LABOUR MIGRATION Migration Study.pdf · 2016-03-11 · LABOUR MIGRATION IN GHANA: AN ANALYSIS OF...

LABOUR MIGRATIONIN GHANA:

AN ANALYSIS OF EMIGRATION, RETURN MIGRATION AND

REINTEGRATION

Dr. Kennedy Atong Achakoma Deputy Head of Education & Training Department, TUC

Deputy Principal of the Ghana Labour College

Franklin Owusu Ansah Head of the Research and Policy Department of the

Health Service Workers Union of TUC

Phyllis AgyemangEastern Regional Secretary of TUC

A B B R E V I AT I O N S

ADHA

CEDAW

CMW

CPP

DAIA

ECOWAS

FES

GCIM

GIS

IML

IOM

MAFE

NGO

OHCHR

TUC

UK

UN

UN DESA

UNDP

UNESCO

UNITAR

Additional Duty Hour Allowance

Committee on the Elimination of DiscriminationAgainst Women

Committee on Migrant Workers

Convention People’s Party

Deprived Area Incentive Allowance

Economic Community of West African States

Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung

Global Commission on International Migration

Ghana Immigration Service

International Migration Law

International Organisation for Migration

Migration Between Africa and Europe

Non-Governmental Organisation

Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights

Trades Union Congress

United Kingdom

United Nations

United Nations Department Of Economic and Social Affairs

United Nations Development Programme

United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organisation

United Nations Institute for Training and Research

List of tablesList of figures and boxes

About the AuthorsExecutive summary

CHAPTER ONE: BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY 1.0 Introduction1.1 Objectives of the study1.2 Methodology

CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW2.0 Introduction2.1 Labour migration2.2 Labour migration in Ghana2.3 Return migration2.4 Consequences of labour migration2.5 Governance of migration: Legal and institutional frame works2.6 The international labour organisation (ILO) 2.7 International organisation for migration (IOM)

CHAPTER THREE: FINDINGS FROM THE HOUSEHOLD SURVEY3.0 Introduction3.1 Profile of respondents3.2 Household income adequacy, access to social security and children education3.3 Households’ perspectives (views) on salaries, working and socio economic conditions in and outside the country3.4 Migration3.5 Emigration and remittances3.6 Return migration and reintegration3.7 Intentions for emigration and re-emigration3.8 Migration information seeking and knowledge of recruitment agencies

CHAPTER FOUR: SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS4.0 Introduction4.1 Summary and conclutions4.2 Recommendations

REFERENCES / BIBLIOGRAPHY

ANNEXES

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C O N T E N T S

T A B L E S

Table 1.1 List of international labour conventions and

recommendations referred to in the ILO

multilateral framework on labour migration

Table 1.2 Distribution of sample households by region

Table 2.1 International migration statistics by nationality:

Departure

Table 2.2 Brain drain of health workers.1999-2004

Table 3.1 Geographical distribution of respondents by

region and locality

Table 3.2 Distribution of socio-demographic

characteristics of respondents

Table 3.3 Respondents level of education by sex, locality

and age group

Table 3.4 Respondent educational attainment by

employment/activity status

Table 3.5 Employment or activity status of respondents

by gender, age and locality

Table 3.6 Respondents household total monthly

incomeby gender, locality and employment

status

Table 3.7 Respondents access and subscription to social

security by sex and locality

4

9

21

23

48

50

52

53

55

57

61

i

Table 3.8 Assessment of conditions of service for

workers in the country by sex and locality

Table 3.9 Type of inadequate/bad working conditions in

the country by gender and locality…

Table 3.10 Perception of the socio-economic development

of the country by gender and locality

Table 3.11 Respondents perception of some basic security

issues in industrialised countries

Table 3.12 Magnitude of migration to other countries by

sex and locality

Table 3.13 Emigrants destinations and mode of migration

Table 3.14 Reasons for respondents family members

migration

Table 3.15 Migration decisions and means or facilitation

of migration by sex and locality

Table 3.16 16 information about migrants stay abroad

Table 3.17 Information about migrants working and living

conditions abroad

Table 3.18 8 evaluation of migrants situation abroad

Table 3.19 Frequency of remitting by forms of remittance

Table 3.20 Main channels for remittance transfer used by

migrants

67

68

70

71

74

76

77

78

80

81

82

86

88

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Table 3.21 Intentions to return and reasons for return

