrench ministers made this undertakingfail. Lafayette, despairing of the successof the Canada expedition, took a stepthat was undoubtedly a bold one, butwhich was quite justified by the issue.He had been enjoined not to ask forFrench auxiliary troops for the UnitedStates, because the popular feeling ofjealousy against foreigners, andespecially against Frenchmen, not onlyrendered the congress itself averse tothis project, but made them believe itwould excite general anxiety anddiscontent. Lafayette foresaw that

before the succour could be ready, theUnited States would feel its necessity,and that it might arrive, as did actuallyoccur, in a decisive moment for thesafety of the cause. He took, therefore,upon himself, not being able to obtaintroops for Canada, to solicit, in thename of the congress, what he hadbeen positively forbidden to ask, asuccour of auxiliary troops sent to aport of the United States, and he madechoice of that of Rhode Island which,having been evacuated by the English,and being in an Island suitable fordefence, was more likely than any otherto obviate all kinds of difficulties. Heobtained the promise of six thousandmen, but four thousand only were

afterwards sent, under CountRochambeau: however trifling thatnumber might appear, Lafayette knewthat, by employing young officers ofthe court, and drawing the attention ofthe French upon that little corps, theministers would sooner or later beobliged to render it of use by obtaininga decided naval superiority upon theAmerican coast, which was Lafayette'sprincipal object, and which it was verydifficult to obtain, owing to other plansof operation; in fact, that navalsuperiority was never established until1781, and then lasted but for a fewweeks: events have since proved howright Lafayette was to speak every dayof its necessity. The corps which had

been granted were not in readiness tosail until the beginning of the year1780. Lafayette in the meantime wasemployed in the staff of the armywhich was preparing for a descent onEngland, under the orders of theMarshal de Vaux. It was then that Dr.Franklin's grandson presented himofficially with the sword that congresshad decreed to him. Upon that swordwere represented Monmouth, BarrenHill, Gloucester, and Rhode Island;America, delivered from her chains, wasoffering a branch of laurel to ayouthful warrior; the same warrior wasrepresented inflicting a mortal woundupon the British lion. Franklin hadplaced in another part an ingenious

device for America; it was a crescent,with these words: Crescam ut prosim; onthe other side was the device, Cur nonwhich the youth himself had adoptedwhen he first set out for America.

Lafayette, at the end of the campaign,renewed his efforts to obtain thefulfilment of the hopes which hadbeen given him; he succeeded ingaining pecuniary succours, which wereplaced at the disposal of GeneralWashington, for it was upon thatgeneral that reposed the wholeconfidence of the government, and thehopes of the French nation. Clothingfor the army had been promised also,but that remained behind with the two

thousand men which were to havecompleted the corps of Rochambeau;and Admiral Ternay, instead ofbringing, as he ought to have done, astronger naval force than the enemyhad brought, set sail for Rhode Islandwith seven vessels. This expedition waskept very secret;~[2] Lafayette hadpreceded it on board the French frigatethe Hermione; he arrived at Bostonbefore the Americans and English hadthe least knowledge of that auxiliaryreinforcement.

(1780.) The arrival of Lafayette atBoston produced the liveliest sensation,which was entirely owing to his ownpopularity, for no one yet knew what he

had obtained for the United States.Every person ran to the shore; he wasreceived with the loudest acclamations,and carried in triumph to the house ofGovernor Hancock, from whence heset out for head-quarters. Washingtonlearnt, with great emotion, of thearrival of his young friend. It wasobserved that on receiving the despatchwhich announced to him this event, hiseyes filled with tears of joy, and thosewho are acquainted with thedisposition of Washington, willconsider this as a certain proof of atruly paternal love. Lafayette waswelcomed with the greatest joy by thearmy; he was beloved both by officersand soldiers, and felt the sincerest

affection for them in return. After thefirst pleasure of their meeting was over,General Washington and he retired intoa private room to talk over the presentstate of affairs. The situation of thearmy was a very bad one; it was in wantof money, and it was become almostimpossible to raise recruits; in short,some event was necessary to restore theenergy of the different states, and givethe army an opportunity of displayingits vigour. It was then that Lafayetteannounced to the commander-in- chiefwhat had been done, and the succourswhich might soon be expected to arrive.General Washington felt theimportance of this good news, andconsidered it as deciding the successful

issue of their affairs. All the necessarypreparations were made: the secret waswell kept, although steps were obligedto be taken for the arrival of the troops,who landed safely at Rhode Island, andwho, in spite of their long inaction,formed a necessary and powerful forceto oppose to the English army.

During the campaign of 1780, theFrench corps remained at RhodeIsland. After the defeat of Gates,Greene went to command in Carolina;Arnold was placed at West Point; theprincipal army, under the immediateorders of Washington, had for its frontguard the light infantry of Lafayette, towhich was joined the corps of the

excellent partisan, Colonel Lee. This isthe proper time to speak of that lightinfantry. The American troops had nogrenadiers; their chasseurs, or riflemen,formed a distinct regiment, under theorders of the colonel, since Brigadier-General Morgan, and had been taken,not from different corps, but fromparts of the country on the frontiers ofthe savage tribes, and from amongstmen whose mode of life, and skill infiring their long carabines, renderedthem peculiarly useful in that service.But the regiments of the line suppliedsome chosen men, whose officers werealso all picked men, and who formed aselect band of about two thousand,under the orders of Lafayette. The

mutual attachment of that corps and itshead had become even a proverb inAmerica. As a traveller brings fromdistant countries presents to his familyand friends, he had brought fromFrance the value of a large sum ofmoney in ornaments for the soldiers,swords for the officers and underofficers, and banners~[3] for thebattalions. This troop of chosen men,well exercised and disciplined, althoughbadly clothed, were easily recognised bytheir red and black plumes, and had anexcellent and a very pleasingappearance. But, except the few thingswhich M. de Lafayette himselfsupplied, none of the things Francehad promised to send arrived: the

money she lent proved, however, ofessential service to the army.

During that year, a conference tookplace at Hartford, in Connecticut,between the French generals andGeneral Washington, accompanied byGeneral Lafayette and General Knox;they resolved to send the AmericanColonel Laurens, charged to solicit newsuccours, and above all, a superiority offorce in the navy. On their return fromthis conference, the conspiracy ofArnold was discovered. GeneralWashington would still have found thatgeneral in his quarters; if chance, orrather the desire of showing Lafayettethe fort of West Point, constructed

during his absence, had not inducedhim to repair thither before proceedingto Robinson's house, in which GeneralArnold then resided.~[4]

It is impossible to express too muchrespect or too deep regret for MajorAndr. The fourteen general officerswho had the painful task of Historianshave rendered a detailed account of thetreachery of Arnold. When, at his ownrequest, the command of West Pointwas confided to him, he urged GeneralWashington to inform him what meansof information he possessed at NewYork. He made the same request toLafayette, who accidentally had severalupon his own account, and to the other

officers who commanded near theenemy's lines. All these generalsfortunately considered themselvesbound by the promise of secrecy theyhad made, especially as several of thecorrespondents acted from a feeling ofpatriotism only. If Arnold hadsucceeded in discovering them, thoseunfortunate persons would have beenruined, and all means ofcommunication cut off.

Arnold was very near receiving theletter of Lieutenant-Colonel Jamesonin the presence of the commander-in-chief: he had turned aside, withLafayette and Knox, to look at aredoubt; Hamilton pronouncing his

sentence, the commander-in-chief, andthe whole American army; were filledwith sentiments of admiration andcompassion for him. The conduct ofthe English in a preceding circumstancehad been far from, being similar.Captain Hale, of Connecticut, adistinguished young man, beloved byhis family and friends, had been takenon Long Island, under circumstancesof the same kind as those thatoccasioned the death of Major Andr;but, instead of being treated with thelike respect, to which Major Andrhimself bore testimony, Captain Halewas insulted to the last moment of hislife. "This is a fine death for a soldier!"said one of the English officers who

were surrounding the cart of execution."Sir," replied Hale lifting up his cap,"there is no death which would not berendered noble in such a gloriouscause." He calmly replaced his cap, andthe fatal cart moving on, he died withthe most perfect composure.

During the winter, there was a revolt inthe Pennsylvanian line. Lafayette was atPhiladelphia; the congress, and theexecutive power of the state, knowinghis influence over the troops, inducedhim to proceed thither with GeneralSaint Clair. They were received by thetroops with marked respect, and theylistened to their complaints, which werebut too well grounded. General Wayne

was in the midst of them, and hadundertaken a negotiation in concertwith the state of Pennsylvania.Lafayette had only, therefore, to repairto head quarters. The discontent of thePennsylvanians was appeased by themeasures of conciliation which hadbeen already begun; but the same kindof revolt in a Jersey brigade wassuppressed with more vigour by thegeneral-in-chief, who, setting out withsome battalions of Lafayette's lightinfantry, brought the mutineers toreason, and the generals, no longerrestrained by the interference of thecivil authority, re-establishedimmediately that military disciplinewhich was on the point of being lost.~

[6]

(1781.) General Arnold was atPortsmouth in Virginia; Washingtonformed the project of combining withthe French to attack him, and take thegarrison. Lafayette set out from thehead quarters with twelve hundred ofthe light infantry; he pretended to makean attack on Staten Island, andmarching rapidly by Philadelphia toHead-of-Elk, he embarked with hismen in some small boats, and arrivedsafely at Annapolis. He set out fromthence in a canoe, with some officers,and, in spite of the English frigates thatwere stationed in the bay, he repaired toWilliamsburg, to assemble the militia,

whilst his detachment was still waitingfor the escort which the French were tosend him. Lafayette had alreadyblockaded Portsmouth, and drivenback the enemy's picquets, when theissue of the combat between AdmiralArbuthnot and M. Destouches, thecommander of the French squadron,left the English complete masters ofthe Chesapeake. Lafayette could onlythen return to Annapolis, to re-conducthis detachment to the camp. He foundhimself blockaded by small Englishfrigates, which were much tooconsiderable in point of force for hisboats; but having placed cannon onsome merchant ships, and embarkedtroops in them, he, by that manoeuvre,

made the English frigates retreat, andtaking advantage of a favourable wind,he reached with his men the Head-of-Elk, where he received some veryimportant despatches from GeneralWashington: The enemy's plan ofcampaign was just at that time becomeknown: Virginia was to be its object.General Phillips had left New Yorkwith a corps of troops to reinforceArnold. The general wrote to Lafayetteto go to the succour of Virginia. Thetask was not an easy one; the menwhom he commanded had engagedthemselves for a short expedition: theybelonged to the northern states, whichstill retained strong prejudices as to theunhealthiness of the southern states;

they had neither shirts nor shoes. SomeBaltimore merchants lent Lafayette, onhis bill, two thousand guineas, whichsufficed to buy some linen. The ladiesof Baltimore, whom he met with at aball given in his honour when hepassed through the town, undertook tomake the shirts themselves. The youngmen of the same city formedthemselves into a company ofvolunteer dragoons. His corps werebeginning to desert. Lafayette issued anorder, declaring that he was setting outfor a difficult and dangerousexpedition; that he hoped that thesoldiers would not abandon him, butthat whoever wished to go away mightdo so instantly; and he sent away two

soldiers who had just been punishedfor some serious offences. From thathour all desertions ceased, and not oneman would leave him: this feeling wasso strong, that an under officer, whowas prevented by a diseased leg fromfollowing the detachment, hired, at hisown expense, a cart, rather thanseparate from it. This anecdote ishonourable to the American troops,and deserves to become publiclyknown.

Lafayette had conceived that the capitalof Virginia would be the principalobject of the enemy's attack. Richmondwas filled with magazines; its pillagewould have proved fatal to the cause.

Lafayette marched thither with suchrapidity, that when General Phillips,arriving before Richmond, learnt thatLafayette had arrived there the nightbefore, he would not believe it. Havingascertained, however, the truth of thereport, he dared not attack the heightsof Richmond. Lafayette had a convoyto send to the southern states; hereconnoitred Petersburg carefully. Thisthreatened attack assembled theEnglish, and whilst the removing ofcannon, and other preparations for anassault, amused them, the convoy wassent off rapidly with the munition andclothes which General Greene required.After the death of General Phillips,who died that same day, Arnold wrote,

by a flag of truce, to Lafayette, whorefused to receive his letter. He sent forthe English officer, and, with manyexpressions of respect for the Britisharmy, told him that he could notconsent to hold any correspondencewith its present general. This refusalgave great pleasure to GeneralWashington and the public, and placedArnold in an awkward situation withhis own army.

Lord Cornwallis, on entering Virginiaby Carolina, got rid of all his equipage,and did the same also respecting theheavy baggage of the army under hisorders. Lafayette placed himself underthe same regimen, and, during the

whole of that campaign, the two armiesslept without any shelter, and onlycarried absolute necessaries with them.Upon that active and decisive conflictthe issue of the war was to depend; forif the English, who bore all the forceof the campaign on that point, becamemasters of Virginia, not only the armyof Lafayette, but also that of Greene,who drew from thence all his resources,and not only Virginia, but all the statessouth of the Chesapeake, wouldinevitably be lost. Thus the letters ofthe commander-in-chief, whilst tellingLafayette that he did not deceivehimself as to the difficulties of theundertaking, merely requested him toprolong as much as possible the

defence of the state. The result was farmore successful than any person haddared to hope, at a period when all eyesand all thoughts were directed towardsthat one decisive point.

The military scene in Virginia was soonto become more interesting. GeneralGreene had marched to the right, toattack the posts of South Carolina,whilst Lord Cornwallis was in NorthCarolina. Cornwallis allowed him todepart, and, marching also to the right,burnt his own equipage and tents, to beenabled to remove more easily; he thenadvanced rapidly towards Petersburg,and made Virginia the principal seat ofwar. General Washington wrote to

Lafayette that he could send him noother reinforcement than eight hundredof the mutinous Pennsylvanians, whohad been formed again into a corps onthe side of Lancaster. Lord Cornwallishad obtained, and generally by the aidof negroes, the best horses in Virginia.His Tarleton front guard, mounted onrace horses, stopped, like birds of prey,all they met with. The active corps ofCornwallis was composed of morethan four thousand men, of whicheight hundred were supplied withhorses. The command was divided inthe following manner: GeneralRochambeau remained at Rhode Islandwith his French corps; Washingtoncommanded in person the American

troops before New York; hesummoned, some time after, the corpsof Rochambeau to join him. ThatFrench lieutenant-general was under hisorders the same as the American major-generals, for when Lafayette asked forthe succour of troops, he took care tostipulate, in the most positive manner,that it was to be placed entirely underWashington's orders. The Americanswere to have the right side; theAmerican officer, when rank and agewere equal, was to command theFrench officer. Lafayette had wished togive the rising republic all theadvantages and all the consequence ofthe greatest and longest establishedpowers. Washington had sent, the

preceding year, General Greene tocommand in the southern states;Virginia was nominally comprised inthat command, and had not yet becomethe theatre of war, but the distancebetween the operations of Carolinaand those of Virginia was so great, andthe communications were so difficult,that it was impossible for Greene todirect what was passing in Virginia.Lafayette took, therefore, the chiefcommand, corresponding in a directmanner with General Washington, andoccasionally with the congress. But hewished that Greene should retain histitle of supremacy, and he only sent tothe head quarters copies of GeneralGreene's letters, who was his intimate

friend, in the same way that both heand Greene had always been on themost intimate footing with GeneralWashington. During the whole of thiscampaign the most perfect harmonyalways subsisted between the generals,and contributed much to the successof the enterprise.

Lafayette, after having saved themagazines of Richmond, hastened tohave them evacuated; he had taken hisstation at Osborn, and wrote toGeneral Washington that he wouldremain there, as long as his weakestpoint, which was the left, should not bethreatened with an attack. LordCornwallis did not fail soon to perceive

the weakness of that point, andLafayette retreated with his little corps,which, including recruits and themilitia, did not exceed two thousandfive hundred men. The richest youngmen of Virginia and Maryland hadcome to join him as volunteerdragoons, and from their intelligence,as well as from the superiority of theirhorses, they had been of essentialservice to him. The Americans retreatedin such a manner that the front guardof the enemy arrived on the spot just asthey had quitted it, and, withoutrunning any risk themselves, theyretarded as much as possible itsprogress. Wayne was advancing withthe reinforcement of Pennsylvanians.

Lafayette made all his calculations so asto be able to effect a junction with thatcorps, without being prevented fromcovering the military magazines of thesouthern states, which were at the footof the mountains on the height ofFluvana. But the Pennsylvanians haddelayed their movements, and Lafayettewas thus obliged to make a choice. Hewent to rejoin his reinforcement atRaccoon-Ford, and hastened, by forcedmarches, to come into contact withLord Cornwallis, who had had time tomake one detachment at Charlottesville,and another at the James River Fork.The first had dispersed the Virginianassembly; the second had done nomaterial injury; but the principal blow

was to be struck: Lord Cornwallis wasestablished in a good position, withinone march of the magazines, whenLafayette arrived close to him on a roadleading towards those magazines. It wasnecessary for him to pass before theEnglish army, presenting them hisflank, and exposing himself to a certaindefeat: he fortunately found out ashorter road which had remained for along time undiscovered, which herepaired during the night; and the nextday, to the great surprise of the Englishgeneral, he was established in animpregnable station, between theEnglish and the magazines, whose lossmust have occasioned that of thewhole southern army, of whom they

were the sole resource; for there was aroad behind the mountains that theEnglish never intercepted, and bywhich the wants of General Greene'sarmy were supplied. Lord Cornwallis,when he commenced the pursuit ofLafayette, had written a letter, whichwas intercepted, in which he made useof this expression: The boy cannot escapeme. He flattered himself withterminating, by that one blow, the warin the whole southern part of theUnited States, for it would have beeneasy for him afterwards to takepossession of Baltimore, and marchtowards Philadelphia. He beheld in thismanner the failure of the principal partof his plan, and retreated towards

Richmond, whilst Lafayette, who hadbeen joined in his new station by acorps of riflemen, as well as by somemilitia, received notice beforehand toproceed forward on a certain day, andfollowed, step by step, the Englishgeneral, without, however, risking anengagement with a force so superior tohis own. His corps gradually increased.Lord Cornwallis thought proper toevacuate Richmond; Lafayette followedhim, and ordered Colonel Butler toattack his rear guard near Williamsburg.Some manoeuvre took place on thatside, of which the principal object onLafayette's part was, to convince LordCornwallis that his force was moreconsiderable than it was in reality. The

English evacuated Williamsburg, andpassed over James River to JamesIsland. A warm action took placebetween the English army and theadvance guard, whom Lafayette hadordered to the attack whilst they werecrossing the river. Lord Cornwallis hadstationed the first troops on the otherside, to give the appearance as if thegreatest number of the troops hadalready passed over the river. Althoughall were unanimous in asserting thatthis was the case, Lafayette himselfsuspected the deception, and quittedhis detachment to make observationsupon a tongue of land, from whencehe could more easily view the passageof the enemy. During that time, a piece

of cannon, exposed, doubtless,intentionally, tempted General Wayne, abrave and very enterprising officer.

Lafayette found, on his return, theadvance guard engaged in action with avery superior force; he withdrew it,however (after a short but extremelywarm conflict), in good order, andwithout receiving a check. The reportwas spread that he had had a horsekilled under him, but it was merely theone that was led by his side.~[7]

The English army pursued its route toPortsmouth; it then returned by waterto take its station at Yorktown andGloucester, upon the York River. A

garrison still remained at Portsmouth.Lafayette made some demonstrationsof attack, and that garrison uniteditself to the body of the army atYorktown.

Lafayette was extremely desirous thatthe English army should unite at thatvery spot. Such had been the aim of allhis movements, ever since a slightincrease of force had permitted him tothink of any other thing than ofretiring without being destroyed and ofsaving the magazines. He knew that aFrench fleet was to arrive from theislands upon the American coast. Hisprincipal object had been to force LordCornwallis to withdraw towards the

sea-shore, and then entangle him insuch a manner in the rivers, that thereshould remain no possibility of aretreat. The English, on the contrary,fancied themselves in a very goodposition, as they were possessors of asea-port by which they could receivesuccours from New York, andcommunicate with the different partsof the coast. An accidental, but a veryfortunate circumstance, increased theirsecurity. Whilst Lafayette, full of hope,was writing to General Washington thathe foresaw he could push LordCornwallis into a situation in which itwould be easy for him, with someassistance from the navy, to cut off hisretreat, the general, who had always

thought that Lafayette would be veryfortunate if he could save Virginiawithout being cut up himself, spoke tohim of his project of attack againstNew York, granting him permission tocome and take part in it, if he wished it,but representing how useful it was tothe Virginian army that he shouldremain at its head. The two letterspassed each other; the one written byLafayette arrived safely, and Washingtonprepared beforehand to take advantageof the situation of Lord Cornwallis.Gen. Washington's letter wasintercepted, and the English, uponseeing that confidentialcommunication, never doubted for amoment but the real intention of the

Americans was to attack New York:their own security at Yorktown wastherefore complete.~[8]

The Count de Grasse, however, arrivedwith a naval force, and three thousandtroops~[9] for the land service. He wasmet at the landing place of Cape Henryby Colonel Gimat, a Frenchman bybirth, commander of the Americanbattalion, who was charged withdespatches from Lafayette; whichexplained fully to the admiral his ownmilitary position, and that of theenemy, and conjured him to sailimmediately into the Chesapeake; todrive the frigates into the James River,that the passage might be kept clear; to

blockade the York River; to send twovessels above the position of LordCornwallis, before the batteries on thewater-side, at Yorktown and Gloucestercould be put in a proper state. TheCount de Grasse adhered to theseproposals, with the exception of notforcing the batteries with two vessels,which manoeuvre would have made theblockade of Cornwallis by the landtroops still more easy of achievement.The Marquis de St. Simon landed withthree thousand men at James Island.Lafayette assembled a small corps in thecounty of Gloucester, led, himself, theAmerican forces on Williamsburg,where he was met by the corps of theMarquis de St. Simon, who came to

range themselves under his orders, sothat Lord Cornwallis found himselfsuddenly, as if by enchantment,blockaded both by sea and land. Thecombined army, under the orders ofLafayette, was placed in an excellentsituation at Williamsburg. It wasimpossible to arrive there except by twodifficult and well-defended passages.Lord Cornwallis presented himselfbefore them in the hope of escaping,by making a forcible attack; but havingascertained the impossibility of forcingthem, he only occupied himself withfinishing speedily the fortifications ofYorktown; his hopes, however,declined, when the Count de Grasse,having only left the ships necessary for

the blockade, and having gone out ofthe harbour to attack Admiral Graves,forced the English to retire, andreturned to his former station in thebay. The French admiral was, however,impatient to return to the islands; hewished that Yorktown should be takenby force of arms. The Marquis de St.Simon was of the same opinion; theyboth represented strongly to Lafayettethat it was just, after such a long,fatiguing, and fortunate campaign, thatthe glory of making Cornwallis laydown his arms should belong to himwho had reduced him to that situation.The admiral offered to send to theattack not only the garrisons from theships, but all the sailors he should ask

for. Lafayette was deaf to this proposal,and answered, that General Washingtonand the corps of General Rochambeauwould soon arrive, and that it was farbetter to hasten their movements thanact without them; and, by making amurderous attack, shed a great deal ofblood from a feeling of vanity and aselfish love of glory; that they werecertain, after the arrival of the succours,of taking the hostile army by a regularattack, and thus spare the lives of thesoldiers; which a good general oughtalways to respect as much as possible,especially in a country where it was sodifficult to obtain others to replacethose who fell. General Washingtonand Count Rochambeau were the first

to arrive; they were soon followed bytheir troops; but, at the same moment,the Admiral de Grasse wrote word thathe was obliged to return to the islands.The whole expedition seemed on thepoint of failing, and GeneralWashington begged Lafayette to go onboard the admiral's ship in the bay, andendeavour to persuade him to changehis mind: he succeeded, and the siegeof Yorktown was begun. The Count deRochambeau commanded the French,including the corps of St. Simon; theAmericans were divided in two parts;one, under Major-general Lincoln, whohad come from the north with sometroops; the other, under GeneralLafayette, who had been joined by two

more battalions of light infantry, underthe orders of Colonel Hamilton. Itbecame necessary to attack tworedoubts. One of these attacks wasconfided to the Baron de Viomenil, theother to General Lafayette. The formerhad expressed, in a somewhat boastingmanner, the idea he had of thesuperiority of the French in an attackof that kind; Lafayette, a little offended,answered, "We are but young soldiers,and we have but one sort of tactic onsuch occasions, which is, to dischargeour muskets, and push on straight withour bayonets." He led on the Americantroops, of whom he gave the commandto Colonel Hamilton, with the ColonelsLaurens and Gimat under him. The

American troops took the redoubt withthe bayonet. As the firing was stillcontinued on the French side, Lafayettesent an aide-de-camp to the Baron deViomenil, to ask whether he did notrequire some succour from theAmericans;~[10] but the French werenot long in taking possession also ofthe other redoubt, and that successdecided soon after the capitulation ofLord Cornwallis, (19th October, 1781.)Nor must the mention of an action beomitted here which was honourable tothe humanity of the Americans. TheEnglish had disgraced themselvesseveral times, and again recently at NewLondon, by the murder of someimprisoned garrisons. The detachment

of Colonel Hamilton did not for aninstant make an ill use of their victory;as soon as the enemy deposed theirarms, they no longer received theslightest injury. Colonel Hamiltondistinguished himself very much inthat attack.~[11]

Lord Cornwallis had demanded, in thecapitulation, the permission ofmarching out with drums beating andcolours flying; the Count deRochambeau and the French officerswere of opinion that this request oughtto be granted; the American generalsdid not oppose this idea; Lafayette,recollecting that the same enemy hadrequired General Lincoln, at the

capitulation of Charlestown, to furl theAmerican colours and not to play anEnglish march, insisted strongly onusing the same measures with them inretaliation, and obtained that these twoprecise conditions should be insertedin the capitulation. Lord Cornwallis didnot himself file out with thedetachment. The Generals, Washington,Rochambeau, and Lafayette, sent topresent him their compliments by theiraides-de-camp. He retained Lafayette'saide-de-camp, young GeorgeWashington, and told him that havingmade this long campaign againstGeneral Lafayette, he wished, from thevalue he annexed to that general'sesteem, to give him a private account of

the motives which had obliged him tosurrender. He told him several thingswhich have since been found in hisdiscussion with General Clinton.Lafayette went the next day to see him."I know," said Lord Cornwallis, "yourhumanity towards prisoners, and Irecommend my poor army to you."This recommendation was made in atone which implied that in Lafayettealone he felt real confidence, andplaced but little in the Americans.Lafayette therefore replied, "You know,my lord, that the Americans havealways been humane towardsimprisoned armies;" in allusion to thetaking of General Burgoyne atSaratoga.~[12] The English army was

in fact treated with every possible markof attention.

Although the French troops held inevery respect the place of auxiliarytroops, yet the Americans alwaysyielded them every preference in theirpower relating to food or any othercomfort. It is a singular circumstancethat when the troops of the~[13] theyoung general, although a Frenchman,took upon himself to order that noflour should be delivered to theAmerican troops until the French hadreceived their full provision for threedays. The Americans had thereforeseldom any thing but the flour ofIndian corn. He gave the horses of the

gentlemen of that country to theFrench hussars, and the superiorofficers themselves were obliged to giveup theirs: yet not one murmur escapedas to that preference, which theAmericans felt ought to be shewn toforeigners who came from such adistance to fight in their cause.~[14]

The news of the capture of Yorktownwas carried to France by a Frenchfrigate, who made the voyage ineighteen days. The English were throwninto consternation at that news, whichoccasioned the downfall of theministry of Lord North. It was felt inLondon, as in the rest of all Europe,that the decisive check the English had

received, had completely settled thefinal issue of the conflict, and fromthat period nothing was thought of butto acknowledge the independence ofthe United States on favourable termsfor Great Britain.

Generals Washington and Lafayettewished to take advantage of thesuperiority of the Count de Grasse inorder to attack Charlestown, and theEnglish who remained in the southernstates. Lafayette was to take his lightinfantry, as well as the corps of St.Simon, and land on the Charlestownside, to co-operate with GeneralGreene, who still commanded inCarolina. It is evident that this project

would have been successful. It hassince become known that LordCornwallis, when he saw Lafayetteenter into a canoe to go on board thefleet of the Count de Grasse, said tosome English officers, "He is going todecide the loss of Charlestown." Butthe admiral refused obstinately to makeany operation upon the coast of NorthAmerica.~[15]

General Lafayette afterwards repaired tocongress. To him, who was then butfour-and-twenty, the happy issue ofthat campaign was as flattering asuccess as it had been decisive to theAmerican cause. He received theinstructions of congress, in relation to

the affairs of the United States inEurope; and embarked at Boston in thefrigate the Alliance. He reached France intwenty-three days. The reception he metwith, and the credit he enjoyed both atcourt and in society were constantlyand usefully employed in the service ofthe cause he had embraced.

Footnotes:

1. These Memoirs are extracted fromthe American Biography of M. deLafayette, written by himself, which wehave designated under the name ofManuscript, No. 1. We have completedthem by extracts of Manuscript, No. 2,which contains observations on the

historians of America.

2. It was settled that that corps of sixthousand men, commanded byLieutenant-General Rochambeau, wasto be completely under the orders ofthe American commander-in-chief, andwas only to form a division of hisarmy. The order of service wasregulated in such a manner that theFrench were only to be looked upon asauxiliaries, keeping the left of theAmerican troops, and the commandbelonging, when there was equality, ofrank and age, to the American officers.In a word, the advantages to be derivedby the government, the general, and theAmerican soldiers, were stipulated

beforehand in such a manner as toprevent all future discussions.(Manuscript, No. 2.)

3. Upon one of these banners a cannonwas painted, with this device: Ultimaratio, suppressing the word regum, whichis used in Europe; upon another, acrown of laurel united to a civic crown,with the device No other. And thus withthe other emblems. (Note de M. deLafayette.)

4. West Point, a fort on a tongue ofland which advances upon the Hudson,and governs its whole navigation, issuch an important position that it iscalled by an historian the Gibraltar of

America. Arnold had been entrustedwith its command, and his treachery, ifit had proved successful, and been evenattended with no other result but thatof yielding up this fort to the enemy,would have inflicted a deadly woundupon the cause of the United States.He had entered, during eighteenmonths, into a secret relation with SirHenry Clinton, who confided thewhole charge of that affair to an aide-de-camp, Major Andr. Arnold failed atan appointment for the first interviewwith Andr the 11th September, atDobb's Ferry. A second one wasproposed on board the sloop of warthe Vulture, which Clinton sent for thatpurpose, on the 16th, to Teller's Point,

about fifteen or twenty miles belowWest Point. General Washington, whowas repairing, with M. de Lafayette, tothe Hartford conference, crossed theHudson the 18th, and saw Arnold,who shewed him a letter from ColonelRobinson, on board the Vulture, whichstated that that officer requested arendezvous with him to converse uponsome private affairs. Washington toldhim to refuse the rendezvous. Arnoldthen made arrangements for a privateinterview. Major Andr quitted NewYork, came on board the sloop, andfrom thence proceeded, with a falsepassport, to Long Clove, where he sawArnold, the night of the 21st. Theyseparated the next morning. Andr, on

his return to New York, was taken atTarry Town, by three of the militia, andconducted to the post of North Castle,commanded by Lieutenant-ColonelJameson, who gave notice of this event,on the 23d, to his superior officer,General Arnold. The latter received theletter on the 25th, the same day onwhich he expected General Washingtonon his return from Hartford. He fledimmediately; a few minutes after thegeneral-in-chief arrived, and hereceived, only four hours later, thedespatches which apprised him of theplot (Washington's, Writings, vol. vii.Appendix No. 7.) and Mac-Henry,lieutenant-colonels, the one aid-de-camp to Washington, the other to

Lafayette, had gone on before torequest Mrs. Arnold not to waitbreakfast for them. They were stillthere, and Arnold with them, when hereceived the note: he turned pale,retired to his own room, and sent forhis wife, who fainted. In that state heleft her, without any one perceiving it:he did not return into the drawingroom, but got upon his aide-de-camp'shorse, which was ready saddled at thedoor, and desiring him to inform thegeneral that he would wait for him atWest Point, hurried to the bank of theriver, got into his canoe, and was rowedto the Vulture. The general, when helearnt on his arrival that Arnold was atWest Point, fancied that he had gone to

prepare for his reception there, andwithout entering into the house,stepped into a boat with the twogenerals who accompanied him. Whenthey arrived at the opposite shore, theywere astonished at finding they werenot expected: the mystery was onlyexplained on their return, because thedespatches of Lieutenant-ColonelJameson had arrived in the interim.

An historian has spoken of thegenerosity with. which Mrs. Arnold wastreated. It is, in truth, highlyhonourable to the American characterthat, during the first effervescence ofindignation against her husband, shewas able to go to Philadelphia, take her

effects, and proceed with a flag of truceto New York, without meeting with theslightest insult. The same historian (Mr.Marshall) might have added that, thevery evening of Arnold's evasion, thegeneral, having received from him avery insolent letter, dated on board theVulture, ordered one of his aides-de-camp to tell Mrs. Arnold, who was inan agony of terror, that he had doneeverything he could to seize herhusband, but that, not having been ableto do so, he felt pleasure in informingher that her husband was safe.~[5]

5. General Arnold is the only Americanofficer who ever thought of makinguse of his command to increase the

fortune. The disinterestedness of thosesoldiers, during a period of revolution,which facilitates abuses, forms asingular contrast with the reproach ofavidity that other governments, whohave not shown the same moderationthemselves, have thought proper tomake against the citizens of the UnitedStates. The generals and Americanofficers have almost all of them foughtat their own expense; the affairs ofmany of them have been ruined bytheir absence. Those who hadprofessions lost the power ofexercising them. It has been proved, byaccounts exacted in France duringtimes of terror and proscription, thatLafayette had spent in the service of

the American revolution, independentof his income, more than sevenhundred thousand francs of his capital.The conduct of Washington was evenmore simple, and according to ouropinion, more praiseworthy: he wouldneither accept the profit of emolument,nor the pride of sacrifice; he was paidfor all necessary expenses, and, withoutincreasing his fortune, only lessened it,from the injury it unavoidably receivedfrom his absence. Whilst all theAmerican officers conductedthemselves with the most patrioticdisinterestedness, and all thepretensions of the army were satisfiedwith the compensation of seven yearspay, we can only quote the single

example of the traitor Arnold, whoendeavoured to draw the slightestpecuniary advantage fromcircumstances. Some grants of landshave been made by the southern statesto Generals Greene and Wayne, andColonel Washington, but only since therevolution. The shares of the Potomac,given also since the revolution toGeneral Washington, were left by himin his will for the foundation of acollege: in a word, we may affirm, thatdelicacy and disinterestedness havebeen universal in the American army.(Note of M. de Lafayette.)

6. The writings of that period give anaccount of the revolt of the soldiers of

Pennsvlvania; the complaints of mostof them were well founded. WhenGeneral Saint Clair, Lafayette, andLaurens, repairing from Philadelphia tohead quarters, stopped at Princetown,as they had been desired to do by thecouncil of state of Pennsylvania, theyfound a negotiation begun by GeneralWayne, and Colonels Stewart andButler, who were all three muchbeloved by the Pennsylvanian soldiers;committees arrived from the congressand state, to arrange the affair, not in amilitary, but in a civil manner: theyremained but a few hours atPrincetown, and the business was soonsettled in the same manner in which itwas commenced. But when the soldiers

of the Jersey line wished to imitate therevolt of the Pennsylvanians, GeneralWashington stifled it in its birth byvigorous measures. But it should beadded that the sufferings anddisappointments of that brave andvirtuous army were sufficient to wearythe patience of any human being: theconduct of the continental troops,during the revolution, has been, intruth, most admirable.

7. Mr. Marshall relates the affair ofJamestown. There were no militiapresent, except the riflemen, who wereplaced in advance in the wood. Theythrew down successively threecommandants of the advance post,

placed there by Cornwallis, that whatwas passing behind might not be seen.This obstinacy in covering the positionexcited the suspicion of Lafayette, inspite of the unanimous opinion that arear guard was alone remaining there.As soon as he saw, from the projectingtongue of land, that those who hadcrossed over were placed in such amanner as to appear numerous, hereturned with all possible haste; butGeneral Wayne had yielded to thetemptation. He fortunately perceivedhis error, and being a good and braveofficer, came forward with muchgallantry; fortunately, also, Lafayettehad only placed the Pennsylvanians inadvance, and had left the light infantry

in a situation to offer them someassistance. The first half of hiscontinental troops retired upon theother half, and the whole were placedin such a manner that Lord Cornwallisfeared an ambuscade, and the more so,observes Mr. Marshall, as he had alwaysbeen deceived as to the real force ofLafayette's army. (Manuscript, No. 2.)

8. James Moody rendered an ill serviceto those who employed him, by seizingthe letter-bag in the Jerseys. Among theletters, those in which GeneralWashington informed Lafayette of theproject respecting New York, containedfriendly and confidentialcommunications, written in the

General's own hand, which could notleave the slightest doubt in any person'smind: they may be found in thepublications of the Generals Clintonand Cornwallis, which contain alsoLafayette's intercepted letters. But theenemy did not take those in whichGeneral Lafayette gave an account toGeneral Washington of hismanoeuvres, of his hopes, and of allthat determined the commander-in-chief to adopt the project on Virginia,nor Washington's answers to that effect;so that when the combined troopsmade their first march towards thesouth, General Clinton still remaineddeceived, owing to the singular chanceof the capture of the letter-bag by

Moody. (Manuscript, No. 2.)

9. The entreaties of Count deRochambeau contributed muchtowards persuading the Count deGrasse to bring his whole fleet, to landthere the three thousand two hundredmen, who joined, on their arrival, thearmy of Lafayette, and to repairimmediately to Cape Henry, in Virginia.This is one more obligation which thecommon cause of the allies owes toGeneral Rochambeau, who, from histalents, experience, moderation, and hissubordination to the general-in-chief,respect for the civil power, andmaintenance of discipline, proved thatthe King of France had made an

excellent choice for the command ofthe auxiliary corps sent to the UnitedStates. (Note of M. de Lafayette.)

10. The French were much struck onthis occasion by the extreme coolnessof one of the officers whom Lafayettesent to the Baron de Viomenil, from asecret feeling of pleasure, perhaps, inmarking how much the presentcomparison stood in favour of theAmerican troops. However this mightbe, Major Barber received a contusionin his side, but would not allow hiswound to be dressed until he hadexecuted his commission. (Manuscript,No. 2.)

11. The humanity of the Americansoldiers in that assault has been attestedby all historians. The following lettermust be quoted:

TO THE EDITOR OF THEEVENING POST.

New York, August 10, 1802.

Sir, Finding that a story, long sincepropagated, under circumstances whichit was expected would soon consign itto oblivion, (and by which I have beencomplimented at the expense ofGenerals Washington and Lafayette,)has of late been revived, and hasacquired a degree of importance by

being repeated in different publications,as well in Europe as America, itbecomes a duty to counteract itscurrency and influence by an explicitdisavowal.

The story imports, in substance, thatGeneral Lafayette, with the approbationor connivance of General Washington,ordered me, as the officer who was tocommand the attack on a Britishredoubt, in the course of the siege ofYorktown, to put to death all those ofthe enemy who should happen to betaken in the redoubt, and that, throughmotives of humanity, I forbore toexecute the order.

Positively, and unequivocally, I declare,that no such order or similar order, wasever by me received, or understood tohave been given, nor any intimation orhint resembling it.

It is needless to enter into anexplanation of some occurrences onthe occasion alluded to, which may beconjectured to have given rise to thecalumny. It is enough to say, that theywere entirely disconnected with any actof either of the generals who havebeen accused.

With esteem, I am, sir, your mostobedient servant,

A. HAMILTON.

The circumstance alluded to in thisletter has been related in the Life ofHamilton, published by his son. Ashort time before the taking ofYorktown, a Colonel Scammell,surprised by the English whilstreconnoitring, had been taken prisonerand dangerously wounded. When theredoubt was taken, and ColonelCampbell, who commanded, advancedto give himself up, a captain, who hadserved under Scammell, seized abayonet, and was on the point ofstriking him; Hamilton turned aside theblow, and Campbell exclaimed, "I placemyself under your protection," and was

made prisoner by Laurens. (The Life ofA. Hamilton, vol. i., chap. 14.)

12. Lord Cornwallis affected beingindisposed, in order that he might notmarch out at the head of his troops:they passed between two rows of theAmerican and French army,commanded by General O'Hara, andsurrendered their arms at the order ofGeneral Lincoln. Each of the generals,Washington, Rochambeau, andLafayette, sent as aide-de-camp to offertheir compliments to Lord Cornwallis.He retained Lafayette's aide-de-camp,Major Washington, the nephew ofGeneral Washington, to tell him howanxious he was that the general against

whom he had made this campaignshould be convinced that he onlysurrendered from the impossibility ofdefending himself any longer. TheAmerican, French, and English generalsvisited each other, and everythingpassed with every possible mark ofattention, especially towards LordCornwallis, one of the most estimablemen of England, who was consideredtheir best general. O'Hara having saidone day, at table, to the French generals,affecting not to wish to be overheardby Lafayette, that he considered it asfortunate not to have been taken by theAmericans alone, "General O'Hara,probably," replied Lafayette, "does notlike repetitions." He had, in, fact, been

taken with Burgoyne, and has sincebeen taken for the third time at Toulon.(Manuscript, No. 2.)

13. Marqius de St. Simon joined thoseof Lafayette.

14. See at the end of the volume aprecise account of this whole campaignin Virginia, edited by M. de Lafayette(Part, No. 1.)

15. General Lafayette was to have takentwo thousand Americans and St.Simon's corps, who, landing nearCharlestown, on the sea side, and co-operating with the troops of GeneralGreene, would have secured the capture

of the capital of Carolina, and of allthe English who were remaining southof New York. Lowering their demands,they then requested that Lafayetteshould take the five thousand men whowere at Wilmington, and who were somuch struck by the dangers they hadencountered, that they did not retainthat post. At length, they contentedthemselves with asking the admiral toconduct General Wayne and hisdetachment, which were sent toreinforce Greene's army. He would notdo so. It has also since become known,that when Lafayette, returning from hislast visit to the admiral, landed atYorktown, Lord Cornwallis, who wasstill there, said to his officers, "I lay a

bet that he has been makingarrangements for our ruin atCharlestown." The Englishacknowledged that the expeditioncould not fail; but the Count de Grassedid not think he ought to lose moretime upon the North American coast,before returning to the defence of theWest Indies. (Manuscript, No. 2.)

CORRESPONDENCE.

1779-1781.

TO COUNT DE VERGENNES~[1]

Paris, 24th February, 1779.

SIR, A desire to render an exactobedience to the orders of the king,impels me to take the liberty ofimportuning you to let me know whatis my duty. The prohibition which theMarshal de Noailles has put upon me,makes no exception as to one, whom Ido not think, nevertheless, I should beforbidden to visit. Dr. Franklin was tohave met me at Versailles this morning,if I had been there, to communicate tome some affairs of importance, as hesaid. I have informed him of the causethat detained me at Paris; but I did notthink I ought to refuse an interview,which might not be wholly useless to

the king's interests. He is coming to-morrow morning, and I trust you willadd to your kindnesses that ofdirecting me how to conduct myself inthis matter.

Suffer me, sir, to inform you that I haveheard many persons speak of anexpedition, somewhat resembling theone proposed by congress. I flattermyself I am too well known by you tohave it suspected of me, that any tie ofkindred or friendship could make meforget the profound secrecy which isdue to affairs of state. I have added tonature some acquired skill in thisparticular. My sole reason formentioning the subject, therefore, is to

add, that the indiscretion of some ofthe members of congress, and thenumber of officers returning fromAmerica, will always spread rumours,which it will be impossible to suppress.Truth cannot remain hidden but bybeing buried in a mass of false reports.Hence, caution is necessary in order topreserve our secrets from all theinconveniences to which they aresubject in America, both from the formof the government and from thecharacter of some of those at the headof affairs. I have the honour to be, withprofound respect, &c.

Footnote:

1. During this period of three years, wedo not find, as in the preceding years, agreat number of family letters andthose of friendship. We have insertedall those we have been able to discover.In amends, more than two hundredpolitical, diplomatic, or military letters,are in our hands. We do not publish athird of them, although there are fewthat would not be interesting to thehistorian of the American revolution.We again repeat, that all the letters toAmericans, or from Americans, werewritten originally in English.

ROM GENERAL WASHINGTON

TO THE MARQUIS DELAFAYETTE.~[1]

(ORIGINAL.)

Camp, at Middlebrook, 8th March,1779.

My Dear Marquis, I am mortifiedexceedingly, that my letter fromPhiladelphia, with the severalenclosures, did not reach Boston beforeyour departure, from that port. It waswritten as soon as congress had cometo a decision upon the several matters,which became the subject of thepresident's letter to you, and wascommitted for conveyance to the

messenger, who was charged with hisdespatches to that place.

Monsieur la Colombe did me thehonour of delivering to me yourfavours, and will probably be the bearerof my thanks for the affectionatemanner in which you have expressedyour sentiments in your last adieu, thanwhich nothing can be more flatteringand pleasing; nor is there anythingmore wished for by me, thanopportunities of giving substantialproofs of the sincerity of myattachment and affection.

Nothing of importance has happenedsince you left us, except the enemy's

invasion at Georgia, and possession ofits capital; which, though it may addsomething to their supplies, on thescore of provisions, will contributevery little to the brilliancy of their arms,for, like the defenceless island of St.Lucia, it only required the appearanceof force to effect the conquest of it, asthe whole militia of the state did notexceed twelve hundred men, and manyof them disaffected. General Lincoln isassembling a force to dispossess them,and my only fear is, that he willprecipitate the attempt before he is fullyprepared for the execution. In NewYork and at Rhode Island, the enemycontinued quiet till the 25th ultimo,when an attempt was made by them to

surprise the post at Elizabethtown; butfailing therein, and finding themselvesclosely pressed, and in danger fromdetachments advancing towards themfrom this army, they retreatedprecipitately through a marsh, waist-deep in mud, after abandoning all theirplunder; but not before they had,according to their wonted custom, setfire to two or three houses. Theregiment of Anspach, and some othertroops, are brought from Rhode Islandto New York.

We are happy in the repeated assurancesand proofs of the friendship of ourgreat and good ally, whom we hopeand trust, ere this, may be congratulated

on the birth of a prince, and on the joywhich the nation must derive from aninstance of royal felicity. We also flatterourselves, that before this period thekings of Spain and the two Sicilies maybe greeted as allies of the United States;and we are not a little pleased to find,from good authority, that thesolicitations and offers of the Court ofGreat Britain to the Empress of Russiahave been rejected; nor are we to bedispleased, that overtures from the cityof Amsterdam, for entering into acommercial connexion with us, havebeen made in such open and pointedterms. Such favourable sentiments, inso many powerful princes and states,cannot but be considered in a very

honourable, interesting, and pleasingpoint of view, by all those who havestruggled with difficulties andmisfortunes to maintain the rights, andsecure the liberties, of their country.But, notwithstanding these flatteringappearances, the British King and hisministers continue to threaten us withwar and desolation. A few months,however, must decide whether these orpeace is to take place. For both we willprepare; and, should the former becontinued, I shall not despair ofsharing fresh toils and dangers with youin America; but if the latter succeeds, Ican entertain little hopes, that the ruralamusements of an infant world, or thecontracted stage of an American

theatre, can withdraw your attentionand services from the gaieties of acourt, and the active part you will morethan probably be called upon to sharein the administration of yourgovernment. The soldier will then betransformed into the statesman, andyour employment in this new walk oflife will afford you no time to revisitthis continent, or think of friends wholament your absence.

The American troops are again in huts;but in a more agreeable and fertilecountry, than they were in last winter atValley Forge; and they are better cladand more healthy, than they have everbeen since the formation of the army.

Mrs. Washington is now with me, andmakes a cordial tender of her regardsto you; and if those of strangers can beoffered with propriety, and will beacceptable, we respectively wish to havethem conveyed to your amiable lady.We hope and trust, that your passagehas been short, agreeable, and safe, andthat you are as happy as the smiles of agracious Prince, beloved wife, warmfriends, and high expectations, canmake you. I have now complied withyour request in writing you a long letter,and I shall only add, that, with thepurest sentiments of attachment, andthe warmest friendship and regard, Iam, my dear Marquis, your mostaffectionate and obliged, &c.

P. S. Harrison and Meade are inVirginia. All the other officers of mystaff unite most cordially in offeringyou their sincere compliments.

10th March, 1779. I have this momentreceived the letters which were in thehands of Major Nevill, accompanyingyours of the 7th and 11th of January.The Major himself has not yet arrivedat head quarters, being, as I am told,very sick. I must again thank you, mydear friend, for the numeroussentiments of affection which breatheso conspicuously in your last farewell,and to assure you that I shall alwaysretain a warm and grateful

remembrance of it. Major Nevill shallhave my consent to repair to France, ifhis health permits it, and if thesanction of congress can be obtained,to whom all applications of officers forleave to go out of the United States arereferred.

Footnote:

1. We believe this letter never reachedM. de Lafayette.

TO M. DE VERGENNES.

Paris, April 1st, 1779.

Sir, From what M. de Sartine said tome, I requested M. de Chaumontyesterday to send for Captain Jones, andalthough the place of his presentresidence be unknown, our messengerwill do all that can be done to bringhim immediately to us. I gave him anurgent letter for Jones, and as Dr.Franklin was not at home, I left onealso for him, in which I expressed ourdesire to see the captain, rather as if toconsult him, than as if we had formedany definite project. The time I passedwith M. de Chaumont enabled me todiscover what I shall now have thehonour of relating to you.~[1]

The armament of the Bonhomme Richard(the vessel of fifty guns) goes on asslowly as possible. The refusal tosupply what is wanted, especially guns,from the king's magazines, will retardthe expedition for a whole month,because it will be the same for all theother ships. The only way to obviatethis delay, would be to charge one manwith the whole armament, and to sendhim to the ports with orders to get allthat was necessary.

I have discovered that Jones had a littleplan for an enterprise formed under thedirection of M. Garnier, and in whichM. de Chaumont has taken part. Themanner in which M. de Sartine brought

him to us, was by making M. deChaumont a half confidant, (the mostdangerous of all things, because it givesinformation without binding tosecrecy,) and I think it would be nowbetter to communicate the secret of thearmament without betraying that of theexpedition, and desire him to employall his activity in completing it. Theother person need not, in that case, takeany part in it, and according to theorders received from M. de Sartine, itappeared to me, from what M. deChaumont said, that the BonhommeRichard, and other vessels, if required,might be in readiness before theexpiration of three weeks.

I intend to have the honour of payingmy respects to you after dinner onSaturday. If you approve of my idea,M. de Chaumont, or any other personyou may prefer, might be summoned atthe same time; for by the ordinarymethod this business will never beachieved. I hope that, in, consequenceof my aversion to delays in militaryaffairs, you will pardon the importunitywhich my confidence in you hasinspired, in favour of a project ofwhich you feel the importance.

I have the honour to be, with the mostsincere respect and affection, &c.

Permit me to confide to you, also,

under the same secrecy, my fears thatorders have not yet been sent to all theports.

Footnote:

1. In the previous recital a few wordshave been said relating to thisarmament. Two frigates, bearing theAmerican colours, were to have beenplaced under the orders of Paul Jones,and M. de Lafayette was to commandthe small army intended to descendunexpectedly upon the western coastof England, and to ransack Bristol,Liverpool, and other commercial towns,for the advantage of the Americanfinances. But this expedition was soon

considered below the position in whichM. de Lafayette was placed, and wasabandoned for the plan of a descent onEngland, which was to be executed bythe combined forces of France andSpain. The slowness of the latter poweroccasioned, at a later period, the failureof the project; and the only result itproduced was Paul Jones's expedition,and the conflict between the BonhommeRichard and the Serapis. See farther onthe first letters to congress and toWashington. In a collection ofFranklin's private letters, there is alsofound a letter relating to this affair, andthe note written by M. de Lafayette toPaul Jones when the expedition wasabandoned. (A Collection of the Familiar

Letters and Miscellaneous Papers of B.Franklin, Boston, 1833. Washington'swritings, Vol. vi., Appendix viii.)

TO M. DE VERGENNES.

Paris, April 26th, 1779.

Sir, Allow me the honour of proposingto you a plan, the success of which,uncertain as it now is, will dependperhaps upon your approbation. Asyour means of attack or defencedepend on our maritime force, would itnot be doing a service to the commoncause to increase for a time that of our

allies To purchase vessels would be tooexpensive for a nation so destitute ofmoney; it would answer all purposes tohire them, and would enable, us tomake such diversions, or to undertakesuch operations, as might be deemednecessary.

Do you not think, sir, if the King ofSweden would lend to America fourships of the line, with the half of theircrews, and the United States wouldengage to return them within a yearupon certain conditions, that the stepwould be advantageous for us Thevessels might come to us under theSwedish flag. France need not beimplicated at all. We could supply them

in part, provide them with officers inblue, and send them out under theAmerican flag. It would only benecessary to know, whether Francewould engage to be responsible for thesum requisite for the hire, and wouldhelp to complete the equipment. Evenif the first part should meet withobstacles, the government might pledgeitself only in case it should exceed myfortune.

I have not as yet spoken to Dr. Franklinabout the scheme, but I have soundedthe Swedish ambassador on the subject,much to my satisfaction; he asked mefor a letter, directed to him, whichmight be sent to his king; and since I

saw that this important project mightresult in something advantageous, I wasconstrained to confide it to you, andask your opinion. The Swedishambassador states that the vessels maybe here in two months and a half;consequently, including the rest of thefleet, the whole might be at sea in themonth of August; and arrive at RhodeIsland, Bermuda, or somewhere else inAmerica, in the month of October,which would be a good season.

It will be necessary for Dr. Franklin tosend a trustworthy man, or, what wouldbe better, for you to send one, uponwhom he might depend. The proposedengagement requires some promise,

and especially some hopes, ofcommerce, that would diminish theexpense which must be incurred.Inform me, sir, I pray you, whether thislittle romantic scheme offers anydifficulties, and whether I am toprosecute or resign my proposition.

I am, &c.

If, whilst we are arranging thenegotiation with Sweden, thecontributions of England should yieldus anything, I might then recal to yourattention a favourite project of mine.

TO THE PRESIDENT OFCONGRESS.

(ORIGINAL.)

St. Jean d'Angely, near Rochfort, June12, 1779.

Sir, How happy I shall think myselfwhenever a safe opportunity of writingto congress is offered, I cannot in anyway better express than in remindingthem of that unbounded affection andgratitude which I shall ever feel forthem. So deeply are those sentimentsengraven on my heart, that I every daylament the distance which separates mefrom them, and that nothing was ever

so warmly and passionately wished for,as to return again to that country ofwhich I shall ever consider myself as acitizen; there is no pleasure to beenjoyed which could equal this, offinding myself among that free andliberal nation, by whose affection andconfidence I am so highly honoured; tofight again with those brother soldiersof mine to whom I am so muchindebted. But congress knows thatformer plans have been altered bythemselves, that others have beenthought impossible, as they were askedtoo late in the year.~[1]

I will therefore make use of the leaveof absence they were pleased to grant

me, and serve the common causeamong my countrymen, their allies,until happy circumstances may conductme to the American shores, in such away as would make that return moreuseful to the United States. The affairsof America I shall ever look upon asany first business whilst I am inEurope. Any confidence from the kingand ministers, any popularity I mayhave among my own countrymen, anymeans in my power, shall be, to the bestof my skill, and till the end of my life,exerted in behalf of an interest I haveso much at heart. What I have hithertodone or said relating to America, Ithink needless to mention, as my ardentzeal for her is, I hope, well known to

congress; but I wish to let them knowthat if, in my proposals, and in myrepeated urgent representation forgetting ships, money, and support ofany kind, I have not always found theministry so much in earnest as I wasmyself, they only opposed to me naturalfears of inconveniences which mightarise to both countries, or theconviction that such a thing wasimpossible for the present; but I nevercould question their good will towardsAmerica. If congress believe that myinfluence may serve them, in any way, Ibeg they will direct such orders to me,that I may the more certainly andproperly employ the knowledge I haveof this court and country for obtaining

a success in which my heart is so muchinterested.

His excellency, Doctor Franklin, will,no doubt, inform you, sir, of thesituation of Europe, and the respectivestate of our affairs. The Chevalier de laLuzerne will also add thereto theintelligence which will be intrusted tohim at the time of his departure. By thedoctor you will learn what has beensaid or thought on account of finances.Germany, Prussia, Turkey, and Russia,have made such a peace as the Frenchhave desired. All the northernkingdoms, the Dutch themselves, seemrather disgusted with English pride andvexations; they put themselves in a

situation to protect their trade of everykind with France. Irish intelligence youwill be fully and particularly acquaintedof. What concerns Spain will also belaid before you; so that I have nothingto add but to tell you that our affairsseem going very fast towards a speedyand honourable end. England is nowmaking her last effort, and I hope that agreat stroke will, before long, abatetheir fantastic, swollen appearance, andshew the narrow bounds of their actualpower.

Since we have taken Senegal I don'tknow of any military event which I canmention. There has been a privateeringexpedition against Jersey Island, which

has been stopped by the difficulty ofgetting ashore. That little attempt, madeby some few private volunteers,England honoured with the name of apublic French expedition, and veryunwisely employed there AdmiralArbuthnot, which will interpose a greatdelay to his reported departure.Congress will hear of an expeditionagainst our friends of Liverpool andother parts of the English coast; toshow there French troops underAmerican colours, which on accountof raising contributions, my concernfor American finances had at lengthbrought into my head. But the plan wasafterwards reduced to so small a scalethat they thought the command would

not suit me, and the expedition itselfhas been delayed until more importantoperations take place. There I hope tobe employed, and if anythingimportant should be the matter, I shall,as a faithful American officer, give anaccurate account thereof to congressand General Washington.

The so flattering affection whichcongress and the American nation arepleased to honour me with, makes mevery desirous of letting them know, if Idare speak so friendly, how I enjoyedmy private situation. Happy, in the sightof my friends and family, after I was, byyour attentive goodness, safely broughtagain to my native shore, I met there

with such an honourable reception,with such kind sentiments, as by farexceeded any wishes I durst haveconceived; I am indebted for thatinexpressible satisfaction which thegood will of my countrymen towardsme affords to my heart, to their ardentlove for America, to the cause offreedom and its defenders, their newallies, and to the idea they entertain thatI have had the happiness to serve theUnited States. To these motives, sir, andto the letter congress was pleased towrite on my account, I owe the manyfavours the king has conferred uponme; there was no time lost inappointing me to the command of hisown regiment of dragoons, and every

thing he could have done, every thing Icould have wished, I have received onaccount of your kindrecommendations.

I have been some days in this smalltown, near Rochefort harbour, where Ihave joined the king's regiment, andwhere other troops are stationed whichI for the moment command; but I hopeto leave this place before long, in orderto play a more active part and comenearer the common enemy. Before mydeparture from Paris I sent to theminister of foreign affairs, (who, by thebye; is one of our best friends,)intelligence concerning a loan inHolland, which I want France to make

or answer for in behalf of America;but I have not yet heard any thing onthat head. M. le Chevalier de la Luzernewill give you more explicit and freshernews, as he is particularly ordered to doso, and he sets out directly fromVersailles. That new ministerplenipotentiary I beg leave torecommend most earnestly to congress,not only as a public man, but also as aprivate gentleman. From theacquaintance I have made with him, Iconceive he is a sensible, modest, well-meaning man; a man truly worthy ofenjoying the spectacle of Americanfreedom. I hope that by his goodqualities and his talents, he will obtainboth public confidence and private

friendship.

Wherever the interests of belovedfriends are seriously concerned, candidand warm affection knows not how tocalculate, and throws away allconsiderations. I will frankly tell you,sir, that nothing can more effectuallyhurt our interests, consequence, andreputation, in Europe, than to hear ofdisputes or divisions between thewhigs. Nothing could urge my touchingupon this delicate matter but theunhappy experience of every day onthat head, since I can hear, myself, whatis said on this side of the Atlantic, andthe arguments I have to combat with.

Let me, sir, finish this long letter, bybegging you will present once more tothe congress of the United States, thetribute of an unbounded zeal andaffection, of the highest respect andmost sincere gratitude, with which Ishall be animated, till the last momentof my life.

With the most, &c.

Footnote:

1. This relates to the project of anexpedition to Canada, and other plansof the same kind.


(ORIGINAL.)

St. Jean d'Angly, near Rochefortharbour, June 12,1779.

My Dear General, Here is at length asafe opportunity of writing to you, andI may tell you what sincere concern Ifeel at our separation. There never wasa friend, my dear general, so much, sotenderly beloved, as I love and respectyou: happy in our union, in thepleasure of living near to you, in thepleasing satisfaction of partaking everysentiment of your heart, every event of

your life, I have taken such a habit ofbeing inseparable from you, that Icannot now accustom myself to yourabsence, and I am more and moreafflicted at that enormous distancewhich keeps me so far from my dearestfriend. I am the more concerned at thisparticular time, my dear general, as Ithink the campaign is opened, you arein the field, and I ardently wish I mightbe near you; and, if possible, contributeto your success and glory. Forgive mefor what I am going to say, but I cannothelp reminding you that a commander-in-chief should never expose himselftoo much; that in case GeneralWashington was killed, nay, evenseriously wounded, there is no officer

in the army who could fill his place,every battle would most certainly belost, and the American army, theAmerican cause itself, would, perhaps,be entirely ruined.

Inclosed I send your excellency a copyof my letter to congress, in which youwill find such intelligence as I was ableto give them. The Chevalier de laLuzerne intends going to congress bypassing through head quarters. Ipromised I would introduce him toyour excellency, and I have requestedhim to let you know of any news hemay have been entrusted with. Such aconversation will better acquaint youthan the longest letter. The ministry

told me they would let him know thetrue state of affairs before hisdeparture. By what you will hear, mydear general, you will see that ouraffairs take a good turn, and I hopeEngland will receive a good strokebefore the end of the campaign.Besides the good dispositions of Spain,Ireland is a good deal tired of Englishtyranny. I, in confidence, tell you that thescheme of my heart would be to makeher as free and independent as America.I have formed some private relationsthere. God grant that we may succeed,and the era of freedom at length arrivefor the happiness of mankind. I shallknow more about Ireland in a fewweeks, and then I will immediately

communicate with your excellency. Asto congress, my dear general, it is toonumerous a body for one safely tounbosom oneself, as with one's bestfriend.

In referring you to M. le Chevalier de laLuzerne, for what concerns the publicnews of this time, the present situationof affairs, and the designs of ourministry, I will only speak to yourexcellency about that great article,money. It gave me much trouble, and Iinsisted upon it so much, that thedirector of finances looks upon me as adevil. France has met great expenseslately; those Spaniards will not givetheir dollars easily. However, Dr.

Franklin has got some money to paythe bills of congress, and I hope I shalldetermine them to greater sacrifices.Serving America, my dear general, is tomy heart an inexpressible happiness.

There is another point for which youshould employ all your influence andpopularity. For God's sake prevent theirloudly disputing together. Nothinghurts so much the interest andreputation of America, as to hear oftheir intestine quarrels. On the otherhand there are two parties in France:MM. Adams and Lee on one part,Doctor Franklin and his friends on theother. So great is the concern whichthese divisions give me, that I cannot

wait on these, gentlemen as much as Icould wish, for fear of occasioningdisputes and bringing them to a greatercollision. That, my dear general, Iintrust to your friendship, but I couldnot help touching upon that string inmy letter to congress. Since I leftAmerica, my dear General, not a singleline has arrived from you;~[1] this Iattribute to winds, accidents, anddeficiency of opportunities for I dareflatter myself General Washingtonwould not lose that of making hisfriend happy. In the name of that veryfriendship, my dear general, never missany opportunity of letting me knowhow you do. I cannot express to youhow uneasy I feel on account of your

health, and the dangers you are,perhaps at this moment, exposingyourself to. These you may possiblylaugh at, and call womanlikeconsiderations; but so, my dear friend, Ifeel, and I never could conceal thesentiments of my heart.

I don't know what has become ofColonel Nevill and the Chevalier de laColombe. I beg you will make someinquiries respecting them, and do everything in your power for their speedyexchange, in case they have been taken.Inclosed I send you a small note forMr. Nevill. Give me leave torecommend to your excellency our newplenipotentiary minister, who seems to

me extremely well calculated fordeserving general esteem and affection.

I know, my dear general, you wish tohear something about my privateaffairs: these I give an account of tocongress, and shall only add that I amhere as happy as possible. My family,my friends, my countrymen, made mesuch a reception, and shewed me everyday such an affection, as I should nothave dared to hope. I have been forsome days in this place, where there isthe king's own regiment of dragoons,which I command, and some regimentsof infantry, which are, for the present,under my orders; but I hope soon tobegin a more active life, and in

consequence thereof my return to Parisis, I believe, very near at hand; fromthence I shall get employed in whatevermay be done against the commonenemy. What I wish, my dear general,what would make me the happiest ofmen, is to join again American colours,or to put under your orders a divisionof four or five thousand countrymenof mine. In case any such co-operationor private expedition should be desired,I think (if peace is not settled thiswinter) that an early demand might becomplied with for the next campaign.

Our ministry is rather slow in theiroperations, and have a great propensityfor peace, provided it be an honourable

one, so that I think America must shewherself in good earnest for war till suchconditions are obtained. Americanindependence is a certain, undoubtedpoint, but I wish to see thatindependence acknowledged withadvantageous conditions. This, my deargeneral, is between us; as for whatconcerns the good will of the king, ofthe ministers, of the public, towardsAmerica, I, an American citizen, amfully satisfied with it; and I am sure thealliance and friendship between bothnations will be established in such away as will last for ever.

Be so kind, my dear general, as topresent my best respects to your lady,

and tell her how happy I should feel topresent them myself to her at her ownhouse. I have a wife, my dear general,who is in love with you, and heraffection for you seems to me to be sowell justified that I cannot opposemyself to that sentiment of hers. Shebegs you will receive her complimentsand make them acceptable to Mrs.Washington. I hope, my dear general,you will come to see us in Europe, andmost certainly I give you my word thatif I am not happy enough to be sent toAmerica before the peace, I shall by allmeans go there as soon as I can escape.I must not forget to tell you, my dearfriend, that I have the hope of beingsoon once more a father.

All Europe wants to see you so much,my dear general, that you cannot refusethem that pleasure. I have boldlyaffirmed that you will pay me a visitafter the peace is settled, so that if youdeny me, you will hurt your friend'sreputation throughout the world.

I beg you will present my bestcompliments to your family, andremind them of my tender affection forthem all. Be so kind, also, to present mycompliments to the general officers, toall the officers of the army, to everyone, from the first major-general to thelast soldier.

I most earnestly entreat you, my deargeneral, to let me hear from you. Writeme how you do, how things are goingon. The minutest detail will be infinitelyinteresting to me. Don't forget anythingconcerning yourself, and be certain thatany little event or observationconcerning you, however trifling it mayappear, will have my warmest attentionand interest. Adieu, my dear general, Icannot lay down the pen, and I enjoythe greatest pleasure in scribbling youthis long letter. Don't forget me, mydear general; be ever as affectionate tome as you have been; these sentiments Ideserve from the ardent ones which fillmy heart. With the highest respect, withthe most sincere and tender friendship

that ever human heart has felt, I havethe honour to be, &c.

For God's sake write me frequent andlong letters, and speak chiefly aboutyourself and your privatecircumstances.

St. Jean, d'Angly, 13th June, 1779.

I Have just received, my dear general,an express from court, with orders torepair immediately to Versailles. There Iam to meet M. le Comte de Vaux,Lieutenant-General, who is appointedto, the command of the troopsintended for an expedition. In thatarmy I shall be employed in the capacity

of aide-marchal-gnral des logis, whichis, in our service, a very important andagreeable place; so that I shall serve inthe most pleasing manner, and shall bein a situation to know everything andto render services. The necessity ofsetting off immediately prevents mywriting to General Greene, to thegentlemen of your family, and otherfriends of mine in the army, whom Ibeg to accept my excuses on account ofthis order, which I did not expect sosoon. Everything that happens youshall most certainly be acquainted of byme, and I will for the moment finishmy letter in assuring your excellencyagain of my profound respect andtenderest friendship. Farewell, my dear

general, and let our mutual affectionlast for ever.

Footnote:

1. This conjecture was a just one: by thecorrespondence of GeneralWashington, who kept copies of all hisletters, we perceive that he often wroteto M. de Lafayette, whose letters, on thecontrary, during this voyage, consist butof two, because we have been able tofind only those that arrived in America.

TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.

Havre, 30th July, 1779.

Sir, I have received the letter which youhave had the goodness to write to me,and in which you promise me anotherafter having read to M. de Maurepas thepaper which I addressed to you.~[1] Itis shewing me a great favour to employ,in answering me, a part of your time,which is so precious; and I remain ineager expectation of your second letter.Being convinced that there is no timeto lose in adopting the measures whichI propose, my love for my countrymakes me feel an impatience, which Ifear may pass for importunity; but youwill excuse a fault arising from a feelingwhich is dear to every good citizen.

The Prince de Montbarrey will giveyou, with regard to Havre, all theinformation you may desire. You arecertainly right in saying that my bloodis in fermentation. We hear nothing ofM. d'Orvilliers. Some say that he hasgone to the Azores, to intercept theWest Indian fleet, and to join M.d'Estaing, who was to return here, as Iwas informed by yourself and M. deSartine; others affirm that he has goneto America.

The reasoning of the latter does notbring me over to their opinion; and it isvery probable that if our fleet had beensent, as they suppose, I should not now

be in Normandy. Be that as it may, youknow, I hope that any arrangement, andany station, will satisfy me, and that Ido not claim promotion, or assistance,or any mark of favour whatsoever. IfM. d'Orvilliers, or a detachment, is nowin the independent states of America,and my presence there can be in anyway more serviceable than here, I shallbe very willing to go over in anAmerican frigate, which I will take onmy own authority; and with the verynatural pretext of rejoining the army inwhich I served, I will go and endeavourto use my influence for the advantageof my country. Several persons say, also,that Spanish dollars have been sent tothe Americans; I earnestly hope it is so,

as my last advices shew the necessity forthem.

If the project, for want of sufficientmeans, should not be adopted this year,I deem it my duty to submit to you aproposition which would in a greatmeasure accomplish the same object.

While waiting until next year tocommence combined operations with asquadron, why might you not send toBoston three thousand, or even twothousand men, with three hundreddragoons, who should be joined in thespring by ships of war and areinforcement of troops Thisdetachment could be sent by two fifty

gun ships, using one of the IndiaCompany's ships for a transport, orSpanish vessels, if you prefer them. Toavoid expense, let them sail in companywith the ships destined for the WestIndies, with the escort of themerchantmen, with the BonhommeRichard, and all the frigates at Lorient.These troops will be left in Americauntil the next campaign, and I will nowmention what would be the result ofsuch a measure; it being wellunderstood that the convoy wouldproceed to the West Indies, or to anyother destination, after having landedthe detachment. First, we should raiseby our presence the value of theirpaper money, an important point for

French commerce; secondly, we shouldbe at hand to obtain information, andmight take such preliminary steps aswould conduce, eventually, to ourobtaining possession of Halifax;thirdly, such a detachment wouldinspire, the American army with newvigour, would powerfully support anattack for retaking the forts on thenorth river, and would lead theAmericans to such undertakings ascircumstances might render advisable.

You have told me to give you all myideas. It is my duty to submit to youthis last one, which, as it seems to me, isnot liable to any objection. At first, Iwas afraid of expressing my opinion so

strongly as I was inclined to do, lest Ishould be suspected of peculiarmotives and predilections; but, nowthat people must know me better, andthat you have my entire confidence, Ispeak more freely, and I solemnlyaffirm, upon my honour, that if halfmy fortune were spent in sendingsuccours of troops to the Americans, Ishould believe that, in so doing, Irendered to my country a service moreimportant than would be to me thissacrifice.

You will say, perhaps, that it will bedifficult to find subsistence for thetroops during the winter; but in payingin specie, we should obtain provisions

very cheap, and the additional numberof mouths would be very small incomparison to the population of thecountry.

Permit me, sir, to offer you theassurance of my attachment.

Footnote:

1. This letter, in the form of amemorial, and containing the plan ofan expedition to America, has beenplaced at the end of the volume. (SeeAppendix 2.)

TO M. DE VERGENNES.

Paris, Monday morning, August, 1779.

It is not, sir, to the king's minister that Iam now writing, but my confidence inyour kindness makes me hope that I amaddressing a man whom I may safelycall my friend, to whom I am merelygiving an account of all that is mostinteresting to me. You may confer agreat obligation upon me, (and renderone perhaps to the public,) byemploying in a less useless manner thefew talents a soldier may possess, whohas been hitherto rather fortunate inwar, and who supplies his want ofknowledge by the purest ardour in the

cause.

I have seen the Comte de Maurepas,and I told him what I have the honourof communicating to you; he wouldnot agree to the projects in question,and was doubtless right, although myown opinion remains unchanged; buthe thinks that I, who was one of thefirst to speak of the expedition withfifteen hundred or two thousand men,must now command six hundredhussars, and that this change would beinjurious to me. He, perhaps, imagined,as some others have done, fromkindness towards me, that such acommand would be beneath me. Iought not, besides, he added, to

exchange a certainty for an uncertainty.

To this I answer, in the first place, thatfrom the extreme kindness of thepublic towards me, nothing (I mean inrelation to what passes in my ownheart) can ever be injurious to me; thatmy setting out with only six hundredmen would have been attributed to itsreal motive, and therefore pardoned. Inthe second place, to suspect me ofentering into a calculation with mycountry, and of despising any meanswhatever of serving her, would eitherprove a want of discernment or ofmemory; and to the last objection, Ireply, that the expedition of which Ispoke to you yesterday, is quite as

certain as my own.

If the troops had remained in a state ofinactivity, it would have been verynatural if my ardour had induced me toadopt the trade of a corsair; nay, itwould have been natural if I had setout in an armed boat; but when anopportunity offers for employing on agrander scale the talents of a man whohas never exercised a soldier's trade buton a wide field, it would beunfortunate for him to lose the powerof distinguishing himself, andrendering, perhaps, some importantservices to his own country; and itwould be injudicious in thegovernment not to put to the test that

reputation which has been gained inforeign service.

May I, sir, speak to you with franknessWhat is most proper for me, would bean advance guard of grenadiers andchasseurs, and a detachment of the king'sdragoons, making in all, from fifteenhundred to two thousand men, to raiseme above the line, and give me thepower of action. There are not manylieutenants-general, still fewer field-marshals, and no brigadiers, who havehad such important commandsconfided to them as chance has givenme. I also know the English, and theyknow me two important considerationsduring a war. The command I wished

for has even been given to a colonel.

It is said that M. de Maillebois, M. deVoyer, and M. de Melfort, will beemployed; I know then first and last ofthese gentlemen; M. de Melfort is afield-marshal, and although I haveexercised that trade myself, I should bewell pleased to be under his orders. Iwish to be chosen in the report of thearmy, not of the court; I do not belongto the court, still less am I a courtier;and I beg the king's ministers to lookupon me as having belonged to a corpsof the guards.

The Count de Maurepas only replied tome, perhaps, to divert my attention

from some projects which are knownunto me; I shall see him again onWednesday morning, and my fate willthen be decided. You would give me,sir, a great proof of friendship, bypaying him a visit either to-night or to-morrow morning, and communicatingto him the same sentiments youexpressed to me yesterday. It is moreimportant that you should see him atthat time, because, if I hear fromLorient that the vessels are in readiness,I know not how to dissemble, and Imust demand my farewell audience.The little expedition will then be givento some lieutenant-colonel, who maynever have looked with the eye of ageneral, who may not possess great

talents, but who, if he be brave andprudent, will lead the six hundred menas well as M. de Turenne could do if hewere to return to life. The detachmentof dragoons might then be kept back,the more so, as when reduced to fifty itwould only become ridiculous; and themajor, who takes charge of the detail,would likewise attend to the detail ofmy advance guard, in which I placegreat dependence.

I acknowledge to you, that I feel nodependence on M. de Montbarry, and Ieven wish, that my affairs could bearranged by you and M. de Maurepas. Iknow, sir, that I am asking for a proofof friendship which must give you

some trouble, but I request it because Idepend fully upon that friendship.

Pardon this scrawl, Sir; pardon myimportunity; and pardon the liberty Itake in assuring you so simply of myattachment and respect.

DR. FRANKLIN TO THE MARQUISDE LAFAYETTE.

(ORIGINAL.)

Passy, 24th August, 1779.

Sir, The congress, sensible of your

merit towards the United States, butunable adequately to reward it,determined to present you with asword, as a small mark of their gratefulacknowledgment: they directed it to beornamented with suitable devices.Some of the principal actions of thewar, in which you distinguishedyourself by your bravery and conduct,are therefore represented upon it.These, with a few emblematic figures,all admirably well executed, make itsprincipal value. By the help of theexquisite artists of France, I find it easyto express everything but the sense wehave of your worth, and ourobligations to you for this, figures, andeven words, are found insufficient. I,

therefore, only add that, with the mostperfect esteem, I have the honour to be,

B. FRANKLIN.

P.S. My grandson goes to Havre withthe sword, and will have the honour ofpresenting it to you.

TO DR. FRANKLIN.

(ORIGINAL.)

Havre, 29th August, 1779,

Sir, Whatever expectations might have

been raised from the sense of pastfavours, the goodness of the UnitedStates to me has ever been such, that onevery occasion it far surpasses any ideaI could have conceived. A new proofof that flattering truth I find in thenoble present, which congress has beenpleased to honour me with, and whichis offered in such a manner by yourexcellency as will exceed everything, butthe feelings of an unboundedgratitude.

In some of the devices I cannot helpfinding too honourable a reward forthose slight services which, in concertwith my fellow soldiers, and under thegod-like American hero's orders, I had

the good fortune to render. The sightof those actions, where I was a witnessof American bravery and patrioticspirit, I shall ever enjoy with thatpleasure which becomes a heartglowing with love for the nation, andthe most ardent zeal for its glory andhappiness. Assurances of gratitude,which I beg leave to present to yourexcellency, are much too inadequate tomy feelings, and nothing but suchsentiments can properly acknowledgeyour kindness towards me. The politemanner in which Mr. Franklin waspleased to deliver that inestimablesword, lays me under great obligationsto him, and demands my particularthanks.

With the most perfect respect, I havethe honour to be, &c.


(ORIGINAL.)

West Point, 30th Sept., 1779.

MY DEAR MARQUIS, A few daysago, I wrote a letter in much haste;since that, I have been honoured withthe company of Chevalier de la

Luzerne, and by him was favoured withyour obliging letter of the 12th ofJune, which filled me with equalpleasure and surprise; the latter athearing that you had not received oneof the many letters I had written to yousince you left the American shore. Itgave me infinite pleasure to hear fromyour sovereign, and of the joy whichyour safe arrival in France had diffusedamong your friends. I had no doubtthat this would be the case; to hear itfrom yourself adds pleasure to theaccount; and here, my dear friend, letme congratulate you on your new,honourable, and pleasing appointmentin the army commanded by the Countde Vaux, which I shall accompany with

an assurance that none can do it withmore warmth of affection, or sincerejoy, than myself. Your forward zeal inthe cause of liberty; your singularattachment to this infant world; yourardent and persevering efforts, not onlyin America, but since your return toFrance, to serve the United States; yourpolite attention to Americans, and yourstrict and uniform friendship for me,have ripened the first impressions ofesteem and attachment which Iimbibed for you into such perfect loveand gratitude, as neither time norabsence can impair. This will warrantmy assuring you that, whether in thecharacter of an officer at the head of acorps of gallant Frenchmen, if

circumstances should require this;whether as a major- general,commanding a division of theAmerican army; or whether, after ourswords and spears have given place tothe ploughshare and pruning- hook, Isee you as a private gentleman, a friendand companion, I shall welcome youwith all the warmth of friendship toColumbia's shores; and, in the lattercase, to my rural cottage, where homelyfare and a cordial reception shall besubstituted for delicacies and costlyliving. This, from past experience, Iknow you can submit to; and if thelovely partner of your happiness willconsent to participate with us in suchrural entertainment and amusements, I

can undertake, in behalf of Mrs.Washington, that she will do everythingin her power to make Virginia agreeableto the Marchioness. My inclination andendeavours to do this cannot bedoubted, when I assure you that I loveeverybody that is dear to you, and,consequently, participate in the pleasureyou feel in the prospect of againbecoming a parent; and do mostsincerely congratulate you and yourlady on this fresh pledge she is about togive you of her love.

I thank you for the trouble you havetaken, and your polite attention, infavouring me with a copy of your letterto congress; and feel, as I am persuaded

they must do, the force of such ardentzeal as you therein express for theinterest of this country. The proprietyof the hint you have given them mustcarry conviction, and, I trust, will havea salutary effect; though there is not, Ibelieve, the same occasion for theadmonition now that there was severalmonths ago. Many late changes havetaken place in that honourable body,which have removed, in a very greatdegree, if not wholly, the discordantspirit which, it is said, prevailed in thewinter, and I hope measures will alsobe taken to remove those unhappy andimproper differences which haveextended themselves elsewhere, to theprejudice of our affairs in Europe.

I have a great pleasure in the visitwhich the Chevalier de la Luzerne andMonsieur Marbois did me the honourto make at this camp; concerning bothof whom I have imbibed the mostfavourable impressions, and I thankyou for the honourable mention youmade of me to them. The chevalier, tillhe had announced himself to congress,did not choose to be received in hispublic character; if he had, exceptpaying him military honours, it was notmy intention to depart from that plainand simple manner of living whichaccords with the real interest and policyof men struggling under everydifficulty for the attainment of the

most inestimable blessing of life, liberty.The chevalier was polite enough toapprove my principle, andcondescended to appear pleased withour Spartan living. In a word, he madeus all exceedingly happy by his affabilityand good humour, while he remainedin camp.

You are pleased, my dear marquis, toexpress an earnest desire of seeing mein France, after the establishment ofour independency, and do me thehonour to add, that you are notsingular in your request. Let me entreatyou to be persuaded, that, to meet youanywhere, after the finalaccomplishment of so glorious an

event, would contribute to myhappiness; and that to visit a country towhose generous aid we stand so muchindebted, would be an additionalpleasure; but remember, my goodfriend, that I am unacquainted withyour language, that I am too faradvanced in years to acquire aknowledge of it, and that, to conversethrough the medium of an interpreter,upon common occasions, especiallywith the ladies, must appear soextremely awkward, insipid, anduncouth, that I can scarcely bear it inidea. I will, therefore, hold myselfdisengaged for the present; but when Isee you in Virginia, we will talk of thismatter, and fix our plans.

The declaration of Spain in favour ofFrance has given universal joy to everyWhig; while the poor Tory droops likea withering flower under a decliningsun. We are anxiously expecting to hearof great and important events on yourside of the Atlantic; at present, theimagination is left in the wide field ofconjecture, our eyes one moment areturned to an invasion of England, thenof Ireland, Minorea, Gibraltar; in aword, we hope everything, but knownot what to expect, or where to fix. Theglorious success of Count d'Estaing inthe West Indies, at the same time that itadds dominion to France, and freshlustre to her arms, is a source of new

and unexpected misfortune to ourtender and generous parent, and must serveto convince her of the folly of quittingthe substance in pursuit of a shadow;and, as there is no experience equal tothat which is bought, I trust she willhave a superabundance of this kind ofknowledge, and be convinced, as Ihope all the world and every tyrant in itwill be, that the best and only safe roadto honour, glory, and true dignity, isjustice.

We have such repeated advice of Countd'Estaing's being in these seas, that,though I have no official informationof the event, I cannot help giving entirecredit to the report, and looking for his

arrival every moment, and I ampreparing accordingly; the enemy atNew York also expect it; and, to guardagainst the consequences, as much as itis in their power to do, are repairingand strengthening all the oldfortifications, and adding new ones inthe vicinity of the city. Their fears,however, do not retard an embarkationwhich was making, and generallybelieved to be for the West Indies orCharlsetown: it still goes forward; and,by my intelligence, it will consist of apretty large detachment. Aboutfourteen days ago, one British regiment(the forty-fourth completed) and threeHessian regiments were embarked, andare gone, as is supposed, to Halifax.

The operations of the enemy thiscampaign have been confined to theestablishment of works of defence,taking a post at King's Ferry, andburning the defenceless towns of NewHaven, Fairfield, and Norwalk, on theSound, within reach of their shipping,where little else was, or could be,opposed to them, than the cries ofdistressed women and helplesschildren; but these were offered in vain.Since these notable exploits, they havenever stepped out of their works orbeyond their lines. How a conduct ofthis kind is to effect the conquest ofAmerica, the wisdom of a North, aGermain, or a Sandwich can bestdecide, it is too deep and refined for

the comprehension of commonunderstandings and the general run ofpoliticians.

Mrs. Washington, who set out forVirginia when we took the field in June,has often, in her letters to me, inquiredif I had heard from you, and will bemuch pleased at hearing that you arewell and happy. In her name, as she isnot here, I thank you for your politeattention to her, and shall speak hersense of the honour conferred on herby the Marchioness. When I look backto the length of this letter, I have notthe courage to give it a careful readingfor the purpose of correction: youmust, therefore, receive it with all its

imperfections, accompanied with thisassurance, that, though there may bemany inaccuracies in the letter, there isnot a single defect in the friendship of,my dear Marquis, yours, &c.


(ORIGINAL.)

Havre, 7th October, 1779.

My dear general From those happy tiesof friendship by which you werepleased to unite yourself with me, fromthe promises you so tenderly made me

when we parted at Fishkill, gave mesuch expectations of hearing oftenfrom you, that complaints ought to bepermitted to my affectionate heart. Nota line from you, my dear, general, hasyet arrived into my hands, and thoughseveral ships from America, severaldespatches from congress or theFrench minister, are safely brought toFrance, my ardent hopes of getting atlength a letter from GeneralWashington have ever been unhappilydisappointed: I cannot in any wayaccount for that bad luck, and when Iremember that in those littleseparations where I was but some daysfrom you, the most friendly letters, themost minute account of your

circumstances, were kindly written tome, I am convinced you have notneglected and almost forgotten me forso long a time. I have, therefore, tocomplain of fortune, of some mistakeor neglect in acquainting you that therewas an opportunity, of anything;indeed, but what could injure the senseI have of your affection for me. Let mebeseech you, my dear general, by thatmutual, tender, and experiencedfriendship in which, I have put animmense portion of my happiness, tobe very exact in inquiring for occasions,and never to miss those which mayconvey to me letters that I shall be somuch pleased to receive.

Inclosed I send to your excellency thecopy of my letters to congress, which,in concert with Mr. Franklin's longerdespatches, will give you a sketch ofEuropean intelligence. Contrary windshave much delayed an expeditionwhich I think should have beenundertaken much sooner: the kings ofFrance and Spain seem desirous ofcarrying it on before the winter; it maybe, however, deferred till next spring,and the siege of Gibraltar would be theonly land expedition for the presentcampaign. In a few weeks time, whenWest India successes may be comparedto those in Europe, my gazettes andpredictions will have a greater degreeof certainty, but one must not be a

conjuror to see that England is in sucha way that one may defy her to get upagain, and that a happy peace, blessedwith American independence, will, inthis or the ensuing campaign, be thecertain effect of the present war.

As my private circumstances aresomewhat interesting to yourfriendship, I will tell you, my deargeneral, that since my last letter I havehardly quitted this place, where head-quarters had been fixed. I was todisembark with the grenadiers formingthe vanguard, and am, therefore, one ofthe first who will land on the Englishshore. The king's own regiment ofdragoons, which he gave me on my

return, was to embark at Brest, and joinus a few days after the landing. FromCount d'Estaing's expedition on theAmerican coasts, the nation raises greatexpectations, and very impatiently waitsfor intelligence. How unhappy I am tofind myself so far from you on such anoccasion you will easily conceive. Theimpression of sorrow such a thoughtgives me cannot be alleviated but by thesense I have that the general opinion ofthe turn warlike operations will takethis campaign, the ties of my dutytowards my own country, where myservices had been employed for theexpedition against England, and thehope I entertained of being here moreuseful to the United States, had not left

me the choice of the part I should takefor this campaign. I hope, my dear sir,you will agree in opinion with me.

Whatever may be Count d'Estaing'ssuccess in America, it will bring on newprojects and operations. My ideas I laidbefore your excellency at Fishkill; butpermit me to tell you again howearnestly I wish to join you. Nothingcould make me so delighted as thehappiness of finishing the war underyour orders. That, I think, if asked byyou, will be granted to congress andyour excellency. But be certain, my deargeneral, that in any situation, in anycase, let me act as a French or as anAmerican officer, my first wish, my first

pleasure, will be to serve again withyou. However happy I am in France,however well treated by my countryand king, I have taken such a habit ofbeing with you, I am tied to you, toAmerica, to my fellow soldiers by suchan affection, that the moment when Ishall sail for your country will be oneof the most wished for and thehappiest in my life.

From an American newspaper I findthat a certain English intelligence hadbeen propagated through the UnitedStates, that, at the head of fifteenhundred officers or non-commissionedofficers, I was going to embark forAmerica, and that, with soldiers of

your army embodied under them, Iwanted to teach military disciplinethroughout the American army.However remote I am from thinking ofteaching my own masters, and howeverdistant from such views was thatcommand in France, whose end youvery well know, I could not help takingit as a reflection on the American army.The English troops may remember thaton some particular occasions I have nothad to lament the want of disciplineand spirit in the troops which I had thehonour to command. Whilst we havebut the same British army to fight with,we need not be looking out for anyother improvement than the samequalities which have often enabled my

fellow American soldiers to give,instead of receiving, pretty goodlessons to an enemy, whose justly-reputed courage added a newreputation to American bravery andmilitary conduct.

The above article, my dear general, Ibeg you will have printed in the severalnewspapers.

As there is but a little time to writebefore the sailing of the vessel, Icannot call to mind all the friends Ihave in the army, unless your excellencyis pleased to make them a thousandcompliments from one who heartilyloves them, and whose first wish is to

be again in their company.

I congratulate you, my dear general, onthe spirited expedition of StonyPoint,~[2] and am glad it has added, anew lustre to our arms.

Be so kind, my dear friend, as topresent my best respects to your lady.Mine begs leave to be kindlyremembered to you and to her.Thousand assurances of friendshipwait from me on your family.

Oh! my dear general, how happy Ishould be to embrace you again!

With such affection as is above all

expressions any language may furnish, Ihave the honour to be, very respectfully,&c.

Footnotes:

1. To this letter was joined a long letterto the president of congress, whichcontained nearly the same things,expressed in a different manner.

2. A brilliant exploit of General Wayne,who, on the 15th of July, took byassault the fort of Stony Point, andforced five hundred and fifty-fourEnglish to capitulate.

TO M. DE VERGENNES.

Versailles, February 2d, 1780.

You approved, sir, of my putting downin writing, before conversing with youupon the subject of the expedition,some of the measures necessary to betaken in either of the following cases:first, if I should command the Frenchdetachment; and secondly, if I shouldresume an American division.~[1]

I must begin by observing that thiscommission is not only a military andpolitical, but also a social affair: andfrom the circumstances under which I

am now placed, I assure you, on myhonour, that I believe the first measurewould be most favourable to the publicservice, and the interest of France asregards her allies.

As I must immediately begin mypreparations, I should wish to beinformed of the decision in sufficienttime to select some officers of properage, experience, and talents, with whomI can become acquainted before I takecharge of the corps; and on thisaccount it is necessary to arrangematters immediately with the Prince deMontbarrey. Two old experiencedlieutenant-colonels should commandthe infantry under me: in distant

expeditions, it is necessary that officersshould suit each other, and I amparticularly fond of old officers.

In regard to myself, sir, I ask fornothing, and as during the course of awar I may hope to acquire rank, youmight either give me one of thosecommissions of M. de Sartine, whichare only of use in America, or one thatwould not prevent my seniors fromresuming afterwards their rank, or elseletters of service, to enable me simplyto command in the capacity of anAmerican general officer.

There are three methods of concealingthe real aim of the expedition: 1st, to

set out together for Lorient, underpretence of taking an island, andoperating in Carolina in the autumn;2nd, to pretend to send troops to M. deBouill; there need be no commander,and I should have the title of marchal-des-logis; 3d, for me to set outimmediately with the grenadiers anddragoons for America, and that thefour battalions, commanded by the twoancient officers, should join me atRhode Island.

If I should have the command, youmay act with perfect security, becausethe Americans know me too well to feelthe slightest anxiety. I will bind myself,if it be desired, to ask for neither rank

nor titles, and, to put the ministry quiteat their ease, I will even promise torefuse them should they be offered me.

In the second case, sir, it would benecessary to prevent, beforehand, inAmerica, the bad effects that the arrivalof another commander would excite:that I am not to lead that detachment isthe last idea that could ever occur inthat country; I will say, therefore, thatfor myself I prefer having an Americandivision.

I must be in the secret to prepare thevarious measures, and inform GeneralWashington of the transaction. A secretwith which I was not acquainted would

appear very suspicious at Philadelphia.

Three merchant frigates and a transportship would be procured at Lorient. Wehave, it is said, an American crew; thefifteen thousand suits of clothes, andfifteen thousand guns, &c. might beembarked; at the end of the month itwould be necessary to set out for thecontinent.

On arriving at a port, I shouldendeavour to commence my operationswith General Washington; I should takea division in the army, and, with M. dela Luzerne's aid, prepare everything forthe arrival of the French. To increasethe number of my division, to serve as

an example to them, to change the ideasentertained respecting us, and to shewin what perfect good intelligenceFrench and Americans may livetogether, I should request to take withme, at once, a battalion of six hundredgrenadiers, three hundred dragoons,and one hundred hussars.

Two or three officers, whom I shouldbring back with me, must obtain thesame rank in France which they had inAmerica, and I should say that I haverefused that rank myself from motiveswhich are purely social. This attentionis necessary to flatter the self-love ofthe Americans. We may stop atBermuda on our way, and establish

there the party for liberty.

I shall set out on Wednesday forNantes, where the clothes are making; Ishall also attend to the selection of thearms; I shall see the king's regiment atAngers, to form a detachment from it; Ishall repair to Lorient to hasten thearrangement of the frigates, and to seethe battalion of grenadiers; I shall onlybe here the 20th, and as my departuremust be public, I shall take leave the25th, in an American uniform, and ifthe wind be favourable, I shall sail the1st of March.

As it is physically impossible that adetachment commanded by a foreigner

should amalgamate together well, Ibelieve it would be necessary toincrease it by a battalion, which wouldraise the number to about threethousand six hundred, and thegrenadiers would remain moreparticularly attached to me during thecampaign.

If that little corps be given to an oldfield-marshal, we should certainlydisplease all the American chiefs. Gates,Sullivan, and Saint Clair, would not liketo be under the orders of others, andtheir opinion in the council would beopposed to combined expeditions. Ithink it necessary, very necessary, toselect a brigadier, and name him field-

marshal, which he would look upon asa promotion. The corps must consideritself as a division of our army; itscommander must abjure all pretensions,think himself an American major-general, and execute, in all respects, theorders of General Washington. Thenaval commander may have morepower placed in his hands.

Conclusion. 1st, I think it would bebest to give me the corps. 2d, If it benot given to me, I must instantly set outwith the powers I demand. In eithercase, it is, unfortunately, necessary toreveal to me the secret, and set meimmediately to work.

I shall have the honour, sir, of payingmy respects to you during theprocession.

Footnote:

1. This letter contains the basis of theplan which was finally adopted. Wehave been obliged to retrench severalletters which relate to projectsanalogous to those presented at variousperiods by M. de Lafayette. It was atlength determined to send an auxiliarycorps even stronger than he had hopedto obtain. As to himself, he was toprecede it to America, whither herepaired with political instructionsfrom the French cabinet, and to resume

a command in the army of the UnitedStates. His instructions are dated the5th of March; his departure took placethe 19th.

TO HIS EXCELLENCY GENERALWASHINGTON.~[1]

(ORIGINAL.)

At the entrance of Boston harbour,April 27, 1780.

Here I am, my dear general, and, in themidst of the joy I feel in finding myselfagain one of your loving soldiers, I

take but the time to tell you that I camefrom France on board a frigate whichthe king gave me for my passage. I haveaffairs of the utmost importance whichI should at first communicate to youalone. In case my letter finds youanywhere this side of Philadelphia, Ibeg you will wait for me, and do assureyou a great public good may be derivedfrom it.

To-morrow we go up to the town, andthe day after I shall set off in my usualway to joined my beloved andrespected friend and general.

Adieu, my dear general; you will easilyknow the hand of your young soldier.

My compliments to the family.

Footnote:

1. The second of the measuresdiscussed in the preceding letter wasthe one preferred, and M. de Lafayetteembarked alone at the island of Aix.

TO M. DE VERGENNES.

Waterburg, on the Boston road,

From the Camp, May 6th, 1780.

I have already had the honour ofwriting to you, sir, and of announcingto you the news of my arrival; but Iplace so much confidence in thekindness you express for me, that I donot hesitate to repeat the contents ofmy former letter. It was the 28th ofApril, after a voyage of thirty-eightdays, and after having experienced bothcalms and contrary winds, that theHermione entered the Boston harbour. Icannot sufficiently express myadmiration of the frigate herself, andmy gratitude to her commandingofficers.

I can neither give you any certaininformation, sir, nor promise you any

degree of accuracy respecting numbersand dates. General Washington canalone inform me of the truth; but thisdoes appear to me certain;

Our army is not numerous; the easternstates are occupied in recruiting it.Paper has been regulated by congress atforty for one: these are very high taxes,and they hope to be able to raise thefinances a little, which are in a very lowstate; but, at present, I cannot give youany settled ideas upon this point.

The scarcity of horses, their price, andthe want of provisions, have very muchincreased during my absence; but Iassure you, sir, that, in a moral point of

view, I continue to see a mostfavourable prospect for my Americanfriends.

General Clinton has besiegedCharlestown, and as he has eight or tenthousand men, and the report is spreadthat his vessels have crossed the bar, itis impossible not to fear for that place,unless Spanish or French vesselsshould come from the islands to itssuccour. Some troops from the army ofGeneral Washington have proceededthither.

New York has only six or seventhousand garrisoned men; such is, atleast, the public report, and I do not

believe that the hostile forces are muchmore numerous at present. They say, atBoston, that there are only fourthousand men; but I repeat, sir, that mygazettes cannot be at all accurate atpresent.

The English have but few vessels atCharlestown; at most they have only, Ithink, one or two at New York. It issaid here, and every one seems tobelieve it, that if some French forceswere to arrive at this moment, theymight strike some decisive blows.

Be pleased, sir, to accept the assuranceof the warm and respectful affectionwith which I have the honour to be,

&c.

P.S. Some American officers, just comefrom New York, assure me that a frigatehas, arrived with important despatchesfrom the English government. DonJuan de Miralles, who has been longestablished at Philadelphia, and whoknows M. d'Aranda, died atMorristown; he was buried with muchhonour.

FROM GENERAL WASHINGTON.

(ORIGINAL.)

Morristown, May, 1783.

My dear Marquis, Your welcome favourof the 27th of April came to my handsyesterday. I received it with all the joythat the sincerest friendship woulddictate, and with that impatience whichan ardent desire to see you could notfail to inspire. I am sorry I do not knowyour route through the State of NewYork, that I might with certainty send asmall party of horse, all I have at thisplace, to meet and escort you safelythrough the Tory settlements, betweenthis place and the North River. At allevents, Major Gibbs will go as far asCompton, where the roads unite, tomeet you and will proceed from thence,

as circumstances may direct, eithertowards King's Ferry or New Windsor.I most sincerely congratulate you onyour safe arrival in America, and shallembrace you with all the warmth of anaffectionate friend, when you come tohead-quarters, where a bed is preparedfor you. Adieu till we meet. Yours, &c.~[1]

Footnote:

1. General Washington expressed, inseveral letters, the pleasure he felt at M.de Lafayette's return. (See his letters ofthe 13th and 14th of May.) The 16thof May, the congress declared, by apublic resolution, that "they consider

his return as a fresh proof of thedisinterested zeal and perseveringattachment which have justlyrecommended him to the publicconfidence and applause, and that theyreceive with pleasure a tender of thefurther services of so gallant andmeritorious an officer." (Journal ofCongress, May 20th.)

It was afterwards resolved that thecommander-in-chief, after havingreceived the communications M. deLafayette had to make to him, was totake the proper measures which weremost likely to forward the success ofthe plan they had in view. Thecommunications related to the expected

arrival of a French squadron and landforces. The plan in contemplation wasto make some attacks, especially onNew York.

TO THE COUNT DEROCHAMBEAU.

Philadelphia, 19th May, 1780.

Sir, This letter will be handed to you byM. de Galvan, a French officer in theservice of the United States, and youmay receive with confidence the variousaccounts which he will have thehonour to give you. I have appointed

him to await your arrival at Cape Henry,and you will see that my instructions tothis officer are in conformity with thosewhich I have received from the Countde Vergennes.~[1]

I reached Boston. on the 26th of April.On the morning of the 10th of May, Iwas at head-quarters, and after passingfour days with General Washington, Iwent to meet the Chevalier de laLuzerne. The military preparations andthe political measures which it wasnecessary for us to attend to, havedelayed M. de Galvan up to the presentmoment. I now hasten to despatch himto his destination, and shall keep himinformed of whatever news may be

interesting to you, continuing to addthe ideas of the general, with regard tothe best means of improving presentcircumstances.

Immediately upon my arrival,confidential persons were sent out toprocure plans and details upon thedifferent points which becomeinteresting for the operations of thiscampaign. As to other matters, theChevalier de la Luzerne has had thegoodness to enable me, as far aspossible, to fulfil my instructions, andhe has taken the first measures requisiteto procure a supply of food and othernecessaries for the land and navalforces. Although the scarcity of all

things is infinitely greater than when Ileft America, the precautions takenbefore-hand by the Chevalier de laLuzerne, and the measures we are nowtaking here, render it certain that theFrench will not be in want, either offlour or of fresh meat.

I will now give you a summary of thepresent situation of the enemy on thecontinent. I shall say nothing ofCanada, or Halifax, or the Penobscot,from whence we are expecting news,and which, for the moment, are not ofessential importance. Rhode Island is inour possession; you can enter it in fullsecurity; letters, signals, and pilots willawait you there, agreeably to my

instructions. Your magazines, your sick,and all your unnecessary baggage, cango up the Providence by water; I shallsoon send to Rhode Island moreparticular information on this point.

The enemy have, at the presentmoment, seven thousand men of theirbest troops employed at the siege ofCharlestown; they have also some shipsof the line without the harbour; onevessel of fifty guns, two frigates offorty-four, and several smaller vessels.According to news from New York,Charlestown still held out on the 3rdof this month. On the Islands of NewYork, Long Island, and Staten Island,the forces of the enemy consisted of

eight thousand regular troops, a fewmilitia, upon which they place nodependence, and a small number ofroyalists, very contemptible in allrespects. They have only one ship ofseventy-four guns, and some frigates.The American army is in threedivisions; one guards the fort of WestPoint and keeps open the North River;another is in South Carolina; and thethird, which is the largest, is in theJerseys, under the immediate commandof General Washington. This lastdivision, not very numerous at present,will be increased in a few days; and forthat reason, I shall defer till anotherletter giving you a more exact accountof its situation.

Your voyage is known at New York.Advices were immediately sent on toCharlestown, recalling either the troops,or at least the ships of war. They areerecting fortifications on the Island,and preparing vessels loaded withstones to obstruct the passage; in aword, if it be true that the presentdivided state of the English forcesseems to insure their destruction, andto promise us the conquest of NewYork, it is equally true that, at themoment of your arrival, if by goodfortune things remain in their presentstate, we shall have no time to lose intaking advantage of those favourablecircumstances.

At the same time that I here execute theorders of my general, and communicateto you the sentiments of my friend,permit me to assure you of the strongdesire of our army to do whatever mayplease you, and how much we shall allendeavour to merit the friendship andthe esteem of troops, whose assistanceat the present moment is so essential tous. You will find amongst us a greatdeal of good will, a great deal ofsincerity, and above all, a great desire tobe agreeable to you.

I send a duplicate of this letter to theChevalier de Ternay, and I shall sendthe same to Point Judith and Seaconnet;

so that in case you should make land atRhode Island, you may at once sail forSandy Hook. The next letter which Ishall have the honour to write to you,will be dated at headquarters. Theconfidence of General Washington,which M. de Galvan has deserved, andthe means which he has of fulfilling hisinstructions, all assure me that you willbe satisfied with our choice. I have thehonour to be, &c.

Footnote:

1. The instructions given to M. deLafayette by the minister of foreignaffairs, (5th March, 1780), were, that, toprevent any mistake or delay, he was to

place, both on Rhode Island and onCape Henry (the mouth of theChesapeake), a French officer, to awaitthe arrival of the French squadron,which was to land at one of those twopoints, and to give it all the informationit might require on its arrival. This letterwas consequently given to M. deGalvan, and he repaired to Cape Henry,but vainly expected those frigates: theylanded at Rhode Island. they left Brestthe 2nd of May, under the orders ofthe Chevalier de Ternay, and appearedbefore Newport the 10th of July. Thisletter was delivered afterwards to M. deRochambeau, as well as several others,which want of space and interest donot allow us to insert.


(ORIGINAL.)

Camp at Preakness, July 4th, 1780.

You know, my dear general, that I amvery anxious to see the army wellclothed for this campaign; theimportance of such a measure is onevery account obvious, and from theknowledge I have of the auxiliarytroops that are coming, I can so welldemonstrate its necessity that I shall forthe present but attend to the means of

executing it.

In the space of six months (we knowfrom experience) the coats of oursoldiers begin to be worn out, so thatthere is no great inconvenience ingiving some new clothes to thedraftsmen, and after they shall bedischarged, the number of theremaining soldiers will not muchexceed six or seven thousand men; asthose very men will have beencompletely clothed by the middle ofJuly, I think I make full allowance forthem by keeping in store the seventhousand unmade suits that have beenshipped by Mr. Ross.

If more are wanted in the course ofnext summer, I engage to go over toFrance and bring back ten thousandcomplete suits properly conveyed.

Excluding wagoners, servants, and allsuch people who do not want to beuniformly clothed, we may calculate thecontinental army to consist of fourteenthousand men in the field. There maybe found in the army four thousandcoats and waistcoats which are notabsolutely bad, four thousand stocks orcravats, and one thousand pretty goodhats.

We may get from the stores fifteenthousand overalls, ten thousand pairs

of shoes, three thousand round hats,and some few shirts.

There are also six or seven hundredcoats of every colour, to which may beadded about three or four hundred ofthe same kind, and some indifferenthats found in the army, &c.

A small quantity of buff and red clothto be bought for the facings of thePennsylvanian and Jersey lines.

The four thousand good hats in thestores or in the army to be cut round,or cocked in the form of caps, but tobe in an uniform manner.

All the articles now in the possessionof the clothier-general, to beimmediately ordered to North River,and, if necessary, wagons should bepressed for their speedy transportation.

I will write a letter to the Chevalier deTernay, wherein I will desire him tosend to the most convenient place theclothing which has been put under hisconvoy.

We shall then have ten thousand newcoats and waistcoats, and fourthousand old ones, the whole of anuniform ground, ten thousand newhats and stocks, and four thousand oldones, five and twenty thousand overalls,

more than twenty thousand shirts, andthirty thousand pairs of shoes.

Each soldier enlisted for the war, letthem even be ten thousand, shall have,if you choose, a new complete suit, onehat, one stock, two shirts, two pairs ofoveralls, and two pairs of shoes.