Table 3.22 Return migration

Table 3.23 Situation of wages and working conditions in

host country before return

Table 3.24 Return migration and reintegration challenges

Table 3.25 Prospective migrants intended countries of

destination

Table 3.26 Amount of fees prospective migrants are

prepared to pay for recruitment services

90

92

93

95

106

110

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F I G U R E S & B O X E S

Figure 1: Agreement with assertion that income is enough

to secure livelihood of family by locality and sex

Figure 2: Types of schools respondents kids attend by sex

and locality

Figure 3: Respondents income sources for paying fees of

kids in private schools by sex and locality

Figure 4: Agreement to the assertion that salaries in the

country are adequate for workers(by locality and

sex)

Figure 5: Frequency of remmittance sending by migrants

to rural-urban households

Figure 6: Agreeement to the assertion that migrants will

return if better job would be found in Ghana

Figure 7: Kind of conditions returnees faced while working

abroad by frequency

Figure 8: Agreement to the assertion that returnees have

missed life in foreign country

Figure 9: Agreement to the assertion that migrants

returned on their own will

Figure 10: Frequency of prospects migrants’ intention never

to return even if good jobs are created in ghana

Box 1: Stories of Labour Migrants (Positiveand Negative

Experiences) in Ghana

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62

26

56

86

90

94

96

97

106

33

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A N N E X E S

Annex 1.1

Annex 1.2

Annex 2.1

Annex 2.2

Annex 3.1

Annex 4

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129

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142

v

Dr. Kennedy Atong Achakoma

Kennedy Atong Achakoma is presently the Deputy Head of Education

& Training Department, TUC as well as the Deputy Principal of the

Ghana Labour College. He has been with the trade union movement

for the past 10 years. He is also an adjunct Lecturer in Trade Union

Management; Labour Economics; Theories of Labour & Work

Organizations; and Employment, the Labour Market & Working

Conditions in Ghana at the Institute for Development Studies of the

University of Cape Coast. Achakoma is an Economist and holds a

PhD in Migration Studies from the University of Ghana.

He is a specialist in workers education and capacity building. He also

has expertise and interest in labour migration issues, active labour

market policies, how monetary policy measures affect capital market

growth and general development issues.

Franklin Owusu Ansah

Franklin Owusu Ansah (MA. LPG, MA. HRD, BA. Hons. Econs) is the

Head of the Research and Policy Department of the Health Service

Workers Union of TUC, Ghana for 10 years. He has been part of

number of campaigns both international and at the national level

on migrants and quality health care. He is a Writer, a Negotiator and

also an Industrial Relations practioner. He is also the contact person

ABOUT THE AUTHORS

v i

for the union for the Trade Union Ebola Response Strategy of PSI and

its affiliates. Franklin’s voice is often heard on the platform of the

Global Forum for Migration and Development and the UN High Level

Dialogue on Migration. He is a founding and a Board member of the

Pan African Network in Defense of Migrants Rights.

Phyllis Agyemang

Phyllis Agyemang is the current Eastern Regional Secretary of the

TUC. She joined the TUC in the year 2011 as an officer with the

International Affairs Department of the TUC and was later reassigned

in April 2013 to the Education and Training Department of the TUC.

Her interests are in the areas of labour migration, industrial relations

and collective bargaining. Phyllis holds a Post Graduate Certificate in

Labour Policy Studies from the University of Cape Coast.

v i i

LABOUR MIGRATION IN GHANA: AN ANALYSIS OF EMIGRATION, RETURN MIGRATION AND REINTEGRATION

The migration of people, either within countries or across

international borders, dates back to the creation of mankind. Indeed,

the international migration of people has become a key part of the

globalizing world. There is an estimated 232 million migrant workers

currently around the globe.

Migration is linked to the world of work and the quest for decent

work opportunities. It is also a response to the widening global

inequalities, especially between developed and developing countries.

More than ever before, climate change, conflicts, demographic

shifts and income inequalities have inspired and will continue to

inspire people and their families to migrate in search of security and

employment. For migrant workers in particular, many move out of

genuine, free and informed choice, while others are compelled to

do so under environmental challenges, violence, poverty and lack of

decent work.