Each draftsman, if he has not the same,will at least receive a decent uniformcoat, one stock, one hat, one pair ofoveralls, and two pairs of shoes; he willnot certainly come out but wellprovided with shirts.

By the above mentioned arrangement,there remain about a thousand coats of

every colour, a thousand hats, which arenot absolutely bad, and two thousandpairs of shoes; these I propose to giveto such men as will not appear underarms in the field, and, if necessary,some huntingshirts may be added tothe said clothing.

The dragoons are generally betterclothed than the infantry, and we mightvery easily complete their coats orstable-jackets, as each different regimentcould adopt a different colour.

As soon as the French clothing comes,I wish the whole army to be clothed atonce, in observing to give the roundhats to some particular brigades, for the

sake of uniformity, and to turn up thefacings according to the plan agreed.

There will be then no excuse for theofficers who, out of neglect, shouldsuffer their men to lose a single article,and the most strict orders may be givenfor that purpose.

The French arms that are coming mightbe put in the hands of soldiers enlistedfor the war.

I wish that there was a distinction ofone woollen epaulette for the corporal,and two for the serjeant.

As to the feathers, (become a

distinction of ranks,) I wish such ashave been pointed out might beforbidden to other officers, and for thelight division I shall beg the leave ofwearing a black and red feather, which Ihave imported for the purpose.

These ideas, my dear general, are notgiven to you as a great stroke of genius,but I heartily wish something of thekind may be thought proper.

TO MM. LE COMTE DEROCHAMBEAU, AND LECHEVALIER DE TERNAY.~[1]

Camp, before Dobb's Ferry, Aug. 9,1780.

Gentlemen, I arrived two days ago athead quarters, and in consequence ofthe mission I was charged with, my firstcare was to render an account of ourconversations; but the most minutedetails of them are so important, andthe fate of America, and the glory ofFrance, depend so completely upon theresult of our combinations here, that,in order to feel more certain of havingperfectly understood your meaning, Iwill submit to you a summary of ourconversations, and entreat you to writeme word immediately whether I haverightly understood your meaning.

Before quitting Rhode Island,gentlemen, I should have taken thisprecaution, if General Washington'smarch against New York had notobliged me to join my division, at thevery moment when, from our furtherarrangements, you most required someinformation.

1st. I have described to you the actualsituation of America, the exhaustedstate in which I found her, and themomentary efforts she had made,which could only have been producedby the hope of being delivered, by onedecisive blow, from the tyranny of theEnglish.

I told you those efforts were soenormous, when we consider the stateof our finances, and the failure of allour resources, that I do not expect tosee them renewed during anothercampaign. I added that on the 1st ofNovember we should no longer haveany militia, that the 1st of January onehalf of our continental army would bedisbanded, and I took the liberty ofsaying, in my own name, that I thoughtit necessary, as a political measure, toenter into action this campaign; andthis I had ascertained also to be thecase, by sounding, on my journey, thewishes of the people.

2nd. I confirmed what I have already

had the honour of writing to yourespecting the continental troops, andthe militia whom we are to have withus. I told you that by counting theenemies in New York at fourteenthousand men, of which ten thousandare regulars, and four thousand verybad militia, I thought their numberswere somewhat exaggerated, and that itwas necessary to begin by deducting thesailors employed by AdmiralArbuthnot. As to the fortifications, Isaid that the American troops wouldtake charge of New York, and that thefort of Brooklyn (upon which youmight operate in concert with adivision of our troops) is merely anearthen work of four bastions, with a

ditch and a shed, containing from athousand to fifteen hundred men, andhaving in front another smaller work,which cannot contain more than ahundred men. I added that nothingcould prevent a regular approach uponBrooklyn, and that that post is the keyof New York.

3rd. I explained to you GeneralWashington's plan, and told you thatthe moment you began your march, hewould repair to Morrisania, where, Iagain repeat, he would establishbatteries that would close the passageof Hell's Gate, and secure the one fromthe continent to Long Island, so as tohave nothing to fear from the enemy's

ships. Whilst awaiting your arrival,gentlemen, our army would entrenchitself at Morrisania, or, if possible, onthe Island of New York, and wouldplace itself in a situation to detach acorps of troops, as soon as you shallhave approached us, either by comingby land to Westchester, and passingafterwards under favour of ourbatteries, or by repairing by sea toWistown, or any other bay in thatneighbourhood. General Washingtonwould furnish a sufficient corps ofAmericans, and fifteen large cannon, toco-operate with your troops, and hebelieves that with these forces, andunited with artillery, the point ofBrooklyn might soon be taken, and

consequently the town of New York.

4th. I represented to you that LongIsland was a rich country, which, evenalter the destruction effected by theEnglish, still possesses some resources;that we might feel certain of beingjoined there by the militia of the island;and, in short, that with the assistanceof our Morrisanian under-batteries,and still more with a battery on theIsland of New York, we should assurethe communication between LongIsland and the continent. From thesevarious circumstances, my own privateopinion would decidedly be tocommence our action, if the fleet couldbe placed in security, before we

possessed any superiority of navalforce.

5th. I strongly insisted upon thenecessity of taking possession, as soonas possible, of the New York harbour. Irequested M. de Ternay to examine thatpoint with the pilots I gave him, and bythe immense advantages of thatmeasure I hoped that, either with theaid of land forces on the side of SandyHook, or merely by the superiority ofhis own naval force, he would beenabled to accomplish the object wehad feared his attempting when weexpected him with Admiral Graves.

6th. When proposing to you to send

your magazines to Providence, I toldyou that Rhode Island was completelyuseless to the Americans, but veryimportant for the succours arrivingfrom France, in case, however, no armyshould be necessary to preserve it; thatif the English were to commit the faultof taking it, a superior fleet, aided byforces from the continent, wouldalways have the power of retaking it.

7th. I ended by having the honour oftelling you, gentlemen, that in order tooperate upon New York it would benecessary not to commence later thanthe first days of September; and, afterthis explanation, I said that GeneralWashington, feeling the most perfect

confidence in you, was very desirous ofhaving your opinion upon the subject,and would only undertake what mightappear to you most advantageous.

This, gentlemen, is what I had thehonour of saying to you, and this iswhat you did me the honour to replyto:

1st. That the succour sent to the UnitedStates was anything rather than trifling;that the second division was to set outa short time after you, and, that it mightjustly be expected every instant; that itwould consist at least of two thousandfive hundred, and, in all probability, ofa still greater number of troops; that it

was to be sent by three ships, but that,according to all appearances, a largernumber of vessels would be granted;that the only reason which couldprevent its arriving before the 1st ofSeptember, would be the impossibilityof a junction between the French andSpanish fleets, and that, in the lattercase, it would arrive, at farthest, by theend of autumn, and would then be agreat deal stronger; that M. de Guichenhas been apprised of our projects, andhas received the order to facilitate them;that, consequently, the Chevalier deTernay has written to him for the fivepromised vessels; and that, from allthese circumstances, you hoped to beable to act before the end of the

campaign, but did not doubt, at least,having the power of furnishing us withvery superior forces for this winter, andfor the next campaign.

2nd. The project of attacking Brooklynwas extremely agreeable to you, andappeared to you the most propermeasure for the reduction of NewYork; but you think that we ought tohave upon that Island a force at leastequal to that which the enemy mayoffer us, and you added that by leavinga counterfeit at New York, they may fallon the corps of Long Island, withnearly their whole army, whichcontingency, you will perceive, hadbeen already provided for by

Washington's arrangements.

3rd. You appeared to me doubtfulwhether it would be possible to stopthe enemy at the passage of Morrisania,but on this point I can give you nodecisive information. The idea ofrepairing by land to Westchesterappeared less agreeable to you than thatof going by sea into a bay of LongIsland. As to the landing, the Count deRochambeau looks upon it as a verylong operation, and, from his ownexperience on the subject, he believesthat it would require nearly three weeksto land an army, with all itsaccoutrements, for a campaign andsiege. You desired to have every

possible information concerningBrooklyn, in order to be able to makecalculations accordingly for the artilleryand engineer service. You appeared tome to consider a naval superiority asnecessary, even at the commencementof the campaign; but it is true that thisidea may partly proceed from yourdoubts relating to the communicationconcerning Morrisania.

5th. The Chevalier de Ternay conceivesit would be difficult to take possessionof New York harbour, and hopes toaccomplish the same object by thesituation in which he has placed hiscruisers. He does not think that hisseventy-fours can enter, but from the

difference of opinion which I venturedto express, as to the importance at leastof occupying the harbour, he told mehe would again attend to this project.As to his manner of protecting thedisembarkation, it would be to cruise inthe Sound, and his frigates, and one ortwo vessels, would enter into the bay atthe place where the troops should land.

6th. Rhode Island appears to you a veryimportant point to preserve; but if M.de Ternay should have the superiority,you think, as we do, that it would beunnecessary to leave a garrison thereduring the attack of New York. TheCount de Rochambeau desired me toassure General Washington that, in

every case, upon receiving an order, hewould instantly repair to that spotwhich the commander-in-chief shouldappoint. I told him, also, that theFrench generals wished that it werepossible to have an interview with him.

At the termination of our conversation,we decided upon the followingmeasures, of which I consequently gavean account to General Washington.

1st. You have written to France to urgethe speedy arrival and augmentation ofthe promised succours. You havealready asked for the five vessels of M.de Guichen, and I have also takencharge of another letter, which repeats

the same request, and which will passthrough the hands of the Chevalier dela Luzerne.

2d. As soon as you receive news of thearrival either of the second division orof the ships from the West Indies, youwill immediately despatch a messengerto General Washington; and, whilst ourarmy is marching towards Westchester,and your own making preparation forembarkation, M. de Ternay willendeavour to effect his junction.

3d. If the French fleet should be equalto that of the enemy, it will immediatelyenter into a contest for superiority; if itshould be superior, it will take the

French troops instantly on board, andcarry them towards the bay intendedfor their landing.

4th. A spot shall be chosen fromwhence the ships may protect theoperation, and which will also afford tothe troops first landed a position wellsheltered by the fire from the ships, andbehind which the remainder of thetroops may join them; or by advancingwith all the landed troops, the right andleft wings may be so placed as to coverthe last of the disembarkation. Thespot selected shall be situated in such amanner that the corps of the Americanarmy intended for this particularexpedition, may arrive and land at the

very moment of the landing of theCount de Rochambeau, and that theirgeneral may be able to co-operateinstantly with the French general.

5th. According to the number ofFrench troops in a state to operate,General Washington will either conducthimself, or send to Long Island, asufficient number of troops to obtain aforce nearly equal to that of the enemy,and he will also have a corps of troopsof nearly the same strength as the oneopposed to him, either at Westchesteror in the Island of New York.

6th. The Chevalier de Ternay willexamine, attentively, the possibility of

forcing the passage of Sandy Hook,and if it be deemed practicable, willattain that important end.

7th. As soon as the arms, clothes, andammunition, belonging to the UnitedStates, shall arrive, the Chevalier deTernay will have the goodness, withoutgiving them time to enter the harbour,to send them with a convoy of frigates,or, if the batteries be not yet erected, bya ship of the line, to that point in theSound which General Washington mayjudge proper to select.

8th. The French fleet will take chargeof the boats we shall require, whichwill be delivered up to them at

Providence; they will also land us allthe powder that they can do withoutthemselves; this does not amount, atpresent, to more than thirty thousandpounds.

9th. I shall send to the French generalsall the correct information I may obtainrespecting the passage of the Sound byHell Gate; I shall communicate tothem, likewise, all the details relating toBrooklyn, and they will send us thecalculations which have been made inconsequence by the artillery andengineers, from thence we shall decidewhat must be sent with the AmericanLong Island corps for these twocompanies. Some doubts are

entertained by the French generalsconcerning the two points of this lastarticle; I shall send them from homesome information respecting thatsubject, of which I had before thehonour of speaking to them.

10th. The invalids, magazines, &c., shallbe sent to Providence, and the batteriesof that river are to be placed by us inproper order. It is clearly specified thatthe instant the expected navalsuperiority of force arrives, the Frenchare not to lose a single day incommencing their co-operativemeasures.

Such is, gentlemen, the abridgment of

the account rendered to GeneralWashington; and it will serve as thebasis for his preparations, as well as arule for the future elucidations you mayreceive. From the confidence withwhich he has honoured me, I wasobliged to settle finally all that it waspossible for me to arrange with you, thefate of America, in short, appears to bedependent upon your activity or reposeduring the remainder of this summer. Iattach the greatest importance to allyour ideas being clearly rendered, and Ientreat you to lose no time in writing afew words to say whether I haveunderstood your meaning.

A short time after my departure,

gentlemen, you must have learnt thatGeneral Clinton, fearing for New York;had been obliged, by a suddenmovement of our army, to enclosehimself in that island. The army is atpresent near Dobb's Ferry, ten milesabove King's Bridge, on the right sideof the North River, and our advanceguard is nearly three miles before it.

If General Clinton, with a force andposition equal to our own, shouldjudge proper to fight, we shall give hima favourable opportunity of doing so,and he may take advantage of that kindof challenge to make the mostimpartial trial of the English andHessian against the American troops.

I shall wait here, most impatiently,gentlemen, your answer to this letter. Ishall have the honour ofcommunicating to you the variousadvices General Washington may find itexpedient to send you. The firstintelligence of the arrival of the shipsis very necessary to our peace of mind,and from an intimate knowledge ofour situation, I assure you, gentlemen,in my own private name and person,that it is important to act during thiscampaign, that all the troops you mayhope to obtain from France next year,as well as all the projects of which youmay flatter yourselves, will never repairthe fatal consequences of our present

inactivity. Without resources inAmerica, all foreign succours wouldprove of no avail; and although, inevery case, you may rely wholly uponus, I think it important to takeadvantage of the moment when youmay find here a co-operation, withoutwhich you will not be able to achieveanything for the American cause.

I have the honour to be, &c.

P.S. Such, gentlemen, is the long officialletter which I have the honour ofwriting to you, but I cannot send itwithout thanking you for the kindnessyou expressed for me at Rhode Island,and presenting you the assurance. of

my sincere and respectful attachment.

Footnote:

1. General Heath, who commanded themilitia in the state of Rhode Island,announced, on the 13th of July, thearrival of the French squadron toWashington, who was then stationedwith his staff at Bergen. M. de Lafayetteset out instantly, bearing instructionsfrom the general-in-chief dated the15th, to meet the French Generals andto concert with them. Washington hadlong formed a plan of offensiveoperations, for the reduction of thetown and garrison of New York (letterto General Greene the 14th of July);

this plan was to take effect oncondition, first, that the French andAmerican troops should form ajunction; second, that the Frenchshould have a decided naval superiorityover the united forces of AdmiralGraves and Admiral Arbuthnot. Innine letters, written between the 20thof July and the 1st of August, whichwould not perhaps have offered muchinterest to the reader, M. de Lafayetterendered an account of his mission, ofwhich a short analysis will give theprincipal details.

The first letters relate to the multiplieddifficulties he encountered in the statesof Connecticut and Rhode Island, in

collecting provisions, clothing, arms,and, above all, powder, in sufficientquantities for the projected expedition.These difficulties were much increasedby the insufficiency of every kind ofmunition brought by the Frenchsquadron, which but half realized thepromises of the French cabinet. M. deLafayette repaired to Newport the 25th,and found the army, which had beendisembarked, encamped in RhodeIsland, and M. de Rochambeau muchoccupied by the news of an importantattack, and, in fact, four of the enemy'sships appeared on the 19th, and nine orten more two days after, before BlockIsland. Sir Henry Clinton had on hisside left New York. By a combination

of his land and sea forces, he intendedto surprise the French army. But heexperienced some delay; his soldierscould only embark in the transports the27th; there was a wrong understandingbetween him and Admiral Arbuthnot.He learnt that the French had fortifiedthemselves at Newport, and that theneighbouring militia had joined them;and at length that General Washingtonwas making a rapid movement uponNew York. He hastened to pass overthe Sound, and landed his troops onthe 31st.

M. de Lafayette, who had always feltdoubtful, himself, of Clinton's makingthe attack, had then the opportunity of

discussing with the allies the project foran offensive operation. He wasextremely anxious to put it intoexecution, and General Washington wasdesirous also of doing the same.

The thing was, however, difficult.Although the capture of New York hadalways been one of the objects of theFrench ministry, the instructions of M.de Rochambeau prescribed to him toattach great importance to the stationof Rhode Island, and to endeavour tomake it the basis for his otheroperations. He was therefore reluctantto quit it in order to march upon NewYork. M. de Ternay, at the same time,considered it as impossible to enter

with his ships of war into the harbourof that town, and contented himselfwith promising a blockade; he did not,besides, possess that naval superioritywhich could only be obtained by thearrival of the second division, whichwas so vainly expected from France, orby the junction of the squadron of M.de Guichen, then in the West Indies, towhom M. de Lafayette had written topromote that object. M. deRochambeau's own opinion was,however, in favour of offensivemeasures, and he promised to conform,according to his instructions, to theorders of the general-in-chief.Everything was discussed and regulatedin two or three conferences, which took

place from the end of July to thecommencement of August, betweenMM. de Rochambeau, de Ternay, andde Lafayette. The result of theseconferences is resumed in a letter, towhich is annexed this note

In the suppressed letters it is also seenthat the French troops evinced thegreatest ardour, and that the goodintelligence that reigned between thetwo allies completely justified theexpectations of M. de Lafayette, andthe measures he had proposed. Hewrote, in a letter of the 31st, to GeneralWashington:

"The French army hate the idea of

staying here, and want to join you. Theyswear at those that speak of waiting thesecond division: they are enraged to beblockaded in this harbour. As to theirdispositions towards the inhabitantsand our troops, and the dispositions ofthe inhabitants and the militia for them,they are such as I may wish. You wouldhave been glad the other day to see twohundred and fifty of our drafts thatcame on from Connanicut, withoutprovisions and tents, and who weremixed in such a way with the Frenchtroops, that every French soldier andofficer took an American with him, anddivided his bed and his supper in themost friendly manner. The patience andsobriety of our militia are so much

admired by the French officers, that,two days ago, a French colonel calledall his officers together, to take thegood examples which were given to theFrench soldiers by the Americantroops. So far are they gone in theiradmiration, that they find a great dealto say in favour of General Varnum,and his escort of militia dragoons, whofill up all the streets of Newport. Onthe other band, the French discipline issuch, that chickens and pigs walkbetween the tents without beingdisturbed, and that there is in the campa corn-field, of which not one leaf hasbeen touched. The Tories dont knowwhat to say to it." (ORIGINAL.)(Letters of Washington from the 14th of July

to the 5th of August, 1780, and Appendix,Nos. 1 and 8, VOL. vii.)

FROM THE COUNT DEROCHAMBEAU TO M. DELAFAYETTE.

Newport, August 12th, 1780.

I received, my dear marquis, the letteryou did me the honour of writing the9th of August; permit me to send you,in reply, the one I had the honour ofaddressing to our general on the 10thof this month, to express to him theopinion you asked for by his desire. I

am only now, therefore, waiting for hislast orders, and I have earnestlyrequested him to grant me the favourof an interview, that the admiral and Imay receive from his own lips the lastplan he has decided upon; we shoulddo more in a quarter of an hour'sconversation than we could do bymultiplied despatches. I am asthoroughly convinced as any personcan be of the truth of what your lettersmentioned, that it was his marchingwhich had detained Clinton, whointended to come and attack us; but Imust observe to you also, at the sametime, that there was much reason tohope that he would have been wellbeaten here, and during that time our

general would have taken New York.As to your observation, my dearmarquis, that the position of theFrench at Rhode Island is of no use tothe Americans, I reply:

First, That I never heard it had beeninjurious to any one of them.

Second, That it would be well to reflectthat the position of the French corpsmay have had something to do withClinton's evacuation of the continent,when he has been obliged to confinehimself to Long Island and New York;that, in short, while the French fleet isguarded here by an assembled and asuperior naval force, your American

shores are undisturbed, your privateersare making considerable prizes, andyour maritime commerce enjoys perfectliberty. It appears to me, that, in socomfortable a situation, it is easy towait patiently the naval and land forcesthat the king assured me should, besent; that, in short, as I have receivedno letter from France since mydeparture; I can only flatter myself thatthe second division is already on theroad, and is bringing me despatches,since, if it had been blockaded bysuperior forces, some sort of advicewould have been sent me from theshores of France. I fear thosesavannahs and other events of thekind, of which I have seen so many

during the course of my life. Thereexists a principle in war, as in geometry,vis unita fortior. I am, however, awaitingorders from our generalissimo, and Ientreat him to grant the admiral andmyself an interview. I will join thelatter's despatch to this packet as soonas I receive it.

I beg you to accept, my dear marquis,the assurance of my sincerest affection.

TO MM. DE ROCHAMBEAU ANDDE TERNAY.

Camp, August 18th, 1780.

GENTLEMEN, As I wish to submitthe same observations to you both,permit me to address this letter to youin common, and permit me also(without pretending to complain of theinterpretation you have given to my lastletter) to accuse myself of havingexplained my own meaning in a veryawkward manner.

On my return here, gentlemen, GeneralWashington asked me for an accountof our conversations. You know thathe had given me full powers to explainto you our situation, and to settlefinally the plan of the campaign. Whenhe knew that you wished to confer with

him, he again wrote me word that I wasto arrange everything in his name, as ifhe were himself present. It was naturalthat he should wish to know what Isaid to you, what you replied, and whatwe had finally decided upon. Hethought that the best manner ofcollecting our ideas was to write themdown; and I, fearing to say a singleword that was not precisely accordingto your intentions, thought it morepolite, more respectful towards you, tosubmit to your examination the writtenaccount which my general hadrequested. I may add, at this place,gentlemen, that the general, thinkingthat you were only acquainted with ourposition from what I had the honour

of saying to you, did not consider theprevious letters he had received asanswers to what I had undertaken toexplain to you. All that I said to you,gentlemen, concerning Rhode Island,the passage of Hell Gate, the harbourof New York, and the disembarkation,was from the reiterated orders ofGeneral Washington; and as to thepolitical opinions, which I will dispensemyself with expressing in future,because they must come from theChevalier de la Luzerne, I, assure youthat if, as your own countryman, it wasmore delicate for me to give them in myown name, they are not lessconformable to the ideas of GeneralWashington. The only time when I

took the liberty of speaking for myselfwas, when, wearied by the questionsthat have been made to me by athousand American individuals uponthe second division, and the superiorityof the English at this present period, Iyielded to my ardent wish of enteringat once on action, and to the hope ofcommencing our operationsimmediately. If I have been to blame, Ithink it can only be in this one instance.

I believe that the march towards NewYork has recalled Clinton from the bayof Huntington, but I believe that if hehad been guilty of the folly ofattacking you, he would have both lostat Rhode Island a portion of his army,

owing to our French troops, and theIsland of New York by our attack. Thiswas my opinion, and the one I foundmost prevalent here, and I also thinkthat it is very unfortunate for thecommon cause that General Clintondid not pursue his enterprise. Is it Iwho could imagine the contrary I whohave always been laughed at forthinking it impossible that the Frenchcould ever be beaten!

When, after having received three lettersfrom General Washington, and heldtwenty conversations with him on thesubject, I thought it proper to tell youin what point of view we looked uponRhode Island, I do not think it ever

occurred to me to say you had injuredany person by staying there, and as tothe advantage America derives fromhaving a French squadron and Frenchtroops, allow me to mention,gentlemen, that M. d'Estaing found meformerly well disposed to acknowledgethis truth; that for more than eighteenmonths, and especially since thecommencement of last summer, I helda regular correspondence with theFrench government, to represent to itthe utility of such a measure; and,although the gratitude of theAmericans does not by any meansrequire being excited, few hours passwithout my employing a part of mytime in pointing out to them the

advantages that you may procure forthem even when inferior to the hostileforces, and in which I do not take themeasures most proper to publish thistruth from the extremity of Canada tothat of Florida, as I may prove to youby the few copies of letters which Ihave preserved.

As to the political opinions with whichI took the liberty of closing my letter,although I acknowledge havingcommitted the fault of expressing themto you, I am certain beforehand that,from an intimate acquaintance with theAmerican character and resources, theChevalier de la Luzerne and GeneralWashington are both of my opinion.

I will do all that depends upon me,gentlemen, to prevail upon the generalto meet you half way; but, from hisproximity to the enemy, and from thepresent situation of the army, which hehas never quitted since thecommencement of the war, I fear it willappear to him very difficult to absenthimself. Whenever you have any ordersto give me, look upon me as a manwho, you must well know, idolizes hisown country with a peculiar degree ofenthusiasm, and who unites to thatfeeling (the strongest one of his heart)the respectful affection with which hehas the honour of being, &c.

TO M. DE ROCHAMBEAU.

Camp, August 18th, 1780.

Having written, sir, one letter to you incommon with the Chevalier de Ternay,permit me to address myself to youwith the frankness authorised by thewarm affection I have felt, andendeavoured to prove to you, from myearliest youth. Although your letterexpresses your usual kindness for me, Iobserved a few sentences in it which,without being individually applied tome, prove to me that my last epistledispleased you. After having been

engaged night and day for four months,in preparing the minds of the people toreceive, respect, and love you; after all Ihave said to make them sensible of theadvantages they derived from yourresidence at Rhode Island, and afterhaving made use of my own popularityto propagate this truth; in short, sir,after all that my patriotism andaffection for you have dictated to me,my feelings were unavoidably hurt byyour giving such an unfavourable turnto my letter, and one which had neverfor a moment occurred to myself. If inthat letter I have offended or displeasedyou; if, for example, you disapprove ofthat written account which GeneralWashington asked for, and which I

thought I ought to submit to you, Igive you my word of honour that Ithought I was doing a very simplething; so simple, indeed, that I shouldhave considered I was wronging you bynot doing it.

If you had heard that second divisionspoken of, sir, as I have done; if youknew how strongly the English and theTories endeavour to persuade theAmericans that France only wishes tokindle, without extinguishing the flame,you would readily conceive that mydesire of silencing those reports mighthave inspired me, perhaps, with toomuch warmth. I will confide to youthat, thus placed in a foreign country,

my self love is wounded by seeing theFrench blockaded at Rhode Island, andthe pain I feel induces me to wish theoperations to commence. As to whatyou write to me, sir, respecting RhodeIsland, if I were to give you an accountof all I have said, written, and insertedin the public papers; if you had heardme, frequently in the midst of a groupof American peasants, relating theconduct of the French at Newport; ifyou were only to pass three days herewith me, you would see the injustice ofyour reproach.

If I have offended you, I ask yourpardon, for two reasons; first, because Iam sincerely attached to you; and

secondly, because it is my earnest wishto do everything I can to please youhere. As a private individual, in allplaces your commands will ever be lawsto me, and for the meanest Frenchmenhere I would make every possiblesacrifice rather than not contribute totheir glory, comfort, and union with theAmericans. Such, sir, are my feelings,and although you have imagined somewhich are very foreign to my heart, Iforget that injustice to think only of mysincere attachment to you.

P.S. I am far from thinking, sir, that Iam in any degree the cause of thesentiments that are experienced in thiscountry for yourself and the officers of

your army. I am not so vain as to haveentertained such an idea; but I have hadthe advantage of knowing you, and Iwas, therefore, able to foresee whatwould occur on your arrival, and tocirculate the opinions adopted by allthose who have personally known you.I am convinced, and no one here candeny it, that but for your arrival,American affairs would have gone onbadly this campaign; but, in our presentsituation, this alone is not sufficient,and it is important to gain advantagesover the enemy. Believe, that when Iwrote in my own name, that opinion didnot belong to myself alone; my onlyfault was writing with warmth, in anofficial manner, that which you would

have forgiven on account of my youth,if I had addressed it as a friend toyourself alone; but my intentions wereso pure, that I was as much surprised aspained by your letter, and that is sayinga great deal.

FROM M. DE ROCHAMBEAU.

Newport, August 27th, 1780.

Permit an aged father, my dear marquis,to reply to you as he would do to a sonwhom he tenderly loves and esteems.You know me well enough to feelconvinced that I do not require being

excited, that when I, at my age, form aresolution founded upon military andstate reasons, and supported bycircumstances, no possible instigationcan induce me to change my mindwithout a positive order from mygeneral. I am happy to say that hisdespatches, on the contrary, inform methat my ideas correspond substantiallywith his own, as to all those pointswhich would allow us to turn this intoan offensive operation, and that weonly differ in relation to some smalldetails, on which a slight explanation,or his commands, would suffice toremove all difficulties in an instant. Asa Frenchman, you feel humiliated, mydear friend, at seeing an English

squadron blockading in this country,with a decided superiority of frigatesand ships, the Chevalier de Ternay'ssquadron; but console yourself, mydear marquis, the port of Brest hasbeen blockaded for two months by anEnglish fleet, and this is what preventsthe second division from setting outunder the escort of M. de Bougainville.If you had made the two last wars, youwould have heard nothing spoken ofbut these same blockades; I hope thatM. de Guichen, on one side, and M. deGaston, on the other, will revenge usfor these momentary mortifications.

It is always right, my dear marquis, tobelieve that Frenchmen are invincible;

but I, after an experience of forty years,am going to confide a great secret toyou: there are no men more easilybeaten when they have lost confidencein their chiefs, and they lose it instantlywhen their lives have beencompromised, owing to any private orpersonal ambition. If I have been sofortunate as to have retained theirconfidence until the present moment, Imay declare, upon the most scrupulousexamination of my own conscience,that I owe it entirely to this fact, that,of about fifteen thousand men whohave been killed or wounded under mycommand, of various ranks, and in themost bloody actions, I have not toreproach myself with having caused the

death of a single man for my ownpersonal advantage.

You wrote to the Chevalier deChastellux, my dear marquis, that theinterview I requested of our generalhas embarrassed him, because it onlybecomes necessary after the arrival ofthe second division, when there will bequite time enough to act. But you mustsurely have forgotten that I haveunceasingly requested that interviewimmediately, and that it is absolutelynecessary that he, the admiral, and I,should concert together all our projectsand details, that in case one of the threechances should occur and enable us toact offensively, our movements may be

prompt and decisive. In one of thesethree cases, my dear marquis, you willfind in your old prudent father someremnants of vigour and activity. Beever convinced of my sincere affection,and that if I pointed out to you verygently what displeased me in your lastdespatch, I felt at the time convincedthat the warmth of your heart hadsomewhat impaired the coolness ofyour judgment. Retain that latter qualityin the council-room, and reserve all theformer for the hour of action. It isalways the aged father, Rochambeau,who is addressing his dear sonLafayette, whom he loves, and will everlove and esteem until his latest breath.

TO THE CHEVALIER DE LALUZERNE.

Robinson House, opposite W. Point,Sept. 26, 1780.

When I parted from you yesterday, sir,to come and breakfast here withGeneral Arnold, we were far fromforeseeing the event which I am nowgoing to relate to you.~[1]

You will shudder at the danger towhich we have been exposed; you willadmire the miraculous chain ofunexpected events and singular chances

that have saved us; but you will be stillmore astonished when you learn bywhat instruments this conspiracy hasbeen formed. West Point was sold andsold by Arnold: the same man whoformerly acquired glory by renderingsuch immense services to his country.He had lately entered into a horriblecompact with the enemy, and but forthe accident that brought us here at acertain hour, but for the combinationof chances that threw the adjutant-general of the English army in thehands of some peasants, beyond thelimits of our stations, West Point andthe North River, we should both atpresent, in all probability, be inpossession of the enemy.

When we set out yesterday for Fishkill,we were preceded by one of my aides-de-camp, and one of General Knox's,who found General Arnold and hiswife at breakfast, and sat down at tablewith them. Whilst they were together,two letters were given to Arnold, whichapprised him of the arrestration of thespy. He ordered a horse to be saddled,went into his wife's room to tell her hewas ruined, and desired his aide- de-camp to inform General Washingtonthat he was going to West Point andwould return in the course of an hour.

On our arrival here, we crossed theriver and went to examine the works.

You may conceive our astonishmentwhen we learnt, on our return, that thearrested spy was Major Andr, adjutant-general of the English army; and whenamongst his papers were discovered thecopy of an important council of war,the state of the garrison and works, andobservations upon various means ofattack and defence, the whole inArnold's own hand writing.

The adjutant-general wrote also to thegeneral, avowing his name andsituation. Orders were sent to arrestArnold; but he escaped in a boat, goton board the English frigate theVulture, and as no person suspected hisflight, he was not stopped at any post.

Colonel Hamilton, who had gone inpursuit of him, received soon after, bya flag of truce, a letter from Arnold tothe general, in which he entered into nodetails to justify his treachery, and aletter from the English commander,Robertson, who, in a very insolentmanner, demanded that the adjutant-general should be delivered up to them,as he had only acted with thepermission of General Arnold.

The first care of the general has been toassemble, at West Point, the troops that,under various pretences, Arnold haddispersed. We remain here to watchover the safety of a fort, that theEnglish may respect less as they become

better acquainted with it. Continentaltroops have been summoned here, andas Arnold's advice may determineClinton to make a sudden movement,the army has received orders to beprepared to march at a moment'swarning.

Footnote:

1. The project of an expedition againstNew York had not been abandoned: itwas still canvassed by letter. GeneralWashington agreed with the Frenchgenerals as to the, necessity of waitingfor a naval reinforcement. The latterinsisted upon having a conference withthe General and M. de Lafayette. (See

especially Washington's Letter of the21st August, vol. vii. p. 169.) That longdeferred conference was at lengthgranted, and it was fixed that it shouldtake place at Hartford (Connecticut).Washington left his army the 18th ofSeptember. It will be recollected that itwas his interview with Arnold at thepassage of the Hudson, that inducedthe latter to take the steps which led tothe discovery of the conspiracy. (Seeabove.) Some days after, M. deRochambeau wrote thus to M. deLafayette:

"Providence has declared itself for us,my dear marquis, and that importantinterview, which I have so long wished

for, and which has given me so muchpleasure, has been crowned by apeculiar mark of the favour of Heaven.The Chevalier de la Luzerne has not yetarrived; I took the liberty of openingyour letter to him, in which I found allthe details of that horrible conspiracy,and I am penetrated with mingledfeelings, of grief at the event itself, andjoy at its discovery.

TO MADAME DE TESS.

Camp, on the right side of the NorthRiver, near the Island of New York,October 4th, 1780.

A French frigate arriving from America,the son of M. de Rochambeau onboard! Good God, what a commotionall that will excite, and how muchtrouble inquisitive people will take todiscover the secrets of the ministers.But I, my dear cousin, will confide toyou our secret. The French army hasarrived at Rhode Island, and has notquitted that spot. M. de Ternay's sevenvessels have been blockaded the wholetime, and the English have nineteenvessels here under that luckycommander, Rodney. We Americans,without money, without pay, andwithout provisions, by holding out fairpromises, have succeeded in forming an

army, which has been offering to fight abattle with the English for the last threemonths, but which cannot withoutvessels reach the island of New York.Gates, who was no favourite of mine,has become still less so since he hasallowed himself to be beaten in thesouth. But all this is quite asmonontonous as a European war, andcatastrophes are necessary to excite andsustain the interest of men.

You must know, then, my cousin, that acertain General Arnold, of somereputation in the world, was ourcommander at West Point, a fort on theNorth River, whose importance theDuke d'Ayen will explain to you.

General Washington and I, returningfrom Hartford, where we had held aconference with the French generals,discovered a conspiracy of the highestimportance. We owe that discovery toan almost incredible combination ofaccidents. West Point was sold byArnold, and we were consequently lost.The traitor has fled to join the enemy.

I received letters from you by the fleet,and by the Alliance, and I amimpatiently expecting more recent ones.The nation will not be pleased with thestate of tranquillity in which we remain.But as we have no ships, we can onlywait for the enemy's blows, and GeneralClinton does not appear in any haste to

attack us. As to ourselves, werepublicans preach lectures to oursovereign master, the people, to inducehim to recommence his exertions. Inthe mean while we practise so muchfrugality, and are in such a state ofpoverty and nudity, that I trust anaccount will be kept in the next world,whilst we remain in purgatory, of all wehave suffered here.

Poircy~[1] is here, and although hedoes not find a St. Germain in this partof the world, he accustoms himselfextremely well, I assure you, to asoldier's life. I thank you from thebottom of my heart for all the newsyou gave me. Although they afforded

me the greatest pleasure, I scarcely darereply to them, from the fear that myanswers may appear to come fromanother world. I saw in the paper thatthe King of Spain was dead: has God,then, punished him for havingconferred the title of grandee upon M.de Montbarrey

I need not tell you that I am in goodhealth, for that is, you know, my usualcustom. My situation here is asagreeable as possible. I am in highfavour, I believe, with the French army:the American army shew me everypossible kindness and attention. I havethe command of a flying corps,composed of the elite of the troops.

My friend General Washingtoncontinues to be everything to me that Ibefore described to you.

Adieu, my dear cousin. When shall Iagain see you I pray that God maygrant us an honourable peace, and thatI may embrace my friends, and Iwillingly, for my own part, will give upmy share of the glory in the hopeeventually to win.

Present my affectionate regards to M.de Tesse, M. de Mun, M. Tenai, and thebaron;~[2] I was on the point ofsaying, embrace his daughter for me.

Footnotes:

1. Secretary. The Marshal de Noailleshad a house at Saint Germain.

2. The Baron de Tott.


Near Fort Lee, opposite FortWashington, on the North River, Oct.7th, 1780.

You must have already learnt, mydearest love, all that can interest yourelating to myself, from my arrival atBoston until my voyage to Rhode

Island, which place public affairs, andthe desire of seeing my friends, inducedme to visit soon after my landing. Ihave been since to Hartford inConnecticut, to be present at aninterview between the French generalsand General Washington: of all myyoung friends, Damas [1] was the onlyone who accompanied us. Theviscount[2] and I often write to eachother, but we do not meet, and thepoor man remains shut up in RhodeIsland; the French squadron detains thearmy there, and is itself detained bynineteen ships of the line and sundryother ships of war, upon which M.Rodney proudly exhibits the Britishcolours. So long as our naval inferiority

lasts, you need feel no anxiety about thehealth of your friends in America.

I must speak to you, however, aboutmy health; it continues excellent, andhas not been interrupted for a singlemoment; a soldier's mode of living isextremely frugal, and the generalofficers of the rebel army fare verydifferently from the French army atNewport. You have probably heardthat, on my arrival in America, I foundthe army of General Washington veryweak in numbers, and still more so inresources. Our prospects were notbrilliant, and the loss of Charlestonwas for us a most heavy blow, but thedesire of co-operating with their allies

gave new vigour to the states. GeneralWashington's army increased more thanhalf in number, and more than tenthousand militia were added to it, whowould have come forward if we hadacted offensively. Associations ofmerchants and patriotic banks wereformed to supply the army withsubsistence. The ladies made, and arestill making, subscriptions, to affordsuccour to the soldiers. When that ideawas first proposed, I made myself yourambassador to the ladies ofPhiladelphia, and you are inscribed onthe list for a hundred guineas. GeneralGates had in the south an army quitesufficient for defence; but he has beencompletely beaten in Carolina. The fruit

of all these labours has been, to proveto the French that the Americans desirenothing better than to second theirviews upon England, to prove to theEnglish that the flame of liberty wasnot wholly extinguished in America,and to keep us, during the wholecampaign, in daily expectation of abattle, which General Clinton, althoughequal to us in number, has neverthought proper to accept. If we hadonly had ships, we should have beenenabled to do a great deal more.

As I know that all that interests medeeply is also interesting to you, I willtell you that we are much occupied byan important system, which would

secure to us a considerable army duringthe whole war, and would bring intoaction all the resources which Americais capable of making. God grant thatthe nation may understand its trueinterests, and our affairs will go onwithout difficulty!

M. de Rochambeau and M. de Ternay,as well as all the other French officers,conduct themselves extremely well here.A little ebullition of frankness gave riseto a slight altercation between thosegenerals and myself. As I perceived Icould not convince them, and that itwas important for the public good thatwe should remain friends; I declared,with due humility, that I had been

mistaken, that I had committed anerror, and, in short, in proper terms, Iasked their pardon, which producedsuch an excellent effect that we are nowon a more amicable footing than ever.

I command a flying corps, whichalways forms an advance guard, and isquite independent of the great army;this is far too grand for our pacificsituation.

On the Hackensack River, Oct. 8th,1780.

You will learn, my dearest love, animportant event, which has exposedAmerica to the greatest danger. A

frightful conspiracy has been plannedby the celebrated Arnold: he sold to theEnglish the fort of West Point, whichwas under his command, and,consequently, the whole navigation ofthe river: the plot was within an ace ofsucceeding, and quite as many chancescombined together to discover it as inthat affair of the Alliance, which I haveso often described to you.~[3] Afterour journey to Hartford, GeneralWashington passed by West Point,which was not on his road; but he wasdesirous of shewing me the works thathad been constructed since mydeparture for France. Detained byvarious accidents upon the road, wearrived at the traitor's house just as he

received the letters which announcedthat he had been discovered. He hadnot time to intercept those proofs ofinfamy, and consequently he could onlymake his escape towards New Yorkhalf an hour before our arrival.

The adjutant-general of the Englisharmy has been arrested under a feignedname and dress. He was an importantperson, the friend and confidant ofGeneral Clinton. He behaved with somuch frankness, courage, and delicacy,that I could not help lamenting hisunhappy fate.

I received, with great delight, the lettersof my dear sisters; I shall write to them

to-morrow; but I shall send this scrawl,as I fear the frigate may depart. I finishmy letter in this place, having begun itrather more close to the enemy: we hadapproached them to protect a smallenterprise, in which a detachment ofmy advance-guard has been engaged,and which only ended by capturing twoofficers, and fifteen men and horses. Weare now marching towards a place youwill find marked upon the map Sotawa,whither the grand army is also to repair.I shall write to Madame d'Ayen and tomy sisters.

Sotawa Bridge, October 10th, 1780.

I am closing my letter, but before

sealing it, I must again speak to you fora moment of my affection. GeneralWashington was much pleased by thekind messages which I delivered fromyou; he desires me to present to you histender regards; he is affectionatelyattached to George, and is muchgratified by the name we have givenhim. We often speak of you and of thelittle family. Adieu, adieu.

Footnotes:

1. The Count Charles de Damas, died apeer of France under the restoration.

2. The Viscount de Noailles.

3. The conspiracy discovered on boardthe frigate which brought home M. deLafayette, in September, 1779.


(ORIGINAL.)

Light Camp, October 30th, 1780.

MY DEAR GENERAL, In ourconversations upon military operationsyou have often told me that, since thebeginning of the campaign, your eyeswere turned towards a project uponwhich I generally agree in opinion with

you, and beg leave to offer someobservations.

Far from lessening my desire offinishing the campaign by somebrilliant stroke, the project of StatenIsland, though it miscarried, hasstrengthened my opinions, as I haveclearly seen, by the details of thisoperation, that we should, in all humanprobability, have succeeded, and thatour men were fully equal to anyenterprise of that kind.~[1]

My reasons for wishing to undertakesomething are these: 1st. Any enterprisewill please the people of this country,and shew them that when we have men

we do not lie still; and even a defeat(provided it was not fatal) would haveits good consequences. 2ndly. TheFrench court have often complained tome of the inactivity of the Americanarmy, who, before the alliance, haddistinguished themselves by their spiritof enterprise. They have often told me,your friends leave us now to fight theirbattles, and do no more risk themselves:it is, moreover, of the greatest politicalimportance to let them know, that, onour side, we were ready to co-operate.Be sure, my dear general, that manypeople's interest will be to let it bebelieved that we were not ready, and ifanything may engage the ministry togive us the asked for support, it will be

our proving to the nation that, on ourside, we had been ready. So far was theChevalier de la Luzerne convinced ofthis (and on this point the minister'sinterest is the same as ours) that he wasmade happy by my mentioning to himthe Staten Island affair. I well know thecourt of Versailles, and were I to go toit, I should think it very impolitic to gothere unless we had done something.3rdly. It is more than probable thatmediators will interfere this winter by anegotiation. Then England will say,how can we give up people whom weconsider as half conquered; their bestcity has been taken by an army notmuch superior to the people that wereto defend it; their southern army was

routed almost as soon as looked at bythe British troops New York is so muchours, that they dare not approach it, andGeneral Washington's army does notexceed five thousand men. What shallFrance answer Principally now thatfrom the letters I have received I findthe Charleston affair has brought ourarms into contempt. But whatdifference, if France might say, theAmerican army has taken, sword inhand, your best works; they haveoffered to you the battle upon yourown island, and, perhaps they may add(for news increases in travelling), theyare now in possession of New York.

Upon these considerations, my dear

general, what I want is this, to find anexpedition which may wear a brilliantaspect, and afford probable advantages,also an immense, though very remoteone, which, if unsuccessful, may notturn fatal to us, for the loss of two orthree hundred men, half of them beingenlisted for two months, I do notconsider as a ruinous adventure.

The basis of the plan will be, that FortWashington, being in our possession,may, with the Fort Lee batteries, protectour crossing North River, and be asecurity for our retreat, principally ifsome works are added on the point ofembarkation. The taking of FortWashington we may demonstrate to be

very probable, and upon that point youare of my opinion.

The enemy have, on the upper part ofthe Island from fifteen hundred to twothousand men, who would immediatelyoccupy all the other upper posts. Theirarmy on Long Island would repair toNew York, and there would also retirethe troops posted at Harlem.

As soon as Fort Washington should beours, the army would cross over to theisland, and those of West Point arrivein the same time (which calculation maybe easily done) so that we shouldeffectually possess all the upper posts,or cut them off from their main army.

Some militia would come to ourassistance, and as these posts are notwell furnished with provisions weshould take them, at least, by famine.

The enemy's army consists of ninethousand men: they must certainly leaveone thousand men in their severalposts; fifteen hundred of them, at least,will be either killed at Fort Washingtonor blocked up at Laurel Hill, and theywill then have between six and seventhousand men to attack ten. The twothousand militia (in supposing that theydurst take them out) I do not mention,because we may have four thousandmilitia for them: under suchcircumstances it is, probable that Sir

Henry Clinton will venture a battle. Ifhe does, and by chance beat us, weretire under Fort Washington; but, ifwe beat him, his works will be at such adistance, that he will be ruined in theretreat. If, on the contrary, he knowsthat the French army is coming, and ifwe spread the report of a seconddivision, or of Count de Guichenbeing upon the coasts, he will keep inhis works, and we will, some way orother, carry the upper posts. When weare upon the spot we may reconnoitreNew York, and see if something is tobe done. If Clinton was making aforage into the Jerseys, I should be clearfor pushing to the city.

If we undertake, the circumstances ofthe weather make it necessary that weundertake immediately. I would movethe army, as soon as possible, to ourposition near the new bridge. Thismovement may invite Clinton in theJerseys, and bring us nearer to the pointof execution.

Though my private glory and yours, mydear general, both of which are verydear to my heart, are greatly interested,not so much for the opinions ofAmerica, as for those of Europe, in ourdoing something this campaign, I hopeyou know me too well to think Ishould insist upon steps of this natureunless I knew that they were politically

necessary, and had a sufficient militaryprobability.


The six hundred men of Luzerne'slegion might be got in twelve days. Ifour movements had no other effect butto make a diversion in favour of thesouth, it would, on that footing, meetwith the approbation of the world, andperhaps impeach the operations ofGeneral Leslie.

Footnote:

1. M. de Lafayette had taken, since the7th of August, command of the corps

of light infantry, consisting of sixcompanies of men, selected in differentlines of the army. Those battalionswere divided into two brigades; oneunder the command of General Hand,the other of General Poor. Theinactivity of the army was veryopposite to the character and policy ofM. de Lafayette; he endeavouredincessantly to find means of putting anend to it, at least as far as regardedhimself. The 14th of August he hadwritten to General Washington to askhis permission to attempt a nocturnalsurprise on the two camps of Hessiansestablished at New York Island. At thebeginning of October, he attempted anexpedition on Italian Island, which

could not be accomplished, owing to amistake made by the administration ofthe materality of the army. This letter,and the letters of the 13th ofNovember, allude to this circumstance.We have been obliged to retrench tenletters, which relate solely to theunimportant incidents of a war ofobservation.


(ORIGINAL.)

Head-quarters, 30th October, 1780.

It is impossible, my dear marquis, todesire more ardently than I do, toterminate the campaign by some happystroke; but we must consult our meansrather than our wishes, and notendeavour to better our affairs byattempting things which, for want ofsuccess, may make them worse. We areto lament that there has been amisapprehension of our circumstancesin Europe; but to endeavour to recoverour reputation, we should take care thatwe do not injure it more. Ever since itbecame evident that the allied armscould not co-operate this campaign, Ihave had an eye to the point you

mention, determined, if a favourableopening should offer, to embrace it;but, so far as my information goes, theenterprise would not be warranted; itwould, in my opinion, be imprudent tothrow an army of ten thousand menupon an island against nine thousand,exclusive of seamen and militia. This,from the accounts we have, appears tobe the enemy's force. All we can do atpresent, therefore, is to endeavour togain a more certain knowledge of theirsituation, and act accordingly. This Ihave been some time employed indoing, but hitherto with little success. Ishall thank you for any aids you canafford. Arnold's flight seems to havefrightened all my intelligencers out of

their senses. I am sincerely andaffectionately yours.


(ORIGINAL.)

Light Camp, November 13th, 1780.

MY DEAR GENERAL, In revolvingin my mind the chances of discoveryby moonlight, and, on the other hand,the inconveniences of staying longerthan you wish under our tents, I havethought if there was any positionwhich might enable us to take

advantage of the first hours of thenight. How far the sending of thePennsylvanians towards Aquakanac,and going ourselves to the Hukinsac~[1] position, may awaken the enemy, Icannot pretend to say. The mostdifficult affair in this would be thearticle of the boats. Colonel Smith willgo tomorrow morning to West Point,unless any intelligence received at head-quarters had made it useful that theenterprise be attempted soon, in whichcase he would go and reconnoitre theplace. Suppose he was to bring fromWest Point Colonel Gouvion, who hasoften examined the place with the eyeof an engineer. These ideas, my deargeneral, have rather started into any

mind, than become fixed, and I thoughtI would communicate them.

Most affectionately and respectfullyyours,

LAFAYETTE.

The Marquis de Laval Montmorency,one of the most illustrious families inFrance, is on his way to the camp. TheChevalier de Chastellux, a relation andfriend of mine, major-general in theFrench army, is also coming. I every dayexpect my brother-in-law, and hisfriend, Count de Charlus, only son tothe Marquis de Castries, who enjoys agreat consideration in France, and has

won the battle of Closter Camp. TheDuke of Lauzun has also written to methat he would come soon.~[2] Thesefive gentlemen may, by their existence athome, be considered as the first peoplein the French army. This little history Igive you before their arrival, inconsequence of what you have desiredfrom me at the beginning.

I write some letters to the commandingofficers at Fishkill, West Point, andKing's Ferry, so that the gentlemen maybe directed to come by the best road tomy quarters, from which I will presentthem to you. I think the letters ought tobe sent as soon as possible.

P.S. As General Heath commands in allthese parts, I think, upon recollection,that I had better write to him alone.You might also send him a line on thesubject.

Footnotes:

1. The general-in-chief projected anattack on the posts of the northernpart of New York. While GeneralHeath was to attract, by a feint, theattention of the enemy, Washingtonwas to march in advance, and M. deLafayette to attack Fort Washington.This expedition, for which greatpreparations had been made,terminated in a few reconnoitring

parties. The campaign closed withoutan engagement.

2. The Marquis de Laval, is the Duke deLaval, who died under the restoration.The Chevalier de Chastellux is wellknown by his works. The Count deCharlus is at present the Duke deCastries, member of the chamber ofpeers. M. de Lauzun has been general inthe service of the French republic.


(ORIGINAL.)

Paramus, November the 28th, 1780.

My dear General, We arrived last nightat this place, and were much favouredby the weather in our recognising ofthe Island, where, I confess, my feelingswere different from what I hadexperienced when looking at these fortswith a hopeful eye. I saw the fatalsentry alluded to, Colonel Gouvion, onan upper battery of Jeffery's Hook. Ialso saw a small vessel playing off thisHook, but quite a trifling thing,without guns, and but two men onboard. Nothing else on the river but theusual guards of spiting devil.

As you have been pleased to consult

me on the choice of an adjutant-general, I will repeat here, my deargeneral, that though I have a claimupon General Hand, in every otherpoint of view, his zeal, obedience, andlove of discipline, have given me a verygood opinion of him.

Colonel Smith has been by me whollyemployed in that line, and I can assureyou that he will perfectly answer yourpurpose.

Unless, however, you were to cast youreye on a man who, I think, would suitbetter than any other in the world.Hamilton is, I confess, the officerwhom I should like to see in that

station. With equal advantages, hisservices deserve from you thepreference to any other. His knowledgeof your opinions and intentions onmilitary arrangements, his love ofdiscipline, the superiority he wouldhave over all the others, principallywhen both armies shall operatetogether, and his uncommon abilities,are calculated to render him perfectlyagreeable to you. His utility would beincreased by this preferment; and onother points he could render importantservices. An adjutant-general oughtalways to be with the commander-in-chief. Hamilton should, therefore,remain in your family, and his greatindustry in business would render him

perfectly serviceable in allcircumstances. On every public orprivate account, my dear general, Iwould advise you to take him.

I shall, on my arrival at Philadelphia,write you how those matters are going,upon which I build my privateschemes. But I heartily wish that someaccount or other from Europe mayenable you to act this winter onmaritime operations. I hate the idea ofbeing from you for so long a time; but Ithink I ought not to stay idle. At allevents, I must return when your armytakes the field.

I flatter myself with the hope of

meeting Mrs. Washington on the road.Adieu, my dear general, mostaffectionately and respectfully yours.

TO HIS EXCELLENCY GENERALWASHINGTON.~[1]

(ORIGINAL.)

Philadelphia, December 5th, 1780.

MY DEAR GENERAL, By my letterof yesterday I have mentioned to youthat a Spanish expedition was intendedagainst St. Augustine. They mean to setout at the end of December, which will

certainly delay them till the middle ofJanuary. It consists of twelve ships ofthe line, some frigates, bomb ketches,and a large number of troops. I haveadvised the minister to communicateofficially to you this intelligence, andalso to Count de Rochambeau, thatproper means, if convenient, may betaken to improve it.

For my part, my dear general, I haveconducted myself agreeably to whatyou said to me in our lastconversations, that if, in the course ofthe winter, a naval superiority wasobtained, our business should be topush for the southward, and that youwould take for that purpose four

thousand French and two thousandAmericans. Nothing against New Yorkcan be undertaken before the end ofMay. Anything, therefore, that couldemploy us during February, March, andApril, is worthy of our attention.

The confederacy was going to sail forsome clothing which we have in theWest Indies. No time was left to waitfor an answer from you. I knewperfectly your sense of this affair. Itherefore, with the advice of Chevalierde la Luzerne, wrote him a letter datedfrom Camp, wherein I explained to himthat something might be done inconjunction for the public good. Myopinion is strengthened by your

sentiments on this matter, without,however, bringing myself, and still lessyourself, to make any formalapplication to the Spanish generals.

Inclosed you will find a copy of thisletter, the first part of which mentionsthat if, after having landed their troopsin Florida, they would send their shipsof the line for us, we might, at threeweeks notice before the departure ofthe squadron, have in readiness sixthousand men for a powerful diversionin Carolina. Their own interest is theonly thing I seem to consider in thisbusiness, and I endeavour to inviteSpanish caution in this measure; but,unless a more particular application is

made, I do not believe that this part ofmy letter will have any effect.

The second part will, I hope, beproductive of some good for America.I urge the necessity immediately toopen a correspondence with GeneralGreene that he may, by his manoeuvres,facilitate the operation of Spain. I tellthem, that unless they land a corps oftroops on the boundaries of Georgia,with a view at least to threaten Augustaand Savannah, their expedition will runa great risk. I advise the measure ofcruizing off Charleston Harbour, thewhole under the idea of their owninterest.

I have also written to the naval Frenchcommander in the West Indies, advisinghim to succour Chevalier de Ternay,which I know he will not do. But I takethis opportunity of condemning theirfoolish neglect, in not appearing on ourcoasts when they return to Europe; andI do also advise that, in their cruizesfrom St. Domingo, they may sometimesappear off Savannah and CharlestownHarbour. Inclosed you will find a copyof this letter.

Though I always speak of thebeginning of February, it is, however,certain, that any time in Februarywould be convenient to go to thesouthward. March and April are more

than sufficient for the taking ofCharlestown; and in all cases, I know,from our last conversations, that youwish for a naval superiority this winter,in order to succour the southern states.

I had this morning, my dear general, along conversation with the Chevalier dela Luzerne, relating to a southernoperation. He is, as well as myself,clearly of opinion, that unless a formalapplication and a plan of campaign beproposed to them, they will not sendtheir ships to us. In this last case theircoming ought still to be questioned.But if you thought it better to try, youmight propose to the French generalsto send a frigate there, and see, with

them, what might be done inconjunction. Suppose they were to takefour thousand men, leaving some, andthe militia, at Rhode Island. We couldon our part muster two thousandAmericans. However, the Spaniards areso positive and strict in followingliterally their instructions that I do notbelieve anything will engage them tocome. But my letter, which I look uponas a mere cipher on the firstproposition, will, I hope, engage, themto impart their projects to GeneralGreene, and of course this diversionwill become useful to us.

Suppose Count de Rochambeau andChevalier de Ternay were to send to

Havanna a copy of your letter, I thinkthey ought to intrust it to Viscount deNoailles, who will soon return toRhode Island, and whose name ishighly respected by the court of Spainfor many particular reasons, too long tobe mentioned here.

I have seen Mr. Ross, and find that verylittle clothing is to be for the presentexpected. They have some arms onboard the Alliance, and, I think, ahundred bales of cloth on board avessel under Jones's convoy. Theremainder will come with the Serapis.Unless the storm has forced Jones toput in some French harbour, he may beexpected every minute.

The assembly of Pennsylvania havebefore them the affair of the recruits;but proper arrangements are notproperly supported. They are fond ofvoluntary enlistments. I have anappointment for to-morrow withGeneral Mifflin, where I will debatethis matter with him.

To-morrow, my dear general, I will goto Brandywine with Chevalier deChastellux, and also to Red Bank, FortMifflin, &c. On my return I hope tofind news from France, and I will writeyou my determination about my goingto the southward.

Inclosed you will find a newspaper,wherein congress have printed a letterfrom General Gates, relating to a newsuccess of Sumpter.

Congress have lately received lettersfrom Mr. Jay and Mr. Adams, butnothing very particular. They have morefully written by other opportunities thatare expected. Portugal has entered intothe convention of neutrality, and withsuch conditions as to shew theirpartiality to our side of the question.

Adieu, my dear general, mostrespectfully and affectionately.

Footnote:

1. The winter, according to custom,causing the dispersion of the army, M.de Lafayette repaired to Philadelphia tobe nearer arrivals and intelligence fromEurope. It was there he first conceivedthe project of going to serve in thesouth under General Greene, who wasto make a winter campaign. As regardsthe project of making a division inFlorida, with the co-operation of theSpaniards, he seconded it with ardour,and to General Washington, M. de laLuzerne, and the Spanish commanders,he wrote long letters on the subject,which have but little interest, owing tothe project not having been attendedwith any important result: those letters

have been omitted.


(ORIGINAL.)

New Windsor, 14th December, 1780.

My dear Marquis, Soon afterdespatching my last letter to you, yourfavour dated at Paramus was put intomy hands by Colonel Gouvion. TheChevalier de la Luzerne's despatchescame in time for the post, which is the

only means left me for the conveyanceof letters; there not being so muchmoney in the hands of thequartermaster-general (I believe I mightgo further, and say in those of thewhole army,) as would bear the expenseof an express to Rhode Island. I couldnot get one the other day to ride so faras Compton.

I am now writing to the Count deRochambeau and the Chevalier deTernay, on the subject of your severalletters. When their answer arrives, I willcommunicate the contents to you. Youmust be convinced, from what passedat the interview at Hartford, that mycommand of the French troops at

Rhode Island stands upon a verylimited scale, and that it would beimpolitic and fruitless in me to proposeany measures of co-operation to a thirdpower, without their concurrence;consequently an application from you,antecedently to an official propositionfrom the minister of France, thegentlemen at the head of the Frencharmament at Rhode Island, congress, ormyself, could only be considered ascoming from a private gentleman; it is,therefore, my advice to you topostpone your correspondence withthe Spanish generals, and let yourinfluence come in hereafter, as auxiliaryto something more formal and official.I do not hesitate to give it clearly as my

opinion to you, (but this opinion andthis business should be concealedbehind a curtain,) that the favourablemoment of the Spanish operations inthe Floridas ought to be improved tothe utmost extent of our means,provided the Spaniards, by a junctionof their maritime force with that of hismost Christian Majesty, under thecommand of the Chevalier de Ternay,will give us a secure convoy, and engagenot to leave us until the operationsshall be at an end, or it can be done byconsent of parties.

I am very thankful to the minister forpermitting, and to you forcommunicating to General Greene,

intelligence of the Spanish movementtowards the Floridas. It may have ahappy influence on his measures, and itmay be equally advantageous to theSpaniards. Your expressions ofpersonal attachment and affection tome are flattering and pleasing, and fillme with gratitude. It is unnecessary, Itrust, on my part, to give youassurances of mutual regard, because Ihope you are convinced in your ownchoice to go to the southern army or tostay with this, circumstances andinclination alone must govern you. Itwould add to my pleasure if I couldencourage your hope of ColonelNevill's exchange. I refused to interestmyself in the exchange of my own aide.

General Lincoln's were exchanged withhimself, and upon that occasion, for Iknow of no other, congress passed aresolution, prohibiting exchanges outof the order of captivity.

Under one general head, I shall expressmy concern for your disappointmentof letters, our disappointment ofclothes, and disappointment in themode of raising men; but I shallcongratulate you on the late change ofthe administration of France,~[1] as itseems to be consonant to your wishes,and to encourage hope. I am muchpleased at the friendly disposition ofPortugal. Much good, I hope, willresult from the combination of the

maritime powers. I am in very confinedquarters; little better than those atValley Forge, but such as they are I shallwelcome into them your friends ontheir return to Rhode Island. I am, &c.

Footnote:

1. Footnote 1: The Marquis de Castrieshad succeeded, as minister of the navy,to M. de Sartine. This change gave riseto the hope that France would send thepromised succours, and thatexpectation induced M. de Lafayette torenounce his journey to the south.

TO M. DE VERGENNES.~[1]

New Windsor, on the North River, Jan.30th, 1781.

The letters which I had the honour ofwriting to you, sir, and which weredated the 20th May, 19th July, 4th and16th December, have, I hope, reachedyou safely. Since the arrival of thesquadron, your despatch of the 3rd ofJune is the only one I have received.The Chevalier de la Luzerne has onlyreceived one letter of the same month,and none have yet reached the officersof the army and squadron.

The first copy of this letter will be

delivered to you by Lieutenant-ColonelLaurens, aide-de-camp to GeneralWashington, who is charged bycongress with a private mission. Permitme to recommend to you this officer asa man who, by his integrity, frankness,and patriotism, must be extremelyacceptable to government.

According to the instructions ofcongress, he will place before you theactual state of our affairs, whichdemand, I think more than ever, themost serious attention. As to theopinions which I may allow myself toexpress, sir, they entirely correspondwith those I have hitherto expressed,and the very slight alterations

observable in them have beenoccasioned by a change of time,prejudices, and circumstances.

With a naval inferiority, it is impossibleto make war in America. It is thatwhich prevents us from attacking anypoint that might be carried with two orthree thousand men. It is that whichreduces us to defensive operations, asdangerous as they are humiliating. TheEnglish are conscious of this truth, andall their movements prove how muchthey desire to retain the empire of thesea. The harbours, the country, and allthe resources it offers, appear to inviteus to send thither a naval force. If wehad possessed but a maritime

superiority this spring, much mighthave been achieved with the army thatM. de Rochambeau brought with him,and it would not have been necessaryto have awaited the division heannounced to us. If M. de Guichenhad stopped at Rhode Island, on hisway to France, Arbuthnot would havebeen ruined, and not all Rodney'sefforts could have prevented ourgaining victories. Since the hour of thearrival of the French, their inferiorityhas never for one moment ceased, andthe English and the Tories have daredto say that France wished to kindle,without extinguishing the flame. Thiscalumny becomes more dangerous at aperiod when the English detachments

are wasting the south; when, under theprotection of some frigates, corps offifteen hundred men are repairing toVirginia, without our being able to getto them. On the whole continent, withthe exception of the Islands ofNewport, it is physically impossiblethat we should carry on an offensivewar without ships, and even on thoseIslands the difficulty of transportation,the scarcity of provisions, and manyother inconveniences, render allattempts too precarious to enable us toform any settled plan of campaign.

The result, sir, of all this is, that theadvantage of the United States beingthe object of the war, and the progress

of the enemy on that continent beingthe true means of prolonging it, and ofrendering it, perhaps, even injurious tous, it becomes, in a political and militarypoint of view, necessary to give us,both by vessels sent from France, andby a great movement in the fleet in theIslands, a decided naval superiority forthe next campaign; and also, sir, to giveus money enough to place theAmerican forces in a state of activity;fifteen thousand of the regular army,and ten thousand, or, if we choose it, astill greater number of militia in thispart of the country; a southern army,of which I cannot tell precisely theextent, but which will be formed by thefive southern states, with all means of

supporting in this country such aconsiderable force. Such, sir, are theresources that you may employ againstthe common enemy; immense sums ofmoney could not transport resourcesof equal value from Europe toAmerica, but these, without a succourof money, although established on thevery theatre of war, will becomeuseless; and that succour, which wasalways very important, is nowabsolutely necessary.

The last campaign took place without ashilling having been spent; all thatcredit, persuasion, and force couldachieve, has been done, but that canhold out no longer: that miracle, of

which I believe no similar example canbe found, cannot be renewed, and ourexertions having been made to obtainan army for the war, we must dependon you to enable us to make use of it.

From my peculiar situation, sir, andfrom what it has enabled me to knowand see, I think it is my duty to callyour attention to the American soldiersand on the part they must take in theoperations of the next campaign. Thecontinental troops have as muchcourage and real discipline as those thatare opposed to them. They are moreinured to privation, more patient thanEuropeans, who, on these two points,cannot be compared to them. They

have several officers of great merit,without mentioning those who haveserved during the last wars, and fromtheir own talents have acquiredknowledge intuitively; they have beenformed by the daily experience ofseveral campaigns, in which, the armiesbeing small, and the country a ruggedone, all the battalions of the line wereobliged to serve as advance-guards andlight troops. The recruits whom we areexpecting, and who only bear, in truth,the name of recruits, have frequentlyfought battles in the same regimentswhich they are now re-entering, andhave seen more gun-shots than three-fourths of the European soldiers. As tothe militia, they are only armed

peasants, who have occasionally fought,and who are not deficient in ardourand discipline, but whose serviceswould be most useful in the labours ofa siege. This, sir, is the faithful picturethat I think myself obliged to send you,and which it is not my interest to paintin glowing colours, because it would bemore glorious to succeed with slightermeans. The Chevalier de la Luzerne,who, having himself seen our soldiers,will give you a detailed anddisinterested account of them, willdoubtless tell you, as I do, that you maydepend upon our regular troops. Theresult of this digression, sir, is, to insiststill more earnestly on the necessity ofsending money to put the American

troops in movement, and to repeat thatwell-known truth, that a pecuniarysuccour and a naval superiority must bethe two principal objects of the nextcampaign.

It would take us too long to examinethe faults that have been committed,and the efforts that the states may stillendeavour to make: we must return tothe former point, that, under presentcircumstances, money is requisite toderive any advantage from theAmerican resources; that the meanswhich have been substituted for fundsare almost completely worn out; thatthose to which we are at presentreduced, do not fulfil the proposed

end, and are opposed to the ideaswhich induced the nation to commencethe revolution; that, consequently, werequire money to restore to the armythat degree of activity without which itcannot operate in an efficaciousmanner. Clothes, arms, ammunition, arecomprised in the same article, andColonel Laurens carries with him acopy of the former list, from whichsome deductions have been made. I willcontent myself with saying, thatnothing of any importance has beensent us, that it is necessary to clothe theAmerican army, that it requires arms,and, to be enabled to besiege places, agreat augmentation of powder. Asthese expenses relate to the pecuniary

succours, and are those which willstrike most forcibly individuals, bothof the army and nation, I think itimportant that the government shouldprepare them with promptness, andsend them in a secure manner.

If it should appear strange, sir, to callthat completion of the army a greateffort, I would beg to observe, thathunger, cold, nudity, and labour, thecertainty of receiving no pay, clothes, ornecessary food, being the prospectsheld out to the American soldier, theymust be but little inviting to citizenswho are, generally speaking,accustomed to live at home with somedegree of comfort; and the English

having had sufficient time to think ofall the naval points, the attacks of nextyear will be anything rather thansurprises, and our forces must increasein proportion to their precautions. Icould have wished that there had beensome French troops, and myconfidence in the decrease of prejudicehas been even greater than that ofcongress, General Washington, or yourminister at that time. The advance-guard of the Count de Rochambeau,although inactive itself from want ofships, by its presence alone hasrendered an essential service toAmerica: if it had not arrived, thecampaign would have been a ruinousone. When I consider the present state

of feeling, my opinion, as I have hadthe honour of telling you before,would be to send hither, for theexpedition of New York, a division ofabout ten thousand Frenchmen.

In our conference at Hartford, sir, thecalculations were of course made, notaccording to the fortifications actuallyexisting, but according to those theymight intend erecting. The answersGeneral Washington thought proper tomake to the questions put by the Countde Rochambeau, have been long sincecarried to you by the Amazon. Aproposal to ask for a corps of fifteenthousand Frenchmen could only beacceptable to the commander-in-chief.

But if that surplus were to lessen thesum of money by means with whichfifteen thousand regular troops, tenthousand militia, and a southern armyshould be put into motion; if it were tolessen the number of ships that wouldenable us to act in all places, and with adecided superiority; I must again repeat,that pecuniary succours and a navalsuperiority are the two most essentialpoints; that the same quantity ofmoney would, put into action here,double that number of Americansoldiers; and that, without ships, a fewthousand men more would be but oflittle use to us.

The admirable discipline of the French

corps, in addition to the honour itconfers on M. de Rochambeau and thesoldiers under his command, fulfils astill more important aim, by impressingon the minds of the Americans thehighest idea of our nation.

The wisdom of the government, inplacing that corps under the orders ofGeneral Washington, allows me only torepeat how essential it is that hisauthority should be complete, andwithout any sort of restriction. Thetalents, prudence, delicacy, andknowledge of country, which are allunited in him in the greatest degree ofperfection, are qualities of which oneonly would suffice to ensure the rigid

observance of the instructions which Ibear; and the longer I remain here, themore frilly am I convinced that each ofthem is equally necessary to theharmony and success of the wholeaffair.

We have had, lately, sir, an importantmutiny, of which Colonel Laurens willgive you the details.~[2] A corps ofPennsylvanian troops, almost whollycomposed of strangers, and stationedat Morristown (Jersey), unanimouslyrose against their officers, and, underthe direction of one of their sergeants,marched on to Princetown. The civilauthorities repaired thither, to affordthem the justice they demanded. To be

in want of food and clothes, to servefor more than a year without pay, someof them, indeed, having been forced toserve a whole year beyond theirengagement, are evils to which no armywould submit. It is singular enoughthat those mutineers should have hungup the envoys of General Clinton. Thegreatest part of the soldiers aredisbanded, but they are to re-enter theservice, and to join the recruits indifferent regiments of the state. I amnot less positive as to the number ofmen we shall have in our continentalarmy. Some troops belonging to theJerseys, seduced by example, and beingthose next to the Pennsylvanians, whichwere composed of the greatest number

of foreigners, wished to take the samemethod of obtaining justice; butGeneral Washington, having taken themanagement of this affair in his ownhands, sent forward a detachment; themutineers submitted, and their chiefswere punished. It is impossible to passtoo high encomiums upon the NewEngland troops, almost all nationalones, whose cause was at bottom thesame, and who, in spite of their nudity,crossed heavy snows to march againstthe mutineers. This proves, sir, thathuman patience may have some limits,but that soldier citizens will endure farmore than strangers. These eventsfurnish another argument for thenecessity of obtaining money.

I flatter myself, sir, that thegovernment, conscious that the ensuingcampaign may be a decisive one, willoccupy itself seriously of rendering itfavourable to us. The taking of NewYork would destroy the power of theEnglish on this continent, and a shortcontinuation of naval superioritywould secure to us the easy conquestof all the other parts of the UnitedStates. As to the taking of New York,which it would be rash to consider easy,but absurd to respect the town as if itwere a fortified one, it is, I believe, wellauthenticated, and General Washingtonhas no doubt upon the subject, thatwith the means proposed in my letter,

we should obtain possession of it inthe course of the summer.

It is, I believe, important to turn, as faras possible, the enemy's attentiontowards Canada.

When General Washington gaveColonel Laurens his opinion respectingmilitary affairs and the operations ofthe campaign, he also put down inwriting some ideas on our presentsituation, and communicated to me thatletter, which contains the substance ofseveral of his conversations with me. Itake the liberty of requesting the king'sminister, to ask to see that letter. Oursituation is not painted in flattering

colours; but the general speaks fromthe sad experience of ourembarrassments, and I agree with him,sir, that it is indispensable for us toobtain some pecuniary succours, and adecided naval superiority.

You must certainly have learnt, sir, thatthe defeat of Ferguson, and some othersuccesses of ours, having disarrangedthe plans of Lord Cornwallis, GeneralLeslie re-embarked to form thejunction by water, and that he has sincearrived at Charlestown. Arnold, becamean English general, and honoured bythe confidence of that nation, is at thismoment at the head of a Britishdetachment. Having landed in Virginia,

he took possession of Richmond forsome hours, and destroyed some publicand private property: he must now haveretired into a safe harbour, or has,perhaps, joined some other expedition.At the very moment when the Englishfancied that we were in the mostawkward situation from the mutiny ofsome troops, General Washington senta detachment on the left side of theHudson, commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Hull, supported by GeneralParsons, which surprised, atWestchester, a corps of three hundredmen under Colonel Delancey, woundedseveral, killed thirty, took sixtyprisoners, burnt all the barracks andprovisions, and retired, after having

destroyed a bridge of communicationwith the Island of New York.

The general is soon to pass some dayswith the French troops at RhodeIsland, and I shall accompany him onthat journey.

I have the honour to be, sir, with equalaffection and respect, &c. &c:

New Windsor, February 4th, 1781.

By a letter from M. de Rochambeau, sir,we learn that the English squadron inGardiner's Bay has suffered severelyfrom a gale of wind. A seventy-four, itis said, has run on shore; the London, of

ninety guns, is dismasted, and M.Destouches~[3] was preparing to takeadvantage of this event. But you willreceive more circumstantial, andperhaps more certain details, by lettersfrom Rhode Island, and we are alsoourselves expecting some, to fix morepositively our own ideas and hopes.General Knox, commander of ourartillery, a man of great merit andextreme probity, has just reported to thegeneral the result of a mission whichhad been given him in the NewEngland States. The spirit of patriotismand the zeal he found, the exertionsthey are making to levy troops, eitherfor the whole duration of the war, orfor (what amounts, I trust, to the same

thing) the period of three years, surpassour most sanguine hopes; and as theyhave twenty regiments in thecontinental service, I can only urge, in astill more positive manner, what I havealready had the honour in writing toyou.

Footnotes:

1. This letter was written in ciphers. It isinserted here exactly as it was firstdeciphered at the archives of foreignaffairs. To avoid repetitions, we havenot inserted the answers of theminister; these were written in a tone ofconfidence and friendship, and accordalmost on every point with the ideas of

M. de Lafayette, which were, in ameasure, adopted by the cabinet ofVersailles for the approachingcampaign.

2. The revolt of the Pennsylvanian lineis of the 2nd of January. It wasappeased ten days afterwards, andimitated, the 20th of the same month,by the New Jersey troops. (See theLetters of Washington at that period,and the Appendix, No. x, vol. vii.)

3. M. Destouches had replaced in thecommand of the frigates M. de Ternay,deceased the 15th December, after ashort illness.


New Windsor, in the North River,February 2nd, 1781.

The person who will deliver this to you,my dearest love, is a man I am muchattached to, and whom I wish you tobecome intimate with. He is the son ofpresident Laurens, who has been latelyestablished in the Tower of London;~[1] he is lieutenant-colonel in ourservice, and aide- de-camp to GeneralWashington; he has been sent bycongress on a private mission to thecourt of France. I knew him well

during the two first campaigns, and hisprobity, frankness, and patriotism, haveattached me extremely to him. GeneralWashington is very fond of him; andof all the Americans whom you havehitherto seen, he is the one I mostparticularly wish you to receive withkindness. If I were in France, heshould live entirely at my house, and Iwould introduce him to all my friends(I have even introduced him to some byletter); and give him every opportunityin my power of making acquaintance,and of passing his time agreeably atVersailles; and in my absence, I entreatyou to replace me. Introduce him toMadame d'Ayen, the Marshal deMouchy, the Marshal de Noailles, and

treat him in every respect as a friend ofthe family: he will tell you all that hasoccurred during our campaign, thesituation in which we are at presentplaced, and give you all details relatingto myself.

Since my arrival here, my health has notfor a moment failed. The air of thiscountry agrees with me extremely well,and exercise is very beneficial to me. Myexertions during the last campaign didnot lead me into much danger, and inthat respect we have not, in truth, muchto boast. The French squadron hasremained constantly blockaded inRhode Island, and I imagine that theChevalier Ternay died of grief in

consequence of this event. Howeverthis may be, he is positively dead. Hewas a very rough and obstinate man,but firm, and clear in all his views, and,taking all things into consideration, wehave sustained a great loss. The Frencharmy has remained at Newport, andalthough its presence has been veryuseful to us, although it hasdisconcerted some plans of the enemywhich would have been very injuriousto us, it might have done still moregood if it had, not been thusblockaded.

Several Frenchmen have passed by headquarters. They have all been delightedwith General Washington, and I

perceive with pleasure that he will bemuch beloved by the auxiliary troops.Laval and Custine disputed togetherduring the whole journey, and at eachstation would have done much betterthan the American and Englishgenerals, but never both in the samemanner. The viscount and Damas havetaken a long journey on the continent;we have also had the Count des Deux-Ponts, whom I like very much; M. deCharlus is at present in Philadelphia. Iintend setting out about the 15th, forRhode Island, and I shall accompanyGeneral Washington during his visit tothe French army. When you recollecthow those poor rebels were looked uponin France, when I came to be hung with

them, and when you reflect upon mywarm affection for GeneralWashington, you will conceive howdelightful it will be for me to witnesshis reception there as generalissimo ofthe combined armies of the twonations.

The Americans continue to testify forme the greatest kindness: there is noproof of affection and confidencewhich I do not receive each day fromthe army and nation. I am serving herein the most agreeable manner possible.At every campaign I command aseparate flying corps, composed ofchosen troops; I experience for theAmerican officers and soldiers that

friendship which arises from havingshared with them, for a length of time,dangers, sufferings, and both good andevil fortune. We began by strugglingtogether; our affairs have often been atthe lowest possible ebb. It is gratifyingto me to crown this work with them, bygiving the European troops a high ideaof the soldiers who have been formedwith us. To all these various motives ofinterest for the cause and army, arejoined my sentiments of regard forGeneral Washington: amongst hisaides-de-camp there is one man I likevery much, and of whom I have oftenspoken to you; this is ColonelHamilton.

I depend on Colonel Laurens to giveyou the details of our campaign. Weremained sufficiently near the Englishto merit the accusation of boldness;but they would not take advantage ofany of the opportunities we offeredthem. We are all in winter quarters inthis part of the country. There is someactivity in the south, and I waspreparing to go there; but the wishes ofGeneral Washington, and the hope ofbeing useful to my countrymen, havedetained me here. The corps Icommand having returned to theregiments, I have established myself athead- quarters. America made greatefforts last summer, and has renewedthem this winter, but in a more durable

manner, by only making engagementsfor the war, and I trust that none willhave cause to be dissatisfied with us.

Arnold, who has now become anEnglish general, landed in Virginia,with a corps, which appears wellpleased to serve under his orders. Thereis no accounting for taste; but I do notfeel sorry, I own, to see our enemiesrather degrade themselves, byemploying one of our generals, whosetalents, even before we knew histreachery, we held in light estimation:abilities must, in truth, be rare in NewYork. But whilst speaking of baseness,Colonel Laurens will tell you of thefine embassy sent by General Clinton

to some mutinous soldiers. He willdescribe to you also the details of thatmutiny; the means employed to arrest itwith the Pennsylvanians, and also thosewe employed with the Jersey troops.This only proves, however, that humanpatience has its limits, as no Europeanarmy would endure the tenth part ofsuch sufferings, that citizens alone cansupport nudity, hunger, cold, labour,and the absolute want of that paywhich is necessary to soldiers, who aremore hardy and more patient, I believe,than any others in existence.

Embrace our children a thousand and athousand times for me; their father,although a wanderer, is not less tender,

not less constantly occupied with them,and not less happy at receiving newsfrom them. My heart dwells withpeculiar delight on the moment whenthose dear children will be presented tome by you, and when we may embraceand caress them together. Do you thinkthat Anastasia will recollect meEmbrace tenderly for me my dear andamiable viscountess, Madame duRoure, my two sisters, de Noailles andd'Ayen, &c. &c.

Footnote:

1. He was detained both as a prisonerof war and a rebel. The 18th ofOctober, Madame de Lafayette had

herself written in his favour to M. deVergennes, a letter which is stillpreserved, in the archives of foreignaffairs.


(ORIGINAL)

Elk, March the 8th, 1781.

My dear general, Your letter of the 1stinst. did not come to hand until lastevening, and I hasted to answer to itscontents, though I should, in a fewhours, be better able to inform you of

my movements.~[1]

From what I hear of the difficulties toconvoy us down the bay, I very muchapprehend that the winds will notpermit any frigate to come up. Countde Rochambeau thinks his troops equalto the business, and wishes that theyalone may display their zeal and shedtheir blood for an expedition which allAmerica has so much at heart. Themeasures he is taking may beinfluenced by laudable motives, but Isuspect they are not entirely free fromselfish considerations. God grant thismay not be productive of badconsequences. Baron de Viomenil willalso want to do every thing alone. As to

the French troops, their zeal is laudable,and I wish their chiefs would reserve itfor the time when we may co- operatewith an assurance of success.

I heartily feel, my dear general, for thehonour of our arms, and think itwould be derogatory to them had notthis detachment some share in theenterprise. This consideration inducesme to embark immediately, and oursoldiers will gladly put up with theinconveniences that attend the scarcityof vessels. We shall have those armedones (though the largest has only twelveguns) and with this every body assuresus that we may go without any dangerto Annapolis. For my part I am not yet

determined what to do; but if I see nodanger to our small fleet in going toAnnapolis, and if I can getCommodore Nicholson to take thecommand of it, I shall perhaps proceedin a small boat to Hampton, where mypresence can alone enable me toprocure a frigate, and where I will try tocool the impetuosity or correct thepolitical mistakes of both barons.~[2]

Whichever determination I take, a greatdeal must be personally risked, but Ihope to manage things so as to commitno imprudence with the excellentdetachment whose glory is as dear, andwhose safety is much dearer, to me thanmy own. I have written to General

Greene, and will write to the governors,either to get intelligence or to preparemeans to operate; but (General Greeneexcepted) I do not give them any hintof our intentions further than theexpedition against Portsmouth.

When a man has delicate games to play,and when chance may influence somuch his success or miscarriage, hemust submit to blame in case ofmisfortune. But your esteem, my deargeneral, and your affection, will notdepend upon events. With the highestrespect and most tender friendship, &c.

Footnotes:

1. An instruction of the 20th ofFebruary, enjoined to General Lafayetteto take the command of a detachmentassembled at Peekskill, to act inconjunction with the militia, and somevessels of M. Destouches. He was toproceed by a rapid march to Hampton,on the Chesapeak bay, to surpriseArnold at Portsmouth: he had ordersto return back immediately if he learntthat the latter had quitted Virginia, orthat the French commander had losthis naval superiority. M. de Lafayettereached Pompton the 23rd, (fromwhence he wrote to the general-in-chief,) Philadelphia the 2nd, and Head-of-Elk the 3rd of March. Washington,however, had himself repaired to

Newport to urge the departure of M.Destouches, which event he announcedin a letter of the 11th. The result of hisencounter on the 16th with AdmiralArbuthnot was to oblige the squadronto return to Newport, and M. deLafayette to begin his retreat on the24th. He spoke himself in thefollowing terms of the expedition ofwhich this letter treats:

"Dr. Ramsay and Mr. Marshall speak ofthe expedition attempted againstArnold, and the circumstances whichcaused its failure. Lafayette'sdetachment was composed of twelvehundred of those soldiers of lightinfantry which had formed, the

preceding year, the advance guard ofthe army: these were drawn fromregiments of the four states of NewEngland and Jersey. Gordon has trulyrelated that, after conducting them bywater from Head-of-Elk to Annapolis,he went himself in an open canoe toElizabethtown to accelerate thepreparations. The expedition havingfailed, he was obliged to return toAnnapolis, where his continentaltroops had remained, vainly expectingthat the French frigates would come toescort them. It was a bold and skilfulstroke in him to take advantage of afavourable moment to convoy theAmerican flotilla from Annapolis toHead-of-Elk, and the detachment had

scarcely arrived when GeneralWashington, announcing to him thatGeneral Phillips, with more than twothousand chosen men, had gone toreinforce Arnold, and take thecommand in Virginia, which was tobecome the centre of active operations,desired him to defend the state as welland as long as the weakness of hismeans allowed. (Manuscript, No. 2.)

2. Viomenil and Steuben.


(ORIGINAL.)

On board the Dolphin, March 9th, 1781.

MY DEAR GENERAL, Here I am atthe mouth of Elk River, and the fleetunder my command will proceed toAnnapolis, where I am assured they cango without danger. They are protectedby the Nesbitt, of twelve guns, somefield-pieces on board the vessel thatcarries Colonel Stevens, and we aregoing to meet an eight-gun and a six-gun-vessel from Baltimore. With thisescort, we may go as far as Annapolis.No vessel of the enemy ever venturedso far up, and if by chance they should,our force is superior to any cruizer theyhave in the bay. At Annapolis we shall

meet Commodore Nicholson, whom Ihave requested, by a letter, to take thegeneral command of our fleet, and ifthere was the least danger, to proceedfarther down. They are to remain atAnnapolis until I send them neworders.

As to myself, my dear general, I havetaken a small boat armed with swivels,and on board of which I have putthirty soldiers. I will precede the fleet toAnnapolis, where I am to be met byintelligence, and conformable to thestate of things below, will determinemy personal movements and those ofthe fleet.

With a full conviction that (unless youarrived in time at Rhode Island) nofrigate will be sent to us I think it myduty to the troops I command, and thecountry I serve, to overlook some littlepersonal danger, that I may ask for afrigate myself; and in order to addweight to my application, I haveclapped on board my boat the only sonof the minister of the French Navy,whom I shall take out to speak ifcircumstances require it.

Our men were much crowded at first,but I unload the vessels as we go along,and take possession of every boat thatcomes in my way.

These are, my dear general, themeasures I thought proper to take. Thedetachment is, I hope, free from danger,and my caution on this point has beenso far as to be called timidity by everyseaman I have consulted. CaptainMartin, of the Nesbitt, who has beenrecommended by General Gist, makeshimself answerable for the safe arrivalof the fleet at Annapolis before to-morrow evening.



(ORIGINAL.)

Williamsburg, March the 23rd 1781.

MY DEAR GENERAL, By formerletters your excellency has beenacquainted with my motions, from myarrival at the head of Elk to the time ofmy landing at this place. The march ofthe detachment to Elk had been veryrapid and performed in the best order.Owing to the activity of Lieutenant-Colonel Stevens, a train of artillery hadbeen provided at Philadelphia, andnotwithstanding somedisappointments, namely, that relatingto the want of vessels, no delay shouldhave been imputed to us in this co-

operation. Having received yourexcellency's letter, by which the sailingof the French fleet became a matter ofcertainty, I determined to transport thedetachment to Annapolis, and did it formany essential reasons. The navigationof the bay is such that the going in andthe going out of Elk River requires adifferent wind from those which arefair to go up and down the bay. Ourstopping at Annapolis, and makingsome preparations on the road toCarolina, might be of use to deceivethe enemy. But above all, I thought,with your excellency, that it wasimportant, both to the success of theoperation and the honour of our arms,that the detachment should be brought

to cooperate, and from the time whenthe French were to sail and the windsthat blew for some days, I had nodoubt but that our allies were in theChesapeak, before we could arrive atAnnapolis.

Owing to the good disposition ofCommodore Nicholson, whom Irequested to take charge of our smallfleet, the detachment was safely lodgedin the harbour of Annapolis; and in theconviction that my presence here wasnecessary, not so much for preparationswhich Baron de Steuben provided, asfor settling our plans with the French,and obtaining an immediate convoy forthe detachment, I thought it better to

run some risk than to neglect anythingthat could forward the success of theoperation, and the glory of the troopsunder my command.

On my arrival at this place, I wassurprised to hear that no French fleethad appeared, but attributed it to delaysand chances so frequent in navalmatters. My first object was to requestthat nothing be taken for thisexpedition which could have beenintended for, or useful to, the southernarmy, whose welfare appeared to memore interesting than our success. Mysecond object has been to examinewhat had been prepared, to gather andforward every requisite for a vigorous

co- operation, besides a number ofmilitia amounting to five thousand; Ican assure your excellency that nothinghas been wanting to ensure a completesuccess.

As the position of the enemy had notyet been reconnoitred, I went toGeneral Muhlenberg's camp, nearSuffolk, and after he had taken aposition nearer to Portsmouth, wemarched down with some troops toview the enemy's works. This broughton a trifling skirmish; during which wewere able to see something; but theinsufficiency of ammunition, whichhad been for many days expected,prevented my engaging far enough to

push the enemy's outposts, and ourreconnoitring was postponed to the21st, when, on the 20th, MajorMacPherson, an officer for whom Ihave the highest confidence andesteem, sent me word from Hampton,where he was stationed, that a fleet hadcome to anchor within the Capes. Sofar it was probable that this fleet wasthat of M. Destouches, that Arnoldhimself appeared to be in greatconfusion, and his vessels,notwithstanding many signals, durstnot, for a long time, venture down. Anofficer of the French navy bore downupon them from York, and nothingcould equal my surprise in hearingfrom Major MacPherson, that the fleet

announced by a former letter certainlybelonged to the enemy.

Upon this intelligence, the militia wereremoved to their former position, and Irequested Baron de Steuben (fromwhom, out of delicacy, I would nottake the command until the co-operation was begun, or the continentaltroops arrived) to take such measures aswould put out of the enemy's reach theseveral articles that had been prepared.On my return to this place, I could nothear more particular accounts of thefleet. Some people think they arecoming from Europe; but I believethem to be the fleet from Gardiner'sBay. They are said to be twelve sail in

all, frigates included. I have sent spieson board and shall forward their reportto head-quarters.

Having certain accounts that theFrench had sailed on the 8th, with afavourable wind, I must think that theyare coming to this place, or were beatenin an engagement, or are gonesomewhere else. In these three cases, Ithink it my duty to stay here until I hearsomething more, which must be in alittle time. But as your excellency willcertainly recal a detachment composedof the flower of each regiment, whoseloss would be immense to the armyunder your immediate command, andas my instructions are to march them

back as soon as we lose the navalsuperiority in this quarter, I have sentthem orders to move at the first noticewhich I will send to-morrow or the dayafter, or upon a letter from yourexcellency, which my aide-de-camp isempowered to open.

Had I not been here upon the spot, Iam sure that I should have waited animmense time before I knew what tothink of this fleet, and my presence atthis place was the speediest means offorwarding the detachment either toHampton or your excellency'simmediate army. By private letters, wehear that General Greene had, on the19th, an engagement with Lord

Cornwallis. The honour of keeping thefield was not on our side. The enemylost more men than we did. GeneralGreene displayed his usual prudenceand abilities, both in making hisdispositions and posting his troops atten miles from the first field of battle,where they bid defiance to the enemy,and are in a situation to check hisprogress.


(ORIGINAL.)

New Windsor, 6th April, 1781.

MY DEAR MARQUIS, Since my letterto you of yesterday,~[1] I haveattentively considered of what vastimportance it will be to reinforceGeneral Greene as speedily as possible;more especially as there can be littledoubt that the detachment underGeneral Phillips, if not part of thatnow under the command of GeneralArnold, will ultimately join, or in somedegree co-operate with LordCornwallis. I have communicated tothe general officers at present with thearmy my sentiments on the subject; andthey are unanimously of opinion that

the detachment under your commandshould proceed and join the southernarmy. Your being already three hundredmiles advanced, which is nearly halfway, is the reason that operates againstany which can be offered in favour ofmarching that detachment back. Youwill therefore, immediately at the receiptof this, turn the detachment to thesouthward. Inform General Greenethat you are upon your march to joinhim, and take his directions as to yourroute, when you begin to approachhim. Previously to that, you will beguided by your own judgment, and bythe roads on which you will be mostlikely to find subsistence for the troopsand horses. It will be well to advise

Governor Jefferson of your intendedmarch through the state of Virginia, or,perhaps, it will answer a good purposewere you to go forward to Richmondyourself, after putting the troops inmotion, and having made somenecessary arrangement for theirprogress.

You will take with you the light artilleryand smallest mortars, with their storesand the musket cartridges. But let thesefollow, under a proper escort, ratherthan impede the march of thedetachment, which ought to move asexpeditiously as possible without injuryto them. The heavy artillery and storesyou will leave at some proper and safe

place, if it cannot be convenientlytransported to Christiana River, fromwhence it will be easily got toPhiladelphia. You may leave to theoption of Lieutenant-Colonel Stevensto proceed or not, as he may thinkproper; his family is in peculiarcircumstances, and he left it with theexpectation of being absent for a shorttime. Should there be other officersunder similar circumstances, you maymake them the same offers, and theyshall be relieved.

I am, my dear marquis, yours, &c.

Footnote:

1. This related merely to the expeditionwhich had lately failed. Washingtondeplored its result, which had beenoccasioned by maritime events, but heapproved and eulogised the conduct ofM. de Lafayette.


(ORIGINAL.)

Elk, April 8th, 1781.

MY DEAR GENERAL, Yourexcellency's letters of the 5th and 6thinstant are just come to hand, and

before I answer their contents, I begleave to give you a summary account ofthe measures I have lately taken. As tothe part of my conduct you have beenacquainted with, I am happy, my deargeneral, to find it has met with yourapprobation.

When the return of the British fleet putit out of doubt that nothing could beundertaken for the present againstPortsmouth, I sent pressing orders toAnnapolis, in order to have everythingin readiness, and even to move thetroops by land to the Head-of-Elk. Imyself hastened back to Maryland, butconfess I could not resist the ardentdesire I had of seeing your relations,

and, above all, your mother, atFredericksburg. For that purpose Iwent some miles out of my way, and, inorder to conciliate my private happinessto duties of a public nature, I recoveredby riding in the night those few hourswhich I had consecrated to mysatisfaction. I had also the pleasure ofseeing Mount Vernon, and was veryunhappy that my duty and my anxietyfor the execution of your ordersprevented my paying a visit to Mr.Curtis.~[1]

On my arrival at Annapolis, I foundthat our preparations were far frompromising a speedy departure. Thedifficulty of getting wagons and horses

is immense. No boats sufficient to crossover the ferries. The state is verydesirous of keeping us as long aspossible, as they were scared by theapparition of the Hope, twenty guns,and the Monk, eighteen guns, whoblockaded the harbour, and who (asappeared by intercepted letters) weredetermined to oppose our movements.

In these circumstances, I thought itbetter to continue my preparations for ajourney by land, which, I am told,would have lasted ten days, on accountof ferries, and, in the meanwhile, hadtwo eighteen-pounders put on board asmall sloop, which appeared ridiculousto some, but proved to be of great

service. In the morning of the 6th,Commodore Nicholson went out withthe sloop and another vessel, full ofmen. Whether the sound of eighteenpounders, or the fear of being boarded,operated upon the enemy, I am not ableto say; but, after some manoeuvres, theyretreated so far as to render it prudentfor us to sail to this place. Every vesselwith troops and stores was sent in thenight by the commodore, to whom Iam vastly obliged; and having broughtthe rear with the sloop and othervessels, I arrived this morning at Elk. Itis reported that the ships have returnedto their stations; if so, they must havebeen reinforced; their commander hadalready applied for an augmentation of

force.

Before I left Annapolis, hearing thatGeneral Greene was in want ofammunition, I took the liberty ofleaving for the southern army four six-pounders, with three hundred roundseach, nearly a hundred thousandcartridges, and some small matters,which I left to the care of the governorand General Smallwood, requestingthem to have wagons and horsesimpressed, to send them to a place ofsafety, where they must be by this time.I also wrote to the governor ofVirginia, to General Greene, and thebaron. These stores will set off in a fewdays, under the care of a detachment,

for the Maryland line, commanded byLieutenant-Colonel Stuart.

In consequence of previous orders,everything was in readiness for ourmovement. The troops were ordered tomarch the next morning, and I expect asufficiency of vessels is now atWilmington or Christiana Creek; sothat I am in hopes to join yourexcellency in a very few days. Your letterof the 6th, ordering me to thesouthward, is just come to hand. Had Ibeen still at Annapolis, or upon theroad by land, and of course with thesame means to return that I had toadvance, your commands should havebeen immediately obeyed; but necessity

keeps us here for some days, and asyour letters arrived in two days, youranswer to this must be here before weare in a situation to move.

When your excellency wrote to me, Iwas supposed to be at Annapolis, orvery near that place, with the means ofreturning, which makes a greatdifference. Another circumstance, stillmore material, is, that, instead ofjoining either Arnold or Phillips (ifPhillips be there), Lord Cornwallis is sodisabled as to be forced to a retreat, asappears from General Greene's letter.

To these considerations I have addedthis one, which is decisive: that being

fitted only to march twelve miles, partof it in the State of Delaware, and apart of our provisions being asked forfrom Philadelphia, it is impossible tohave the necessary apparatus to marchand subsist, or to cross ferries on ourway to the southern army, so as to leavethis place under four or five days. As toa transportation through the bay, wecannot expect the same good luck offrightening an enemy, who must knowhow despicable our preparations are;and we must, at least, wait for thereturn of look-out boats which, if sentimmediately, will not possibly returnunder five or six days.

In these circumstances, my dear general,

I am going to make every preparationto march to Virginia, so as to be readyas soon as possible. I shall keep herethe vessels, and will also keep thosewhich have been ordered to ChristianaCreek. This state of suspense willdistract the enemy's conjectures, andput me in a situation to execute yourexcellency's orders, which will be herebefore I can be able to move with anydegree of advantage towards thesouthward.

Had it been possible to obey to-morrow morning, I would have done itimmediately; but since I am obliged tomake preparations, I beg leave to makethese observations, which I should

have been allowed to present, had Ibeen at the meeting of general officers.

The troops I have with me being takenfrom every northern regiment, haveoften (though without mentioning it)been very uneasy at the idea of joiningthe southern army. They want clothes;shoes particularly; they expect to receiveclothes and money from their states.This would be a great disappointmentfor both officers and men. Boththought at first they were sent out for afew days, and provided themselvesaccordingly; both came cheerfully tothis expedition, but both have hadalready their fears at the idea of goingto the southward. They will certainly

obey, but they will be unhappy, andsome will desert.

Had this corps considered themselvesas light infantry, destined for thecampaign, to be separated from theirregiments, it would be attended withless inconveniences; and such a corps,in the course of the campaign, mightbe brought there without difficulty,particularly by water, as they would beprepared accordingly.

Supposing the Jersey line were to jointhe detachment of their troops at thisplace, it would hardly make anydifference, as we have been but fivedays coming from Morristown to the

Head-of-Elk.

These considerations, my dear general, Ibeg you to be convinced, are notinfluenced by personal motives. Ishould most certainly prefer to be in asituation to attack New York, norshould I like, in an operation againstNew York, to see you deprived of theNew England light infantry; but I thinkwith you, that these motives are not toinfluence our determination, if this bethe best way to help General Greene.

By the letters I have received from mytwo friends, Marquis de Castries andCount de Vergennes, I am assured thatwe shall soon get an answer to our

propositions against New York, and amstrongly led to hope that, having a navalsuperiority, the army under yourimmediate command will not remaininactive.

At all events, my dear general, I will usemy best endeavours to be ready tomove either way as soon as possible;and have the honour to be, with thehighest respect and affection, &c.

Footnote:

1. Son of Mrs. Washington by a formermarriage.

TO COLONEL HAMILTON.

(ORIGINAL.)

Susquehannah Ferry, 18th April, 1781.

Dear Hamilton,~[1] You are so sensiblea fellow, that you can certainly explainto me what is the matter that New Yorkshould be given up; that our letters toFrance go for nothing; that when theFrench are coming, I am going. Thislast matter gives great uneasiness to theminister of France. All this is notcomprehensible to me, who, havingbeen long from head-quarters, have lostthe course of intelligence.

Have you left the family, my dear sir Isuppose so. But from love to thegeneral, for whom you know myaffection, I ardently wish it was not thecase. Many, many reasons conspire tothis desire of mine; but if you do leaveit, and if I go to exile, come andpartake it with me. Yours, &c.

Footnote:

1. The 11th of April, Washingtonrenewed, with more detail, hisinstructions upon the movement to thesouth, and General Greene, desiring tocarry the theatre of war into SouthCarolina, urged General Lafayette to

march upon the capital of Virginia.The latter made his preparationsaccordingly, and with great activity, inspite of the regret he experienced, andthe difficulties he encountered. Hedeplored, in truth, that long-promisedexpedition on New York beingabandoned; and he had to combat therepugnance of the troops, whothreatened to become weakened bydesertion. This was the subject ofseveral long letters we have thoughtproper to suppress. He wrote, also,frequently, to Colonel Hamilton, andwe may see some of those letters in thelife of the latter. We have only insertedthis one letter, which expresses all hefelt. Hamilton, at that period, having

had a coolness with Washington,wished to quit his staff; and it was inreality as an officer of the line that hetook part in the siege of Yorktown.(See his Life, vol. i., chap. xiii.)


(ORIGINAL.)

Baltimore, April 18th, 1781.

MY DEAR GENERAL, Every one ofmy letters were written in so lamentablea tone, that I am happy to give you apleasanter prospect. The anxiety I feel

to relieve your mind from a small partof those many solicitudes and careswhich our circumstances conspire togather upon you, is the reason of mysending this letter by the chain ofcommunication, and with a particularrecommendation. When I leftSusquehannah Ferry, it was the generalopinion that we could not have sixhundred men by the time we shouldarrive at our destination. This, and theshocking situation of the men offeredthe more gloomy prospects, as theboard of war have confessed their totalinability to afford us relief. Under thesecircumstances, I have employed everypersonal exertion, and have the pleasureto inform you that desertion has, I

hope, been put to an end.

On my arrival on this side of theSusquehannah, I made an order for thetroops, wherein I endeavoured tothrow a kind of infamy upondesertion, and to improve everyparticular affection of theirs. Sincethen, desertion has been lessened. Twodeserters have been taken up; one ofwhom has been hanged to-day, and theother (being an excellent soldier) will beforgiven, but dismissed from the corps,as well as another soldier who behavedamiss. To these measures, I have addedone which my feelings for thesufferings of the soldiers, and thepeculiarity of their circumstances, have

prompted me to adopt.

The merchants of Baltimore lent me asum of about 2,000l., which willprocure some shirts, linen, overalls,shoes, and a few hats. The ladies willmake up the shirts, and the overalls willbe made by the detachment, so that oursoldiers have a chance of being a littlemore comfortable. The money is lentupon my credit, and I become securityfor the payment of it in two years' time,when, by the French laws, I may betterdispose of my estate. But before thattime, I shall use my influence with theFrench court, in order to have this sumof money added to any loan congressmay have been able to obtain from

them.

In case you are told, my dear general,that my whole baggage has been takenin the bay, I am sorry I cannotdiscountenance the report. But whenthe mention of papers and maps ismade, do not apprehend anything badfor the papers or maps you have put inmy possession. Nothing has been lostbut writing paper and printed maps.The fact is this: when at York, I hadsome continental soldiers and mybaggage to send up in a safe barge andan unsafe boat. I, of course, gave thebarge to the soldiers, who easily went toAnnapolis. The baggage was put intothe boat, and has not been since heard

of. But being aware of the danger; Itook by land with me every article thatwas, on public accounts, in the leastvaluable. By a letter from Baron deSteuben, dated Chesterfield CourtHouse the 10th of April, I find thatGeneral Phillips has at Portsmouth1500 or 2000 men added to the forceunder Arnold. Proper allowance beingmade for exaggerations, I apprehendthat his whole army amounts to 2800men, which obliges me to hasten mymarch to Fredericksburg andRichmond, where I expect to receiveorders from General Greene.

The importance of celerity, the desireof lengthening the way home, and

immense delays that would stop me foran age, have determined me to leaveour tents, artillery, &c., under a guard,and with orders to follow as fast aspossible, while the rest of thedetachment, by forced marches, andwith impressed wagons and horses, willhasten to Fredericksburg or Richmond,and by this derange the calculations ofthe enemy. We set off to-morrow, andthis rapid mode of travelling, added tomy other precautions, will, I hope, keepup our spirits and good humour.~[1]

I am, my dear general, &c.

P. S. The word lessened does not convey asufficient idea of what experience has

proved to be true, to the honour ofour excellent soldiers. It had beenannounced in general orders, that thedetachment was intended to fight anenemy far superior in number, underdifficulties of every sort. That thegeneral was, for his part, determined toencounter them, but that such of thesoldiers as had an inclination toabandon him, might dispense with thedanger and crime of desertion, as everyone of them who should apply tohead-quarters for a pass to join theircorps in the north might be sure toobtain it immediately.

Footnote:

1. This letter announces the realcommencement of the Virginiancampaign. M. de Lafayette marchedupon Richmond, and thus wrote onthe 4th of May:

"The leaving of my artillery appears astrange whim, but had I waited for it,Richmond had been lost. It is notwithout trouble I have made this rapidmarch. General Phillips has expressedto a flag officer the astonishment he feltat our celerity; and when on the 30th, ashe was going to give the signal toattack, he reconnoitred our position,Mr. Osburn, who was with him, says,that be flew into a violent passion, andswore vengeance against me and the

corps I had brought with me."

The subsequent operations are given indetail, both in the Memoirs, and in arelation of the campaign; it was,therefore, thought proper to suppressthe greatest part of the letters in whichM. de Lafayette gave an account ofthem to General Washington. To eachof those letters is usually annexed acopy of his official reports to GeneralGreene.


(ORIGINAL.)

Alexandria, April 23rd, 1781.

My Dear General, Great happiness isderived from friendship, and Iexperience it particularly in theattachment which unites me to you. Butfriendship has its duties, and the manwho likes you best, will be the first tolet you know everything in which youmay be concerned.

When the enemy came to your house,many negroes deserted to them. Thispiece of news did not affect me much,as I little value these matters. But youcannot conceive how unhappy I havebeen to hear that Mr. Lund Washington

went on board the enemy's vessels, andconsented to give them provisions.

This being done by the gentleman who,in some measure, represents you at yourhouse, will certainly have a bad effect,and contrasts with spirited answersfrom some neighbours that have hadtheir houses burnt accordingly.

You will do what you think properabout it, my dear general; but, as yourfriend, it was my duty confidentially tomention the circumstances.