Migration today is not only driven by many complex factors, but

its scale, scope and trend has grown. The challenges migrants

faced have also become complex, either abroad or upon return.

For instance the traditional south–north migration is giving way to

south-south migration. There is also inadequate regular migration

opportunities and support systems, thus making many migrants to

resort to irregular channels and the use of exploitative recruitment

agencies. Countries and other stakeholders have to be become more

v i i i

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

and more aware of the need to map out innovative strategies for

addressing migration issues at both source and host areas and the

overall governance of migration.

The core responsibility of every government, especially those in

developing countries including Ghana, is to ensure adequate

protection for their citizens especially migrants. This is because

majority of migrants are vulnerable and emanate from developing

countries. Recognizing the fact that, migration can be a positive factor

in development and poverty reduction, the FES-TUC migration report

focus on emigration, return migration and reintegration experiences,

situation and challenges of Ghanaians, using data collected in 2013

from 2,831 households across the 10 Regions of Ghana. The report

gave unprecedented insights into the experiences of emigrants

abroad as well as provides evidence of return and reintegration

challenges of migrants. It also highlights the lack of comprehensive

policy to guide and manage labour migration in Ghana. The report

also outlined specific recommendations for government, unions and

other stakeholders. The key messages of the report are summarized

below.

The most compelling reasons for most of the emigrants are for

employment and further studies abroad. This is in line with most

households’ perception that salaries and working conditions in

Ghana are not adequate as well as the fact that the socio-economic

development of the country is at risk (e.g inadequate incomes

and lack of social security). The report also finds that, the usual

destinations are countries in Europe and the USA with a few in other

African countries and Asia. Most of the migrants abroad were equally

challenged with high cost of living, hard work and bad conditions of

i x


service. Despite the challenges faced, majority had indicated they are

better than before, have jobs are adequate with their educational

and professional background and in higher positions.

For return migrants, the issues of family reunion, retirement and jobs

were the driving forces for return. There was a general approval by

households that migrants will return if better jobs would be found in

Ghana. These tie in with the revelation that, before migrants return,

most had faced the problem of low wages and bad conditions

including lack of employment, verbal abuses at work among others.

Interestingly, most people expressed their intention to emigrate given

the opportunity with over 50 percent willing to migrate to other

African countries with strong economies.

There was also evidence of reintegration challenges at home as there

are integration challenges abroad, an indication that the protection

of migrants is a responsibility for both source and destination

governance. The major difficulties returnees confront had to do

with impediments in setting up own business, fully reintegrating

with family or community and difficulties at work places. This might

have in a way motivated respondents’ consideration to re-emigrate

or emigrate but, as indicated by the report, largely the prospect of

finding better job opportunities and appropriate course of study were

key with only a few ready to venture come what may. As would be

expected, prospective emigrants’ destinations are not any different

from the destinations of migrants abroad.

The issue of seeking information on regulations and use of recruitment

agencies to migrate was also examined in the report. Majority of the

prospective migrants have indicated they would seek information

x

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY / FOREWORD

on regulations before migrating. Though, it may be a reflection of

the knowledge gap on legal processes, but it would be to avoid the

irregular migration and its risks. There is however a good knowledge

with regards to recruitment agencies in the country even though

most did not believe the agencies and their activities is regulated by

the state given the plethora of complaints by clients. High recruitment

fees, bad services and unfulfilled promises (including jobs that fall

short of workers’ qualifications).

These findings are presented as a contribution on the debate on the

situation and policies as well as what stakeholders in Ghana can do

to improve the protection of migrant workers so as to maximize the

development outcomes of migration. It is relevant to underline the

fact that the only way to ensure decent migration is to create the

right strategies and policies at home to ensure migration remains a

choice and not a necessity. Giving that migration is a multifaceted

issue, the special role of social dialogue and major actors in the

migration management and governance is key. The findings of the

report suggest that the governance of migration is not sustainable

without putting in place right policies and institutions.