With the help of some wagons andhorses, we got, in two days, from thecamp, near Baltimore, to this place. We

halted yesterday, and having made asmall bargain for a few pair of shoes,are now marching to Fredericksburg.No official account from Phillips, but Iam told they are removing stores fromRichmond and Petersburg. I amsurprised nobody writes to me, andhope soon to receive intelligence.

Our men are in high spirits. Theirhonour having been interested in thisaffair, they have made a point to comewith us; and murmurs, as well asdesertion, are entirely out of fashion.Requesting my best respects to Mrs.Washington, and my compliments tothe family, I have the honour to be,with those sentiments which you know,

&c.

FROM GENERAL WASHINGTONTO MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE.

(ORIGINAL.)

New Windsor, May 4, 1781.

MY DEAR MARQUIS, The freedomof your communications is an evidenceto me of the sincerity of yourattachment, and every fresh instance ofthis gives pleasure and adds strength tothe bond which unites us in friendship.In this light I view the intimation

respecting the conduct of Mr. LundWashington. Some days previous to thereceipt of your letter, which only cameto my hands yesterday, I received anaccount of this transaction from thatgentleman himself, and immediatelywrote and forwarded the answer, ofwhich the enclosed is a copy. This letter,which was written in the moment ofmy obtaining the first intimation of thematter, may be considered as atestimony of my disapprobation of hisconduct, and the transmission of it toyou, as a proof of my friendship;because I wish you to be assured, thatno man can condemn the measuremore sincerely than I do.

A false idea, arising from theconsideration of his being my steward,and in that character more the trusteeand guardian of my property than therepresentative of my honour, hasmisled his judgment and plunged himinto error, upon the appearance ofdesertion among my negroes, anddanger to my buildings; for sure I am,that no man is more firmly opposed tothe enemy than he is. From a thoroughconviction of this, and of his integrity,I entrusted every species of myproperty to his care, withoutreservation or fear of his abusing it.The last paragraph of my letter to himwas occasioned by an expression of hisfear, that all the estates convenient to

the river would be stripped of theirnegroes and moveable property.

I am very happy to find that desertionhas ceased, and content has taken place,in the detachment you command.Before this letter can reach you, youmust have taken your ultimateresolution upon the proposal containedin my letters of the 21st and 22ndultimo, and have made the consequentarrangements. I shall be silent,therefore, on the subject of them, andonly beg, in case you should not returnto this army, and the papers were notlost with your other baggage (on whichevent give me leave to express myconcern) that you would permit M.

Capitaine to furnish me with copies ofthe drafts, and the remarks of the pilots(taken at Colonel Day's) on theentrance of the harbour of New York.It is possible they may be wanted, and Iam not able to furnish them withoutyour assistance.

Mrs. Washington and the rest of mysmall family, which, at present, consistsonly of Tilghman and Humphreys, joinme in cordial salutations, and, withsentiments of the purest esteem andmost affectionate regard, I remain, mydear marquis, &c.

FROM GENERAL WASHINGTONTO LUND WASHINGTON.

(ORIGINAL.)

New Windsor, April 30, 1781.

Dear Lund, I am very sorry to hear ofyour loss; I am a little sorry to hear ofmy own; but that which gives me mostconcern is, that you should go onboard the enemy's vessels, and furnishthem with refreshments. It would havebeen a less painful circumstance to meto have heard that, in consequence ofyour non-compliance with theirrequest, they had burnt my house andlaid the plantation in ruins. You ought

to have considered yourself as myrepresentative, and should havereflected on the bad example ofcommunicating with the enemy, andmaking a voluntary offer ofrefreshments to them, with a view toprevent a conflagration.

It was not in your power, Iacknowledge, to prevent them fromsending a flag on shore, and you didright to meet it; but you should, in thesame instant that the business of it wasunfolded, have declared explicitly, thatit was improper for you to yield to therequest; after which, if they hadproceeded to help themselves by force,you could but have submitted, and,

being unprovided for defence, this wasto be preferred to a feeble opposition,which only serves as a pretext to burnand destroy.

I am thoroughly persuaded that youacted from your best judgment, andbelieve that your desire to preserve myproperty, and rescue the buildings fromimpending danger, was your governingmotive; but to go on board theirvessels, carry them refreshments,commune with a parcel of plunderingscoundrels, and request a favour byasking a surrender of my negroes, wasexceedingly ill judged, and, it is to befeared, will be unhappy in itsconsequences, as it will be a precedent

for others, and, may be, become asubject of animadversion.

I have no doubt of the enemy'sintention to prosecute the plunderingplan they have begun; and, unless astop can be put to it by the arrival of asuperior naval force, I have as littledoubt of its ending in the loss of allmy negroes, and in the destruction ofmy houses. But I am prepared for theevent, under the prospect of which, ifyou could deposit in a place of safetythe most valuable and less bulkyarticles, it might be consistent withpolicy and prudence, and a means ofpreserving them hereafter. Such and somany things as are necessary for

common and present use must beretained, and must run their chancethrough the fiery trial of this summer. Iam sincerely, yours.


(ORIGINAL.)

Camp Wilton, on James River, May 17,1781.

Dear General, My correspondence withone of the British generals, and myrefusal of a correspondence with theother, may be, perhaps, misrepresented,

I shall therefore give an account ofwhat has passed, and I hope yourexcellency and General Greene willapprove of my conduct. On the arrivalof our detachment at Richmond, threeletters were brought by a flag, which Ihave the honour to inclose, and which,as commander of the troops in thisstate, it became my duty to answer. Theenclosed letters were successively sentin pursuit of General Phillips, whoreceived them both with a degree ofpoliteness that seemed to apologize forhis unbecoming style. General Phillipsbeing dead of a fever, an officer wassent with a passport and letters fromGeneral Arnold. I requested thegentleman to come to my quarters, and

having asked if General Phillips wasdead,~[1] to which he answered in thenegative, I made it a pretence not toreceive a letter from General Arnold,which, being dated head-quarters, anddirected to the commanding officer ofthe American troops, ought to comefrom the British general chief incommand. I did, however, observe,should any officers have written to me Ishould have been happy to receive theirletters. The next day the officerreturned with the same passport andletter, and informed me that he werenow at liberty to declare that Phillipswas dead, and Arnold was commander-in-chief of the British army in Virginia.The high station of General Arnold

having obliged me to an explanation,the enclosed note was sent to theofficer of the flag, and the Americanofficer verbally assured him that were Irequested to put in writing a minuteaccount of my motives, my regard forthe British army was such that I wouldcheerfully comply with the demand.

Last evening, a flag of ours returnedfrom Petersburg, who had been sent bythe commander of the advanced corps,and happened to be on his way whilethe British officer was at our picquets.Inclosed is the note written by GeneralArnold, in which he announces hisdetermination of sending our officersand men to the West Indies.

The British general cannot but perfectlyknow that I am not to treat of partialexchanges, and that the fate of thecontinental prisoners must be regulatedby a superior authority to that withwhich I am invested.

With the highest respect, I have thehonour to be, &c.

Footnote:

1. Gordon places the death of GeneralPhillips on the 13th of May: he wasvery ill in his bed, when a cannon balltraversed his bed-room. GeneralPhillips commanded at Minden the

battery whose cannon killed the fatherof M. de Lafayette.

FROM GENERAL PHILLIPS TOTHE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE.

(ORIGINAL.)

British Camp, at Osborn, April 28,1781.

SIR, It is a principle of the British armyengaged in the present war, which theyesteem as an unfortunate one, toconduct it with every attention tohumanity and the laws of war; and in

the necessary destruction of publicstores of every kind, to prevent, as faras possible, that of private property. Icall upon the inhabitants of Yorktown,Williamsburg, Petersburg, andChesterfield, for a proof of the mildtreatment they have received from theking's troops; in particular atPetersburg, when the town was savedby the labour of the soldiers, whichotherwise must have perished by thewilful inactivity of its inhabitants.

I have now a charge of the deepestnature to make against the Americanarms: that of having fired upon theking's troops by a flag of truce vessel;and, to render the conduct as

discordant to the laws of arms, the flagwas flying the whole time at the masthead, seeming to sport in the violationof the most sacred laws of war.

You are sensible, sir, that I amauthorized to inflict the severestpunishment in return for this badconduct, and that towns and villages layat the mercy of the king's troops, and itis to that mercy alone you can justlyappeal for their not being reduced toashes. The compassion, andbenevolence of disposition, which hasmarked the British character in thepresent contest, still govern theconduct of the king's officers, and Ishall willingly remit the infliction of

any redress we have a right to claim,provided the persons who fired fromthe flag of truce vessel are deliveredinto my possession, and a publicdisavowal made by you of theirconduct. Should you, sir, refuse this, Ihereby make you answerable for anydesolation which may follow inconsequence.

Your ships of war, and all other vessels,not actually in our possession in JamesRiver, are, however, driven beyond apossibility of escaping, and are in thepredicament and condition of a townblockaded by land, where it is contraryto the rules of war that any publicstores should be destroyed. I shall

therefore demand from you, sir, a fullaccount of whatever may be destroyedon board vessels or otherwise, and neednot mention to you what the rules ofwar are in these cases.

I am, sir, your most humble servant,

W. PHILLIPS.

FROM GENERAL PHILLIPS TOTHE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE.

(ORIGINAL.)

Camp at Osborn, April 29th, 1781.

Sir, When I was at Williamsburg, and atPetersburg, I gave several inhabitantsand country people protections fortheir persons and properties. I did thiswithout asking, or even considering,whether these people were eitherfriends or foes, actuated by no othermotive than that of pure humanity. Iunderstand, from almost undoubtedauthority, that several of these personshave been taken up by their maliciousneighbours, and sent to your quarters,where preparations are making for theirbeing ill treated; a report which Isincerely hope may be withoutfoundation. I repeat to you, sir, that myprotections were given generally from a

wish that, in the destruction of publicstores, as little damage as possible mightbe done to private property, and to thepersons of individuals; but at any rate,I shall insist upon my signs manualbeing held sacred, and I am obliged todeclare to you, sir, that if any persons,under the description I have given,receive ill treatment, I shall be under thenecessity of sending to Petersburg, andgiving that chastisement to the illiberalpersecutors of innocent people, whichtheir conduct shall deserve. And Ifurther declare to you, sir, should anyperson be put to death, under thepretence of their being spies of, orfriends to, the British government, Iwill make the shores of James River an

example of terror to the rest ofVirginia. It is from the violentmeasures, resolutions of the presenthouse of delegates, council, andgovernor of Virginia, that I amimpelled to use this language, which thecommon temper of my disposition ishurt at. I shall hope that you, sir, whomI have understood to be a gentleman ofliberal principles, will not countenance,still less permit to be carried intoexecution, the barbarous spirit whichseems to prevail in the council of thepresent civil power of this colony.

I do assure you, sir, I am extremelyinclined to carry on this unfortunatecontest with every degree of humanity,

and I will believe you intend doing thesame.

I am, sir, your most obedient humbleservant,

W. PHILLIPS.

TO MAJOR GENERAL PHILLIPS.

(ORIGINAL.)

American camp, April 30th, 1781.

Sir, Your letters of the 26th, 28th, and29th, came yesterday to hand. The

duplicate dated at Petersburg beingrather of a private nature, it has beendelivered to Major-General Baron deSteuben. I am sorry the mode of yourrequest has delayed the civility that hadbeen immediately intended.

From the beginning of this war, whichyou observe is an unfortunate one toGreat Britain, the proceedings of theBritish troops have been hitherto so farfrom evincing benevolence ofdisposition, that your long absence~[1]from the scene of action is the onlyway I have to account for yourpanegyrics. I give you my honour, sir,that the charge against a flag vessel shallbe strictly inquired into, and in case the

report made to you is better groundedthan the contrary one I have received,you shall obtain every redress in mypower, that you have any right toexpect. This complaint I beg leave toconsider as the only part in your letterthat requires an answer. Such articles asthe requiring that the persons of spiesbe held sacred, cannot certainly beserious.

The style of your letters, sir, obliges meto tell you, that should your futurefavours be wanting in that regard dueto the civil and military authority in theUnited States, which cannot but beconstrued into a want of respect to theAmerican nation, I shall not think it

consistent with the dignity of anAmerican officer to continue thecorrespondence.

I have the honour to be, your mostobedient servant,

LAFAYETTE.

Footnote:

1. General Phillips had been madeprisoner at Saratoga.

TO MAJOR GENERAL PHILLIPS.

(ORIGINAL.)

May 3rd, 1781.

Sir, Your assertion relating to the flagvessel was so positive, that it becomesnecessary for me to set you right in thismatter. Inclosed I have the honour tosend you some depositions, by which itis clearly proved that there has been onour side no violation of flags.

I have the honour to be, sir, yourhumble servant,

LAFAYETTE

NOTE FOR CAPTAIN EMYNE.

May 15th, 1781.

The Major-General Marquis deLafayette has the honour to present hiscompliments to Captain Emyne, andbegs him to recollect that, on thesupposition of the death of GeneralPhillips, he said, "that he should knowin that case what to do." From regardto the English army, he had made useof the most polite pretence fordeclining all correspondence with theEnglish general who is at this momentcommander-in-chief. But he now findshimself obliged to give a positive

denial. In case any other English officershould honour him with a letter, hewould always be happy to give theofficers every testimony of his esteem.

NOTE FROM GENERAL ARNOLDTO CAPTAIN RAGEDALE.

Brigadier-General Arnold presents hiscompliments to Captain Ragedale, andtakes the liberty of informing him, thatthe flag of truce having been sent byBrigadier-General Nelson, who is notcommander-in-chief of the Americanarmy, is an inadmissible act. The lettersare accordingly sent back unopened. If

Captain Ragedale thinks proper to leavethem with the servants, a receipt mustbe given for them.

Brigadier-General Arnold has givenorders that the officers lately taken inthat place should be sent to New York;their baggage will follow soon afterthem, and all the officers and soldiersof the American army that shall betaken prisoners in future, shall be sentto the West Indies, unless a cartel beimmediately granted for the exchangeof prisoners, as General Arnold hasrepeatedly demanded.

Head-quarters, at Petersburg, 17th May,1781.


(ORIGINAL.)

Richmond, May 24th, 1781,

MY DEAR GENERAL, My officialletter, a copy of which I send tocongress, will let you know thesituation of affairs in this quarter. Iardently wish my conduct may meetwith your approbation. Had I followedthe first impulsion of my temper, Ishould have risked something more;but I have been guarding against my

own warmth; and this consideration,that a general defeat, which, with such aproportion of militia, must beexpected, would involve this state andour affairs in ruin, has rendered meextremely cautious in my movements.Indeed, I am more embarrassed tomove, more crippled in my projects,than we have been in the northernstates. As I am for the present fixed inthe command of the troops in thisstate, I beg it as a great favour that youwill send me Colonel Gouvion. Shoulda junction be made with GeneralGreene, he will act as my aide-de-camp.Had the Pennsylvanians arrived beforeLord Cornwallis, I was determined toattack the enemy, and have no doubt

but what we should have beensuccessful. Their unaccountable delaycannot be too much lamented, and willmake an immense difference to the fateof this campaign. Should they havearrived time enough to support me inthe reception of Lord Cornwallis's firststroke, I should still have thought itwell enough; but from an answer ofGeneral Wayne, received this day, anddated the 19th, I am afraid that at thismoment they have hardly leftYorktown.

Public stores and private propertybeing removed from Richmond, thisplace is a less important object.

I don't believe it would be prudent toexpose the troops for the sake of a fewhouses, most of which are empty; but Iam wavering between twoinconveniences. Were I to fight a battle,I should be cut to pieces, the militiadispersed, and the arms lost. Were I todecline fighting, the country wouldthink itself given up. I am thereforedetermined to skirmish, but not toengage too far, and particularly to takecare against their immense and excellentbody of horse, whom the militia fear asthey would so many wild beasts.

A letter from General Greene toGeneral Sumner is dated 5th May, sevenmiles below Camden. The baron is

going to him with some recruits, andwill get more in North Carolina. Whenthe Pennsylvanians come, I am only tokeep them a few days, which I willimprove as well as I can. Cavalry is verynecessary to us. I wish Lauzun's legioncould come. I am sure he will like toserve with me, and as General Greenegave me command of the troops in thisstate, Lauzun might remain with me inVirginia. If not, Shelden's dragoonsmight be sent. As to Moylan, I do notbelieve he will be ready for a long time.

Were I anyways equal to the enemy, Ishould be extremely happy in mypresent command, but I am not strongenough even to get beaten.

Government in this state has no energy,and laws have no force. But I hope thisassembly will put matters upon a betterfooting. I had a great deal of trouble toput the departments in a tolerable train;our expenses were enormous, and yetwe can get nothing. Arrangements forthe present seem to put on a better face,but for this superiority of the enemy,which will chase us wherever theyplease. They can overrun the country,and, until the Pennsylvanians arrive, weare next to nothing in point ofopposition to so large a force. Thiscountry begins to be as familiar to meas Tappan and Bergen. Our soldiers arehitherto very healthy: I have turneddoctor, and regulate their diet. Adieu,

my dear general. Let me hear sometimesfrom you; your letters are a greathappiness to your affectionate friend,&c.


(ORIGINAL.)

Camp, 28th June, 1781.

MY DEAR GENERAL, Inclosed, Ihave the honour to send you a copy ofmy letter to General Greene. The enemyhave been so kind as to retire beforeus.~[1]

Twice I gave them a chance of fighting(taking care not to engage farther than Ipleased), but they continued theirretrograde motions. Our numbers are, Ithink, exaggerated to them, and ourseeming boldness confirms theopinion.

I thought, at first, Lord Cornwalliswanted to get me as low down aspossible, and use his cavalry toadvantage. But it appears that he doesnot as yet come out, and our positionwill admit of a partial affair. Hislordship had (exclusive of thereinforcement from Portsmouth, saidto be six hundred) four thousand men,

eight hundred of whom weredragoons, or mounted infantry. Ourforce is about equal to his, but only onethousand five hundred regulars andfifty dragoons. Our little action moreparticularly marks the retreat of theenemy. From the place whence he firstbegan to retire to Williamsburg isupwards of one hundred miles. Theold arms at the Point of Fork havebeen taken out of the water. Thecannon was thrown into the river,undamaged, when they marched backto Richmond; so that his lordship didus no harm of any consequence, butlost an immense part of his formerconquests, and did not make any in thisstate. General Greene only demanded

of me to hold my ground in Virginia.But the movements of Lord Cornwallismay answer better purposes than that inthe political line. Adieu, my deargeneral; I don't know but what weshall, in our turn, become the pursuingenemy; and in the meanwhile, have thehonour to be, &c.

Footnote:

1. It was the 20th of May that LordCornwallis effected his junction withthe troops of Arnold, whoseunexpected opposition re-establishedthe affairs of the English in Virginia.The war became from that momentextremely active, and the movements of

the two armies very complicated. M. deLafayette maintained his position, andexperienced no other check than theloss of some magazines, at the forks ofJames River, which had been confidedto the care of Baron Steuben. Hisposition was, however, rather adefensive one, until the period at whichthat letter was written, when theEnglish abandoned Richmond.Cornwallis obtained, and usually by theaid of negroes, the best horses ofVirginia. He had mounted an advance-guard of Tarleton on race-hores, who,like birds of prey, seized all they metwith, so that they had taken manycouriers who were bearers of letters.Cornwallis stopped once during his

retrograde march on Williamsburg; theAmericans being close to him, it wasthought an affair would take place, buthe continued on his road. It was beforehe reached Williamsburg that his rear-guard was attacked by the advancecorps of Lafayette under ColonelButler. He evacuated Williamsburg the4th; Lafayette had done all he could toconvince him that his own forces weremore considerable than they really were.Either the night of, or two nightsbefore, the evacuation of Williamsburg,a double spy had taken a false order ofthe day to Lord Cornwallis, found, hesaid, in the camp, which orderedGeneral Morgan's division to take acertain position in the line. The fact

was, that General Morgan had arrivedin person, but unaccompanied bytroops: Dr. Gordon justly observes, thatLord Cornwallis, from Charlestown toWilliamsburg, had made more thaneleven hundred miles, without countingdeviations, which amounts, reckoningthose deviations, to five hundredleagues. The whole march throughNorth Carolina and Virginia, and thecampaign against Lafayette, wereeffected without tents or equipages,which confers honour on the activityof Lord Cornwallis, and justifies thereputation he had acquired, of beingthe best British general employed inthat war. (Extract of Manuscript, No.2.)

EXTRACTS OF SEVERALLETTERS TO GENERALWASHINGTON.~[1]

(ORIGINAL.)

Ambler's Plantation, July 8th, 1781.

The inclosed copy, my dear general, willgive you an account of our affairs inthis quarter. Agreeably to your orders Ihave avoided a general action, andwhen Lord Cornwallis's movementsindicated that it was against his interestto fight, I ventured partial engagements.

His lordship seems to have given upthe conquest of Virginia. It has been agreat secret that our army was notsuperior, and was most generallyinferior, to the enemy's numbers. Ourreturns were swelled up, as militiareturns generally are; but we had veryfew under arms, particularly lately, andto conceal the lessening of ournumbers, I was obliged to push on asone who had heartily wished a generalengagement. Our regulars did notexceed one thousand five hundred, theenemy had four thousand regulars,eight hundred of whom weremounted: they thought we had eightthousand men. I never encamped in aline, and there was greater difficulty to

come at our numbers.

Malvan Hill, July 20th.

When I went to the southward, youknow I had some private objections;but I became sensible of the necessitythere was for the detachment to go, andI knew that had I returned there wasnobody that could lead them on againsttheir inclination. My entering this statewas happily marked by a service to thecapital. Virginia became the grandobject of the enemy, as it was the pointto which the ministry tended. I had thehonour to command an army andoppose Lord Cornwallis. Whenincomparably inferior to him, fortune

was pleased to preserve us; when equalin numbers, though not in quality oftroops, we have also been pretty lucky.Cornwallis had the disgrace of aretreat, and this state being recovered,government is properly re-established:The enemy are under the protection oftheir works at Portsmouth. It appearsan embarkation is taking place,probably destined to New York. Thewar in this state would then become aplundering one, and great manoeuvresbe out of the question. A prudentofficer would do our business here, andthe baron is prudent to the utmost.Would it be possible, my dear general,in case a part of the British troops goto New York, I may be allowed to join

the combined armies


No accounts from the northward, noletter from head quarters. I am entirely astranger to every thing that passes outof Virginia; and Virginian operationsbeing for the present in a state oflanguor, I have more time to think ofmy solitude; in a word, my dear general,I am home sick, and if I cannot go tohead quarters, wish at least to hear fromthence. I am anxious to know youropinion concerning the Virginiancampaign. That the subjugation of thisstate was the great object of theministry is an indisputable fact. I think

your diversion has been of more use tothe state than my manoeuvres; but thelatter have been much directed bypolitical views. So long as my lordwished for an action, not one gun hasbeen fired; the moment he declined it,we have been skirmishing; but I tookcare never to commit the army. Hisnaval superiority, his superiority ofhorse, of regulars, his thousandadvantages over us, so that I am luckyto have come off safe. I had an eyeupon European negotiations, and madeit a point to give his lordship thedisgrace of a retreat.

From every account it appears that apart of the army will embark. The light

infantry, the guards, the 80th regiment,and the Queen's rangers, are, it is said,destined to New York. LordCornwallis, I am told, is muchdisappointed in his hopes ofcommand. I cannot find out what hedoes with himself. Should he go toEngland, we are, I think, to rejoice forit; he is a cold and active man, twodangerous qualities in this southernwar.

The clothing you have long ago sent tothe light infantry is not yet arrived. Ihave been obliged to send for it, andexpect it in a few days. These threebattalions are the best troops that evertook the field; my confidence in them is

unbounded; they are far superior to anyBritish troops, and none will everventure to meet them in equal numbers.What a pity these men are notemployed along with the Frenchgrenadiers; they would do eternalhonour to our arms. But their presencehere, I must confess, has saved thisstate, and, indeed, the southern part ofthe continent.


I had some days ago the honour towrite to your excellency, and informedyou that a detachment from the Britisharmy would probably embark atPortsmouth. The battalions of light

infantry and the Queen's rangers werecertainly, and the guards, with one ortwo British regiments, were likely to be,ordered upon that service. Myconjectures have proved true, andforty-nine sail have fallen down inHampton-road, the departure of whichI expect to hear every minute. A Britishofficer, a prisoner, lately mentioned thatLord Cornwallis himself was going.

It appears the enemy have some cavalryon board. The conquest of Virginia,and the establishment of the Britishpower in this state, not havingsucceeded to the expectation of theBritish court, a lesser number might besufficient for the present purpose, and

two thousand men easily spared. Sothat I do not believe the presentembarkation is under that number; sofar as a land force can oppose navaloperations and naval superiority, I thinkthe position now occupied by the mainbody of our small army affords thebest chance to support the several partsof Virginia.


Some expressions in your last favourwill, if possible, augment my vigilancein keeping you well apprised of theenemy's movements.~[2] There are inHampton-road thirty transport shipsfull of troops, most of them red coats.

There are eight or ten brigs which havecavalry on board, they had excellentwinds and yet they are not gone. Somesay they have received advices fromNew York in a row boat: the escort, as Imentioned before, is the Charon, andseveral frigates, the last account saysseven. I cannot be positive, and do noteven think Lord Cornwallis has beenfully determined.

I have sent, by a safe hand, to call outsome militia, mount some cannon atthe passes, and take out of the wayevery boat which might serve theenemy to go to North Carolina. Youknow, my dear general, that, with a verytrifling transportation, they may go by

water from Portsmouth to Wilmington.The only way to shut up that passage is,to have an army before Portsmouth,and possess the heads of these rivers, amovement which, unless I was certainof a naval superiority, might proveruinous. But should a fleet come inHampton-road, and should I get somedays' notice, our situation would bevery agreeable.

Malvan Hill, July 31.

A correspondent of mine, servant toLord Cornwallis, writes on the 26th ofJuly, at Portsmouth, and says his master,Tarleton, and Simcoe, are still in town,but expect to move. The greatest part

of the army is embarked. My lord'sbaggage is yet in town. His lordship isso shy of his papers that my honestfriend says he cannot get at them. Thereis a large quantity of negroes, but, itseems, no vessels to take them off.What garrison they leave I do notknow: I shall take care at least to keepthem within bounds. . . . Should aFrench fleet now come in HamptonRoad, the British army would, I think,be ours.

Camp on Pamunkey, August 6.

The embarkation which I thought, anddo still think, to have been destined forNew York, was reported to have sailed

up the bay, and to be bound forBaltimore; in consequence of which Iwrote to your excellency, and as I hadnot indulged myself too nearPortsmouth, I was able to cut acrosstowards Fredericksburg. But, instead ofcontinuing his voyage up the bay, mylord entered York River, and landed atYork and Gloucester. To the formervessels were added a number of flat-bottomed boats.

Our movements have not beenprecipitate. We were in time to take ourcourse down Pamunkey River, and shallmove to some position where theseveral parts of the army will unite. Ihave some militia in Gloucester county,

some about York. We shall actagreeably to circumstances, but avoiddrawing ourselves into a falsemovement, which, if cavalry hadcommand of the rivers, would give theenemy the advantage of us. Hislordship plays so well, that no blundercan be hoped from him to recover abad step of ours.

York is surrounded by the river and amorass; the entrance is but narrow.There is, however, a commanding hill,(at least, I am so informed,) which, ifoccupied by the enemy, would muchextend their works. Gloucester is a neckof land projected into the river, andopposite to York. Their vessels, the

biggest of whom is a forty-four, arebetween the two towns. Should a fleetcome in at this moment, our affairswould take a very happy turn.

New Kent Mountain, August 11.

Be sure, my dear general, that thepleasure of being with you will makeme happy in any command you maythink proper to give me; but for thepresent I am of opinion, with you, Ihad better remain in Virginia, the moreso, as Lord Cornwallis does not chooseto leave us, and circumstances mayhappen that will furnish me agreeableopportunities in the command of theVirginian army. I have pretty well

understood you, my dear general, butwould be happy in a more minutedetail, which, I am sensible, cannot beentrusted to letters. Would notGouvion be a proper ambassadorindeed, at all events, I should be happyto have him with me; but I think hewould perfectly well answer yourpurpose; a gentleman in your familycould with difficulty be spared. Shouldsomething be ascertained, CountDamas might come, under pretence toserve with me; it is known he is verymuch my friend. But, to return tooperations in Virginia, I will tell you,my dear general, that Lord Cornwallis isentrenching at York and at Gloucester.The sooner we disturb him, the better;

but unless our maritime friends give ushelp, we cannot much venture below.

Forks of York River, August 21.

The greater part of the enemy are atYork, which they do not as yet fortify,but are very busy upon Gloucesterneck, where they have a pretty largecorps under Colonel Dundas. Theyhave at York a forty-four gun ship;frigates and vessels are scattered lowerdown. There is still a small garrison atPortsmouth. Should they intend toevacuate, they at least are proceedingwith amazing slowness. From theenemy's preparations, I should inferthat they are working for the protection

of one fleet, and for a defence againstanother; that in case they holdPortsmouth, the main body would beat York, and a detached corps uponGloucester neck to protect the waterbattery. Their fortifications are muchcontracted. From the enemy's cautionand partial movements, I shouldconclude their intelligence is not verygood, and that they wish to come at anexplanation of my intentions andprospects.

We have hitherto occupied the forks ofYork River, thereby looking both ways.Some militia have prevented theenemy's parties from remaining anytime at or near Williamsburg, and false

accounts have given them some alarms.Another body of militia, under ColonelEnnis, has kept them pretty close inGloucester Town, and foraged in theirvicinity. Upon the receipt of yourorders, I wrote to the governor, thatintelligence of some plans of theenemy rendered it proper to have somesix hundred militia collected uponBlackwater. I wrote to General Gregory,near Portsmouth, that I had an accountthat the enemy intended to push adetachment to Carolina, which wouldgreatly defeat a scheme we had there. Ihave requested General Wayne to movetowards the southward, to be ready tocross James River at Westover. Abattalion of light infantry, and our only

hundred dragoons, being in Gloucestercounty, I call them my vanguard, andwill take my quarters there for one ortwo days, while the troops are filing offtowards James River. Our little armywill consequently assemble again uponthe waters of the Chickahonimy; andshould Jamestown Island thought to bea good place to junction, we will be in asituation to form it, while we render itmore difficult for the enemy to render ajourney to Carolina.~[3]

In the present state of affairs, my deargeneral, I hope you will come yourselfto Virginia, and that, if the Frencharmy moves this way, I will have, atleast, the satisfaction of beholding you

myself at the head of the combinedarmies. In two days I will write again toyour excellency, and keep youparticularly and constantly informed,unless something is done the verymoment (and it will probably bedifficult). Lord Cornwallis must beattacked with pretty great apparatus.But when a French fleet takespossession of the bay and rivers, andwe form a land force superior to his,that army must, sooner or later, beforced to surrender, as we may get whatreinforcements we please.

Adieu, my dear general; I heartily thankyou for having ordered me to remain inVirginia; it is to your goodness that I

am indebted for the most beautifulprospect which I may ever behold.

Footnotes:

1. From Williamsburg, the Englishretreated towards Portsmouth, near themouth of James River, andconsequently not far from ChesapeakBay. The sea was open to them, andthose repeated retrograde movementsseemed to indicate the project ofevacuating Virginia. M. de Lafayette,therefore, when he learnt that they wereembarking on board their ships, neverdoubted but that their intention was toleave that part of the country, to repair,in all probability, to New York. But it

became evident, at the same time, thatif those naval forces appeared upon thecoast, they would be blockaded withoutany means of escape. This is whatoccasioned their inexplicable andunhoped for retreat upon Yorktownand Gloucester.

2. The 13th, Washington, who was thenat Dobb's Ferry, while congratulatingM. de Lafayette on his success,announced to him the junction of hisarmy with that of Rochambeau, andthat very important information wouldbe carried to him by a confidentialofficer. He recommended to him toconcentrate his forces, and obtainmeans of corresponding with him. The

15th, he apprised him that the Countde Grasse intended quitting St.Domingo on the 3rd, with his fleet, toproceed to the Chesapeak, andprescribed to him to shut out fromLord Cornwallis all retreat on NorthCarolina. He added, "You shall hearfurther from me." The 30th, he nolonger concealed his intention ofmarching to the south. But he onlyannounced on the 21st of August thathis troops were actually on their march.While recurring to the necessity ofinclosing the enemy on every side, heended by saying, "The particular modeI shall not at this distance attempt todictate; your own knowledge of thecountry, from your long continuance in

it, and the various and extendedmovements you have made, have givenyou great opportunities forobservation; of which I am persuadedyour military genius and judgment willlead you to make the bestimprovement." (Letters of Washington,vol. viii.)

3. After the arrival of Lord Cornwallisat York, General Lafayette askedColonel Barber for a faithful andintelligent soldier, whom he could sendas a spy into the English camp. Morgan,of the New Jersey line, was pointed outto him. The general sent for him andproposed to him the difficult task ofgoing over to the enemy as a deserter

and enrolling in their army. Morgananswered that he was ready toeverything for his country and hisgeneral, but to act the part of a spy wasrepugnant to all his feelings; he did notfear for his life but for his name whichmight be blotted with an eternal stain.He ended, however, by yielding but oncondition, that in case of anymisfortune, the general would make thetruth known, and publish all theparticulars of the case in the NewJersey papers. M. de Lafayette promisedthis should be done. Morgan thenproceeded to the English camp. Hismission was to give advice of themovements of the enemy, and deceivethem as to the projects and resources

of the Americans. He had not beenlong with the English, when Cornwallissent for him, and questioned him, inthe presence of Tarleton, upon themeans General Lafayette might have ofcrossing south of James River. Morganreplied, according to his privateinstructions, that he had a sufficientnumber of boats, on the first signal, tocross the river, with his whole army. "Inthat case," said Cornwallis to Tarleton,"what I said to you cannot be done;"alluding, in all probability, to anintended march upon North Carolina.After the arrival of the French fleet, M.de Lafayette, on his return from areconnoitring party, found in hisquarters six men dressed in the English

uniform, and a Hessian dressed ingreen: Morgan was amongst them,bringing back five deserters and aprisoner: he no longer thought hisservices as a spy could be of any use tohis country. The next day, the generaloffered him, as a recompence, the rankof sergeant. Morgan thanked him, butdeclined the offer, saying that hethought himself a good soldier, butwas not certain of being a goodsergeant. Other offers were alsorefused. "What can I then do for you "inquired the general. "I have only onefavour to ask," replied Morgan."During my absence, my gun has beentaken from me; I value it very much,and I should like to have it back again."

Orders were given that the gun shouldbe found and restored to him: this wasthe only thing he could be prevailed onto receive. Mr. Sparks, who publishedthis anecdote, "says he heard it related,fifty years after it had occurred, byGeneral Lafayette, who still expressedgreat admiration for that soldier's noblefeelings and disinterested conduct."(Washington's Writings, vol. viii., p.152.)


Camp, between the branches of YorkRiver, August 24, 1781.

The residence of Virginia is anythingbut favourable to my correspondence. Ido not accuse public affairs of this evil;and as I find so much time to think ofmy affection for you, I could doubtlessfind some, also, to assure you of it; butthere are no opportunities here ofsending letters, and we are obliged todespatch them to Philadelphia andexpose them to many hazards; thesedangers, in addition to those of the sea,and the increased delay they occasion,must necessarily render the arrival ofletters far more difficult. If you receivea greater number from the French thanfrom the Virginian army, it would beunjust to imagine that I have been to

blame.

Your self-love has, perhaps, beengratified by the part I have beenobliged to act: you may have hoped thatI could not be equally awkward onevery theatre; but I should accuse youof an egregious degree of vanity (forall things being in common between us,there is vanity in rating me too highly)if you have not trembled for the perilsto which I have been exposed. I am notspeaking of cannon balls, but of themore dangerous master-strokes withwhich I was threatened by LordCornwallis. It was not prudent in thegeneral to confide to me such acommand. If I had been unfortunate,

the public would have called thatpartiality an error in his judgment.

To begin, even from the deluge, I mustspeak to you of that miserablePortsmouth expedition. GeneralRochambeau had intended sending athousand Frenchmen there, under theBaron de Viomenil. You must haveheard that the French squadron gaineda great deal of glory, whilst the Englishattained their desired end. AdmiralArbuthnot will since have informedyou that I was blockaded; but, althoughwe were not sailors, that blockade didnot detain us four hours. You will havelearnt, afterwards, that General Phillipshaving made some preparations at

Portsmouth, we marched in all haste toRichmond, where we arrived nearly atthe same time; but I arrived first. Theythen came from New York andCarolina to unite with the Virginiantroops; the whole was commanded bythe formidable Lord Cornwallis, whoabandoned his first conquests to fulfilthe ministerial plan by the conquest ofVirginia. It was not without somedifficulty that we avoided the battle hewished for; but, after many marches, webecame stronger than we were at thecommencement, and we pretended tobe stronger than we were; we regainedwhat we had lost without risking abattle, and, after two trifling affairs, thehostile army proceeded to Portsmouth,

which it has since evacuated, andwhose fortifications we have destroyed.That army is now in York River,whither they repaired by water. If thenaval superiority which we are so fullyexpecting should arrive, I shall rejoiceat the campaign closing by the Englisharmy's assuming that position.

The French and American troopsbefore New York are under the ordersof the generalissimo. My friend Greenehas had great success in Carolina, andthat campaign has taken a far betterturn than we had any reason to expector hope. It may perhaps end in a veryfavourable manner. It is said that theBritish ministry are sending here the

Governor of Virginia; I fancy they havefounded rather too many hopes uponthe success of their army. ThePennsylvanians, who were to havejoined them, are at present here with us.But for the virtue, zeal, and courage ofthe regular troops who were with me, itwould have been impossible for me tohave saved myself. I cannot sufficientlyexpress my gratitude to those withwhom I have undertaken this fatiguingcampaign. The militia have done allthey could. I have been well pleased,with our little army, and only hope itmay have been also pleased with me.

I must speak of my health, which is amonotonous subject, for I need only

repeat favourable accounts of my ownconstitution: the sun of Virginia has avery bad character, and I had receivedmany alarming predictions; manypersons, in truth, have had fevers; butthis climate agrees with me as well asany other, and the only effect fatiguehas upon me is to increase my appetite.

TO M. DE VERGENNES.

Camp, between the branches of YorkRiver, August 24th, 1781.

When a person, sir, has LordCornwallis in front and is flying

through the sands of Virginia, he mustdepend upon others to givecircumstantial news of America. Eversince the guidance of this army hasbeen entrusted to me, I have foundmyself five hundred miles from anyother troops, and all accounts of thewar, of General Washington, and ofcongress, are an immense time inreaching me; but you have the Chevalierde la Luzerne, and you could not havea better informer. There is only onepoint on which I cannot depend onany person to speak for me, and that iswhen I am assuring you of theaffectionate and devoted attachment Ishall feel for you during the remainderof my life.

To execute the gigantic project whichhis court has planned, Lord Cornwalliswas obliged to leave exposed both theCarolinas. General Greene took ampleadvantage of this circumstance. It istrue that the hostile army bore on everypoint upon us, and all depended uponour having the good luck to avoid abattle: fortune served us well, and aftera few junctions, our little army regainedall the ground whose conquest hadoccasioned so many sacrifices. In theother states we manoeuvred rather thanfought. Lord Cornwallis has left usPortsmouth, from whence hecommunicated with Carolina, and findshimself at present at York, which

would be a very advantageous stationfor us, if we possessed a navalsuperiority: if that should by chancearrive, our little army would enjoysuccesses which would amplycompensate for this long and fatiguingcampaign: I should not, in that case,regret our last movements havingplaced us in our present situation.

I can only speak to you of myself, sir,or of the English army, for all otheraccounts will reach you at Versaillesalmost as soon as they do me in thisremote corner of Virginia. It isreported that you are going to makepeace, but I am not very credulous onthis point, and I fancy that they will at

least await the end of this campaign.

This is a large packet, sir, but I do notfear taking advantage of your kindness,as I well know the full extent; I flattermyself I merit it as much as it ispossible for any person to do so, by thefeelings of confidence and respectfulaffection with which I remain, &c.

I beg you to present my kindcompliments to the Countess deVergennes, and to your sons.

TO M. DE MAUREPAS.

Camp, between the branches of theYork River, August 24th, 1781.

Whilst I am thus, sir, more than everseparated from the rest of the world, Iam not less occupied with the persons Ilove, and who honour me with theirkindness and attention. I owe you somuch gratitude, and feel so muchattached to you, that I wish to recalsometimes to your recollection therebel commander of the little Virginianarmy. Interested for me, sir, as I knowyou are, you would have been alarmedby the important part my youth hasbeen called upon to act: five hundredmiles from any other corps, andwithout any resources whatever, I was

placed to oppose the projects of thecourt of St. James's and the goodfortune of Lord Cornwallis. Until thepresent moment, we have not met withany disasters; but, in a time of war, noperson can tell what events may occuron the following day. Lord Cornwallispursued us without succeeding intaking us, and after a variety ofmovements, he is now in the goodYork harbour; who knows whether hismanoeuvres may not end by making usprisoners of war

As I do not know what vessel may bearthis despatch, I will neither dwell uponour projects nor our hopes; theChevalier de la Luzerne, who knows

every opportunity for France, willinform you of all that passes here; formy part, I am lost in the sands ofVirginia, living only by my wits, andcorresponding with Lord Cornwallisonly. This letter, sir, is merely intendedto recal me to your remembrance, andto offer you the assurance of myrespectful and affectionate regard.

Will you permit me, sir, to present myrespects to the Countess de Maurepasand Madame de Flamarens


(ORIGINAL.)

Holt's Forge, 1st Sept., 1781.

My dear General, From the bottom ofmy heart I congratulate you upon thearrival of the French fleet. Somerumours had been spread, and spyaccounts sent out, but no certainty untilthe admiral's despatches came to hand.Inclosed I send you his letter, and thatof M. de St. Simon, both of whom Irequest you will have translated byTilghman or Gouvion alone, as thereare parts of them personal, which I donot choose to shew to others. Thanksto you, my dear general, I am in a verycharming situation, and find myself at

the head of a beautiful body of troops;but am not so hasty as the Count deGrasse, and think that, having so sure agame to play, it would be madness, bythe risk of an attack, to give anything tochance.

It appears Count de Grasse is in a greathurry to return; he makes it a point toput upon my expressions suchconstructions as may favour his plan.They have been pleased to adopt myideas, as to the sending of vessels intoJames River, and forming a junction atJamestown. I wish they may also forcethe passage at York, because then hislordship has no possibility of escape.

The delay of Count de Grasse's arrival,the movement of the grand army, andthe alarm there was at York, haveforced me, for greater security, to send apart of the troops to the south side, ofJames River. To- morrow and the dayafter will be employed in makingdispositions for covering a landing,which will be done with continentalsdiscumbered of baggage; and on the5th, agreeable to the count's desire, ajunction will be made of our troops. Ishall then propose to the Frenchgeneral the taking of a safe position,within ten or twelve miles of York;such a one as cannot be forced withouta much greater loss than we couldsuffer.

And, unless matters are very differentfrom what I think they are, my opinionis, that we ought to be contented withpreventing the enemy's forages, andfatiguing them by alarming theirpicquets with militia, withoutcommitting our regulars. Whateverreadiness the Marquis de St. Simon hasbeen pleased to express to ColonelGimat, respecting his being under me, Ishall do nothing without paying thatdeference which is due to age, talents,and experience; but would ratherincline to the cautious line of conductI have of late adopted. General Portailmust be now with Count de Grasse. Heknows your intentions, and our course

will be consulted in our movements.

Lord Cornwallis has still one way toescape; he may land at West Point, andcross James River, some miles belowPoint of Fork; but I thought this partwas the most important, as the otherroute is big with obstacles. However, toprevent even a possibility, I would wishsome ships were above York.

The governor~[2] was with me whenthe letters came; he jumped upon ahorse, and posted off to his council. Igave him a memorandum, demandingprovisions of every kind for the fleetand the combined army. We maydepend upon a quantity of cattle, but

flour ought to be sent from Marylandand Pennsylvania. Chevalierd'Annemours, the French consul, ishere, and will take a method to have hiscountrymen supplied without starvingus.

Upon a particular inquiry of thecountry, and our circumstances, I hopeyou will find we have taken the bestprecautions to lessen his lordship'schances to escape; he has a few left, butso very precarious, that I hardly believehe will make the attempt; if he does, hemust give up ships, artillery, baggage,part of the horses, all the negroes; hemust be certain to lose the third of hisarmy, and run the greatest risk to lose

the whole, without gaining that glorywhich he may derive from a brilliantdefence.

Adieu, my dear general, the agreeablesituation I am in is owing to yourfriendship, and is, for that reason, thedearer to your respectful servant andfriend.

Footnotes:

1. Washington having finally adoptedthe project of uniting the land and seaforces against the army of Cornwallis,which had so fortunately stationeditself in the position most favourableto a naval attack, it was still important

and difficult to prevent him fromreaching Carolina, and thus ruining thecampaign of the allied powers. It wasto attain this end, that Lafayette haddespatched troops to the south ofJames River, under pretence ofdislodging the English fromPortsmouth; this movement had alsothe good effect of uniting to the corpsof the army the troops and artillerywho could escape by Albemarle Soundon the arrival of the Count de Grasse.With the same view, he detained troopson the south of James River, onpretence of sending General Wayneand his Pennsylvanians to the southernarmy to reinforce General Greene. Noperson was in the secret, and the enemy

could not, therefore, be undeceived. Itwas at that period that he sent them thepretended deserter, Morgan. In short,after having manoeuvred for severalmonths to lead his opponent into thespot that would best allow him to takeadvantage of a naval co-operation, hemanoeuvred at last so as to prevent hisenemy from withdrawing when hebecame conscious of his danger. Hisprecautions in this respect were morenecessary from Lord Cornwallisknowing that a large French fleet wasexpected in North America. Themoment the Count de Grasse arrived,Lafayette marched on rapidly toWilliamsburg, and effected a junctionwith a corps of three thousand men

belonging to the Marquis de St. Simon.As soon as he landed at Jamestown, hecrossed the river, united Wayne's corpsto his own, and assembled, on theother side of York River, opposite toGloucester, a corps of militia. TheEnglish army thus found itselfenclosed on every side, and no possiblemeans of safety were left to LordCornwallis but by his undertaking avery perilous enterprise. Hereconnoitred, however, the position ofWilliamsburg, with the intention ofattacking it. It was a well chosenstation: two creeks; or small rivers,throwing themselves, one into James,the other into York River, almostenclosed the peninsula on that point; it

was necessary to force two welldefended passages; two houses and twopublic buildings of Williamsburg, bothof stone, were well placed to defendthe front. There were five thousandFrench and American troops, a largecorps of militia, and a well servedcampaign artillery. Lord Cornwallisthought he ought not to hazard anattack. He might have crossed over toGloucester, or have ascended YorkRiver, the Count de Grasse havingneglected to place vessels above thatpoint, but he must have abandoned, inthat case, his artillery, magazines, andinvalids, and measures had been takento cut off his road in several places; hedetermined, therefore, to await the

attack. He might have had, in truth, thechance of a combat, if Lafayette hadyielded to some tempting solicitations.The Count de Grasse was in a hurry toreturn; the idea of waiting for thenorthern troops and generals wasintolerable to him; he entreatedLafayette to attack the English army;with the American and French troopsthat were under his command, offering,for that purpose, not only thedetachments which formed thegarrisons of the ships, but also as manysailors as he should demand. TheMarquis de St. Simon, who althoughsubordinate to Lafayette from the dateof his commission, was much hissenior in point of age and service,

joined earnestly in the admiral's request.He represented that Lord Cornwallis'sworks were not yet completed, and thatan attack of superior forces wouldsoon, in all probability, take Yorktown,and afterwards Gloucester. Thetemptation was great for the younggeneral of the combined army, whowas scarcely four-and-twenty years ofage; he had an unanswerable pretencefor taking such a step in the declarationmade by M. de Grasse, that he couldnot wait for the northern generals andforces; but this attack, which, ifsuccessful, would have been sobrilliant, must necessarily have cost agreat deal of blood. Lafayette wouldnot sacrifice to his personal ambition

the soldiers who had been confided tohim; and, refusing the request of theCount de Grasse, he only endeavouredto persuade him to await the arrival ofGeneral Washington, accompanied bythe Generals Rochambeau and Lincoln,seniors of Lafayette; by this means thereduction of the army of Cornwallisbecame a secure and by no meanscostly operation. (Note extracted fromManuscript, No. 2.)

2. The governor of Virginia, Nelson.


(ORIGINAL.)

Williamsburg, September 8, 1781.

My dear General, I had the honour towrite you lately, giving an account ofeverything that came within myknowledge. I was every hour expectingI might be more particular; but if youknew how slowly things go on in thiscountry; still I have done the best in mypower; I have written and receivedtwenty letters a day from governmentand from every department. Thegovernor does what he can: the wheelsof his government are so very rustythat no governor whatever will be ableto set them free again. Time will prove

that Jefferson has been too severelycharged. The French troops, my deargeneral, have landed with amazingcelerity; they have already been wantingflour, meat and salt, not so much,however, as to be one day without. Ihave been night and day the quarter-master collector, and have drawnmyself into a violent head-ache andfever, which will go off with threehours' sleep, the want of which hasoccasioned it. This, my dear general,will apologize to you for not writingwith my own hand. The French army iscomposed of the most excellentregiments: they have with them a corpsof hussars, which may be of immediateuse. The general and all the officers

have cheerfully lived in the same way asour poorly provided Americandetachment. I think a letter from youon the subject will have a very goodeffect. Last night by leaving our ownbaggage, and accepting of our officers'horses, we have been able to move to aposition near Williamsburg: it iscovered along the front with ravines;the right flank is covered by a mill-pond, on the road to Jamestown; theleft by Queen's Creek, small rivulets,and marshes. We have militia still infront of our right and left, and a goodlook out on the river. Our provisionsmay come to the capital landing.Williamsburg and its strong buildingsare in our front. I have upon the lines

General Muhlenberg with onethousand men, four hundred of whomare Virginian regulars, and one hundreddragoons. In borrowing White'sunequipped horses we may add onehundred hussars. There is a line ofarmed ships along James River, and asmall reserve of militia, which mayincrease every day: there are inGloucester county eight hundredmilitia driving off stock. I hadrecommended, with proper delicacy, toCount de Grasse to send some navalforces up York River; the French armedvessels in Pamunkey are come down toWest Point. No movement of Count deGrasse has as yet taken place, exceptsome ships below York. Your

excellency's letter to him has been dulyforwarded; we are under infiniteobligations to the officers and the menfor their zeal.

I entered into these particular accounts,my dear general, in order to show youthat propriety, and not the desire toadvance, has dictated our measures. Wewill try, if not dangerous, upon a largescale, to form a good idea of theworks; but, unless I am greatlydeceived, there will be madness inattacking them now with our force.Marquis de St. Simon, Count deGrasse, and General du Portail, agreewith me in opinion; but, should LordCornwallis come out against, such a

position, as we have, everybody thinksthat he cannot but repent of it; andshould he beat us, he must soonprepare for another battle.

Now, my dear general, I am going tospeak to you of the fortifications atYork. Lord Cornwallis is working dayand night, and will soon work himselfinto a respectable situation: he hastaken ashore the greater part of hissailors; he is picking up whateverprovisions he can get. I am told he hasordered the inhabitants in the vicinityof the town to come in, and shouldthink they may do him much good.Our present position will render himcautious, and I think it a great point.

No news as yet in this camp of the fleetof M. le Comte de Barras.~[1]

I will now answer you that part of yourletter respecting provisions for thetroops under your immediatecommand.

With respect to a proper place for thedebarkation of your troops, it is theopinion of the Marquis de St. Simon,and mine, that it must be in JamesRiver, but we have not had anopportunity yet of fixing on the bestspot: it appears, however, that it mustbe at or near Williamsburg orJamestown.

With the most affectionate regard andesteem, I am; dear general, &c.

Footnote:

1. Marshall speaks of the departure ofthe Count de Barras for the Chesapeak,and of his arrival with the artillery ofthe siege; that the admiral had receiveda letter from the minister of the marine,the Marshal de Castries, who, informinghim of the orders given to M. deGrasse to proceed to the coasts of theUnited States, left him free to make acruise on the banks of Newfoundland,not wishing to oblige him to serveunder his junior, to whom the ministerhad entrusted the command. But M. de

Barras nobly determined to conveyhimself and the artillery to RhodeIsland, and to range himself, with all hisvessels, under the command of anadmiral less ancient than himself.Manuscript, No. 2.


(ORIGINAL.)

Camp before York, October 16, 1781.

My dear General, Your excellencyhaving personally seen our dispositions,I shall only give an account of what

passed in the execution.

Colonel Gimat's battalion led the van,and was followed by that of ColonelHamilton's, who commanded thewhole advanced corps; at the sametime, a party of eighty men, underColonel Laurens, turned the redoubt. Ibeg leave to refer your excellency to thereport I have received from ColonelHamilton, whose well known talentsand gallantry were on this occasionmost conspicuous and serviceable. Ourobligations to him, to Colonel Gimat,to Colonel Laurens, and to each and allthe officers and men, are aboveexpression. Not one gun was fired, andthe ardour of the troops did not give

time for the sappers to derange them,and, owing to the conduct of thecommanders and the bravery of themen, the redoubt was stormed withuncommon rapidity.

Colonel Barber's battalion, which wasthe first in the supporting column,being detached to the aid of theadvance, arrived at the moment theywere getting over the works, andexecuted their orders with the utmostalacrity. The colonel was slightlywounded: the rest of the column underGeneral Muhlenberg and Hazenadvanced with admirable firmness anddiscipline. Colonel Vose's battaliondisplayed to the left, a part of the

division successively dressing by him,whilst a second line was formingcolumns in the rear. It adds greatly tothe character of the troops that, underthe fire of the enemy, they displayedand took their rank with perfect silenceand order. Give me leave particularly tomention Major Barber, divisioninspector, who distinguished himself,and received a wound by a cannon ball.

In making arrangements for thesupport of the works we had reduced,I was happy to find General Wayne andthe Pennsylvanians so situated as tohave given us, in case of need, the mosteffectual support.

I have the honour to be, with the mostperfect respect, &c.

Footnote:

1. It was the 13th of September thatGeneral Washington had operated hisjunction with General Lafayette, andthe 28th the place of York was invaded.The assault was given on the 15th ofOctober.

TO M. DE MAUREPAS.

Camp, near York, October 20th, 1781.

The play, sir, is over and the fifth acthas just been closed; I was in asomewhat awkward situation duringthe first acts; my heart experienced greatdelight at the final one and I do not feelless pleasure in congratulating you, atthis moment, upon the fortunate issueof our campaign. I need not describethe particulars of it, sir, becauseLauzun will give them to you in person;and I only wish him the same degree ofgood luck in crossing the ocean that hehad in passing through a corps ofTarleton's legion.

M. de Rochambeau will give you a fullaccount of the army he commands; butif the honour of having commanded

for some time the division of M. de St.Simon gives me any right to speak ofmy obligations to that general and histroops, that right would be muchvalued by me.

Will you have the kindness, sir, topresent my respectful compliments tothe Countess de Maurepas, andMadame de Flamarens, and to accept,yourself, the sincere assurance of myaffection, gratitude, and respect.

TO M. DE VERGENNES.

Camp, near York, October 20th, 1781.

Allow me, sir, to offer you mycongratulations upon the good leafthat has been turned over in ourpolitical tablets. M. Laurens will give allparticulars; I rejoice that your Virginiancampaign should close so well, and myrespect for the talents of LordCornwallis renders his capture stillmore valuable to me. After thiscommencing stroke, what Englishgeneral will ever think of conqueringAmerica Their southern manoeuvreshave not ended more fortunately thantheir northern ones, and the affair ofGeneral Burgoyne has been againrenewed.

Adieu, Sir; I have so short a time forwriting, that I can only add at presentthe assurance of the respect and sincereattachment of, &c.


On board La Ville de Paris, inChesapeak Bay, Oct. 22, 1781.

This is the last moment, my dearestlove, allowed me for writing to you; M.de Lauzun is going to join the frigateand return to Europe; some business Ihad to settle with the admiral affordsme the pleasure of thus giving you

some news of me two days later; whatrelates to public affairs will be detailedto you by M. de Lauzun. The close ofthis campaign is truly brilliant for theallied troops; our movements have beenall remarkably well combined, and Imust, indeed, be difficult to please, if Iwere not completely satisfied with theclose of my Virginian campaign. Youmust have learnt all the trouble thatLord Cornwallis's talents and superiorforces gave me, the good luck we hadin regaining the ground we had lost,and, finally, our drawing LordCornwallis into the very position thatwas necessary to enable us to capturehim: at that precise moment all thetroops rushed upon him. I count as

amongst the happiest epochs of mylife, that in which the division of M. deSt. Simon remained united to my army,and that in which I alternatelycommanded the three field-marshals,with the troops under their orders. Ipity Lord Cornwallis, for whom I havethe highest respect; he is kind enoughto express some esteem for me, andafter having allowed myself thepleasure, in the capitulation, ofrepaying the incivilities of Charlestown,I do not intend to carry my vengeanceany farther. My health is extremelygood, and I met with no accidentduring our encounter.

Present my most affectionate respects

to Madame d'Ayen, and the Marshal deNoailles; a thousand kind regards to allmy sisters, the Abb Fayon, and M. deMargelay. I embrace ten thousand timesour beloved children. Adieu, adieu.

THE MARQUIS DE SEGUR TO M.DE LAFAYETTE.

December 5th, 1781.

The king, sir, having been informed ofthe military talents of which you havegiven such multiplied proofs whilstcommanding the different corps of thearmy that has been confided to you in

the United States; of the wisdom andprudence that have guided you in thevarious decisions you were called uponto take respecting the interests of theUnited States; and of the greatconfidence with which you haveinspired General Washington; hisMajesty has desired me to tell you, thatthe praises you have so justly meritedon such various occasions have fixedhis attention, and that your conductand successes have made him, sir,conceive the most favourable opinionof you; such a one as you mightyourself desire, and from which youmay depend on his future kindness. HisMajesty, in order to give you a veryflattering and peculiar mark of this

intention, renews to you the rank offield-marshal in his armies, which youare to enjoy as soon as the Americanwar shall be terminated, at whichperiod you will quit the service of theUnited States to re-enter that of hisMajesty. In virtue of this decision, sir,you may be considered as field-marshalfrom the date of the signature of thecapitulation, after the siege ofYorktown, by General Cornwallis, the19th October, of this year, on accountof your fulfilling at that time thefunctions belonging to that rank in thetroops of the United States ofAmerica.

His Majesty is disposing at this moment

of his regiment of dragoons, of whichhe had kept for you the command untilthe present time.

I beg you to be convinced of thepleasure I experience in this act of hisMajesty's justice, and of the wish, I feelto prove to you, on every occasion, thesincere attachment with which I havethe honour of being, &c.

SGUR.


(ORIGINAL.)

Alliance, off Boston, December 21st,1781.

MY DEAR GENERAL, I am sorry tothink we are not yet gone, and therestill remain some doubts of our goingto-morrow. This delay I lament not somuch on private accounts as I do onthe account of our next campaign, inthe planning of which your opinion, asI shall deliver it, must be of the greatestuse to the common cause. As to thedepartment of foreign affairs, I shall behappy to justify the confidence of thecongress, by giving my opinion to thebest of my power, whenever it is askedfor; but the affair of finances will, I

fear, be a difficult point for theAmerican minister, in which, however, Ishall be happy to help him with myutmost exertions. The moment I arrivein France, I will write to you minutelyhow things stand, and give you the bestaccounts in my power.

I have received every mark of affectionin Boston, and am much attached tothis town, to which I owe so manyobligations; but, from publicconsiderations, I have been impatient toleave it and go on board the frigate,where I receive all possible civilities, butwhere I had rather be under sail than atanchor.

I beg your pardon, my dear general, forgiving you so much trouble in readingmy scrawls; but we are going to sail,and my last adieu, I must dedicate tomy beloved general. Adieu, my deargeneral: I know your heart so well, thatI am sure that no distance can alteryour attachment to me. With the samecandour, I assure you that my love, myrespect, my gratitude for you, are aboveexpression; that, at the moment ofleaving you, I felt more than ever thestrength of those friendly ties that forever bind me to you, and that Ianticipate the pleasure, the most wishedfor pleasure, to be again with you, and,by my zeal and services, to gratify thefeelings of my respect and affection.

Will you be pleased to present mycompliments and respects to Mrs.Washington, and to remember me toGeneral Knox and General Lincoln.

Adieu, my dear general, your respectfuland tender friend, &c.

* * * * *

ADDITIONALCORRESPONDENCE.

INSERTED ONLY IN THE

AMERICAN EDITION.

* * * * *

TO HIS EXCELLENCY GENERALWASHINGTON.

(ORIGINAL.)

At Robins's Tavern, halfpast four, 26June, 1778.

DEAR GENERAL, I have receivedyour excellency's favor~[1] notifyingyour arrival at Cramberry, and am gladto have anticipated your orders in notgoing too far. I have felt the unhappyeffects of the want of provisions, for Idare say if we had not been stopped byit, as we were already within three milesof the enemy's rear, we would very

easily have overtaken them and foughtwith advantage.

I have consulted the general officers ofthe detachment, and the generalopinion seems to be that I shouldmarch in the night near them, so as toattack the rear guard when on themarch. We have also spoken of a nightattack. The latter seems dangerous. Theformer will perhaps give them time ofescaping, as it is impossible I wouldmove quite close by them, at leastnearer than three miles. Col. Morgan istowards the right flank, Gen.Dickinson is a little upon the left, Gens.Scott and Maxwel have insisted upongoing further down than we are now;

for Wayne's and Jackson's corps theyhave not had provisions at all but willbe able to march in the night. I beg youwould let me know your intention andyour opinion of the matter, mymotions depend much upon what thearmy will do for countenancing them. Ibeg you would be very particular uponwhat you think proper to be done andwhat your excellency will do. I wishindeed you would anticipate thedifferent cases which may happenaccording to the place where the enemylays. Gen. Wayne, Col. Hamilton andseveral officers have gone toreconnoitre it, I fancy they will layabout seven or eight miles from here.Your excellency knows that by the

direct road you are only three milesfurther from Monmouth than we are inthis place.

The enemy is said to march since thismorning with a great confusion andfright. Some prisoners have been made,and deserters come amazingly fast. Ibelieve an happy blow would have thehappiest effect, and I always regret thetime we have lost by want ofprovisions.

I beg you would answer to meimmediately, and with the highestrespect I have the honor to be, &c.

Footnote:

1. The letter referred to does not appearin Sparks' "Writings of Washington;"but there is a letter of instructions invol. 5, p. 417 of that work addressed toGen. Lafayette by Gen. Washington,dated the 25th June 1770, in relation tothe service upon which the former hadbeen detached; some account of whichis to be found in the preceding"Memoirs," ante p.p.51, 52. See also, theletters of Gen. Washington to Gens.Lee and Lafayette, in Sparks' "Writings&c." p.p. 410, 419.


(ORIGINAL.)

At Cranbarry, 5 o'clock, June, 1778,

Dear General, I have received yourorders for marching as just as I couldand I have marched without waiting forthe provisions tho' we want themextremely. Gen. Forman and Col.Hamilton sat out last night to meet theother troops and we shall be together atHidestown or somewhat lower. Gen.Forman is firmly of opinion that wemay overtake the enemy, for my part Iam not so quiet upon the subject as heis, but his sentiment is of great weighton account of his knowledge of the

country. It is highly pleasant to me tobe followed and countenanced by thearmy that if we stop the enemy andmeet with some advantage they maypush it with vigor. I have no doubt butif we overtake them we possess a veryhappy chance. However, I would nothave the army quite so near as not to bequite master of its motions, but a verylittle distance may do it. I have heardnothing of the enemy this morning. Anofficer of militia says, that after theyhad pitched their tents yesterday night,they struck them again. But I aminclined to believe they did not gofarther, and that the man who broughtthe intelligence was mistaken. I expectsome at Hidestown which I will

immediately forward to you. I begwhen your excellency will write to me,that you could let me know the placeyou have reached, that I might governmyself accordingly.

With the highest respect I have thehonor to be, &c.

Footnote:

1. In answer to the letter ofinstructions mentioned in thepreceding note.


(ORIGINAL)

Half past ten, 28th June, 1778.

Dear General, Your orders havereached me so late and found me insuch a situation that it will beimpossible to follow them as soon as Icould wish. It is not on account of anyother motive than the impossibility ofmoving the troops and making such amarch immediately, for in receivingyour letter I have given up the projectof attacking the enemy, and I only wishto join Gen. Lee. I was even going toset out, but all the Brigadiers, Officers,&c. have represented that there was a

material impossibility of movingtroops in the situation where ours findthemselves I do not believe Gen. Lee isto make any attack to morrow, for thenI would have been directed to fallimmediately upon them, withoutmaking 11 miles entirely out of theway. I am here as near as I will be atEnglish Town. To-morrow at twoo'clock I will set off for that place.

I do not know if Morgan's corps, themilitia, &c., must be brought along withthe other part of the detachment. Gen.Forman who don't approve much ofthat motion, says, that our right flankmust be secured, unless to incur themost fatal consequences for the whole

army.

I beg your pardon sir, if my letter is sobadly written, but I want to send itsoon and to rest one or two hours.

I have the honor to be, &c.

Be so good as to send a speedy answerof what you think proper to order me.

Footnote:

1. In answer probably to Gen.Washington's letter of the 26th June.Sparks' Washington, vol. 5, p. 419.


(ORIGINAL.)

Cranbarry, half past nine o'clock, 29June, 1778.

Dear General, Inclosed I have thehonor to send you a letter whichColonel Hamilton was going to sendme from this place when I arrived withthe detachment, and which may giveyou an idea of the position of theenemy. I will try to meet and collect assoon as possible our forces, tho' I amsorry to find the enemy so far downthat way. We will be obliged to march

pretty fast, if we want to attack them. Itis for that I am particularly concernedabout provisions. I send backimmediately for the purpose, and begyou would give orders to have themforwarded as speedily as possible, anddirected to march fast, for I believe wemust set out early to-morrow morning.The detachment is in a wood, coveredby Cranberry Creek, and I believeextremely safe. We want to be very wellfurnished with spirits as a long andquick march may be found necessary,and if Gen. Scot's detachment is notprovided, it should be furnished alsowith liquor; but the provisions of thisdetachment are the most necessary tobe sent as soon as possible, as we

expect them to march.

If any thing new comes to myknowledge, I will immediately write toyour excellency, and I will send anexpress in the morning.


I wish also we could get some axes, butit should not stop the so importantaffairs of provisions.


St. Jean d'Angely, June, 1779.

Sir, I learnt before I left Paris, that aloan, negotiating in Holland forEngland, and which was to have beencompleted the coming autumn, wouldbe stopped, because the lenders haddemanded one per cent more interest.This loan was undertaken by a bankerof English origin, who hasapportioned it among a great manypersons, and had become lender-general to the English government. Iam told that some profits over andabove the commission might helpAmerica to this sum, amounting toabove forty millions. I communicatedthis information to the Chevalier de laLuzerne to be imparted to you; but

having discharged that duty towardsthe Americans, I feared lest M. Neckerwould not share in my earnestness. Ihave already appropriated twentymillions to bank stock, ten to anexpedition, and ten to pay the interestuntil the final reimbursement.

I received at the moment I was comingaway a letter from America, dated in themonth of January, in which thePresident informed me in behalf ofCongress, that they had changed theirdetermination respecting the jointexpedition to Canada. The reasonsassigned are, the slight probability ofRhode Island and New York beingevacuated next winter, the uncertainty

of the enemy's movements next spring,and therefore the impossibility ofpromising their quota of the troops,fixed in the plan that I was intrustedwith. I have the honor to be, &c.


Havre, 9 July, 1779

Sir, If my letter from America hadcontained any interesting information, Ishould not have delayed a moment toacquaint you with it; but it is only aconfirmation of what you heard, andwe have some later news by the way of

England. It will be injurious tocommerce for the British to have thecommand of James River, and whilethey can coast along those shores withimpunity, their transient descents willalmost always succeed. If they shouldestablish themselves in their newprofession, to drive them out would bethe more accordant to the plan I spoketo you about; as, in Virginia, Novemberand even December are goodcampaigning months. The arrival of M.Gerard will certainly supply you withmany details of American affairs, theSwedish ambassador has sent me, in thename of his king, the most flatteringassurances, and well suited to awakenmy gratitude, but the vessels are not

forthcoming, and if we go to America,we must go under the Spanish orFrench flag. I think if our Southernallies should engage alone in a similarexpedition, they would do more harmthan good by it.

I wish I could send news that theEnglish fleet was beaten in goodearnest; and whilst I wait that eventwith as much interest, as if I was at thehead of the fleet, the army and thewhole ministry, I do not forget thatyour time is precious, and so I shallcontent myself with presenting to youthe homage of my respect and myattachment.

TO THE PRESIDENT OFCONGRESS.

Havre, 7th October, 1779.

Sir, As from their minister in France,any European intelligence will beproperly conveyed to congress, I begonly the leave of paying them a duetribute of my respect and heartfeltassurance of my unbounded zeal, loveand gratitude: so sensible I am of theirgoodness towards me, that I flattermyself they will kindly receive thisletter from one who will ever boast inthe name of an American soldier, and

whose delight has been long ago, insharing the same fortune as theAmerican people, never to beconsidered but as a countryman oftheirs.

...land has been obliged to make, theterror that has been spread along herown shores, while her naval forces wereflying in the channel before our fleet,and suffering themselves to be insultedby our van guard frigates, and at lengththe obligation our fleet was under, torepair into the harbour of Brest forgetting provisions and water, are eventswhich will be more accurately reported

by Mr. Franklin's dispatches. TheArdent, man-of-war of sixty-four gunshas been taken by two French frigates.Captain Jones's small Americansquadron had the good luck of takinglately a fleet from the Baltic, anddisplaying Continental colours alongthe coasts of Scotland.

Since I had the honor to write to yourexcellency, I have ever been with Countde Vaux's army, which was divided intwo corps at St. Malo and the Havre,and consisted of thirty thousand men.Another body has been stationed inFlanders, and two thousand dragoonsare to embark at Brest. The project ofinvading England was at first retarded

by a difficult meeting of the Frenchand Spanish fleets on account ofcontrary winds, by useless efforts tobring out the enemy to an engagement,and the necessity of repairing into theharbour of Brest. How it will bepossible to bring out the expedition inthe autumn is yet undetermined, but itwill be perhaps delayed until nextspring, though the ministry seem veryanxious of acting in this campaign.

Suppose the taking of Gibraltar, whichthey are going to attack with the greatervigor, was the only European conquestfor this year, the large expenses Francehas made will yet be of a great use tothe common cause, as it has exhausted

England and detained at home forceswhich would have done mischief in theother part of the world.

The loss which the enemy havesustained in the East Indies has beenvery severly felt by them, and from theirnegociations in Europe they cannotprocure themselves any allies.

Count d'Estaing's arrival on theAmerican coasts will, I hope, haveproduced such an effect as we earnestlydesire. How truly concerned, how trulyunhappy I am in being confined tomere wishes, Congress, from theknowledge they have of my sentimentswill better feel for me than I might

myself express. The furlough they werepleased to give me was unlimited, noone could imagine the campaign wouldtake such a turn, and till the month ofJune I was in hopes of renderingmyself, in this part of the world, of amore immediate use to the UnitedStates. The expedition against Englandhad been afterwards fixed upon, andmy services were thought useful to mycountry and the common cause: So thatI hope Congress will approve of myconduct.

Whatever may be the success of thecampaign in America, it will certainlybring on new projects for the ensuingyear. The sense I have of the favors

conferred on me by congress, and themarks of confidence which I haveobtained in many occasions, give methe freedom of reminding them thatthe moments where I may find myselfunder American colours, among myfellow soldiers, and take orders fromour great and heroic General will everbe considered as the happiest ones inmy life.

If there is any thing in France wherenot only as a soldier, but as a politician,or in whatever possible light, I mayemploy my exertions to the advantageof the United States, I hope it is uselessto tell that I will seize the happyopportunity and bless the fortunate

hour which shall render me useful tothose whom I love with all the ardorand frankness of my heart.

The inestimable sword which Congresshave generously added to their so manyfavors, I have received from theirminister with such honorable servicesas by far exceed any merit I may everboast of. This present has been alsograced by Mr. Franklin's politeness inoffering it, and I could not helprepeating again to Congress someassurances of those sentiments whichfor ever will animate my grateful heart.

With the warm feelings of one whosefirst ambition and delight is to be

known in this and to be called in agesto come a lover of America, who isbound to his representatives by themost respectful and tender attachmentand gratitude, and with the highestregard for your excellency.

I have the honor to be your's &c.

Paris, 9th January, 1780.

SIR, You were too busy yesterday forme to communicate to you the answerof M. de Montbarrey to the request forpowder and guns which I had taken itupon me to make. I spoke in my own

name, and the advice which I took theliberty of giving was not ill received. M.de Montbarrey told me that he wouldspeak to you about it. He promised mean early answer; and as you favor myrequest, I hope that we shall soonobtain the powder and the fifteenthousand complete sets ofaccoutrements, which we would add tothe clothes bought with the king'smoney. You are conferring a greatobligation upon America, andaffording her great additional means ofcontributing to the advancement of thegrand common cause. Every citizenmust be strongly interested in the fateof our islands, and must fear theeffects, which would follow if an

expedition should go out from NewYork. It is enough to know thatcountry, whose independence is soimportant to the honor and safety ofFrance, to desire that it may be notforgotten in the plan of the campaign,and to regret the loss of the time whichmight be employed in giving itassistance. But the extensive operationsare beyond my sphere, I shall merelyask for my guns, and assure you of thestrong affection and respect with whichI have the honor to be, &c.


(ORIGINAL)

Peekskill, July the 20th, 1780.

DEAR GENERAL, Having heard ofan express from Rhode Island beinggoing through the Continental village, Isent for him as it would not delay himmore than an hour. Inclosed I have thehonor to send you the letter from Gen.Heath, which I have opened, and alsotwo letters from the French generals tome. It seems, my dear General, that theyhave anticipated the desire youexpressed yourself of our plans in aprivate conversation. That way indeedwill do better than a hundred letters. Incase (what however I don't believe) they

would wish to speak to yourself, I shallimmediately send an express to informyou of it; but I dare say they will besatisfied with my coming.

I am glad to hear they are hunting afterthe Cork fleet, and those frigates beingout will also apprise them of theenemy's naval motions.

Adieu, my dear General. With a heartfull of hopes, and I think of wellgrounded expectations, I have thehonor to be very tenderly andrespectfully, &c.

P.S. It is much to be lamented that PaulJones did not come in the first envoy.

In case there is nothing to fear from theenemy, I will send the clothing to NewLondon. Be certain, my dear General,that though by serious reflexions andcalculations which I can prove to beright, I have great hopes of success, Ishall however look upon and speak ofall the difficulties that may presentthemselves. I have on public andprivate accounts many reasons to feelthe consequence of the plan inquestion, and to take the greatest carein considering by myself andexplaining to others our circumstances.The delay of the small arms I don'tconsider as equally hurtful to ouraffairs as will be the deficiency ofPowder. But as (even at the so much

overrated calculations) we have enoughof it for one month, I will try to get asupply from the fleet, and then it willcome to the same point. You will hearfrom me as soon as possible after myarrival.

Footnote:

1. This letter was written by GeneralLafayette, while on his journey toNewport R.I., whither he has been sentwith full instructions to conductmeasures of co-operation with theFrench Generals De Rochambeau andDe Ternay. A copy of theseinstructions is given in Sparks' Historyof Washington, Vol. 7, App. III. See

also the answer of Washington to LaLayette, ib. p. 117.


(ORIGINAL.)

Danbury, July the 21st, 1780.

As I find an express going fromHartford to General Greene, I send thisletter to him that you might hearsomething further about the recruits ofConnecticut.

From the Colonel who under Gen.

Parsons is intrusted with the care offorwarding them, I hear that by the firstof August two thousand of them willbe at West Point; but I had put in myhead that they were to bring arms withthem, and I find it is not the case.

Gen. Parsons and myself will meet atNewtown, where, in mentioning againto him the necessity of hurrying therecruits to West Point, I will apprisehim that you have been disappointed inthe expectation of some powder, anddesire him to write to you how far, incase of an emergency, you might beprovided for with that article from hisstate.

In case Gen. Parsons thought that mywaiting on the governor and councilmight answer any purpose, I would gothree or four miles out of my way topreach to them some of my oldsermons.

With the help of French horses whomI make free with on the road, I hope Iwill arrive very soon at Rhode Island.Nothing about Graves' fleet; but I amhappy to think that they will find ourpeople ready to receive them atNewport.

When I wrote you, my dear General,that my heart was full of flatteringexpectations, it is understood that I

suppose a sufficiency of arms andammunition, which I thought so faruseless to explain, as I hope you believeI have some common sense. But I hadan idea that the recruits would bearmed, and I yet think (though I hadno reason to be particular on that head)that you have many small arms in yourstores. For what relates to the powder, Ihope that what you will get from thestates, and what I flatter myself toborrow from the French fleet, wilt putyou in a situation to wait for thealliance. You may remember that thesecond division is to come before, orvery little after, the beginning of ouroperations.

I however confess it is impossible notto be very angry at captain Jones'sdelays, and much disappointed in ourexpectations. The only thing I want toknow, is if you depend on a sufficiency ofarms and ammunition for the first thirty days.Be certain that before settling any thing,my great basis will be, when and how doesthe second division come, and how far may wedepend on the arms and ammunition comingwith them.

I have the honor to be, respectfully, &c.


(ORIGINAL.)

Hartford, July the 22d, 1780.~[1]

MY DEAR GENERAL, I hasten toinform you that the missing transport issafely arrived, on the 19th, at Boston.She is said to be a two-decker, and tohave on board a vast deal of powder,with pieces of ordnance, and also thebaggage of the officers of Bourbonnsis.The intelligence came this instant by anofficer of our army who saw the menencamped on the commons, fromwhere they were to march toProvidence. Two American frigateswere, I am told, ordered to convoy theship around the Rhode Island; but as

their orders were to sail by to-morrow,they will have time to receive contrarydirections from the French Admiral.The inclosed newspaper will acquaintyou of Graves's cruising off BlockIsland, and on their first appearance,Chev. de Ternay will certainly dispatchan express to Boston.

In a conversation which I had yesterdaywith General Parsons, he told me thathe thought the number of your arms instores, amounted to ten thousand,exclusive of those which are now in thehands of the men. He seems to be ofopinion, and so is Col. Wadsworth, thatthere is no inconvenience in theirState's furnishing their drafts with arms,

and giving even a larger proportion ifthought necessary. They say those armsmay be by the 5th of August at King'sFerry. I was so particular as to makemyself certain that this demand willnot in the least impeach any othermeasure, and as it would be toodistressing to fall short on that article, Iwill take on myself, though in a privatecapacity, to persuade the Governor andCouncil in the measure of arming everyone of the men whom they send out,and forwarding the arms to King'sFerry, or West Point, as you may direct.

As to the matter of ammunition Gen.Parsons thinks that (as far as he mayguess,) near fifty tons of powder might

be collected. Col. Wadsworth says hecan't ascertain the quantity. They havethree mills, and from what I can collect,I am certain that if you attack NewYork, this State will do all in theirpower. I will foretell the Governor, thathe will have a large demand ofammunition, and let you know howmuch we are to depend upon, as far asI may guess from his answer.Massachusetts have, say they, a vast dealof powder.

I intend to breakfast at Newport theday after to-morrow, and as soon as Ican make out any thing worth thewhile, from my conversation with them,I will let you know every matter that

may be interesting.

With the highest respect and mosttender friendship, I have the honor tobe, dear General, &c.

I am told that the French are in a greatwant of vegetables. I think it will beagreeable to them to forward theirwaggons and horses as much aspossible.~[2]

Footnotes:

1. It appears from Spark's Hist. ofWashington, p. 125. n. that in hisprogress to New Port, GeneralLafayette called on Governor

Trumbull, General Parsons, Mr.Jeremiah Wadsworth, the Commissary-General, and other persons inConnecticut, to procure and hastenforward the quota of troops, and suchsupplies of arms and ammunition ascould be spared from that State, to co-operate with the French troops upontheir landing.

2. The answer to the above letterappears in Spark's Writ. of Washington,Vol. 7, p 125, See also ib. p.127, note.


(ORIGINAL.)

Lebanon, July the 23d, 1780.~[1]

MY DEAR GENERAL, I had thismorning the honor to wait on HisExcellency, the governor, and took theliberty, though in a private capacity, toinform him of our circumstances. Theresult of our conversation I will thereintransmit to you, and to be more certainof conveying the governor's ideas, I amwriting at his own house, and will showhim my letter before I fold it up.

To begin by the article of powderwhich is so much wanted, and which,from unforeseen circumstances may, by

its deficiency, ruin all our expectations,I am, by the Governor, desired to tellyou that you may depend upon: 1stly.Fifty four tons for the present. 2dly,Fifteen tons to be made up in thecourse of August, by the threeConnecticut Mills. 3dly, Twenty tons,which in case of an absolute necessity,will be found out in this State; thewhole amounting to eighty-five tons,which he would try to encrease, ifpossible, to ninety. How far that mayfulfil your expectations, I don't know,but his Excellency will wait for a letterfrom you on this subject.

As to the balls, shells, &c., theGovernor cannot as yet ascertain the

quantity to be expected, but thinks thisState may go a great length.

His resources for arms have been, itseems, overrated by General Parsons,and other gentlemen, whose opinions Ihad communicated to your Excellency.The Governor thinks that it would bedifficult to arm the whole of therecruits. He will, however, if requestedby you, do any thing in his power, andmight have a good prospect ofsucceeding for the half part of them.

Tho' I had no orders for this interviewwith Governor Trumbull, and from theknowledge of our circumstances, tookupon myself the freedom of disclosing

them to him, I heard your Excellency'ssentiments on one point so often, sostrongly, and so repeatedly expressed,that I could with all certainty assurehim, that you would not ask from theState more than is necessary to answerour great purposes, and in deliveringthe country from the danger of ruinand the disgrace of a shameful inability,to turn this decisive crisis to the honorand safety of America.

I took also the liberty of mentioningsomething about clothing the officers,and assured the Governor that youthought the measure to be highlynecessary. He entirely agrees in opinionwith me, and does not doubt but that

at the first meeting of the Council asufficient sum in hard money will bedelivered for that purpose. Theknowledge I have of ColonelWadsworth's zeal and activity makes medesirous that he be intrusted with thatbusiness.

As to the clothing from the fleet, itseems the Governor wishes it to be sentinto Connecticut river, and I willengage the French Admiral into thatmeasure; for I am very warm in thisopinion, my dear General, and so Iknow you are, that as less trouble aspossible must be given to the peoplewhose exertions should be entirelythrown in such channels, as are of

absolute necessity; but if we can't sendthe clothing around without aneminent danger of its being taken, thenhis Excellency the Governor will send itwith all possible dispatch and bypressed waggons from the boundariesof Rhode Island to any place on theNorth River, which is mentioned in Mr.Olney's instructions.

I have the honour to be, dear General,&c.

Your's, &c.

P. S. I have read my letter to theGovernor and he agrees with thecontents. He will immediately give

orders about the Mills, and collect fourhundred french arms he had instocks.~[2]

Footnotes:

1. This is one of the letters referred toin Gen. Washington's letter of 20thJuly. Spark's Writ. of Wash. v, 7, p.128.

2. For the answer to the above, seeSpark's Writ. Of Wash. v. 7, p.124.


(ORIGINAL.)

Newport, July 26th, 1780.

MY DEAR GENERAL, Every privateintelligence from Long-Island, and alsothe letters from General Howe, and theofficer on the lines do agree with thenote I have received from ColonelHamilton, and are all positive upon itthat General Clinton, with a great partof his army, is coming to attack theFrench troops.

In consequence of this Count deRochambeau is fortifying both Islands,and making preparations of defence.He has requested our callingimmediately a body of militia, which

demand has been complied with byGeneral Heath.

After many intelligences had beenreceived, I did yet persist in disbelievingthe report, but they now come from somany quarters, that I am obliged toyield to the general idea, and expectthem in a little time.

I have no doubt but that in the courseof the day we will receive some orders,and some intelligences from head-quarters. The French Generals haveasked me if your army was in asituation to make a diversion, or if apart of it would not be marchedimmediately to our relief. My answer

was, that if you was able to do one orthe other, you would certainly not losea minute, but that I could not tell themany thing positive; that however, Ithought you would come nearer toNew-York than you was when atPreakaness.

All the last day has been employed or inviewing the camp with Count deRochambeau, or in helping GeneralHeath in his arrangements. Thismorning the Count is gone toreconnoitre the grounds on the Island.We dine together at the Admiral's, and Iwill, if possible, begin ourconversation, our affairs exclusive ofwhat we are now expecting from the

enemy.

In case you was to send some troopsthis way, I wish I might get notice insuch a time as to have some clothingkept on the road, but in all cases weshould take some well looking and welldressed men; that, I only mention as amere supposition.

If the enemy mean regular approachesthe French Generals say that theywould give time for a succour to come.In all suppositions I don't think theFrench will be able to form a junctionbefore some time, as they can't leave theIsland before the fifteenth of nextmonth, (in supposing that they are not

attacked.) They have many sick, but Iwill soon be able to tell you more aboutit, and had not those intelligences beenso pressing, I might have by this timefully spoken on our affairs with theFrench Generals.

For my part, my dear General, tillorders from you fix any thing I am todo, I will stay here under GeneralHeath's orders, and help him to the bestof my skill. As soon as any thingimportant comes to us I will send youan express.

From private inquires I hope the fleetwill furnish us with some powder. Asto the militia who are called by General

Heath, the French army will spare tothem such provisions as may bewanted.

I have the honor to be with the mostperfect respect and tender affection,Yours, &c.


(ORIGINAL.)

Newport, July the 26th, at Seveno'clock, P. M.~[1]

My Dear General, I had this morning

the honor of writing to you by Genl.Heath's express, and informed you thatwe had from every official and privatequarter minuted accounts of theenemy's coming in great force to attackthis island. For my part I have been along time a disbeliever of theintelligence; but so many letters came tohand that at length I was forced to takethe general opinion about theirintended expedition. But, tho' I wroteyou in the morning, I know you areanxious of hearing often from thisquarter, and will therefore desireGeneral Heath to send an other express.

Nothing as yet (the ships of warexcepted) has come in sight; but the

French Generals who have not thesmallest doubt about their coming, arehurrying their preparations of defence.

General Heath and myself were invitedto a meeting of the French GeneralOfficers, wherein, to my greatsatisfaction, the idea of holding bothConnecticut and Rhode Island wasabandoned, as it is assured that fromthe first one the enemy cannot annoyour shipping, if in a certain position.Count de Rochambeau, Chevalier deChattelux, and myself, went afterwardsto dine with the Admiral, and the twoFrench Commanders have agreed tothe following plan:

The transports to be put in the harbourof Newport; the shipping to anchoralong the shore from Brenton's Point,going Northward, where they areprotected by batteries, a frigate and acutter to be stationed in SekonnetPassage; the army to encamp at its usualplace, but upon the appearance of theenemy, to be in readiness to attack themat any point where they may disembark,and, if unsuccessful, to retire to theposition which was once occupied bythe enemy. There they want also toplace some militia. Count deRochambeau cannot hear of the ideaof evacuating the island, and says hewill defend this post to the last man. Icould not help advising him very

strongly and very often to erect works,and keep a communication open withthe Continent by Howland's Ferry orBristol Point, that matter will, I hope,be attended to in the course of the nextday.

General Heath will inform you of themeasures he has taken, in which, as thesecond officer, I am only to help him tothe best of my power. The Count'surging request, made it, I think,necessary to call for Militia.

The number of sick is such that by thereturn given before me to Count deRochambeau, it appears they will havebut three thousand six hundred men fit

for duty if they are attacked within afew days. The fleet has a greatproportion of sick men and the shipsare therefore poorly manned for thepresent.

Count de Rochambeau asked me sooften if you would not send a body ofContinental troops to their relief; if, inthe course of twelve days from thisthey could not be arrived, or that Iknew he wanted me to write to youabout it, and at length he told me hedid not want it. But this must be betweenus. The Count says he will stand astorm; but if the enemy wanted tomake a long work of it that a corps ofContinental troops in their rear would

have the best effects. That in this casethe enemy would be much exposed onthe Island, and that the circumstanceswhich would follow their re-embarking,would be so fatal to them as to facilitateour operations for the campaign. Allthis, my dear General, I was in a privatemanner desired to hint to you.

We could not speak of our grandoperations, and they are wholly taken intheir expectations of the enemy. Butwhat might be an inducement to send acorps this way is, that in any case theFrench will not be able to march beforethe 15th of August.

A return of the clothing has been

promised to me for this evening, buttho' I am sorry to be the news-bearerof so many disappointments, I musttell you that from what they said to menothing but a small part of the clothinghas been intrusted to them, and thatnot only nothing new has been done,but what I had settled has been undoneby those arrangements of the alliancewhich I can't conceive. In case you wasto send troops this way, I think theirroute to Providence should be known,so that they might meet the clothing onthe way. What you will do, my dearGeneral, I don't know, but it seemsCount de Rochambeau is determinedto defend Newport, at all events.

With the most perfect respect andtender sentiments, I have the honor tobe, Yours, &c.

Footnote:

1. For the answer to this letter, SeeSpark's Writ. of Wash. v. 7, p.128.


(ORIGINAL.)

Newport, July the 29th, 1780.

My Dear General, Your letter of the

22d~[1] came to hand last evening, andI hasten to answer at least to a part ofits contents. I shall begin by thedisagreeable disappointment I met withon account of our clothing. Inclosed,my dear General, you will find thereturn of what has been put on boardof the fleet, which I have sent by avessel to Providence, and which will beforwarded to head-quarters. I can't tellyou how much I feel for that shokingarrangement of clothing, but as it is notquite so essential to arms and powder,if we have no clothing. I shall be theforwardest to advise our acting withoutit. I am apt to blush for neglectingimprovements that are within my reach,but I readily do without those which

are not in our power.

As to the affair of arms I spoke thismorning to the Count, and am sorry tofind that he has but the most necessaryarticles of exchange which are toanswer to the daily broken arms, &c.,his superfluous armament is coming inthe second division, and for the presentthere is nothing to expect from thatquarter. The only way, my dear General,will be to request the States to pick uparms for their recruits. GovernorTrumbull, (as you may have seen by myletter from Lebanon,) thinks there is agreat deal of difficulty in this matter;but many other Gentlemen from theState assure that it can be done. I will

desire Colonel Wadsworth to managethat affair with the Governor, and I willalso write a private letter to Mr.Bowdoin and Governor Greene.

As to the powder, my dear General, Ihope the Navy will give us some, nothowever a great deal. You cannotconceive how difficult it is for thepresent to speak with them onoffensive plans. They expect Clinton atevery minute, and say his success willdecide our operations, I had howeverthis morning a conversation with theLand General, and was to see in theevening the Admiral, who, I am told,cannot come, so that I must delay it tobe done to-morrow.

Connecticut will, I think, furnish youwith a much greater quantity than youexpected. How far it will fulfil yourpurpose I hope to hear from you; but Icannot flatter you to get so much fromthe fleet as two hundred, even ashundred tons.

I have fully considered, my dearGeneral, the idea of those FrenchGenerals, and made myself acquaintedwith every thing that has past since mydeparture from France. A greatmismanagement in the affair oftransports, has prevented the wholecoming here at once; but as the Frenchand Spaniards have a superiority, there

is no doubt but that if they jointogether as was intended, the seconddivision will be here in less than threeof four weeks. The fleet on thisContinent will, I hope, be commandedby Mr. Duchoffaut, and will be verysuperior to that of the enemy. If by anunlucky chance the junction wasprevented, the second division wouldyet certainly come in the autumn, andbe in a situation to act during thewinter; but I have all reasons to believethat they will be here in three weeks,and you may depend upon it that theywill at all events be here for the winter.From what I have been intrusted with Ihave a pretty certain ground to hopethat my letter will produce upon Count

de Guichen, the desired effect, and afteran expedition which I can't trust topaper, will be concluded, you may, Ithink, depend upon his coming thisway with a good part of his fleet.

In a word, the French Ministry aredetermined to keep here during the wara land and naval force which will act onthe Continent till a peace is concluded,and to support it with all their power.They look upon Rhode Island as apoint to be kept for receiving theirfleets and their reinforcements oftroops, and want the defence of it to besuch an object as will insure the basisof our operations.

Before settling any thing the FrenchGenerals want to hear from theirsecond division. Don't fear by any meanstheir acting rashly, and be assured thatyou may very far depend on theircaution; but our wants of arms andammunition have made me also verycautious. If the States furnish us with asufficiency of the first article, andalmost a sufficiency of the second,which we will make up with the fleet,then I am most strongly of opinionthat waiting for the second division isall together wrong and unwarrantable.

I have, however, brought Count deRochambeau to this, viz.: That if thesecond division comes we must attack.

That in all cases, if we are masters ofthe water, we may attack; and that wemay do it if the Admiral thinks that wecan secure the passage by batteries, andif each part is equal to the whole of theenemy.

We must now see what the Admiral hasto say. What he wrote about theharbour of New York don't please me.If Duchoffaut comes, I answer foranything you wish. To-morrow I willspeak with the two Gentlemen, so atleast I hope, and will let you know theiranswers.

If the second division comes in timewe shall certainly act and succeed. Then

we will have our arms, powder,clothing, &c.

I never thought, my dear General, thatClinton would come this way; nor do Ithink it now, but every body says he iscoming. Governor Clinton has it as acertainty, and upon his letter receivedthis morning they have altered thearrangement; I had settled to dismissthe extraordinary militia. I hatetroubling all these people, and takingthem away from their harvest. Gen.Heath is of my opinion, but theintelligences are so particular, soauthentic, that he dares not to neglectto gather as many men as possible.Before you receive this you will

certainly know the truth of thosereports.

If you think, my dear General, thatClinton is coming, and if hedisembarks upon Rhode Island, I amclearly of opinion that three or fourthousand Continental troops and themilitia landing on his rear, while theCount would sally from Newport,would ruin the British army, and thatthe taking of New York would be but atrifle after such a stroke.

In case you adopt the measure, I thinkthat the communication with the mainis very important. I went yesterday tothe North end of the Island, and had

the works repaired in such a way (atleast they will be soon so) as to keep upa communication by Howland's Ferryfor eight or ten days after the enemywill possess the Island. I have alsodesired Colonel Greene, in case theyappear, to run up the boats to SlaveFerry. Signals have been establishedfrom Watch Point to Connanicut; allthose arrangements I have made withthe approbation and by the orders ofGeneral Heath.

You will by this express receive a letterfrom Genl. Heath, who applies for, andmost ardently wishes a leave ofrepairing to his command in the grandarmy. For my part, my dear General, I

will, I think, wait your answer to this,and want to know if by the situationof your arms and ammunition, there isa possibility of your acting before thesecond division comes. If from theanswers of the States you think such aproportion of powder from the fleet willbe sufficient; then I will be morepositive. If, however, after myconversations, I was to see that thesecond division must be waited for atall events, then I need not be waitingfor your answer to this. I will, therefore,my dear General,

1st, Or arrange with them a beginningof operations before the seconddivision comes, and then wait for your

answer about arms and ammunition, orthe prospects I may have by myself tofix it entirely.

2d, Or fix our plans for the momentthe second division comes, and then Iwill, as soon as possible, repair to head-quarters.

They seem rather doubtful of thepossibility of landing safely, and havinga sufficiency of boats to carry themunder the protection of ourWestchester batteries, and I beg you willgive me such a note about it as I mightshow to them.

With the highest respect and most

tender friendship, I have the honor tobe, dear General,

Yours, &c.

All the officers and soldiers of thearmy have a great desire to join thegrand army, and hate the idea ofstaying at Rhode Island.

Footnote:

1. See Spark's Writ. of Wash. vol. 7, p.117.


(ORIGINAL)

Newport, July the 31st, 1780,

My Dear General, In consequence of anote from me the Admiral came to lastevening, and defensive ideas gave wayto offensive plans. Our conversationwas long, and it is not yet ended, but Ihasten to write you a summary reportof what past between the Count, theChevalier, and myself.

I first began, in my own name, to givethem a pretty exact account of thesituation we were in three months ago,of the supernatural efforts which the

country had made for the purpose ofan immediate co-operation. I told themthat by the 1st of January our armywould be dismissed; that the Militia wasonly to serve for three months. I added,that for the defensive they were uselessto us, nay, they were hurtful, and that Ithought it necessary to take New-Yorkbefore the winter. All that, my dearGeneral, was said in my own name, andtherefore in a less delicate way thanwhen I am your interpreter.

I then told them that I was going tospeak of you, and after manycompliments, assurances of confidence,&c., I went on with your plan,beginning with the importance of

possessing the harbour, and going onabout the three ways which you havedirected me to point out as to behereafter regulated by circumstances.

As to the possessing of the harbour theChevalier told that he did not believehis ships might go in; but that ifsuperior at sea, he would answer bycruising off to protect the landing, thetransportation, and prevent anevacuation; indeed to blockade theharbour.

The French General, with the advice ofthe Naval commander did not hesitateto prefer the going in transports to thepoint you know of. Both were of

opinion that nothing could beundertaken unless we had a navalsuperiority, and as I know it is youropinion also, (tho' it is not mine,) Idurst not insist on that article.

There was another reason which mademe wait for the reinforcement. I knewwe had neither arms nor powder. Iknow we would be at least a long timeto get them; but as they did not thinkof making me the objection I put myassent to the others on the account ofmy private confidence in their superiorabilities; told them that you alsothought we should have a navalsuperiority, and added, in my ownname, that however we must, any how,

act before the winter, and get rid of ashameful defensive.

The summary of the arrangement will,I presume, be this: That as soon as wehear of a naval reinforcement we gowhere you know, and establish whatyou intend to fix; that, if possible, weget where I want you to be; thatimmediately the French will embarkand go where you wish them to be, orthereabout; that a number equal to theenemy's whole force be stationed inthat part; that they don't want theremore than ten pieces of our heavycannon; that after every thing will bedisembarked, three weeks, in theiropinion, will do the business on their

side; that proper means will be taken bysea to keep up the communication andprevent an evacuation; that we must notgive up that plan if we may begin inAugust or September; that fascines andother apparatus must be ready on theopposite shore; that they will take forus all the boats belonging to theContinent which will be at Providence;that as soon as our clothing, &c., arrive,it will without entering any harbour besent to W.C. or thereabout.

Their superiority at sea, will, I think,take place in the course of this month;they have two ways to depend upon it:1st, Unless of an absolute impossibilitythe second division, consisting of four

other regiments and the remaining partof Lauzun's, with the Alliance and allother stores, and with a strong convoyof ships of the line, will be here verysoon. When they will be heard of onthe coast, Chevalier de Tergay will, at allevents, go out and meet them. 2dly, theGentleman I wrote to on my arrival hasfull liberty to send here reinforcements,the Admiral has already applied to him,but I am going to make him write otherletters in my way, and will send them to-morrow or the day after to Chevalier dela Luzerne, whom I beg you willimmediately desire to secure three fastsailing vessels for the West Indies.

I am going this evening to fix plans

with Pilots, and also to speak of theentrance of the harbour. Dobs andShaw are here, and I will have a fullconversation with them and theAdmiral, both for the entrance of theharbour and the navigation of theSound. To-morrow I call, with as muchsecrecy as possible, a number of Pilotsfor the harbour of Halifax and RiverSt. Laurence.

Inclosed, you will find a letter fromCount de Rochambeau. He requestsyou will have the goodness of lettingthe Minister know what the Frencharmy is about, as he had no time ofwriting to him; it is, I believe, veryimportant. 1st, To send every where to

meet the reinforcement, and give themproper directions. 2dly, To have somevessels ready for the West Indies.

The French set more value uponRhode Island than it is worth. Ihowever got them to promise that incase of an operation they will not leavehere a Garrison, and that theirMagazines would be sent toProvidence.

You know, my dear General, I did notexpect Clinton, and tho' I could notstand alone in my opinion, I everlamented the calling out of the Militia.I am happy to inform you that theyhave been dismissed. Nothing can

equal the spirit with which they turnedout, and I did not neglect letting theFrench know that they have done morefor their allies than they would havedone for the security of their owncontinental troops on a similaroccasion.

As to the three month men, the FrenchGeneral wants them to establish thecommunication with the main; but Iwill soon request him to let them go tothe grand army, and will, in the sametime, get from this State as many armsand powder as possible. I have writtento Massachusetts for the same purpose.

After I will have sent the Pilots, and

made calculations with the Commanderof the Artillery and the first Engineerwhom the Count will consult, I shalldraw a plan which I will get theiranswer to, and repair with it to head-quarters. In the meantime I will receiveanswers from Boston and fromGovernor Greene.

The Admiral cannot send to us morethan thirty thousand of powder. Butyou see that their demands as to heavypieces are small; they indeed say they donot want any on the Island, and thattheir twenty-ones will be sufficient. Allthat, my dear General, I will be morepositive upon after the Commandersof Artillery and Engineers will have

made with us their calculations.

I hope, my dear General, that by the 5thor 6th of August, I will have nothingmore to do in this place. The Frencharmy hate the idea of staying here, andwant to join you; they swear at thosethat speak of waiting for the seconddivision; they are enraged to beblockaded in this harbour. As to thedispositions of the inhabitants and ourtroops, and the dispositions of theinhabitants and the Militia for them,they are such as I may wish. You wouldhave been glad the other day to see twohundred and fifty of our drafts thatcame on Connecticut withoutprovisions or tents, and who were

mixed in such a way with the Frenchtroops, that every French soldier andofficer took an American with him anddivided their bed and their supper inthe most friendly manner.

The patience and sobriety of ourMilitia is so much admired by theFrench Officers, that two days ago aFrench Colonel called all his officerstogether to desire them to take thegood examples which were given to theFrench soldiers by the Americantroops. So far are they gone in theiradmirations that they find a great dealto say in favor of General Varnum, andhis escort of Militia Dragoons, who fillup all the streets of Newport. On the

other hand, the French discipline issuch, that chiken and pigs walkbetween the tents without beingdisturbed, and that there is in the campa cornfield, from which not one leafhas been touched. The Tories don'tknow what to say to it.

Adieu, my dear General. To-morrow, Ihope having the pleasure of writingyou another letter, and am with themost tender friendship, dear General,

Your most obedient humble servant,&c.

I beg, my dear General, you will presentmy compliments to the family. ~[1]

Footnote:

1. See Spark's Writ. of Wash. vol. 7, p.117. The answer to this letter appears inSpark's Writ. of Wash. v. 7, p. 135.


(ORIGINAL.)

Newport, August the 1st, 1750.

My Dear General, Your letter to Countde Rochambeau~[1] mentioning theenemy's embarkation, and your future

movements against New-York, apositive letter from GovernorTrumbull, and a positive one fromGeneral Parsons, have once morealtered the dispositions, and such ofthe Militia as had been dismissed havebeen again sent for.

In consequence of these expectationsmy offensive arrangements have beenentirely cut short, they are wholly takenin their preparations. My letter ofyesterday has been detained with thehope that some intelligence might beadded to it; but I will send it thismorning, and if it is possible to obtainfrom the Admiral some hour'sconversation with Captains Dobs and

Shaw I shall to-morrow morningdispatch another express.

The dispositions of defence are, Ibelieve, these; the French to occupy theEnglish lines; General Heath tocommand a corps of militia on theTivertown side; I to have his van-guardon the Island, and to watch the enemy'smotions almost all around the Island,which is not a small affair.

If the enemy land I will try to opposeit, and the French will come in columnsto attack them with fixed bayonets. Ifthis attack do not succeed they willretire behind the lines, and take withthem fifteen hundred Militia, when

with the few ones that may stay, I willretire to Butt's Hill, and secure thecommunication with General Heath.

As you did not write to me, my dearGeneral, I could not know what youwant me to do. If you think seriouslyof entering on the Island of New-York, I am extremely sorry to stay here.If on the contrary you send troops thisway, (which, if the enemy land, wouldbe fatal to them,) I will not be to lamentmy being away from the army. I shallfeel very unhappy to be with someMilitia while the Light Infantry is actingunder you, and had I been sent for, Iwould have joined you very fast; but ifyou can take New-York I will heartily

forget that I could have been there, andfeel nothing but joy; if, however, therewas time enough, I'd beg you will sendfor me. If you send troops this way Ibelieve they may strike a great blow.

The wind is against them, so that theywon't be here before the day after to-morrow. Adieu, my dear General, withthe highest respect I have the honor tobe,

Your's, &c.~[2]

Footnotes:

1. See Spark's Writ. of Wash. vol. 7, p.126.

2. For the answer to the above,approving the measures of Lafayette,See Spark's Writ. of Wash. v.7, p.147.


(ORIGINAL.)

Elizabeth Town, October the 27th,1780.

My Dear General. From what you haveheard from Dr. Hagen about the boatswhen on your way to head-quarters, Idon't believe that you may have kept

any hope for our success. The boatshave been, it seems, reduced to five, andfrom the time when they were yet at theLittle Falls you may see that they couldnot be here at the appointed hour.

I will not permit myself to reflect onthis moment upon the many blunderscommitted on that affair by theQuarter-General's department. I wastoo certain of some brilliant success,and military glory is too much idolizedby me; not to be rather severe on theoccasion. I will content myself to saythat from the report and commonagreement of all the spies and guidescollected together by Major Lee, fromthe negligence of the enemy, the

circumstances of the tide and a thickfoggy weather, not one of those whomI led into the matter had the least doubtupon your success.

The only advantage I have got from ithas been to convince myself that ourtroops are particularly fit for such anexpedition, on account of theirpatience and silence; and that if theother business could be supportedupon a large scale, I would answer tocarry it. I have written upon both roadsto the commanding officer of thebrigade of the line that our expeditionwas relinquished, and that I wouldadvise him not to give to his men thetrouble of going farther. I have also

requested him to speak of thismovement as if it had taken place onaccount of some intelligence that theenemy meant to come out into theJersey's to attack us.

I have taken my position betweenElizabethtown and Connecticut Farms.General Clinton has not the time ofmaking any disposition against us. To-morrow at nine or ten I will march toour position of Crane's Town, and theday after to-morrow to Cotawa, unlessI receive contrary orders.

Newark Mountain was rather too far tomarch it this night, and too near for to-morrow, because our men being in

want of blankets will like better to jointheir tents again.

If your Excellency approves of thisarrangement, I beg, you will order ourbaggage to wait for us on our positionof Crane's Town; if you dislike thedisposition your orders may reach uson the road.

I beg, my dear General, you will pleaseto communicate our ill success anddisgraceful disappointment to theMinister, who said he would not leaveMorris Town until he hears from me.

Had I any thing to reproach to myselfon the occasion, I would be

inconsolable. I undertook the businessbecause I thought myself equal to it; Iwish the people in the Quarter Master'sDepartment had done the same fortheir plans.

I am, my dear General, your's, &c.


(ORIGINAL.)

Light Camp, October 27th, 1780.

My Dear General, I am sorry to hearfrom Major Gibbs that my letter of last

night did not reach you before yourdeparture from head quarters. It hadbeen written at one o'clock, as soon as Itook my position for the night, andintrusted to Colonel Ogden, whopromised to send it by an officeracquainted with the roads.

Depending upon your communicationof the sad intelligence to Chevalier dela Luzerne, I did not send toMorristown where he was to wait forthe news of the success.

Among the many blunders which havebeen committed, I shall extract fromthat complete assortment someinstances (not for this glorious occasion

that is forever lost) but on any futureone.