In order to promote migration for development, it is our hope the

report recommendations will be guided by a comprehensive policy

and practical strategies by all.

x i

MIGRATION STUDY IN GHANA: AN ANALYSIS OF EMIGRATION, RETURN MIGRATION AND REINTEGRATION

1.0 Introduction The mobility of people dates back to the creation of human beings.

“Throughout human history migration has been a courageous

expression of the individual’s will to overcome adversity and to live a

better life” (UN, 2006, p. 5). Each year millions of women and men

leave their homes and cross national borders in search of greater

security for themselves and their families. While many migrants are

motivated by the search for higher wages and better opportunities as

well as responding to the demand for their skills abroad, many others

are forced to migrate because of famine, natural disasters, violent

conflicts, persecution or simply a lack of decent work in their home

country. The Global Commission on International Migration (GCIM)

describes the driving forces in international migration in terms of

“3Ds”: development, demography and democracy (GCIM, 2005).

Widening inequalities in income, wealth, human rights and security

across countries serve as both push and pull factors towards

1

BACKGROUNDTO THE STUDY

CHAPTER ONE

migration. For instance, if the wage gap is too wide between

countries, people would be pushed to migrate from the low wage to

the high wage areas in search of better wages. Migration in search

of work has increasingly become a planned way of earning a living

for both women and men because of the lack of opportunities for

full employment, and the lack of decent work in many developing

countries. At the same time, the following act as strong pull factors:

the increase of skill-intensive economic sectors; increased demand

for skilled workers; reluctance of local workers to accept certain low-

skilled jobs; and population trends such as decrease in population

and the ageing population in major developed destination countries.

A growing number of nations are involved with migration as countries

of origin, destination or transit, or all three. The majority of migrants

move in search of employment, taking their families with them; it

is estimated that there are about 232 million international migrants

(UNPD, 2013) in the world. Almost half of international migrants

are women, most of which are independent migrants, rather than

being family members of migrants. The International Labour Office

estimates show that, economically active migrants will number about

105.4 million by 2010; these and family members accompanying them

will account for almost 90 per cent of total international migrants.

Only about 7–8 per cent of migrants are refugees or asylum seekers,

and some of these persons are employed.

The International Labour Organisation (ILO) approaches migration

from a labour market and decent work point of view, within the

all-embracing supporting structure of its Decent Work for All

Agenda (ILO, 2007a). While international migration can be a positive

experience for migrant workers, many suffer poor working and living

2


BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY

conditions, including low wages, unsafe working environments, a

virtual absence of social protection, denial of freedom of association

and workers’ rights, discrimination and xenophobia1 (ibid). Migrant

integration policies in many destination countries are not favourable.

On the other hand, migrants also do not get the right information

before leaving their countries of origin and thus come in with wrong

expectations and hopes. Despite a real demand for workers, numerous

immigration barriers persist in destination countries. As a result, an

increasing number of migrants are now migrating through irregular

channels, which has understandably been a cause of concern for the

international community.

As large numbers of workers, particularly young people, migrate

to more developed countries where legal avenues for immigration

are limited, many fall prey to gangs of smugglers and traffickers of

human beings, leading to gross violations of human rights. Despite

international standards to protect migrants, their rights as workers

are too often undermined, especially if their status is irregular. The

ILO, as a UN-specialised agency on labour issues, has been dealing

with labour migration since its establishment in 1919. It is the only

UN agency with a constitutional mandate for the “protection of the

interests of workers when employed in countries other than their

own.” Since the 1930s, it has pioneered international conventions

to protect migrant workers and guide migration policy. Table 1.1

below shows the list of International Labour Conventions and

Recommendations referred to in the ILO multilateral framework

(multi-party systems) on Labour Migration.

3

1 Refers to the strong fear or dislike of people from other countries.

Table 1.1: list of international labour conventions and recommendations referred to in the ILO multilateral framework on labour migration

Fundamental conventions Key characteristics

Freedom of Association and Protection of the Right to organise Convention,1948 (No. 87)

Migrants have the right to join or form trade unions.

Right to organise and Collective Bargaining Convention, 1949 (No. 98)

Migrants have the right to bargain collectively

Forced Labour Convention, 1930 (No. 29)

Migrants have the right to work voluntarily

Abolition of Forced Labour Convention, 1957 (No. 105)

No migrant should be forced to work against his/her will

Equal Remuneration Convention, 1951 (No. 100)

Remuneration should be paid equally for both citizens and migrants doing the same job with the same qualification

Discrimination (Employment and Occupation) Convention, 1958 (No. 111)

No discrimination at the work place ‘’for all’’— both migrants and citizens

Minimum Age Convention, 1973 (No. 138)

Migrants should not work below the minimum age

Worst Forms of Child Labour Convention, 1999 (No. 182)

Minor migrants should not be engaged in the worst forms of child labour like, prostitution, mining zones and others

Migrant-specific instruments Key characteristics

Migration for Employment Convention (Revised), 1949 (No. 97)

Migrants have right to work

Migration for Employment Recom-mendation (Revised), 1949 (No. 86)

Migrants should enjoy the same working conditions as citizens

Migrant Workers (Supplementary Provisions) Convention, 1975 (No. 143)

Migrants should have equal opportu-nities at the work place

Source: Compiled from ILO Relevant Conventions

4


Generally, conventions are made to address specific challenges in

labour migration at particular points in time. Key among these is

the Migrant Workers (Supplementary Provisions) Convention, 1975

(No. 143). It provides the guideline for migrants to be given equal

opportunities at the workplace. As labour migration has evolved over

the years, there has been the need to modify old conventions or create

new ones. For instance, at the time the first two Conventions2 were

developed, women migrants were mostly found in the context of

family reunification. This is no longer the case: “Times have changed,

and today more and more women migrate, not to join their partners,

but in search of employment in places where they will be better paid

than in their home country” (ILO, 1999a, p. 244).

There is strong indication that labour is very mobile in many

developing countries, particularly in Africa (Arthur, 1991). The

migratory movement of population in Africa is very vibrant and has

many sides to it. The history of Africa has accounts of various forms of

movement across and within national boundaries promoted by trade,

warfare, pastoralism, slavery, and natural disasters among others

(ibid). West Africa is believed to be the only part of Sub-Saharan

Africa where migration numbers in relation to the total population

have been increasing over the past few decades (de Haas 2007).

In the early 1970s, Nigeria became a major migration receiving country

as a result of the oil boom. Several sectors of the Nigerian economy

were boosted by oil revenues and there was a great increase in the

need for both professionals and low-skilled workers (Yaro, 2005).

5

2 C.97 and C.143


Rising incomes of the urban middle class, mass public investments

and rapid industrialisation attracted a great number of West African

labour migrants (van Hear 1998). Professionals from English-speaking

countries such as Ghana flooded the Nigerian labour market.

New resource frontiers were opened up to increase cocoa production

in the middle belt and western regions of the country which saw free

flowing migration into the country and large in-country migration.

The scale of migration in recent years has greatly increased. In recent

times, movement across national borders within West Africa has

been helped by the ECOWAS Protocol on free movement of good

and services. These movements raise new issues, and eventually

have results, implications and challenges for development in the sub-

region.

In the spirit of pan-Africanism, the Ghanaian and Ivoirian Presidents

opened their borders to immigrants to work and stay (Anarfi &

Kwankye 2003). In Côte d’Ivoire, cocoa and coffee cultivation attracted

large numbers of farm labourers from neighbouring poor regions as

most indigenes sought jobs in urban areas and on plantations (Yaro,

n.d). Mining and cocoa production in Ghana continued to serve as an

attraction for migrants from as far as northern Nigeria.

Early after independence, the migration of labour to centres of

mineral, oil and industrial production became one of the most

important population features of West Africa and the continent as

a whole (ibid). The fairly successful economies of the Ghana-Côte

d’Ivoire migration pole attracted large numbers of internal labour

migrants as well as international migrants from countries such as

Togo and Nigeria (mainly to Ghana), Guinea (mainly to Côte d’Ivoire)

and Burkina Faso, Niger and Mali (to both) (Yaro, 2005).

6


In Ghana, as in other parts of Africa, migration is largely informal

and undocumented, making it impossible to have accurate figures

or data. Despite this lack of accurate data, the writings point to a

long history of movement of population in which migration played

a central role in the livelihood and progress plans of both rural and

urban populations. Ghana’s mining sector was probably the biggest

under British colonial rule in West Africa and offered a number of

opportunities for employment in which local people took little part.