You may remember that after a longtime Colonel Pickering assured to youthat the boats were in completereadiness whilst they had no oars, heafterwards positively told that he hadonly three boats with him at Campwhen two hours before I had seen fiveof them with my own eyes. Thesending of those five boats two hoursafter that which you had appointed,you have been early apprized of, butyou don't perhaps know that instead ofbeing at Dod's the night before last theboats from Suffrans arrived there lastevening about sunset, to this report the

man who received them eight miles thisside of Suffrans adds that they wantedtheir double trees and spread chains, sothat he was obliged to lose about twohours in taking those things fromContinental wagons and theinhabitants; when our affairs will bethus managed your best projects cannotfail of being defeated.

Had Mr. Pickering followed theexample of General Knox, every thingwould have been here in proper timeand proper order, as was the artilleryfrom the Park. I confess, my dearGeneral, that I cannot reconcile myfeelings to the idea that by this neglect Ihave lost a most happy opportunity,

blessed with all the little circumstanceswhich may insure success. Ourexpedition has taken the most foolishturn in the eyes of any one who isunacquainted with this circumstance ofthe boats.

When I was in hopes of seeing in timeat least five of them, I gave up thewatering place to think only ofRichmond; but when I saw that wecould not be there before the break ofthe day, I did not hesitate to relinquishan expedition which on that footingwould have occasioned a greatprofusion of blood for little or nopurpose, but you will easily guess whatI have felt on the occasion. I never have

been so deeply wounded by anydisappointment.

By Mercereau and Colonel Ogden, Ihear that the enemy are collecting boatsand intend a forage into the Jerseys. Iwould be very happy to know if youhave got the like intelligence. Supposethey were to come out in force and at adistance from us, would not this be anopportunity to execute your grand plan

I beg you will let me know this eveningif I am to march to-morrow to our oldground to Cotawa; if the enemy werelikely to come out, or if you thoughtof a certain plan, I would advise tokeep Major Lee for some days, as in

both cases he will be a capital man, heis a most charming officer.

Arnold has issued a secondproclamation wherein he invites theofficers and soldiers of our army tojoin him, promising to them equalranks to those they hold in theAmerican service.

I am told expresses were sent to me toacquaint me of the delay of the boats;but excepting Doctor Pagen I have notseen one of them, the boats have beensent to the two bridges by Major Gibbs,I had brought them up with me, and inpassing by them both conductors andwagoners have received the curses of

every officer and soldier in the division.The men marched last night very fastwith such silence, good order anddesire of fighting as would have highlypleased you. The activity and resourcesof Major Lee have been on thatoccasion displayed in such a way asentitles him to my eternal esteem andgratitude. I felt not only for me but forall the officers and men who hadpromised themselves so much glory onthe occasion.

With the most tender affection andhigh respect I have the honor to be, myclear general, yours, &e,

Colonel Ogden has remained behind to

get inteligences; so that being uncertainif my first letter has reached you, Iwould be happy to know in the courseof the night if I am to march to-morrow morning to the old ground.~[1]

Footnote:

1. The two preceding letters relate to adescent upon Staten Island, which wasprojected, and was to be executed byLafayette, who was now in commandof a Light Corps, consisting ofbattallions, stationed in advance of themain army, and was anxious to effectsome important enterprise before thecampaign should be brought to a close;

but this expedition, as well as an attackproposed in his letter of the 30thOctober, ante upon the upper part ofNew York Island, was renderedimpracticable by the want of boats andother necessary preparations. SeeSparks' Writ. of Wash. v. 7, p. 280, andApp. No. 9.


(ORIGINAL.)

Philadelphia, December 4, 1780.

MY DEAR GENERAL, I will for this

time write a very short letter to you andcannot be more particular either onpublic or private business, until somefew days stay in this city have enabledme to get further information.

I have been greatly disappointed in mynot meeting Mrs. Washington. I havebeen very angry with my bad fate whichled me into another road at the onlymoment when I could miss her this hasbeen the more the case, as I knew youwas uneasy about her, and I wantedboth to send you an express and toadvise her to the best way of meetingyou as soon as possible.

The southern news are expected this

evening. Leslie has re-embarked andwill probably go to Charleston; thesouthern members are pleased to likemy going towards their country.However I cannot for the present bedetermined, as I don't yet know if thecampaign will be active, and if succoursare to be expected from France.

By a vessel from there who left Lorientbefore the middle of October, we hearthat nothing material had happenedexcept the taking of the merchant fleet.Both naval armies were in port. Therewas an expedition of, I think, ten shipsof the line and five thousand menready to sail this vessel came incompany with Jones, who is daily

expected; but a very little part of ourclothing will be on board, some willcome on board the Serapis, Jones, whomounts the Ariel had dispatches fromthe French Court, for as he howevermight have been detained by a stormoff the French coast which separatedthe little convoy. In the vessel arrivedwas a Mr. Ross, who, I hope will giveme some account of the clothing, andBaron d'Arent, who got rid of hisrupture, has a star with a cross and aribbon, and is upon very good termswith the King of Prussia.

Congress have debated a motion aboutyour being desired to go to thesouthward, but have determined that

you would better know than they do ifit was more useful to go or to stay. I ammore than ever of this last opinion.

On my arrival I found one of the saltmeat vessels sold and the other to besold to day. I have spoken on thesubject to almost every member ofCongress, who promised that theywould take the best measures in theirpower to get these provisions.

Chevalier de la Luzerne hascommunicated to me in the mostconfidential way a Spanish plan against St.Augustine, upon which I am building aletter for the Generals of this nation,and using the best arguments in my

power to engage them either to sendtwelve ships of the line to take us andconduct us to Charleston, as to rendertheir operations as useful as possible toGeneral Greene. To-morrow I willwrite you about it. If I have time beforethe departure of the confederacy whois going to the West Indies, I will sendyou the original, if not a copy of myletter. This is entirely confidential, as Ihave not the Chevelier's permission tomention it. Adieu, my dear General,your's, most respectfully.

A letter dated Cadiz, September 23d,mentions that Count d'Estaingcommands the combined fleet, and isgone to sea. In this case his going with

sixteen ships could not be true. I willendeavour to ascertain this matter.~[1]

Mr. Carmichael writes that Spain hassent a hundred and thirty thousanddollas. It is not a great deal, thedispositions of that court are verysatisfactory. Portugal does every thingwe want, letters are just arrived from St.Domingo but not desciphered.

Footnote:

1. The Light Infantry corps whichLafayette had commanded was brokenup when the army went into winterquarters, and he now entertained thedesire of transferring his services to the

southern army under General Greene,and had applied to Washington for hisadvice. See Sparks' Writ. of Wash. Vol.7, p. 316.


(ORIGINAL.)

December the 5th, in the Evening,1780.

MY DEAR GENERAL, Howeveracquainted I may be with yourintentions, I thought, upon the whole,that I should better wait for your

approbation before I present anyopinion of yours to the Spanish andFrench Generals in the West Indies. Iwill, I know, lose the opportunity ofthe confederacy, but many vessels aregoing that way, and if my letters meetwith your approbation I shall sendthem by triplicates. I Impatiently waitfor your answer.

I will write to General Greene to lethim know of this intended expedition,which, tho' uncertain as all humanevents are, may be, however, in a greatmeasure depended upon.

I confess that I don't hope to prevailupon the Spaniards to come here; but

if you will, you, Count deRochambeau, and Chevalier de Ternay,may try. In that case I wish you wouldwrite to both of them. My letter will, atall events, give some remote chance oftheir doing what I wish, and insuretheir communicating with GeneralGreene. For political reasons I alsowish to draw them into thiscorrespondence.

Chevalier de la Luzerne wishes hispacket to Count de Rochambeau to beforward as soon as possible. Adieu, mydear General, yours most respectfullyand affectionately.~[1]

Footnote:

1. For the answer to this letter, SeeSparks' Writ. of Wash. v. 7, p. 322.


(ORIGINAL.)

Philadelphia, December the 16th, 1780.

MY DEAR GENERAL, Your favor ofthe 8th instant never came to handbefore last night. My former letters willhave explained to you my sentimentsrelating to a journey southward. I mustheartily thank you, my dear General, for

the kind and friendly letters you havebeen pleased to send me. I am so happyin your friendship that every mark ofyour affection, for me gives me a degreeof pleasure which far surpasses allexpressions.

As I have written to you before, mydear General, there is an intelligence ofsome ships and troops having been putin readiness at Brest; there is apossibility of a Spanish officer waitingon you for the sake of a co-operation.We are also to expect news from myfriend the new Minister of the FrenchNavy, and before they arrive you wouldnot like my departure.

Two other reasons have weight withme; the first that if the enemy make thisdetachment, without which nothingmaterial will happen in the Southward,and if the intelligence is true about thefast recruiting of six month men, thereis (not a probability) but a possibilityof some thing to be done in thisquarter. The second is, that for reasonsI will explain to you when we meet, avisit from you to the French army is tobe much wished, and in this case youwill be glad that I may accompany you.

Under these circumstances, to which isadded a natural reluctance to part fromyou and this army, and some idea thatupon the whole my staying will be

more agreeable to you, I think, my dearGeneral, that unless new intelligencecomes I will soon return.

Colonel Laurens persists in refusing togo, and hopes Hamilton may be sent,whom he thinks better calculated forthe purpose; but I don't believe nowthat this plan may be effected, and inthat case I should advise Laurens toaccept of the commission, provided heis merely a messenger and not an envoy,that would supersede the old Doctor.

The Assembly of Pennsylvania havepassed a bill for their officers whichseems satisfactory to them. Before I goI will still intrigue for the affair of

filling up the battalions. Mifflinbehaves perfectly well.

Adieu, my dear General, mostaffectionately and respectfully, Yours,&c.~[1]

Footnote:

1. For the letter referred to in thecommencement of this, See Sparks'Writ. of Wash. v. 7, p. 316, and see alsothe letter of Washington to Lafayette,ibid, p.322 & 339.


(ORIGINAL.)

Philadelphia, March the 2nd, 1781.

MY DEAR GENERAL, Your lettersof the 25th and 26th~[1] both cameyesterday to hand, which shows that theexpresses have not made great dispatch.I would have done myself the honourof writing to your Excellency had I notevery minute waited for intelligencefrom the Southward.

Your Excellency remembers that ourshortest calculation on the arrival ofthe troops at the head of Elk was forthe 6th of March; I am happy to

inform you that they will be there thisday or to-morrow early, andnotwithstanding the depth of the mud,and the extreme badness of the roads,this march, which I can call rapid, (asfor example, they came in two daysfrom Morris Town to Princeton,) hasbeen performed with such order andalacrity, that agreeable to the report twomen only have been left behind; and yetthese two men have embarked atTrenton with some remains of baggage.At every place where the detachmenthave halted, they have found coveringand wood ready for them, and there hasnot been the least complaint made tome from any inhabitant. Every thirdday they have drawn their provisions;

the clothing has also been distributed,and having embarked yesterday atTrenton they passed the city about twoo'clock with a wind which wasextremely favorable. Congress havegiven to their troops the advance ofone month's pay which will bedistributed at the head of Elk in newemission.

The Artillery, consisting of one 24, six18, two brass 12, one 8 inch howitzer,two 8 inch mortars, in all, 12 heavypieces; four 6 pounders, and two smallhowitzers, with a sufficient quantity ofammunition, will be at the head of theElk this day and to-morrow, so that bythe 4th I hope we shall be ready to sail.

A quantity of medicines andinstruments, and fifteen hundred pairsof shoes will be at the head of Elkbefore we embark. Vessels will be inreadiness to receive us with thirty daysprovision on board. I am also assuredthat we will have a sufficient quantityof boats to land the detachment, andtwo heavy ones will be added for theArtillery, the public, and some of theprivate armed vessels in the Bay havebeen ordered to the head of Elk; twodispatch boats are there, and four morehave been asked for. As a farthersecurity to our subsistence, I have gotthe Minister's permission to dispose ofthe French flour and salt meat alongthe Bay in case of necessity.

On my arrival at this place I heard thatM. de Tilly, the French Commander,had conferred with the Virginians, butupon seeing that nothing could bedone immediately, he wasundetermined whether to stay or toreturn to Rhode Island. Fearing thatour letters might miscarry, and wishingto hurry the preparations of the Militia,I complied with the earnestsolicitations of the Minister of Franceto send on Colonel Gouvion, anddirected him to go either by land orwater (as the state of the Bay wouldpermit) on board the French squadron,and afterwards to Baron de Steuben'sCamp, where he may apprise these

Gentlemen of our force, ourintentions, and the time of our arrival.This minuted account I give to yourExcellency to show you that nothing onour part has been wanting for thesuccess of the expedition. Ourpreparations have in every articlefulfilled, and in the most importantone, time, have exceeded what had beenexpected.

Your letter was sent by express toGeneral St. Clair, who immediatelycame to town; but nothing having beendone for the settling of the accounts,none of the promises having beencomplied with, and the men beingmuch scattered, it has, (after much

consideration,) been thoughtimpossible to embark any number withus, and General St. Clair promises tomake every exertion for the sending oftwo or three hundred in a few dayswhom however I am not to dependupon.

I am myself going to the head of Elkand shall arrive there this evening. Ithas not been possible for me to leavesooner the City, as the three days I haveremained here have been fullyemployed in making and forwardingpreparations.

Before I go I will wait on the Board ofWar Navy and propose the sending of

the frigates; but the Trumbull havingnot her compliment of men, and thoseof the Ariel having mutinied at sea, Iam afraid we will find difficulties. Thepreparations made at New York; thereturn of the Amarila; the remasting ofthe Bedfort; the impossibility Mr.Destouches is under to give us anyfurther assistance; the uncertainty ofwhat Mr. de Tilly may have determinedbefore he had received your letter. Suchare, my dear General, the many reasonswhich from a pretty certain expeditionhave lately made a precarious one.Under these circumstances, indeed,there must always be more or lessdanger in going down the Bay, andventuring the low country about

Portsmouth. Being unacquainted withthe answer you have received fromCount de Rochambeau and Mr.Destouches, I am not able to judgehow far I may depend upon the sameship being ordered again to Chesapeake(in case before the reception of yourletter) she had thought proper to sail.Her coming was not in consequence ofyour proposition; her going was relativeto the difficulties of an expedition verydifferent from ours, and I wish I mightknow if (tho' Mr. Destouches cannotgive further assistance,) this assistanceat least may be depended upon, so as tohope for the return of the ship shouldM. de Tilly have left the bay. Thebottom of the Bedfort is said to be

damaged; the Amarila was said to havebeen dismasted. Suppose thosecircumstances were true, they would bein our favour. If a detachment was togo from New York to Portsmouth,Westpoint would be less in danger. IfCornwallis continues advancing on,perhaps our being in theneighbourhood of Arnold may be ofservice; I will, however, confine myselfliterally to my instructions, and ifColonel Gouvion writes me withcertainty that M. de Tilly is gone; if Iam not led to suppose he will return, Iwill march back the detachment; for thepresent I am going on because uponthe increasing of the enemy's force atGardner's Bay, you recommended

dispatch to me; I hope, however, that Iwill hear from your Excellency. Nowthat the chain is established, ColonelDickering says, that in six days I mayreceive your answer at the head of Elk.The hope of seeing the French shipagain, or some other reason, may detainme; but your answer will determine mymovements, and I can receive it by the8th, which is about the time when itwas thought we would arrive at thehead of Elk.

My expectations are not great, and Ithink we have but few chances for us. Ishall make all possible dispatch, andlisten particularly to the voice ofprudence; however, some hazard might

be ran, if we undertake under thesecircumstances.

General Duportail having not left thisplace, I am led to hope that if we don'tgo I may return in time for the journeyto Rhode Island. I most earnestly beg,my dear General, that you will favor mewith an immediate answer.

With the highest respect and mosttender affection, I have the honor to be,your's, &c.

P.S. One of our transports fromTrenton had got aground, but thetroops of her will still be in time forher at the head of Elk. Some new

difficulties have been made for thecollecting of shoes, but I will try to getover them. From the extraordinarymotions of Lord Cornwallis, whom wehave not heard of these many days, andfrom the movements in New-York, Iam led to hope that I will hear fromyou respecting my future conduct, andthat I may be at head-quarters beforeyou think it prudent to leave NewWindsor.~[2]

Footnotes:

1. For these, See Sparks' Writ. Wash. p.430 & 439 The date of the letter isthere given as the 27th.

2. See the letters of Washington isSparks' Writ. of Wash. Vol. 7, p. 444 &447.


(ORIGINAL.)

Head of Elk, March the 7th, 17S1.

My dear general, Contrary winds, heavyrains, disappointments of vessels, andevery inconvenience to which we hadno remedy, have been, from the day ofmy arrival, combined against ourembarkation. I hope, however, we will

be on board to-morrow morning, andas nothing certain has been heard fromthe French ships, no time will be loston our part for the celerity of theexpedition.

The troops will embark five milesbelow this place, and three miles higherup than the Point where General Howelanded. There will be more room forthe arrangements of our vessels, andthe shallowness of the water insures usagainst the enterprise of any vessel offorce. In this situation we may wait forintelligence from our friends. The Stateof Maryland have made to me everyoffer in their power. I will improve thisopportunity of making up some

deficiencies in the Quarter-Master andEngineer's Department, of insuring tous a good stock of provisions, andupon the intelligence received thatBaron de Steubens was gone with alarge detachment to the Southward, Ihad hinted the possibility of gettingsome Militia from the lower countries,and repairing some cannon atBaltimore; but having read the inclosedfrom the Baron, I will write again toGovernor Lee, (as my letter has beengone but two days,) and save the Statefrom any expence of that kind. To theobtaining of vessels has been joinedthe difficulty of getting them up theriver, as they were taking everyopportunity to slip them off. All the

vessels, three excepted, are only baycraft, and our Admiral's ship mountstwelve guns. I have prepared some kindof orders for that fleet, but hope to berelieved from my Naval command bythe arrival of a French frigate, andhave, at all events, sent for CommodoreNicholson of Baltimore. Mr. McHenryhas been very active in accelerating themeasures of his State.

By a letter from Colonel Gouvion,dated Yucomico River, I find that aftermany adventures, he had landed thereon the 4th, and was proceeding by landto his destination. The wind is fairenough to come up the Bay, and hopesoon to hear from our friends.

The enclosed letter from the Baronhaving first come into my hand, andbeing on public service, as it was waitedupon to be forwarded with dispatch, I tookthe liberty to open it, but was verysorry to have done it after a letter ofthe same date had came also to hand;both say the same thing (at least inevery material point,) and I am happyto find that the Baron's preparations aregoing on rapidly.

Whatever may be the Baron's opinionupon the facility of taking, sword inhand, the fortifications of Portsmouth,I will not hazard any thing before Ihave considered the matter with my

own eyes. Arnold had so much time toprepare, and plays so deep a game;nature has made the position sorespectable, and some of the troopsunder his orders have been in so manyactions that I don't flatter myself tosucceed so easily as it may be thought.The prospect of preserving Navalsuperiority must, I think, decide if weare to save bloodshed by regularapproaches, or to risk our men into thedangers of an assault; but I would liketo destroy the works in some measurebefore we attempt to storm them. Aconversation with the Baron, withColonel Gouvion, and some otherofficers, joined to what I can see myself,will better fix my mind on the matter

than it can be at present. When I leftPhiladelphia General Wayne was not farfrom hoping he could soon collect athousand men; but I am not sosanguine in my expectations; I am,however, trying to prepare matters forthis number of men, but I think that asufficiency of vessels, (unless ours aresent back,) will not be obtained in a fewdays. Let General Wayne arrive in timeor not, when he comes under mydirections I wish to know if in case wesucceed, he must be sent to Genl.Greene. Supposing he is to go there,would your Excellency think ofselecting some riflemen for the grandarmy It seems to me that I heard youonce mentioning this matter. The State

of Virginia, I am told, finds difficultiesin the keeping of prisoners. Supposesomething of the kind was stated tome, am I to alter any thing in what yousaid to me on the subject

I am in a great hurry to go, my dearGeneral; but let us succeed or fall in theobject we have in view, I shan't be lesshurried to return with the detachmentto head-quarters, where I hope to beagain as soon as you may possiblyexpect. I beg you will present myrespects to Mrs. Washington, and Mrs.Hamilton, and compliments to thefamily. I have received Mr. Washington'sanswer, he is waiting for me at theBaron's quarters.

With the highest respect and mosttender affection I have the honor to be,your's, &c.~[1]

Footnote:

1. See Washington's letter in Sparks'Writ. in Wash, vol. 8, p. 449.


(ORIGINAL.)

Off Turkey Point, March the 9th.

My dear general, CommodoreNicholson has joined us sooner than Iexpected; he answers to conduct thedetachment to Annapolis without theleast danger, there he will wait forintelligence from me, but says that ifthe French fleet are below be might gowith safety (if not for the vessels atleast for the troops) to the point of ourdestination. Nicholson will be veryuseful to the French fleet as he knowswell the bay.

I will be at Hampton to-morrow nightor the day after, and three days after myarrival, if the French (whose arrival hasnot been heard of) consent to send aFrigate, the detachment may come in

two days from Annapolis.

Most respectfully, my dear General,your's &c.

P.S. I have written to the State ofMaryland to tell them we don't wantany of their Militia. I have left to theNavy Board to judge of the proprietyto send out the Ariel adding that it wasno more essential.


(ORIGINAL.)

York, March 15th, 1781.

My Dear General, The number of smallfrigates and privateers that are in thebay, made it impossible for me to carrythe detachment farther down thanAnnapolis, and I have requested theGovernor of Maryland as well as theprincipal officers of the detachment, togive out that we are going to joinGeneral Greene; but the object of theexpedition is so perfectly well knownevery where, that our sole dependenceto keep Arnold must be upon theapprehension he has of a French fleetbeing cruizing off the capes.

For my part, I came in a barge from

Annapolis, and very luckily escaped thedangers that were in the way. ColonelHarrison will have given to yourExcellency a minute detail of thereasons which have prompted me tothis measure. I have taken his advice onthe matter, and have no doubt but thatyour Excellency (considering theprobability that no frigate would havebeen sent) will approve of the step Ihave taken to forward as much aspossible both the advantage of theexpedition and the honor of theAmerican arms.

On my arrival, (yesterday afternoon) Ihave found that Baron de Stuben hadbeen very active in making preparations,

and agreeable to what he tells me, weshall have five thousand militia ready tooperate. This, with the Continentaldetachment, is equal to the business,and we might very well do without anyland force from Newport.

By papers found in the baggage of aBritish officer, (taken in a boat) it seemsthat General Gregory had acorrespondence with the enemy. TheBaron has suspended him, but he is stillwith the troops.

Arnold is so well acquainted with thecoming of the detachment, and hisobject is so well known, that, as I saidbefore, our only chance to keep him

must be the idea of a French fleetbeing off the capes; he is fortifying atPortsmouth, and trying to getprovisions. There has been sometrifling skirmishes with the militia.

To my great disappointment the Frenchfleet have not yet appeared. If theproject has not been given up theymust be expected every minute; theyhad double the time which theywanted, and such winds as ought havebrought them in four days.

I wanted to hold up the idea of mygoing to the Southward; but the Baronsays that if the detachment is notannounced, the militia will desert. He

wanted me to take the commandimmediately, but I thought it morepolite not to do it until the detachmentarrives or operations are begun.

In your first letter to the Baron, I wishmy dear General, you will write to himthat I have been much satisfied with hispreparations. I want to please him, andharmony shall be my first object. As inall cases, (even this of my going to theSouthward and coming here to makearrangements with the Baron) I wouldreconnoitre the enemies; I will take anopportunity of doing it as soon aspossible. They have not as yet beenreconnoitred by the Baron, and I thinkit therefore more necessary for me to

see with my own eyes.

As I have just arrived, my dear General,I cannot give you a very exact accountof matters.

This letter I send by duplicate, and havethe honor to be with the highest respectand most tender affection, yours, &c.


(ORIGINAL.)

Elk, April the 10th, 1751.

Dear general, By my letter of the 8thyour Excellency will have known of myarrival at this place, and thepreparations I was making to proceedSouthward. I took at the same time theliberty to inform you that the greatwant of money, baggage, clothing,under which both officers and men aresuffering, and the hope they had ofbeing furnished with a part of thesearticles from their States, would renderit very inconvenient for the troops toproceed immediately by land; theybegin to be sensible of the reasonwhich detains them here, and areuneasy about it, as they are sounprovided for the journey. I have,however, hurried on preparations, and

will be able to set off to-morrowmorning. The circumstances of mybeing ready sooner than I expected, anda letter from the Governor ofMaryland telling that six ships, whom Itake to be plundering vessels, werecoming up the Potomac, induces menot to wait for your Excellency'sanswer. Not that I pretend to defendthe towns of Alexandria, Baltimore andAnnapolis, at a time, or to stop thedepredations of the enemy's parties in acountry where their naval superiorityrenders it impossible; but because Idon't think any consideration mustdelay the execution of superior orders,and because, if the corps was not sentto Southward they would with alacrity

march back thirty or forty miles moreto rejoin the grand army.

Having received no particulars of yourExcellency's journey to Rhode Island,but by the paper, a letter from you toMr. Lund Washington, and privateletters from some friends, I cannotknow what change has taken place inyour plans, and am not able to accountfor the inactivity which you foresee forthe grand army. Letters from Ministers,letters from my friends, intelligencesfrom other quarters, every thing wascombined to flatter me with the hopethat our grand and decisive objectwould be in contemplation. I then wasnot displeased with the dispositions of

the enemy that weakened that place. Itis probable that your Excellency's planshave changed, and you intend toprosecute the war to the Southward.

I had yesterday the pleasure of diningon board the Hermione, and left herunder sail to go to Rhode Island, whereshe will probably be the day after to-morrow. Mr. Delatouche, uncle tocaptain Latouche, will, it is said,command the squadron of the seconddivision. I was conversing with hisnephew, on whom he has an entireconfidence on the expedition againstNew York, and he assured me that hisUncle's plan would certainly be to takepossession of the harbour, and send a

force up the North River, which youknow is entirely the thing that youwanted M. de Vernay to do.

Mr. Delatouche having confidentiallytold me that he had a great influenceover Mr. Destouches, I observed to himhow important it was for the commoncause that the French fleet might havethe greatest possible activity. We werealso conversing of the difficulties welaboured under for transportation, andbe told me that the next day after hisarrival at Rhode Island, unless suchobstacles occurred as he could notforesee; Mr. Destouches would makeyou an offer of the ship l'Eveill, andthe four frigates to carry twelve

hundred men to any part of' continentyou might think proper. Those shipsare too strong to be afraid of frigates,and too fast sailers to be in the leastconcerned by the fear of a squadron.Thinking that (particularly as LordCornwallis has retreated) our marchwould take us forty days, wheredesertion and sickness, occasioned bywant of shoes and every othernecessary, as well as by the heat of theseason, would much reduce ournumbers, and that these ships, with theaddition of the two frigates atPhiladelphia, armed en flute, would insailing on the 4th or 5th of May, carry1500 men to Wilmington, Georgetown,or any place in the rear of Lord

Cornwallis or the neighborhood ofGeneral Greene, I thought it my duty toencourage this idea, which would bringus to the point of operations soonerthan we could arrive by land. It wouldalso give you the time of forming atMorristown or Trenton, a detachmentwell provided, agreeably to the projectyou had in contemplation after thereturn of this corps. The appointmentof officers could be made withoutaffecting the delicacy of the regimentalofficers, nor the honor of those alreadyemployed. While we would beoperating, Mr. Destouches might keepcruizers off Charleston. These ideas,my dear General, are only thrown outin consequence of the freedom you

have often ordered me to take. WhatMr. Destouches may do is uncertain,and I did not think myself authorisedto express to him the least wish on thathead. It was my duty to relate ourdifficulties to you, and the chances Iforesaw to see them relieved in somemeasure; but unless the bad weather, ofwhich there is now a prospect, makes itimpossible, I will be to-morrow at theferry at the Susquehannah.

You may have known from Mr. de LaLuzerne, that two millions and a halfhad been given to Mr. Franklin, andthat Marquis de Castries and Count deVergennes, were trying to obtain a summore adequate to our wants. This,

however, the Minister of France hasrequested me not to mention, as it wasas yet an uncertainty, and wouldperhaps give ill-grounded hopes,destructive of the internal efforts weought to make. I am told that justbefore the departure of Mr. DelaPeyrouse, some dispatches were sent toBrest; but do not think they contain anything relating to our operations, asMarquis de Castries writes me that thedetermination of the Council upon ourletters will be sent by the ships who isto convoy the expected vessels.

I am very sorry I have not seen the Aidde Camp who had a verbal messagefrom General Greene. Inclosed I send

to your Excellency the letter I havereceived on the occasion. Perhaps, didhe mean to propose an expeditiontowards Cape-fear or Georgetown,which might be made with the lightsquadron above mentioned. Anadditional circumstance is, that l'Eveillwill now be commanded by Mr. deLombard, captain Latouche's uncle,who is entirely under that Gentleman'sinfluence.

I write to the board of war to get someshoes and other parts of clothing. I willthis morning speak to the commandingofficers of battalions on our intendedjourney; but have not yet said any thingto Colonel Gimat and Major Galvan,

because it is possible that newcircumstances may engage you tochange your dispositions. Going bywater, if possible, would level most alldifficulties; but if I don't hear fromyou, I will always proceed on. I havethe honor to be, yours &c.~[1]

Footnote:

1. See Washington's Letters of 21st ofMarch and 5th and 6th of April.Sparks' Writ. of Wash. volume 7. pp.449 and 468, 8469. See also Sparks'Writ. of Wash. vol. 8. Appendix No. 1.


(ORIGINAL.)

Susquehannah ferry April 13th, 1751.

MY DEAR GENERAL, I receivedyour Excellency's letter relating toColonel Gouvion. It would have beenvery agreeable to me to keep thisofficer, your orders have been sent toPhiladelphia where he is for thepresent. However distant I may be fromthe scene, I am happy to find that yourExcellency hopes to undertake thegrand object we have had incontemplation.

By a letter just received from the boardof War, it seems that representations ofwants have been made which they havemistaken for objections from me to ourjourney southward. I have said to someofficers that our proximity to thesouthern states was the reason whichhad induced your Excellency to sendthis detachment, but I hope I need notassure you that I never thought ofintimating the least idea of alteration toyour Excellency's projects, but such asyou would think of making yourselfafter your own ideas and intelligences.Perhaps my letter to the board of Warmay appear disrespectful or impolite,but nothing could stop me in aninstance where it might be suspected I

objected to your plans, or even differedin opinion. You know me too perfectlynot to think an explanation useless.

It is confidently reported that thesecond division is arrived in the capesof Delaware, consisting of nine sail ofthe line, this was the numbermentioned to me by the Marquis deCastries to be in harbour, yourExcellency would in that case have abrilliant Campaign to the northward.

With the highest and most affectionaterespect Yours &c.~[1]

Footnote:

1. See Letters of Wash. of the 11thApril. Sparks' Writ. of Wash. vol. 8, p.11.


(ORIGINAL.)


MY DEAR GENERAL, Had yourExcellency's answer to my letter of the8th, been forwarded with an equalcelerity that your favor of the 6th, Iwould have received it before this time,but whatever change my new situation

could make in your Excellency'sdispositions, I thought it my duty in themean while to obey the positive ordersI had received, the Troops are nowcrossing the ferry and will with allpossible speed proceed to Richmond.

By a letter received from General GreenI find that he is, strongly of opinionthat I must go to the southward, hisintention is to carry the seat of war intoSouth Carolina, there by preventing ajunction between Arnold andCornwallis, he gives me many excellentreasons to justify the movement andrequests me to make to Richmond, andthey will, if possible, increase my zealto execute your Excellency's orders.

General Green's opinion is that LordCornwallis will fall down towardsWilmington, his own project is to carrythe war into South Carolina. Underthese circumstances a corps of LightInfantry embarked at Philadelphia onboard a light squadron might have beenupon the seat of war in a very shortpassage.

I cannot help fearing, my dear General,that our campaign will take a defensiveturn which is far from answering ourfirst plans and expectations. MajorMcPherson is with me as a volunteer,that officer has most zealouslyemployed himself and has been most

dangerously exposed in the discoveryof a plot made to furnish the enemywith provisions, he has managed thismatter with infinite address, being fortwo days and one night with sixsoldiers who, as well as himself, put onthe air of British, and, in company witha spy who thought them to be enemyand by a most violent gale of wind,crossed the bay in a small boat, bywhich means he was made sensible thata trade of flour is carried with theenemy from the western shore ofMaryland, and saved a magazine of 800barrels of continental flour whichwould otherwise have fallen into thehands of the enemy. In case weproceed southerly perhaps will it be

possible for General Green to giveMayor McPherson a command in somedetachment; I would be happy if hewas recommended to him by yourExcellency. My determination being togo on with rapidity, unless I amrecalled, your Excellency may easilyjudge of my movements from theanswer I will probably receive in a fewhours. Was I to assure your Excellencythat this journey is perfectly agreeableto the Troops, I would not use thatcandor which you have so much rightto expect, but their zeal and disciplineinsure their readiness to obey. I shall domy utmost to prevent desertion, andunless I was recalled, I shall proceedwith celerity. But I beg your Excellency

to remember that experience has oftentaught us how much reduced has everbeen the number of our troops fromthe time of their departure to that oftheir arrival at the Southern army.

With the highest and most affectionaterespect,

Yours &c.


(ORIGINAL.)


MY DEAR GENERAL YourExcellency's letter of the 11th, hasovertaken me at this place, and havinggiven to you an account of everymeasure I thought proper to take, I willonly add that I am still at the ferrywhere the troops have crossed the river;but the wind blows so high that it hasbeen impossible to take the waggonsover, and I am obliged to have othersimpressed on the southern side of theSusquehannah. Your Excellencymentions the propriety of remaining atthe head off Elk until shoes can becollected, but the prospect I have fromthe board of war are not flatteringenough to encourage this measure. On

the other side General Green ispressing in his advices, and will soon beso in his orders to me. I cannot obtainany good account of Phillip's motions,nor oppose the schemes he may haveformed, until I am much fartheradvanced; and dissatisfaction anddesertion being two greater evils thanany other we have to fear; I am anxiousto have rivers, other countries, andevery kind of barrier to stop theinclination of the men to return home.Many men have already deserted, manymore will I am afraid take the samecourse, whatever sense of duties, tiesof affection, and severity of disciplinemay operate, shall be employed by me,and I wish we might come near the

enemy, which is the only means to put astop to the spirit of desertion.

Many articles, and indeed every onewhich compose the apparatus of asoldier, will be wanting for thisdetachment. But shoes, linen, overalls,hunting shirts, shirts, and ammunitionwill be the necessary supplies for whichI request your Excellency's mostpressing orders to people concerned,and most warm entreaties to the boardof war. I wish it was possible to havethe men equiped at once, and thiswould be a great saving of expense.

While I am writing to your Excellencythe wind rises more and more, which

will much impede our passage for suchstores as were to cross over with thewaggons, and the guard appointed tostay with them. At such a distance fromthe enemy, I cannot give yourExcellency any account of theirmovements, but by the last intelligenceGeneral Phillips was still atPortsmouth.

Should the French get a navalsuperiority, an expedition againstPortsmouth is very practible. Thesecompanies, filled up to their propernumber, and some other troops toincrease the corps to two thousand,would with a detachment of artilleryfrom Philladelphia, be equal to the

attack of that post. 3000 militia canwith the greatest ease be collected. Incase Duke de Lauzurn's legion arrives,that corps could come in the fleet; butshould the French become superior atsea the British fleet in Chesapeak wouldbe in danger, and in every case, if yourExcellency thinks of sending anyreinforcement this way, (let it be theJersey troops or recruits) their comingby water to James or York river maysave an immense trouble and expense.

My heart and every faculty of my mind,have been these last years so muchconcerned in the plan of an expeditionagainst * * * that I am very desirous tohear, by the very first safe opportunity

what reasons can have overthrown theproject.

Some disputes that have at firsthappened between the Jersey and New-England troops, make me think thatthese last must be as much as possibleseparated from the Pensylvanians.

While I was writing these accounts havebeen brought to me, that, a greatdesertion had taken place last night:nine of the Rhode Island company,and the best men they had, who havemade many campaigns, and never weresuspected, these men say they like bettera hundred lashes than a journey to thesouth-ward. As long as they had an

expedition in view they were very wellsatisfied, but the idea of remaining inthe southern states appear to themintolerable, and they are amazinglyaverse to the people and climate. I shalldo my best, but if this disposition lastsI am afraid we will be reduced lowerthan I dare express. With the highestand most affectionate respect, yours&,c.~[1]

Footnote:

1. See Letters of Washington, of the21st and 22d April Sparks' Writ. ofWash. v. 8., pp. 19, 22.

TO MAJOR GENERAL GREENE.

(ORIGINAL.)

Hanover Court House, April 28th,1781.

Sir, Having received intelligence thatGeneral Phillips' army were preparingat Portsmouth, for offensiveoperations. I left at Baltimore everything that could impede our march, tofollow us under a proper escort, andwith about a thousand men, officersincluded; hastened towards Richmondwhich I apprehended would be aprincipal object with the enemy.

Being on our way, I have receivedsuccessive accounts of theirmovements. On the 21st, the Britishtroops, commanded by their Generals,Philips and Arnold, landed at CityPoint on the south side of James River.A thousand militia under Maj. GeneralCaroude Stuben and GeneralMuhlenberg, were posted at Blandfordto oppose them, and on the 25th theyhad an engagement with the enemy; themilitia behaved very gallantly, and ourloss, it is said, is about twenty killed andwounded. The same day, the enemywhose force it is reported to be near2500 regular troops, marched intoPetersburg. Yesterday they moved to

Osburn's, about thirteen miles fromRichmond, and after a skirmish with acorps of militia, destroyed some vesselsthat had been collected there, but havenot yet attempted to cross the river.Baron de Stuben, is at the same side,and has removed to Falling CreekChurch.

The Continental detachment will in afew hours arrive at this place, 20 milesfrom Richmond. The enemy are morethan double our force in regular troopsand their command of the waters givesthem great advantages.

With the highest respect, I have thehonor to be yours, &c.

TO GENERAL GREENE.

(ORIGINAL.)

Camp on Pamunkey River, May 3d,1781.

Sir, I had lately the honor to informyou of the enemy's movements towardsRichmond, and the forced marches Iwas making to its defence. Thedetachment arrived on the 29th; theBritish army was thirteen miles distanton the other side of the river.Petersburg, Chesterfield Court House,

and part of our vessels had fallen intotheir hands. Our regular force consistedof 900 men, rank and file; that of theenemy, of 2,300, at the lowest estimate.

The command of the water, and such asuperiority of regular troops, gave thempossession of our shore. There was nocrossing for us, but under a circuit offifteen miles, and from the number andsize of their boats, their passage overthe river was six times quicker thanours.

Richmond being their main object. Idetermined to defend this capital,where a quantity of public stores andtobacco was contained. General Nelson

was there, with a corps of militia, andGenerals Stuben and Muhlenberg,higher up on the other side. The sameevening, we were by summons fromGeneral Philips, made accountable forthe public stores on board vessels nearthe town, (which he declared) shouldcertainly fall into his hands. Nextmorning the enemy moved toManchester, opposite Richmond, wherethey burnt the ware-houses. Sixhundred men ventured on this side, butwere timely recalled, and being chargedby a few dragoons of Major Nelson,flew into their boats with precipitation.

Knowing General Phillip's intentionagainst Richmond, (orders for attack

had been already given) I directedBaron de Stuben to join us, andcollected our force to receive the enemy,but the same night they retreated toOsburn's, from thence to the neck ofland formed by James River andAppamatox, where they have re-embarked. Col. Pleasant's and Good'sbattallions of militia, were sent on eachside of the river and gave annoyance totheir troops and boats. The enemy havelost some men killed, prisoners anddeserters. Since the British army landedat City Point, (some flour excepted atthe Court-house) no public propertyhas been destroyed. Yours &c.


(ORIGINAL.)

Camp near Bottom's Creek, May 4th,1781.

MY DEAR GENERAL, I request youwill receive my affectionateacknowledgements for your kindletters. Every mark of friendship Ireceive from you adds to my happiness,as I love you with all the sincerity andwarmth of my heart, and the sentimentI feel for you goes to the very extent ofmy affections.

Inclosed I send you, my dear General,two copies of letters to GeneralGreene, which I also sent to Congressfor their information. You will also findcopies of the strange letters I havereceived from General Phillips, and theanswers which, if he does not behavebetter, will break off ourcorrespondence.

The leaving of my artillery appears astrange whim, but had I waited for itRichmond was lost, and Major Galvan,who has exerted himself to the utmost,cannot be with us under two days, as henever could obtain or seize horses forthe artillery and ammunition waggons.It is not without trouble I have made

this rapid march. General Phillips hasexpressed to an officer on flag, theastonishment he felt at our celerity, andwhen on the 30th, as he was going togive the signal to attack, hereconnoitred our position, Mr. Osburn,who was with him, says that he flewinto a violent passion and sworevengeance against me and the corps Ihad brought with me.

I am, however, uneasy, my dear General,and do not know what the public willthink of our conduct. I cannot say inany official letter that no boats, nowaggons, no intelligence, not one spycould be obtained; that if once I hadbeen manoeuvring with Phillips he had

every advantage over me; that a defeatwould have scattered the militia, lostthe few arms we have, and knockeddown this handful of Continentaltroops. Great deal of mischief hadbeen already done. I did not know butwhat the enemy meant to establish apost. Under these circumstances Ithought it better to fight on none butmy own grounds and to defeat themain and most valuable object of theenemy. Had I gone on the other side,the enemy would have given me the slipand taken Richmond, leaving nothingto me, but the reputation of a rashunexperienced young man. Our storescould not be removed.

No orders from General Greene haveas yet come to me. I cannot conceivethe reason of his delay in answering myletters. In the meanwhile, Phillips is myobject, and if with a thousand men Ican be opposed to three thousand inthis State, I think I am useful toGeneral Greene. In a former letter hetells me that his object is to divide theenemy, and having no orders I must beregulated by his opinion.

The enemy are gone down the river. Ihave detached some militia to Hoodswhere I mean to make a fort. ColonelHennis, with another corps of militia,is gone towards Williamsburg. Hisorders are in case the enemy land there,

to annoy them, and in case they meanto establish a post, he is to disturb themuntil I arrive. This position is 16 milesfrom Richmond, 42 fromWilliamsburg, 60 from Fredericksburg.I have sent an officer at Point Comfort,and established a chain of expresses toknow if they appear to turn towardsPotomac. Should it be the case,Fredericksburg will have my attention,having missed Mr. Hunter's works atFredericksburg must be their nextobject as they are the only support toour operations in the southward. Yourfirst letters, my dear General, willperhaps tell me something more aboutyour coming this way. How happy Ishould be to see you, I hope I need not

express. As you are pleased to give methe choice, I shall frankly tell mywishes. If you co-operate with theFrench against the place, you know Iwish to be at head quarters. Ifsomething is co-operated in Virginia, Iwill find myself very happily situatedfor the present. In case my detachmentremains in this State I wish not to leaveit, as I have a separate and activecommand, though it does not promisegreat glory; but as you gave me leave todo it, I shall in a few days write to youmore particularly on my privateconcerns. It is not only on account ofmy own situation that I wish theFrench fleet may come into the bay.Should they come even without troops,

it is ten to one that they will block upPhillips in some rivers, and then Ianswer he is ruined. Had I but ships,my situation would be the mostagreeable in the world. Adieu my dearGeneral, you will make me happy towrite me sometimes. With the highestrespect and most tender affection, Ihave the honor to be, yours, &c.~[1]

Footnote:

1. See Letters of Wash. of 31 May. SeeSparks' Writ., v. 8., p. 60.


(ORIGINAL.)

Richmond, May the 8th, 1781.

MY DEAR GENERAL, There is nofighting here unless you have a navalsuperiority, or an army mounted uponrace-horses. Phillips' plan againstRichmond has been defeated; he wasgoing towards Portsmouth, and Ithought it should be enough for me tooppose him at some principal points inthis State. But now it appears I willhave business to transact with twoarmies, and this is rather too much.

By letters from North Carolina, I find

that Lord Cornwallis, who I had beenassured had sailed from Charleston, isadvancing towards Hallifax. Inconsequence of letters from the samequarter, General Phillip's has altered hisplans, and returned to a place calledBrandon on the south side of Jamesriver, where he landed the night beforelast. Our detachment is under marchtowards the Hallifax road, hiscommand of the water, enabled him toland where I could not reach him. Thebrigade at Petersburg is destroyed, andunless he acts with an uncommondegree of folly, he will be at Hallifaxbefore me. Each of these armies ismore than the double superior to me.We have no boats, few militia, and less

arms. I will try to do for the best, andhope to deserve your approbation.

Nothing can attract my sight from thesupplies and reinforcements destined toGeneral Green's army. While I amgoing to get beaten by both armies oreach of them seperately, the Baronremains at Richmond where he hurriesthe collection of recruits, and everyother requisite. I have forbidden everydepartment to give me any thing thatmaybe thought useful to GeneralGreene, and should a battle be expected(an event which I will try to keep off,)no consideration will prevent oursending to Carolina 800 recruits who, Ihope, may be equiped in a fortnight.

When General Green becomes equal tooffensive operations, this quarter willbe relieved. I have written to Wayne, tohasten his march, but unless I am veryhard pushed, shall request him toproceed south-ward. The militia havebeen ordered out, but are slow,unarmed, and not yet used to thisbusiness. General Green, from whom Ihad as yet no letters, was on the 26th,before Camden, but did not thinkhimself equal to the storming of theworks. My respects, if you please, toMr. Washington, and compliments tothe family. Most respectfully andaffectionately.

Yours &c.


(ORIGINAL.)

Welton, north side of James River, May18th, 1781.

MY DEAR GENERAL. Having beendirected by General Greene to takecommand of the troops in Virginia. Ihave also received orders from him,that every account from this quarter, beimmediately transmitted to Congress,and to your Excellency; in obedience towhich I shall have the honor to relate

our movements, and those of thecombined armies of the enemy. WhenGeneral Phillips retreated fromRichmond, his project was to stop atWilliamsburg, there to collectcontributions which he had imposed,this induced me to take a positionbetween Pamunkey, and Chikahomanyrivers, which equally coveredRichmond, and some other interestingparts of the State, and from where Idetached General Nelson with somemilitia towards Williamsburg.

Having got as low down as that place,General Phillips seemed to discover anintention to make a landing, but uponadvices received by a vessel from

Portsmouth, the enemy weighedanchor, and with all the sail they couldcrowd, hastened up the river, thisintelligence made me apprehensive thatthe enemy intended to manoeuvre meout of Richmond where I returnedimmediately, and again collected oursmall force, intelligence was the sameday received that Lord Cornwallis (whoI had been assured, to have embarkedat Wilmington) was marching throughNorth Carolina, (this was confirmed bythe landing of General Phillips atBrandon south side of James River.)Apprehending that both armies wouldmove to meet at a central point, I marchtowards Petersburg and intended tohave established a communication over

Appamatox and James river, but on the9th, General Phillips took possessionof Petersburgh; a place where his rightflank being covered by James River, hisfront by Appamatox, on which thebridges had been destroyed in the firstpart of the invasion, and his left notbeing attackable but by a long circuitthrough fords that at this season arevery uncertain, I could not (even withan equal force) have got any chance offighting him, unless I had given up thisside of James River, and the countryfrom which reinforcements areexpected. It being at the enemy's choiceto force us to an action, which theirown position insured them against ourenterprizes, I thought it proper to shift

this situation, and marched the greaterpart of our troops to this place aboutten miles below Richmond. Lettersfrom General Nash, General Sumner,and General Jones are positive as to thearrival of Colonel Tarleton, andannounce that of Lord Cornwallis atHalifax. Having received a request fromNorth Carolina for ammunition, Imade a detachment of 500 men underGeneral Muhlenberg to escort 20,000cartridges over Appamatox, and todivert the enemy's attention, ColonelGimat, with his battalion, and 4 fieldpieces cannonaded their position fromthis side of the River. I hope ourammunition will arrive safe, as beforeGeneral Muhlenberg returned he put it

in a safe road with proper directions.On the 13th, General Phillips died andthe command devolved on GeneralArnold. General Wayne's detachmenthas not yet been heard of, before hearrives, it becomes very dangerous torisk any engagement where (as theBritish armies being vastly superior tous) we shall certainly be beaten, and bythe loss of arms, the dispersion ofmilitia, and the difficulty of a junctionwith General Wayne, we may lose a lessdangerous chance of resistance.

These considerations have induced meto think that with our so very greatinferiority, and with the advantage theenemy have by their cavalry and naval

superiority, there would be muchrashness in fighting them on any butour grounds, and this side of the river,and that an engagement which I fearwill be soon necessary; ought, ifpossible to be deferred till thePensylvanians arrive, whom I have byseveral letters requested to hasten toour assistance.

No report has lately come from nearHallifax, though a very active officerhas been sent for that purpose; butevery intelligence confirms that LordCornwallis is hourly expected atPetersburg, it is true there never wassuch difficulty in getting tolerableintelligence, as there is in this country,

and the immense superiority of theenemy's horses, render it veryprecarious to hazard our small parties.

Arnold has received a smallreinforcement from Portsmouth.

I am dear General, your most obedienthumble servant, Yours &c.

P.S. Injustice to Major Mitchell andCaptain Muir, who were taken atPetersburg, I have the honor to informyour Excellency that they had been sentto that place on public service. I haverequested General Lawson to collectand take command of the militia southof Appamatox, local impediments was

thrown in the road from Hallifax toPetersburg, and precautions taken toremove the horses from the enemy'sreach. Should it be possible to get arms,some militia might be brought into thefield, but General Greene and myselflabour under the same disadvantage,the few militia we can with great painscollect arrive unarmed, and we have nota sufficiency of weapons to put intotheir hands.~[1]

Footnote:

1. See Washington's Letter of the 31stMay. Sparks' Writ. of Wash., v. 8., p. 60.

TO COLONEL HAMILTON.

(ORIGINAL.)

Richmond, May 23, 1781.

MY DEAR HAMILON, I have beenlong complaining that I had nothing todo, and want of employment was anobjection I had to my going to thesouthward; but for the present, my dearfriend, my complaint is quite of anopposite nature, and I have so manyarrangements to make, so manydifficulties to combat, so many enemiesto deal with, that I am much of aGeneral as will make me a historian of

misfortunes, and nail my curse uponthe ruins of what good soldiers arepleased to call the army in Virginia.There is an age past since I heard fromyou. I acknowledge that on my part, Ihave not written so often as I ought tohave done, but you will excuse thissilence in favor of my veryembarrassing circumstances, howeverremote you may be from your formerpost of aidde-camp, to theCommander-in-chief, I am sure you arenevertheless acquainted with everytransaction at head quarters. My lettershave served to report information, andI shall consequently abstain fromrepetitions.

Our forced march saved Richmond.Phillips was going down, and thus far Iam very happy. Phillips' return, hislanding at Brandon, south side ofJames and Appamatox rivers. HadPhillips marched to Hallifax I wasdetermined to follow him, and shouldhave risked every thing rather to omitmaking a diversion in favor of Greene;but that army took possession ofPetersburg, and obliged me to stick tothe side of the river whencereinforcements are expected. Botharmies have formed their junction ofbetween four and five thousand men.We have no Continentals; their infantryis near five to one; their cavalry ten toone. Our militia are not numerous,

without arms, and not used to war.Government wants energy, and there isnothing to enforce the laws. GeneralGreene has directed me to takecommand in this State, and I must tellyou by the way, his letter is very politeand affectionate; it then became myduty to arrange the departments, whichI found in the greatest confusion andrelaxation; nothing can be obtained,and yet expenses are enormous. TheBaron and the few new levies we couldcollect, are ordered to South Carolina.Is it not strange that General Wayne'sdetachment cannot be heard of Theyare to go to Carolina; but should I havethem for a few days, I am at liberty tokeep them. This permission I will

improve so far as to receive one blow,that being beat, I may at least be beatwith some decency. There are accountsthat Lord Cornwallis is very strong;others make him very weak. In thiscountry there is no getting goodintelligence. I request you will write meif you approve of my conduct. Thecommand of the waters, the superiorityin cavalry, and the great disproportionof forces, gave the enemy suchadvantages that I durst not venture out,and listen to my fondness forenterprise; to speak truth, I was afraidof myself as much as of the enemy.Independence has rendered me themore cautious, as I know my ownwarmth; but if the Pennsylvanians

come, Lord Cornwallis shall paysomething for his victory.

I wish a reinforcement of light infantryto recruit the battallions, or adetachment under General Huntington,was sent to me. I wish Lawson orSheldon were immediately dispatchedwith some horses. Come here, my dearfriend, and command our artillery inVirginia. I want your advices and yourexertions. If you grant my request, youwill vastly oblige your friend. Yours, &c.


(ORIGINAL.)

Richmond, May the 24th, 1781.

MY DEAR GENERAL. The junctionof Lord Cornwallis with the otherarmy at Petersburg was an event that,from local circumstances, and fromtheir so great superiority, it wasimpossible to prevent, it took place onthe 20th, and having lost every hope tooperate, a timely stroke in conjunctionwith the Pensylvanians, my ideas wereconfined to defensive measures. Itherefore moved up to Richmond,where precautions were taken toremove every valuable property, eitherpublic or private.

By an officer that was in Halifax afterLord Cornwallis, I hear he has not leftany post at that place, it appears, hissick and wounded remained atWilmington, and were reimplaced bythat garison. Reports concerning thenumbers are so different, that I cannottrust anything but my eyes, until suchan opportunity offers, this is the orderof march, in which it is said hisLordship crossed Roanoke. Col.Tarlton's legion, Col. Hamilton's corps,23d, 71st, 33d, British regiments, 200tories, an Hessian regiment, the lightinfantry and guards with six fieldpieces. I am told General Leslie andGenl. O'Hara are with him, I have

received successive and repeatedaccounts, that a British fleet oftransports was arrived at Hampton,they were said to consist of 11 largevessels, and 16 smaller ones, underconvoy of three large frigates. Mr. DayD.Q.M. at Williamsburg, writes that onthe 22nd, 12 sail of large ship; a sloop,and schooner got underway oppositeJames Town; those ships full of men,and some horses on board the sloop.We have no accounts of any fleethaving sailed from New-York.