For many decades, in a country where the number of people entering

far surpassed the number leaving, Ghana saw a reversal of migration

trends from the late 1960s with a decline in the economy, as well

as political instability and Ghana became a country of more people

emigrating than entering (Awumbila, et.al, 2008).

Since the last two decades however, new migration trends and effects

have emerged in Ghana with globalisation, shifts in the global political

economy, as well as from the economic and political stabilisation

of the country. These have brought about increasing variety and

complications not only in the country’s internal movement patterns

but also in international movements, thus making Ghana to, at the

same time experience internal migration as well as immigration,

emigration and transit migration both within and outside Africa (ibid).

For many emigrants or immigrants, returning home some time is a

possibility they look forward to and one that sustains them during

their migration period. Links with the home country, even if not

very strong, keep this hope alive. Generally, migrants have several

challenges to deal with - whether while they are away or upon

returning home. Despite this, some will return home and others will

not. While return migration is a major part of migratory pattern, our

knowledge of it is still low, especially in Ghana. This research project

7


seeks to document the ideas of Ghanaians on labour emigration

and their willingness and intention to emigrate. The research also

seeks to investigate the employment and working conditions which

emigrants experience with focus on their integration acceptance

abroad as well as when they return and reintegration acceptance

back into Ghanaian society. Also this report is expected to serve as a

basis for an action programme to be drawn to address any identified

challenges.

Chapter one gives the introductory background to the study, its goals,

reason for the study and systems of methods used. Chapter two looks

at write-ups and information concerning this subject, looking critically

at the ideas and definitions, risks and opportunities for emigrants

and return migrants, receiving and sending countries as well as the

governance of migration at national, regional and international level.

In Chapter three, we present the detailed examinations of findings.

The main findings are summarised in the conclusion in Chapter four.

Finally recommendations for official ways of doing things and actions

are provided in Chapter five.

1.1 Objectives of the studyOn the whole the goal of this research work is to document the views

of emigrants and their households and the experiences of returned

emigrants in Ghana. More specifically, the study focuses on the

following objectives:

(i) To explore the views of returned migrant workers and understand

the challenges they encounter in their field of work in and

outside Ghana.

(ii) To provide necessary information to enable government, trade

unions and other key stakeholders to fashion out effective

8


responses and policies to deal with the challenges migrant

workers face in their work and ensure they enjoy ‘DECENT

WORK.’

(iii) To making recommendations for involvement at various levels

(policy, trade unions and potential migrants).

1.2 Research methodology The Trades Union Congress (TUC) Ghana and Friedrich Ebert Stiftung

(FES) have systematically followed developments and discussions on

migration issues at both national and international levels. The two

institutions have also participated and taken unplanned necessary

initiatives on migration. Given the lack of data on specific issues on

the subject, this joint research was carried out to form the basis for

policy and for concrete actions, especially by the two institutions.

The FES/TUC study is national in character and statistically

representative. Households were randomly selected from all the ten

regions in Ghana (see Table 1.2) and included in the survey if they

answered yes to the question, “Are there members of this household

who live or have lived and worked outside this country?” Hence, only

migrant-sending households were included. The data for this study

was collected and processed from June 2013 to December 2013.

Table 1.2: Distribution of sample households by region

UW UE Northern Volta BA ER Ashanti Central Western Gt.Accra

All

84 126 303 258 282 321 582 267 288 489 3000

In this research, two types of methods were used. First, existing

information on migration was reviewed with focus on international

9


migration and its effects on development both in Ghana and beyond.

Second, we conducted household surveys based on a questionnaire.

Questionnaires were given to household heads and information

was gathered on the features of the household as well as the

characteristics of individual household members including emigrants,

return migrants and non-migrant members. Data on their migration

processes, experiences, situation abroad, remittance practices

(methods of sending money), return and reintegration issues were

collected. Information was also collected from households on their

views of the combination of social and economic (socio-economic)

working conditions and growth prospects of Ghana.

SPSS (version 21) was used for the data processing and analysis. This

was used to create how often things occurred, descriptive statistics

as well as cross tabulations.