Yesterday afternoon, we had a heavyrain, which Colonel Tarlton improvedin surprising some militia inChesterfield County, thirty of whom

fell into his hands.

This morning at 9 o'clock the enemymoved from Peteraburg towards CityPoint, and destroyed the bridge theyhad lately constructed over Appamatoc.I have just received accounts, that abody of them has landed at Westover.These are said to be the men who cameup the river from Hampton, previousto which General Arnold had receiveda small reinforcement fromPortsmouth.

To my great mortification, I have heardthis morning, that the Pensylvanians arenot so near as I had been, by everyaccount positively assured. General

Wayne writes me he will hasten to mysupport, and I am confident he will notlose time at this critical moment, butbefore he arrives, it is impossible that900 continentals and 40 horses, with abody of militia by no means soconsiderable as they are reported to be,and whom it is so difficult to arm, bewith any advantage opposed to such asuperiority of forces, such a number ofcavalry, to which may be added, theirvery prejudicial command of thewriters.

Our handful of men being the point towhich militia may be collected, and theonly check, however small it is, that theenemy may have in this state, it ought, I

think, to be managed with a great dealof prudence as its preservation is sovery important to the fate ofoperations in Virginia.

With the highest respect. I have thehonor to be Yours &c.


(ORIGINAL.)

Camp between Rappahannock andNorth Anna, June 3rd, 1781.

MY DEAR GENERAL, Inclosed you

will find the copy of a letter to GeneralGreen. He at first had requested that Iwould directly write to you, since whichhis orders have been different, but hedirected me to forward you copies ofmy official accounts. So many letters arelost in their way that I do not care toavoid repetitions. I heartily wish, mydear general, my conduct may beapproved of, particularly by you. Mycircumstances have been peculiar, andin this state I have sometimesexperienced strange disappointments.Two of them, the stores atCharlottesville, and the delay of thePennsylvania detachment, have givenme much uneasiness and may beattended with bad consequences. Your

presence, my dear general, would do agreat deal, Should these detachments beincreased to three or four thousand,and the French army come this way,leaving one of our generals at RhodeIsland and two or three about NewYork and in the Jerseys, you might bevery offensive in this quarter, and therecould be, a southern army in Carolina.Your presence would do immensegood, but I would wish you to have alarge force. General Washington, beforehe personally appears, must be strongenough to hope success. Adieu, mydear general, with the highest respectand most tender affection I have thehonor to be, Yours,~[1]

P.S. If you persist in the idea to comethis way. you may depend upon about3000 militia in the field, relieved everytwo months. Your presence will inducethem to turn out with great spirit.

Footnote:

1. This letter, and the succeeding one toGen. Greene, was written whileLafayette was retreating before LordCornwallis, and as he was about tocross the Rapidan to form a junctionwith Wayne. See the answers in Sparks'sWrit. of Wash. v. 3. p. 86.

TO GENERAL GREENE.

(ORIGINAL.)

Camp between Rappahannock andNorth Anna, June 3rd, 1781,

SIR, I have done myself the honor towrite you many letters, but least someof them should have miscarried, whichI much apprehend to have been thecase, I shall repeat an account of thelate transactions in this state.

The junction of the enemy being made,which for the reasons I have mentionedit was impossible to prevent, I retiredtowards Richmond and waited for

Lord Cornwallis's movements, hisregular force being so vastly superior tomine. Reinforcements from belowhaving still increased it, and his cavalrybeing ten to one, I could not think tobring into action a small body of eightor nine hundred men, that preservedthe shadow of an army and aninconsiderable number of militiawhose defeat was certain and would beattended with a fatal loss of arms.

Lord Cornwallis had at first a project tocross above Richmond, but desistedfrom it and landed at Westover, he thenproposed to turn our left flank, butbefore it was executed we moved by theleft to the forks of Chickahomony, the

enemy advanced twelve miles and weretreated in the same proportion; theycrossed Chickahomony and advancedon the road to Fredericksburg. Wemarched in a parallel with them,keeping the upper part of the country.Our position at Mattapony churchwould have much exposed the enemy'sflank on their way to Fredericksburg,but they stopped at Cook's ford on theNorth Anna river, where they are forthe present. General Wayne havingannounced to me his departure on the23d, I expected before this time to havemade a junction. We have moved backsome distance and are cautious not toindulge Lord Cornwallis with an actionwith our present force.

The intentions of the enemy are not asyet well explained. Fredericksburgappears to be their object, the more soas a greater number of troops are saidto be gone down than is necessary forthe garrison of Portsmouth. Thepublic stores have been as well aspossible removed, and every part ofHunter's works that could be taken outof the way. It is possible they mean tomake a stroke towards Charlotteville;this I would not be uneasy for, had myrepeated directions been executed, butinstead of removing stores from thereto Albemarle old Court House, whereBaron de Steuben has collected sixhundred regulars, and where I ordered

the militia south of James River torendezvous It appears from a letter Ireceived this evening that state storeshave been contrary to my directionscollected there, least they should mixwith the Continentals, but my formerletters were so positive, and my lateprecautions are so multiplied that. Ihope the precious part of the storeswill have been removed to a safer place.I had also some stores removed fromOrange Court House. Dispatches fromthe Governor to me have fallen into theenemies' hands; of which I gave himand the Baron immediate notice.

The report of an insurrection inHampshire county, and the hurry of

Lord Cornwallis to communicate thecopy of a Cartel with you where it issettled the prisoners will be sent bysuch a time to Jamestown, are motivesthat gave me some suspicions of aproject towards the Convention troops.The number of the rebels is said to be700 Gen. Morgan has marched againstthem; I think the account is pretty wellauthenticated tho' it is not official.Having luckily opened a letter from theBoard of War, to the Governorwhereby the Convention troops areordered to New England, I sent a copyof it to Col. Wood and requested animmediate execution of the order. Thismotive and the apprehension that Imight be interrupted in a junction with

Gen. Wayne have induced meparticularly to attend to our re-union,an event that was indispensable to giveus a possibility to protect some part orother of this state. I was until latelyignorant of your orders, that the newContinentals and militia under Baronde Steuben be united with this part ofyour army, and the Baron intendedshortly to march to the southward.When united to Gen. Wayne 1 shall bebetter able to command my ownmovements and those of the othertroops in this state. Had this expectedjunction taken place sooner, matterswould have been very different.

The enemy must have five hundred

men mounted and their Cavalryincreases daily. It is impossible in thiscountry to take horses out of their way,and the neglect of the inhabitants,dispersion of houses, and robberies ofnegroes, (should even the mostvigorous measures have been taken bythe Civil authority) would have yet putmany horses into their hands. Underthis cloud of light troops it is difficultto reconnoitre as well as counteract anyrapid movements they choose to make.I have the honor to be with greatrespect, &c.

TO GENERAL GREENE,

(ORIGINAL.)

Allen's Creek, 22 miles fromRichmond, Jane 18th, 1781.

SIR, The enemy's position at Cooke'sford enabled them either to return toJames River or to gain our northerncommunication. The arms and otherprecious stores arriving fromPhiladelphia, the importance of ajunction with Gen. Wayne, and otherstrong reasons mentioned in my last,made it my first object to check thefurther progress of Lord Cornwallis.Some stores at the forks of James Riverwere under the care of the major

general, the Baron de Steuben, who hadfive hundred regulars of the Virginianew levies, and some militia.

Col. Tarlton's legion having pressed forCharlottesville, where the Assemblywere sitting, was disappointed in hispurpose by proper information beinggiven them. One hundred and fiftyarms, however, and a small quantity ofpowder fell into the enemy's hands.

A detachment under Col. Simcoe saidto be four hundred dragoons andmounted infantry, proceeded to thepoint of Fork, of which the Baron deSteuben received notice. Both his menand stores were transported to the

south branch when the Baron marchedto Etaunton River. Simcoe threw over afew men which destroyed what storeshad been left. He hazarded a great deal,but our loss was inconsiderable.

In the meantime the British army wasmoving to the point of Fork, withintention to strike our magazines atAlbermarle old Court House. Ourforce was not equal to their defence,and a delay of our junction would haveanswered the views of the enemy. Buton the arrival of the Pennsylvanians wemade forced marches towards JamesRiver, and on our gaining the SouthAnna we found Lord Cornwallisencamped some miles below the point

of Fork. A stolen march through adifficult road gave us a position uponMichunk Creek, between the enemyand our magazines, where, agreeable toappointment, we were joined by a bodyof riflemen. The next day LordCornwallis retired towards Richmond(where he now is) and was followed byour small army.

I have directed General Steuben toreturn this way and a junction will beformed as soon as his distance permits.

With the highest regard, &c., &c.

P. S. The following is an extract of aletter just now received from James

Barron, Commodore, dated Warwick, 9miles from Hampton, June 17th, 1781,

"At five o'clock this afternoonanchored in the road from sea, 35 sailof the enemies' vessels; viz: 24 ships, 10brigs and one schooner, which I take tobe the fleet that sailed from hence 13days ago. Only 4 appear to have troopson board."

TO GENERAL GREENE.

(ORIGINAL.)

Mr. Tyter's plantation, 20 miles from

Williamsburg, 27th June, 1781.

SIR, My letter of the 18th, informedyou of the enemy's retrogrademovement to Richmond, where theyhad made a stop. Our loss at the pointof Fork chiefly consisted of old armsout of repair and some cannon, mostof which have been since recovered.

On the 18th the British Army movedtowards us with design as I apprehendto strike at a detached corpscommanded by Gen. Muhlenberg,upon this the light Infantry andPennsylvanians marched under Gen.Wayne when the enemy retired intotown. The day following I was joined

by Gen. Steuben's troops, and on thenight of the 20th Richmond wasevacuated. Having followed the enemyour light parties fell in with them nearNew Kent Court House, the army wasstill at a distance and Lord Cornwalliscontinued his route towardsWilliamsburg; his rear and right flankwere covered by a large corpscommanded by Col. Simcoe. I pushedforward a detachment under Col.Butler, but notwithstanding a fatiguingmarch the colonel reports that he couldnot have overtaken them, had notMajor McPherson mounted 50 lightinfantry behind an equal number ofdragoons, which coming up with theenemy charged them within six miles

of Williamsburg; such of the advancecorps as could arrive to their support,composed of riflemen under MajorCall and Major Willis began a smartaction. Inclosed is the return of ourloss. That of the enemy is about 60killed and 100 wounded, includingseveral officers, a disproportion whichthe skill of our riflemen easily explains.I am under great obligations to Col.Butler and the officers and men of thedetachment for their ardor in thepursuit and their conduct in the action.Gen. Wayne who had marched to thesupport of Butler, sent down sometroops under Major Hamilton. Thewhole British army came out to saveSimcoe, and on the arrival of our army

upon this ground returned toWinsburg. The post they occupy atpresent is strong and under protectionof their shipping, but upwards of onehundred miles from the point of Fork.

I had the honor to communicate thesemovements to the executive of the statethat the seat of government might beagain re-established in the capital. LordCornwallis has received a reinforcementfrom Portsmouth.

With the greatest respect I have thehonor to be.

TO GENERAL GREENE.

(ORIGINAL.)

Ambler's Plantation, oppositeJamestown, 8 July, 1781.

SIR, On the 4th inst. the enemyevacuated Williamsburg where somestores fell into our hands, and retired tothis place under the cannon of theirshipping. Next morning we advancedto Bird's tavern, and a part of the armytook post at Norrel's mill about ninemiles from the British camp.

The 6th I detached an advanced corpsunder Gen. Wayne with a view of

reconnoitering the enemy's situation.Their light parties being drawn in thepickets which lay close to theirencampment were gallantly attacked bysome riflemen whose skill wasemployed to great effect.

Having ascertained that LordCornwallis had sent off his baggageunder a proper escort and posted hisarmy in an opened field fortified by theshipping, I returned to the detachmentwhich I found more generally engaged.A piece of cannon had been attemptedby the van guard under Major Galvanwhose conduct deserves high applause.Upon this the whole British army cameout and advanced to the thin wood

occupied by General Wayne. His corpschiefly composed of Pennsylvaniansand some light infantry did not exceedeight hundred men with three fieldpieces. But notwithstanding theirnumbers, at sight of the British thetroops ran to the rencontre. A shortskirmish ensued with a close, warm,and well directed firing, but as theenemy's right and left of course greatlyoutflanked ours, I sent General Wayneorders to retire half a mile to whereCol. Vose's and Col. Barber's lightinfantry battalions had arrived by arapid move, and where I directed themto form. In this position they remainedtill some hours in the night. The militiaunder Gen. Lawson had been

advanced, and the continentals were atNorrel's mill when the enemy retreatedduring the night to James Island, whichthey also evacuated, crossing over to thesouth side of the river. Their ground atthis place and the island weresuccessively occupied by GeneralMuhlenberg. Many valuable horseswere left on their retreat.

From every account the enemy's losshas been very great and much painstaken to conceal it. Their light infantry,the brigade of guards and two Britishregiments formed the first line, theremainder of the army the second; thecavalry were drawn up but did notcharge.

By the inclosed return you will see whatpart of Gen. Wayne's detachmentsuffered most. The services rendered bythe officers make me happy to thinkthat altho' many were wounded we lostnone. Most of the field officers hadtheir horses killed, and the sameaccident to every horse of two fieldpieces made it impossible to movethem, unless men had been sacrificed.But it is enough for the glory of Gen.Wayne and the officers and men hecommanded to have attacked the wholeBritish army with a reconnoiteringparty only, close to their encampment,and by this severe skirmish hastenedtheir retreat over the river.

Col. Bowyer of the riflemen is aprisoner.

I have the honor to be, &e,


(ORIGINAL.)

Mrs. Ruffin's, August 20th, 1781.

MY DEAR GENERAL Independentof the answer to your letter of the15th, I have been very particular in asecond letter intrusted to Col. Moriss.

But at this moment wish to send youminuted and repeated accounts ofevery thing that passes in this quarter.

The enemy have evacuated their forts atTroy, Kemp's Landing, Great Bridge,and Portsmouth. Their vessels withtroops and baggage went round toYork. Some cannon have been leftspiked up at Portsmouth; but I havenot yet received proper returns.

I have got some intelligences by theway of this servant I have oncementioned. A very sensible fellow waswith him, and from him as well asdeserters, I hear that they beginfortifying at York. They are even

working by a windmill at which place Iunderstand they will make a fort and abattery for the defence of the river. Ihave no doubt but that something willbe done on the land side. The works atGloster are finished; they consist ofsome redoubts across Gloster creek anda battery of 18 pieces beating the river.

The enemy have 60 sails of vessels intoYork river, the largest a 50 gun ship andtwo 36 frigates. About seven otherarmed vessels, the remainder aretransports, some of them still loadedand a part of them very small vessels. Itappears they have in that numbermerchantmen, some of whom areDutch prizes. The men of war are very

thinly manned. On board the othervessels there are almost no sailors.

The British army had been sickly atPortsmouth, the air of York begins torefit them. The whole cavalry havecrossed on the Gloster side yesterdayevening, a movement of which I gaverepeated accounts to the militia there;but the light infantry and main body ofthe militia are at this place, Gen. Wayneon the road to Westover, and we mayform our junction in one day. I keepparties upon the enemy's lines. Theworks at Portsmouth are levelling. Themoment I can get returns and plans lwill send them to your Excellency. Theevacuation of a post fortified with

much care and great expense willconvince the people abroad that theenemy cannot hold two places at once.The Maryland troops were to have setout on Monday last. There is in thisquarter an immense want of clothingof every sort, arms, ammunition,hospital stores, and horseaccoutrements. Should a maritimesuperiority be expected, I wouldpropose to have all those matterscarried from Philadelphia to the headof Elk.

The numbers of the British army fit forduty I at least would estimate at 4500,rank and file. Their sailors I cannotjudge but by intelligences of the

number of vessels. In a word this partaffords the greatest number of regularsand the only active army to attack,which having had no place of defencemust be less calculated for it than anygarrison either at New York or inCarolina.

With the highest respect and mostsincere affection, &c.


(ORIGINAL.)

Holt's Forge, September the 1st, 1781.

MY DEAR GENERAL. I am happy toinform your Excellency that Count deGrasse's fleet is safely arrived in thisbay; it consists of 28 ships of the linewith several frigates and convoys aconsiderable body of troops underMarquis de St. Simon. Previous to theirarrival such positions had been takenby our army as to prevent the enemy'sretreating towards Carolina.

In consequence of your Excellency'sorders I had the honor to open acorrespondence with the FrenchGenerals, and measures have beentaken for a junction of our troops.

Lord Cornwallis is still on York riverand is fortifying himself in a strongposition.

With the highest respect I have thehonor to be,~[1]

Footnote:

1. See answer of Washington, Sparks'sWrit. of Wash. v. 8. p. 156.


(ORIGINAL.)

Camp Williamsburg, Sept. 8th, 1781.

MY DEAR GENERAL. Your letter ofthe 2d September is just come to hand.Mine of yesterday mentioned that theships in York river had gone down.Inclosed is the account of anengagement off the capes. Whatdisposition has been made for theinternal protection of the bay, I do notknow. James river is still guarded, butwe have not as yet received any letterfrom Count de Grasse relative to hislast movements. I hasten tocommunicate them as your Excellencywill probably think it safer to keep thetroops at the Head of Elks until Countde Grasse returns. Indeed, unless the

greatest part of your force is broughthere, a small addition can do but littlemore than we do effect. LordCornwallis will in a little time renderhimself very respectable.

I ardently wish your whole army maybe soon brought down to operate.

We will make it our business toreconnoitre the enemy's works and giveyou on your arrival the best descriptionof it that is in our power. I expect thegovernor this evening and will againurge the necessity of providing whatyou have recommended.

By a deserter from York I hear that two

British frigates followed the Frenchfleet and returned after they had seenthem out of the capes. A spy says thattwo schooners supposed to be Frenchhave been seen coming up York river,but we have nothing so certain as toinsure your voyage, tho' it is probableCount de Grasse will soon return.

I beg leave to request, my dear General,in your answer to the Marquis de St.Simon you will express your admirationat this celerity of their landing and yoursense of their cheerfulness insubmitting to the difficulties of thefirst moments. Indeed I would behappy something might also be said toCongress on the subject.

Your approbation of my conductemboldens me to request that Gen.Lincoln will of course take commandof the American part of your army; thedivision I will have under him may becomposed of the troops which havegone through the fatigues and dangersof the Virginia campaign; this will bethe greatest reward of the services Imay have rendered, as I confess I havethe strongest attachment to thesetroops.

With the highest respect I have thehonor to be,~[1]

Footnote:

1. See Letter of Washington, Sparks'sWrit. of Wash. v. 8. p. 157. A plan ofoperations in Virginia at p. 158.


(ORIGINAL.)

Williamsburg, 10 Sept. 1781.

MY DEAR GENERAL, Gourion isjust arrived, he says you may be on yourway. We hasten to send to thecommanding naval officer in the bay.Hitherto I had no way to write to you

by water, but Count de Grasse being atsea we request the officer he has left tohave every precaution taken for thesafety of navigation. It is probable theyare taken, but I would have been toouneasy had I not added this measure tothose that have been probably adopted.

I wrote several letters to you; thesurprising speedy landing of theFrench troops under the Marquis de St.Simon; our junction at Williamsburg;the unremitted ardor of the enemy infortifying at York; the sailing of Countde Grasse in pursuit of 16 sail of theline, of the British fleet, were the mostprincipal objects. I added we were shortof flour, might provide cattle enough. I

took the liberty to advise James River asthe best to land in, the particular spotreferred to a more particularexamination, the result of which weshall send tomorrow.

Excuse the haste that I am in, but theidea of your being in a cutter leaves meonly the time to add that I am, &c.


(ORIGINAL.)

Camp before York, September 30th,1781.

My Dear General You have been sooften pleased to ask I would give myopinion on any subject that may occur,that I will this day take the liberty tomention a few articles.

I am far from laughing at the idea ofthe enemy's making a retreat. It is notvery probable, but it is not impossible,indeed they have no other way toescape; and since we cannot get ships atYork I would be still more afraid of aretreat by West Point than any thingelse. The French hussars remaininghere, our dragoons and some infantrymight be stationed somewhere nearWest Point, rather on the north side. I

see the service is much done by details,and to use your permission would takethe liberty to observe that when thesiege is once begun it might be moreagreeable to the officers and men toserve as much as possible by wholebattalions. Col. Scamel is taken: hisabsence I had accounted for by hisbeing officer of the day. I am very sorrywe lose a valuable officer, but tho' Col.Scamel's being officer of the day hasbeen a reason for his going in front, Ithink it would be well to prevent theofficers under the rank of generals orfield officers reconnoitering for thesafety of their commands fromadvancing so near the enemy's lines.

There is a great disproportion betweenHuntington's and Hamilton'sbattalions. Now that Scamel is taken wemight have them made equal and putthe eldest of the two LieutenantColonels upon the right of the brigade.

I have these past days wished for anopportunity to speak with yourExcellency on Count de Grasse'sdemand relative to Mr. de Barrass'sfleet. This business being soon done,we may think of Charleston, at least ofthe harbor or of Savannah. I have longand seriously thought of this matterbut would not be in a hurry to mentionit until we knew how long this will last.However it might be possible to give

Count de Grasse an early hint of it incase you agree with him upon thewinterly departure of the whole fleetfor the West Indies. One of my reasonsto wish troops (tho' not in greatnumber) to be sent to Glocester countyby way of West Point is that for thefirst days it will embarrass anymovement of the enemy up the river orup the country on either side, andwhen it is in Glocester county it may bethought advantageous by a respectableregular force to prevent the enemy'sincreasing their works there and givingus the trouble of a second operation,and in the same time it will keep fromYork a part of the British forces.

With the highest respect and mostsincere affection I have the honor to be,&c.~[1]

Footnote:

1. For a "Plan of the Siege ofYorktown," see Spark's Writ. of Wash.v.8. p. 186.


(ORIGINAL.)

November 29th, 1781

MY DEAR GENERAL, Inclosed youwill find some numbers, a copy ofwhich I have kept, and which containssome names that may probably occur inour correspondence. I need not tellyou, my dear General, that I will behappy in giving you every intelligencein my power and reminding you of themost affectionate friend you can everhave.

The goodness you had to take uponyourself the communicating to theVirginia army the approbation ofCongress appears much better to methan my writing to the scattered part ofthe body I had the honor to command.Give me leave, my dear General, to

recall to your memory the peculiarsituation of the troops who beingalready in Virginia were deprived of themonth's pay given to the others. Shouldit be possible to do something for themit would give me great satisfaction.

I will have the honor to write to youfrom Boston, my dear General, andwould be very sorry to think this is mylast letter. Accept however once morethe homage of the respect and of theaffection that render me for ever

LAFAYETTE.

* * * * *

APPENDIX I.

A SUMMARY OF THE CAMPAIGNOF 1781,

TO SERVE AS EXPLANATION TOTHE MAP.

After the combat of MM. Destouchesand Arbuthnot, the project onPortsmouth was abandoned: theFrench sailed for Rhode Island; themilitia were dismissed, the regulartroops proceeded to the north. Arnoldwas afterwards reinforced by Major-general Phillips, and the conquest ofVirginia became the true object of theEnglish during this campaign. The

allied army, under the GeneralsWashington and Rochambeau,proceeded towards New York; that ofGeneral Greene attacked the postswhich had been left in Carolina, bothabout five hundred miles fromRichmond: Major-general the Marquisde Lafayette was charged withdefending Virginia.

April and May. From preparations madeat Portsmouth, he conceives that thecapital was the proposed aim; a forcedmarch of his corps from Baltimore toRichmond, about two hundred miles;he arrives in the evening of the 29th ofApril; the enemy had reached Osborn;the small corps of militia assemble in

the night at Richmond; the nextmorning the enemy at Manchester,seeing themselves forestalled, re-embarkat Bermuda Hundred, and re-descendJames River.

The Americans at Bottom's Bridge, adetached corps in Williamsburg;General Phillips receives an aviso, andre-ascends the river, landing atBrandon; second reinforcement fromNew York; Lord Cornwallis, who wasreported to have embarked atCharlestown, advances through NorthCarolina.

The Americans at Osborn, to establisha communication on James and

Appomattox, are forestalled by themarch of Phillips to Petersburg, the10th, at Wilton; the 18th, canonadingand reconnoitring, on Petersburg,which, by assembling on one point, thehostile parties permit a convoy to fileoff for Carolina; the 20th, atRichmond; junction of LordCornwallis with the troops ofPetersburg; the great disproportion ofthe American corps, the impossibilityof commanding the navigable rivers,and the necessity of keeping theimportant side of James River, do notallow any opposition.

Having sent a portion of the troops toPortsmouth, Lieutenant-general Lord

Cornwallis selected for himself anarmy of about five thousand men,three hundred dragoons, and threehundred light horsemen; crosses toWestover. The Americans had onlyabout three thousand men, formed ofone thousand two hundred regulars,fifty dragoons, and two thousandmilitia. All the important forces hadevacuated Richmond; our troops atWintson's Bridge; a rapid march of thetwo corps, the enemies to engage anaction, the Americans to avoid it, andretain the heights of the country withthe communication of Philadelphia,which is equally necessary to our armyand to the existence of that ofCarolina.

June. The magazines of Fredericksburgare evacuated; the Americans atMattapony Church; the enemy atChesterfield Tavern; heavy rains, whichwill render the Rapid Ann impassable;Lord Cornwallis marches to engage thefront; our troops hasten their march,and repair to Racoon Ford, to awaitGeneral Wayne, with a regular corps ofPennsylvanians.

Despairing of being able to engage inaction, or cut off the communicationbetween Wayne and Philadelphia, LordCornwallis changes his ownpurpose,and endeavours to defeat thatof the Americans; he suddenly directs

his movements against the greatmagazines of Albemarle Court House;a detachment of dragoons strives tocarry off the Assembly of State atCharlottesville, but does notaccomplish this end; anotherdetachment bore upon Point-of-Fork,where General Steuben formed six orseven hundred recruits; he evacuatedthat point, and thought he ought toretire in the direction of Carolina; someobjects of slight importance aredestroyed. The passage of the RapidAnn was necessary, to avoid beingembarrassed by Lord Cornwallis; thecommunication with Philadelphia wasindispensable. It was impossible tohope, even by fighting, to prevent the

destruction of the magazines beforethe junction with the Pennsylvanians.Lafayette takes, therefore, the resolutionof waiting for them, and, as soon asthey arrive, regains the enemy withforced marches.

The 12th, the Americans at Boswell'sTavern; Lord Cornwallis has reachedElk Island. The common road, which itis necessary for him to cross to placehimself above the enemy, passes at thehead of Bird's Creek; Lord Cornwalliscarries thither, his advance-guard, andexpects to fall upon our rear; theAmericans repair, during the night, aroad but little known, and, concealingtheir march, take a position at

Mechunck Creek, where, according tothe orders given, they are joined by sixhundred mountaineers. The Englishgeneral, seeing the magazines covered,retires to Richmond, and is followed byour army.

Various manoeuvres of the two armies;the Americans are rejoined by GeneralSteuben, with his recruits; their forcethen consists of two thousand regulars,and three thousand two hundredmilitia. Lord Cornwallis thinks he mustevacuate Richmond; the 20th, theMarquis de Lafayette follows him, andretains a posture of defence, seeking tomanoeuvre, and avoiding a battle. Theenemy retires on Williamsburg, six

miles from that town; their rear-guard isattacked in an advantageous manner byour advanced corps under ColonelButler. Station taken by the Americansat one march from Williamsburg.

July. Various movements, which end bythe evacuation of Williamsburg; theenemy at Jamestown. Our armyadvances upon them; the 6th, a sharpconflict between the hostile army andour advance-guard under GeneralWayne, in front of Green Spring: twopieces of cannon remain in their hands;but their progress is arrested by areinforcement of light infantry; thesame night they retire upon JamesIsland, afterwards to Cobham, on the

other side of James River, and fromthence to their works at Portsmouth.

Colonel Tarleton is detached intoAmelia County; the generals Morganand Wayne march to cut him off; heabandons his project, burns hiswagons, and retires with precipitation.The enemy remaining in Portsmouth,the American army takes a healthystation upon Malvan Hill, and reposesafter all its labour.

August. The Americans refusing todescend in front of Portsmouth, aportion of the English army embarksand proceeds by water to Yorktownand Gloucester. General Lafayette takes

a position at the Fork of Pamunkeyand Mattapony River, having adetached corps upon both sides ofYork River. The Pennsylvanians andsome new levies receive orders toremain on James River, and think themselves intended for Carolina. Anassembly of militia on Moratie orRoanoke River; the fords and roadssouth of James River destroyed onvarious pretence; movements to occupythe attention of the enemy. As in theevent prepared by Lafayette, the meansof escape would remain to the garrisonof Portsmouth, Lafayette threatenedthat point. General O'Hara thinks heought to nail up thirty pieces ofcannon, and join the largest part of the

army. The whole was scarcely united,when the Count de Grasse appears atthe entrance of Chesapeak Bay. GeneralWayne crosses the river, and placeshimself in such a manner as to arrestthe enemy's march, if he shouldattempt to retreat towards Carolina.The French admiral is waited for atCape Henry by an aide-de-camp ofLafayette, to report to him therespective situations of the land troops,and ask him to make the necessarymovements to cut off all retreat to theenemy. He anchors at Cape Henry,sends three vessels to York River, andfills James River with frigates; theMarquis de Saint Simon, with threethousand men, lands at James Island or

Jamestown.

September. The river thus defended,General Wayne receives the order tocross it; the Marquis de Lafayettemarches upon Williamsburg, andassembles together, in a good position,the combined troops, to the number ofseven thousand three hundred men. Hehad left one thousand rive hundredmilitia in the county of Gloucester, andsends to hasten some troops comingfrom the north. This station, whichcloses all retreat to Lord Cornwallis,(our advance posts nine miles fromYork,) is retained from the 4th to the28th of September. Lord Cornwallisreconnoitres the position of Lafayette,

and despairs of forcing it.

The 6th September, the Count deGrasse, quitting the defended rivers,goes out with the remainder of hisfleet, pursues Admiral Hood, who hadpresented himself, beats him, and sinksthe Terror; he takes the Iris and Richmondfrigates; the 13th, he joins, in the bay,the squadron of M. de Barras, whichhad sailed from Rhode Island, witheight hundred men and the Frenchartillery: the fleet of the Count deGrasse consists, at this period, of thirtyeight ships of the line.

Admiral de Grasse and General SaintSimon, commanders of the French

under Lafayette, urge him to attackLord Cornwallis and offer him areinforcement from the ship garrisons.He prefers acting on more securegrounds, and waiting for the troopsfrom the north. General Washingtonsucceeded in reality, in completelydeceiving General Clinton as to hisintentions; he was advancing towardsVirginia with an American detachment,and the army of the Count deRochambeau embarked at the head ofthe Chesapeak; they proceeded upontransports, to Williamsburg. The 28th,they march upon New York, and thecombined army commences investingit; the 29th, reconnoitring the place; the30th, the enemy evacuates the advance

posts, and retires into the works ofYork.

October. The 1st, a new reconnoitre; the3rd, a skirmish between the legion ofthe Duke of Lauzun and that ofTarleton, in which the former gainedthe advantage. That legion and eighthundred men from the ships under M.de Choisy, had joined the militia atGloucester. The night of the 6th, thetrenches were opened; that of the 11th,the second parallel. The night of the14th, the redoubts of the enemy's leftwere taken, sword in hand, the one bythe grenadiers and French lighthorsemen, the other by the lightinfantrymen of the Americans. The

first directed by the Baron de Viomenil,a field-marshal; the 2nd by the Marquisde Lafayette. The morning of the 17th,Lord Cornwallis asked to capitulate;that same evening the firing ceased. TheEnglish Army, reduced to eightthousand men, comprising 900 militiagave themselves as prisoners of war.

* * * * *

APPENDIX II


Havre, 18th July, 1779.

SIR, You ask me for some ideasrespecting an expedition to America. Asit is not a fixed plan which you require,nor a memorial addressed in form tothe ministry, it will be the more easy tocomply with your wishes.

The state of America, and the newmeasures which the British appear to beadopting, render this expedition morethan ever necessary. Deserted coasts,ruined ports, commerce checked,fortified posts whence expeditions aresent, all seem to call for our assistance,both by sea and land. The smallesteffort made now, would have moreeffect on the people than a great

diversion at a more distant period; butbesides the gratitude of the Americans,and particularly of the oppressed states,a body of troops would insure us agreat superiority on that continent. Inshort, sir, without entering into tediousdetails, you know that my opinions onthis point have never varied, and myknowledge of this country convincesme, that such an expedition, if wellconducted, would not only succeed inAmerica, but would be of very essentialservice to our own country.

Besides the advantage of gaining theaffection of the Americans, and that ofconcluding a good peace, Franceshould seek to curtail the means of

approaching vengeance. On thisaccount it is extremely important totake Halifax; but as we should requireforeign aid, this enterprise must bepreceded by services rendered todifferent parts of the continent; weshould then receive assistance, and,under pretext of invading Canada, weshould endeavour to seize Halifax, themagazine and bulwark of the Britishnavy in the new world.

Well aware that a proposition on a largescale would not be acceded to, I willdiminish, as much as possible, thenecessary number of troops. I will sayfour thousand men, a thousand ofthem to be grenadiers and chasseurs; to

whom I will add two hundreddragoons and one hundred hussars,with the requisite artillery. The infantryshould be divided into full battalions,commanded by lieutenant-colonels. Ifcommissions of higher rank should bedesired for the older officers, you areaware that the minister of marine has itin his power to bestow such, as whenthe expedition returns to Europe, willhave no value in the land service. Wewant officers who can deny themselves,live frugally, abstain from all airs,especially a quick, peremptory manner,and who can relinquish, for one year,the pleasures of Paris. Consequently weought to have few colonels andcourtiers, whose habits are in no

respect American.

I would ask, then, for four thousandthree hundred men, and, as I am notwriting to the ministry, allow me, forgreater ease in speaking, to supposemyself for a moment the commanderof this detachment. You are sufficientlyacquainted with my principles to knowthat I shall not court the choice of theking. Although I have commanded,with some success, a larger body oftroops, and I frankly confess I feelmyself capable of leading them, yet myintention is not to put forth my ownclaims; but to answer for the actions ofa stranger would be a folly, and as,setting talents apart, it is on the political

conduct of the leader, the confidenceof the people and of the Americanarmy, that half the success mustdepend, I am obliged, reluctantly, to setforth a character that I know, in orderto establish my reasonings upon somebasis.

Leaving this digression, I come to theembarkation of these four thousandthree hundred men. As the coasts ofNormandy and Brittany have beenmuch harassed, I should proposesailing from the Island of Aix; troopsand provisions might be obtained inthe vicinity. The ports between Lorientand the channel would furnishtransport vessels.~[1]

Lorient has some merchant ships of apretty large burthen. The caracks of thechannel are still larger, and these vesselshave, moreover, guns of large calibre,which may be of use, either in battle, orin silencing batteries onshore; besides,they might be ready in a very short time.I would embark the soldiers, a man toevery two tons, and would admit thedragoons, with their cavalry equipageonly. There are many details I wouldgive if the project be decided upon, butwould be superfluous to mention here.After the experience of Countd'Estaing, who found himselfstraitened with biscuit for four months,and flour for two, I would take the

latter, adding biscuit for six months,which would make in all eight months'provision for the marine and thetroops. As to our escort, that must bedecided upon by the marine; but ourtransports being armed vessels, threeships of the line, one of fifty guns forthe rivers, three frigates and two cutters,would appear to me to be more thansufficient. As the expedition isespecially a naval one, the commanderof the squadron should be a man ofsuperior abilities; his character, hispatriotism, are important points. I havenever seen M. de Guichen, but thereports I have heard of his worth andmodesty prepossess me strongly in hisfavour. Being then at the Island of Aix

with our detachment, and the squadronthat is to transport it, the next questionis how to act, and our movements mustdepend entirely upon circumstances.According to the first project, we wereto sail by the first of September, and bythe second to remain here until the lastof January;~[2] it might, however, bepossible to sail in October. This evenappears to me better than remaininguntil the close of January; but thedifferent operations are included in theother plan. The enemy's fleet is to bereinforced, and, as we are assured thatfour or five weeks' preparation will besufficient for the transports and thetroops, there is nothing unreasonable informing our projects for this autumn,

and even for the month of September.

The advantages of commencing ouroperations in that month would be,first, to deprive the enemy of RhodeIsland; secure to ourselves, till spring, afine island and harbour, and have it inour power to open the campaign whenwe please. Secondly, to establish oursuperiority in America before thewinter negotiations. Thirdly, if peaceshould be desired, to place animportant post in our side of thebalance. Fourthly, in case the enemyshould have extended their forces overany one of the states, to drive themaway with the more ease, as we shouldtake them by surprise.

A few days before our departure, andnot sooner (to prevent theconsequences of an indiscretion), threecorvettes should be despatched toAmerica, with letters to M. de Luzerne,to congress, and to GeneralWashington. We might write that theking, desiring to serve his allies, andagreeably to the requests of Dr.Franklin, intends sending some vesselsto America, and, with them, a body ofland forces; and that, if congress is inwant of their assistance, they willwillingly lend their aid to GeneralWashington, but otherwise they willproceed to the Islands: This form willbe perfectly appropriate. On any part, I

would write, in my capacity of anAmerican officer, more detailed lettersto congress, and to GeneralWashington. To the latter I would say,confidentially, that we have almost acarte blanche, and unfold my plans, andrequest him to make the necessarypreparations. It should be reported atour departure that we are destined as agarrison to one of the Antilles, whilethe troops of these islands act on theoffensive, and that, in the summer, weshall be ordered to attempt a revolutionin Canada.

The squadron sailing before the 10thof September, would arrive at SandyHook, off the coast of Jersey, early in

November, one of the finest monthsof the year in independent America.Our fleet would then seem to threatenNew York, and we should find, on ourarrival, pilots for different destinations,and the necessary signals and countersigns.~[3] If Rhode Island should bethe proper point of attack, of which Ihave no doubt, we would steersouthward towards evening, and,putting about during the night, land atBlock Island, and lay siege to Newport.

There are some continental troops, whomight reach Bristol in a day. There aremilitia at Tivertown, who might also bemustered. Greenwich having also abody of troops, must have flat-

bottomed boats; those at Sledge Ferrywould be sent down. All these weshould find on the spot. To escape theinconveniences experienced the lastyear, the naval commander should send,without a moment's delay, two frigates,to occupy the eastern channel, andforce the middle one, a thing of triflingdanger. The vessels found there shouldbe destroyed; and as the enemy usuallyleave at Conanicut Island a body offrom six to fifteen hundred men, wemight easily seize it, and make our landrendezvous there. If the wind shouldbe favourable, the vessels might returnthe same night, or the end of thesquadron might join them; all thesemanoeuvres, however, will depend on

circumstances. Thus much is certain,that the same wind which brings us toland will enable us to make ourselvesmasters of the eastern channel, so as toassist the Americans at Bristol andTivertown, and, if possible, to securethe middle channel; at all events,however, it is easy to effect a landing inthe manner I describe.~[4]

Newport is strongly fortified on theside towards the land, but all the shorethat is behind the town offers greatfacilities for landing; it is, besides, tooextensive to admit of being defendedby batteries. There the French troopsmight easily disembark, and, reaching atday-break the heights which command

the town and the enemy's lines, mightseize their outworks and storm allbefore there, protected, if necessary, bythe fire of the ships. The enemy,scattered and confounded by these falseattacks on both sides of the island,would suppose that the system of thepast year was re-adopted. The bolderthis manoeuvre appears, the moreconfident we may be of its success.

You are aware, moreover, that in war alldepends on the moment; the details ofthe attack would be quickly decided onthe spot. I need only say here, that mythorough knowledge of the islandleads me to think that, with the abovementioned number of troops, and a

very slender co- operation on the partof America, I might pledge myself togain possession of the island in a fewdays.~[5]

As soon as we are in possession of theisland, we must write to the state ofRhode Island, offering to resign theplace to the national troops. Unless thestate should prefer waiting for theopinion of General Washington, ouroffer would be accepted, and weshould be invited to establish ourselvesthere during the winter. The batteriesupon Goat Island, Brenton's Point andConanicut Island, would render thepassage of the harbour the more secureto us, particularly with the aid of our

vessels, as the British are not strongenough to attack us there, and wouldnever attempt it in an unfavourableseason. We should be supported by thecountry, and although it is said to bedifficult to procure provisions, I shouldendeavour to preserve our naval stores,and should obtain more resources thanthe American army itself.

The same letter that announces tocongress our success in Rhode Island,of which, as far as calculations may berelied on, there is little doubt, shouldalso mention our proposed voyage tothe West Indies, and inquire whether,our assistance is further needed. Theirreply would open to new fields of

service, and, with their consent, wewould leave the sick in a hospital atGreenwich, and the batteries mannedby the militia, and proceed to Virginia.It might be hoped, withoutpresumption, that James River Point, ifstill occupied, would yield to the unitedefforts of our troops and those of theVirginians. The bay of Chesapeakwould then be free, and that state mightbend its whole force against its westernfrontiers.~[6]

It is impossible to estimate here theposts which the British occupy inAmerica. Georgia and Carolina appearto need our assistance, and the preciseoperation against Rhode Island must

be decided on the spot; but to give ageneral idea, it is sufficient to say thatthe months of December and Januaryshould be employed at the south. Asthe English are obliged to station someof their vessels, frigates, merchantships, or transports, in each of theirports, they would amount in the wholeto a considerable loss.

In the month of February we wouldreturn to Newport, where we mightemploy ourselves in interchanges withNew York; and the French sailors,exchanged for soldiers, might be sentunder a flag of truce to M. d'Orvillers.Political interests might be treated ofwith congress, and the commander of

the detachment go to Philadelphia tomake arrangements with the ministerplenipotentiary for the next campaign,and to lay some proposals beforecongress and General Washington. Ishould propose sending for deputiesfrom the different savage nations,making them presents, endeavouring togain them over from the side of theEnglish, and to revive in their heartsthat ancient love of the French nationwhich, at some future day, it may beimportant for us to possess.

It is needless to say here, that if weshould wait until the month ofOctober, the season would be too faradvanced to think of Rhode Island,

but the southern operations would beequally practicable, and their successmore certain, as we should take theenemy by surprise.

In that case, instead of proceeding toNewport, we should winter at Boston,where we should be well received, andprovided with every accommodation.We could open the campaign when wepleased, and might make preparationsbeforehand for a great expeditionagainst Rhode Island, procuring, at thesame time, from the inhabitants of theports of the north of Boston, andespecially that of Marble Head, all theinformation they may have acquiredabout Halifax.

But let us suppose ourselvesestablished at Newport. The campaignopens by the close of April, and theBritish will be in no haste to quit NewYork. The fear of leaving himselfunprotected on our side will preventhis executing any design against theforts on the North River. It may evenbe in our power to assist GeneralWashington in making an attack onNew York. Count d'Estaing, before hisdeparture, thought that he haddiscovered the possibility of a passagethrough the Sound. This question Ileave to naval officers; but, withoutbeing one myself, I know that LongIsland might be captured, the troops

driven off, and, whilst GeneralWashington made a diversion on hisside, batteries might be erected thatwould greatly annoy the garrison ofNew York. At all events, preparationsshould be made to act against Halifaxin the month of June. With the claimswhich the other expedition would giveus, I will pledge myself that we shouldbe assisted in this by the Americans. Icould find at Boston, and in thenorthern parts, trust-worthy personswho could go to Halifax for us, andprocure all the necessary information;the town of Marble Head, in particular,would furnish us with excellent pilots.The inhabitants of the north of NewHampshire and Cascobay should be

assembled under the command of theirgeneral, Stark, who gained the victory atBennington, ready to march, ifcircumstances require it, by the route ofAnnapolis. The country is said to beinhabited by subjects ill affected toBritish government; ~[7] some of themhave entered into a correspondencewith the Americans, and have givenassurances that they will form a party inour favour.

With regard to ourselves, I suppose thatwe sail the 1st of June, and that we areaccompanied by some continentalfrigates, and such private vessels asmight be collected in Boston. Congresswould undoubtedly furnish us with as

many troops as we should require, andthose very brigades which latelybelonged to my division, and whosesole object at present is to keep theenemy at Rhode Island in check, havingno longer any employment, would beable to join us without impairing themain army. They would come the morewillingly, as the greater part of theregiments belonging to the northernpart of New England would be averseto crossing the Hudson River, andwould prefer a service moreadvantageous to their own country.~[8]We should find at Boston cannon andmortars. Others, if necessary, might besent from Springfield, and the corps ofAmerican artillery is tolerably good.

The enemy would suspect our designsthe less, as their ideas run wholly uponan invasion of Canada; the movementsof the militia in the north would beconsidered as a plan for uniting with usat Sorel, near the River St. Francis, aswe ascended the St. Lawrence: thisopinion, which, with a little address,might be strengthened, would awakenapprehensions and excite disturbancesat Quebec;~[9] and if a vessel of warshould by chance be at Halifax readyfor sea, they would probably despatch itto the threatened colony.

I have never seen the town of Halifax,but those persons who, before the war,

were in the English service, and hadspent most of the time in garrison,inform me that the great point is, toforce to the right and left the passageof George's Island, and that a landingmight be effected without difficulty,either on the side towards the easternbattery, in order to seize that batteryand Fort Sackville, or, which appears tobe a shorter way, on the side towardsthe town. The northern suburb, wherethe magazines are, is but slightlydefended. The basin, where vessels arerepaired, might also be secured. Severalofficers, worthy of confidence, haveassured me, that Halifax is built in theform as of an amphitheatre; that all thehouses might be cannonaded by the

vessels that had forced the passage, andin that case, the town would compel thegarrison to surrender. As the troopsmight destroy all the works on theshore, and the vessels of war easilycarry the batteries on the islands, I amwell persuaded, and the accounts of allwho have been there convince me stillmore, that Halifax would be unable towithstand the united power of ourforces and those of America.~[10]

The idea of a revolution in Canada isgratifying to all good Frenchmen; andif political considerations condemn it,you will perceive that this is to be doneonly by suppressing every impulse offeeling. The advantages and

disadvantages of this scheme demand afull discussion, into which I will not atpresent enter. Is it better to leave in theneighbourhood of the Americans anEnglish colony, the constant source offear and jealousy, or to free ouroppressed brethren, recover the furtrade, our intercourse with the Indians,and the profit of our ancientestablishments, with out the expensesand losses formerly attending themShall we throw into the balance of thenew world a fourteenth state, whichwould be always attached to us, andwhich, by its situation, would give us asuperiority in the troubles that may, atsome future day, agitate AmericaOpinions are very much divided on

this topic. I know yours, and my own isnot unknown to you; I do not,therefore, dwell on it, and consider it inno other light than as a means ofdeceiving and embarrassing the enemy.If, however, it should at any time bebrought under consideration, it wouldbe necessary to prepare the peoplebeforehand; and the knowledge whichI was obliged to obtain when a wholearmy was about to enter that countryhas enabled me to form some idea ofthe means of succeeding there But toreturn to Nova Scotia: part of theAmerican troops, who will accompanyus, and such of the inhabitants as takeup arms in our favour, might be leftthere as a garrison. It would be easy to

destroy or take possession of theEnglish establishments on the banks ofNewfoundland, and after thismovement we should direct our courseaccording to circumstances. Supposingthat we could return to Boston orRhode Island during the month ofSeptember, and that New York had notyet been taken, we might still beenabled to assist General Washington.Otherwise St. Augustine, the Bermudas,or some other favourable points ofattack, might engage our attention; onthe other hand, if we should beordered home, we might reach Francein three weeks or a month from thebanks of Newfoundland, and alarmthe coasts of Ireland on our way.

If the September plan, which combinesall advantages, appears too near at hand,if it were decided even not to send usin October, it would be necessary todelay our departure until the end ofJanuary. In this case, as in the former,we should be preceded fifteen daysonly by corvettes; we should pass themonth of April in the south, attackRhode Island to May, and arrive atHalifax the last of June. But you areaware that the autumn is, on manyaccounts, the most favourable time forour departure; at all events, you will notaccuse me of favouring this opinionfrom interested motives, as a winter atBoston or Newport is far from

equivalent to one spent at Paris.~[11]

These views, in obedience to yourrequest, I have the honour to submit toyour judgment; I do not affect to givethem the form of a regular plan, butyou will weigh the different schemesaccording to circumstances. I trust thatyou will receive these remarks with thegreater indulgence, as my Americanpapers, those respecting Halifaxexcepted, are at Paris, and, consequently,almost all my references are made frommemory; beside, I did not wish toannoy you with details too long for aletter, and if you are desirous toconverse more freely on the subject, theimpossibility of leaving the port of

Havre, at present, will allow me time tospend three days at Versailles.

I am thoroughly convinced, and Icannot, without violating myconscience, forbear repeating, that it ishighly important for us to send a bodyto America. If the United States shouldobject to it, I think it is our duty toremove their objections, and even tosuggest reasons for it. But on this headyou will be anticipated, and Dr.Franklin is only waiting a favorableoccasion to make the propositions.Even if the operations of the presentcampaign, with the efforts of Countd'Estaing or some other fortunateaccident should have given affairs a

favorable turn, there will be a sufficientfield for us, and one alone of the,proposed advantages would repay thetrouble of sending the detachment.

A very important point, and one onwhich I feel obliged to lay the greateststress, is the necessity of perfect andinviolable secrecy. It is unnecessary totrust any person, and even the menwho are most actively employed infitting out the detachment and thevessel need not be informed of theprecise intentions of government. Atfarthest, the secret should be confidedto the naval commander, and to theleader of the land forces, and not evento them before the last moment.

It will certainly be said that the Frenchwill be coldly received in that country,and regarded with a jealous eye in theirarmy. I cannot deny that the Americansare difficult to be dealt with, especiallyby the Frenchmen; but if I wereintrusted with the business, or if thecommander chosen by the king, actswith tolerable judgment, I wouldpledge my life that all difficulties wouldbe avoided, and that the French troopswould be cordially received.

For my own part, you know mysentiments, and you will never doubtthat my first interest is to serve mycountry. I hope, for the sake of the

public good, that you will send troopsto America. I shall be considered tooyoung, I presume, to take thecommand, but I shall surely beemployed. If, in the arrangement ofthis plan, any one, to whom mysentiments are less known than toyourself, in proposing for me either thecommand or some inferiorcommission, should assign as a reason,that I should thereby be induced toserve my country with more zeal eitherin council or in action, I took theliberty (putting aside the minister ofthe king) to request M. de Vergennes tocome forward as my friend, and torefuse, in my name, favors bestowedfrom motives so inconsistent with my

character.


LAFAYETTE.

Footnotes:

1. I hear that you have, at Lorient, threevessels of the India company, of fortyguns and eight hundred tons. Thesecaracks, if I recollect rightly, are fifty-gun ships, of nine hundred and sixtytons all number of vessels would besufficient; they might soon be got ready,and their force would diminish therequired escort. As for frigates, you willfind in readiness, at Lorient, the

Alliance, the Pallas, and others. However,if you are determined to employ thevessels which are fitted out, in theexpedition against England, it would benecessary to take ours from St. Malo inpreference. (Note from M. de Lafayette.)

2. Virginia and Carolina would be thescene of our operations during themonths of December and January, andwe should pass the remainder of thewinter at Boston. I greatly prefer thisproject to waiting until the last ofJanuary.

3. To deceive the enemy, pilots might beassembled from different parts, underpretence of sending them to the

Islands, at the request of the French.This business, as well as thepreparations and signals, might beentrusted to a lieutenant-colonel of theroyal corps of engineers, an officer ofgreat merit at the head of the Americancorps of engineers, who, under coverof working to the fortifications of theDelaware, might remain near SandyHook.

4. The frigates or vessels necessary toprotect the landing, either real orpretended, of the Americans, shouldanchor in those channels. The enemywould then be obliged either todisperse among the forts, and therebyto weaken their lines, or else to leave

the field open to the Americans, who,by a diversion upon the lines, wouldforce the enemy to have them fullymanned, and prevent them attending totheir rear.

5. It is necessary, however, to considerall the unfortunate contingencies thatmay occur. If the expedition to RhodeIsland should be prevented, or if itshould not succeed, or if nothing canbe attempted at New York, we oughtthen to proceed on our expeditionsagainst Virginia, or Georgia, orCarolina, and winter afterwards atBoston, leaving Rhode Island to thenext season, as proposed in our plan ofsailing in the month of October.

6. If the capture of the Bermudas, orsome expedition of the kind, should beconsidered necessary, the rest of thewinter might be employed in carrying itinto effect.

7. The last time I was at Boston, I sawthere a respectable man, a member ofthe council in Nova Scotia, who hadsecretly entered into the service ofGeneral Gates, and who assured us ofthe favourable disposition of theinhabitants.

8. General Gates, who is popular inNew England, and perfectly acquaintedwith Halifax, has often proposed to

make an expedition, in concert, againstthat town, with French and Americantroops combined.

9. In the present harassed state of theEnglish, I doubt if they will have inport any vessel capable of joining thesquadron.

10. I have not made any allowance forthe diversion in the north, of which,however, I feel certain, and if thetroops should not go to Annapolis,would, at least, compel a part of theBritish garrison, and such of theinhabitants as adhered to the royalparty, to remain in the fort.

11. Fifteen hundred or two thousandselect troops thrown into Americamight aid General Washington, andenable him to act on the offensive, bysupplying him with good heads to hiscolumns, and by uniting the Frenchwith an American division forcombined operations. This plan wouldbe of some use, but it appeared to methat you wished for one offering resultsof greater importance.

THE END

Lafayette ---- Memoirs, Correspondence and Manuscripts of General Lafayette

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