1 0


2.0 IntroductionThis chapter of the study seeks to discuss the global situation of

labour migration, evidence of labour migration in Ghana and return

migration, by taking a look at available literature (write-ups) on

the topics. It also discusses the advantages and disadvantages of

migration to countries of origin and destination and again explains

the risks and threats for migrants, based on previous research. The

chapter also thinks carefully about the effects of labour migration

and also gives an overview of Ghanaian laws, ECOWAS laws and

international laws dealing with labour migration. It further discusses

some of the experiences of returned migrant workers in the health

sector of Ghana and lastly, takes a look at local, regional and

international organisations dealing with labour migration.

2.1 Labour migrationThe Oxford Dictionary defines migration as movement of people to a

new area or country to find work or better living conditions. According

1 1

LITERATUREREVIEW

CHAPTER TWO

to the International Organisation for Migration (IOM) glossary on

migration law (Series No.25, 2011), labour migration is the movement

of persons from one state to another, or within their own country

of residence, for the purpose of employment. Labour migration is

addressed by most states in their migration laws. There are various

types of migration. The movement of people to a new home within

a state or country is referred to as internal migration; while migrating

across borders into a different state, country, or continent is called

external/international migration. Emigration and immigration are

two processes of external migration. While emigration simply means

leaving one country to settle in another, immigration is coming

into another country to settle. Return migration is the process of

returning to a country of origin or citizenship after having gone on

international migration, whether short-term or long-term, in another

country, usually with the intention to stay for at least a year.

In this era of globalisation, almost all countries in the world are

involved in migration as either countries of origin, destination, or

transit, or all three. Of the several millions of people living outside

their countries of birth, the ILO estimates that almost 90 per cent are

migrant workers and their families. Estimates3 show that Africans

with at least some tertiary education are more likely to migrate to

Europe. However, education levels apparently have little effect on

the probability of return (ibid). Migration from Africa is selective

on the basis of age and gender, but not consistently across all

countries. In Senegal and Ghana, those aged less than 35 years have

a higher likelihood of migrating to Europe, but this is not true in the

Democratic Republic (DR) of Congo (ibid). In Senegal, men are more

likely to migrate to Europe than women, but there is no significant

1 2

3 MAFE PROJECT Briefing Paper No. 3 January 2013


difference between men and women in Ghana or DR Congo (ibid).

Initial migration is seen to be often affected by the location of

family members, friends and acquaintances, re-affirming previous

research findings about the importance of social networks in helping

movement. Having an adult relative, especially a partner in Europe,

was found to greatly increase the probability of migration. However,

the significance of nuclear family links should not be overstated as

one-quarter of Africans who moved to Europe were single at the

time of their migration (ibid).

The likelihood of return migration among African migrants in Europe

is often linked to the reasons for the migration in the first place. For

example, migrants from Ghana and DR Congo who went to Europe

to study were over five times more likely to return than migrants who

left for other reasons, whereas those who left DR Congo for political

reasons were extremely unlikely to return (ibid).

The fact that migrants retain strong links with their country of origin

is not a sign of them returning any time soon. Indeed, Congolese

and Senegalese migrants who had sent remittances to or visited

their country of origin were found, surprisingly, to be more likely to

delay return. Currently, the migration of labour to mineral centres,

oil and industrial production sites has become one of the most

important population features of West Africa and the continent as

a whole (ibid). The thriving economies of the Ghana-Côte d’Ivoire

migration pole attracted large numbers of internal labour migrants

as well as international migrants from countries such as Togo and

Nigeria (mainly to Ghana), Guinea (mainly to Côte d’Ivoire) and

Burkina Faso, Niger and Mali (to both) (Yaro, 2005). In the principle

of pan-Africanism, the Ghanaian and Ivoirian Presidents opened their

borders to immigrants to work and stay (Anarfi & Kwankye 2003). In

1 3

LITERATURE REVIEW

Côte d’Ivoire, cocoa and coffee cultivation attracted large numbers

of farm labourers from neighbouring poor regions as most indigenes

sought jobs in urban areas and on plantations (Yaro, 2005). Mining

and cocoa production in Ghana continued to serve as a pull factor

for migrants from as far as northern Nigeria. In the early 1970s,

Nigeria became a major migration receiving country as a result of

the oil boom. Several sectors of the Nigerian economy were boosted

by oil revenues and there was a great increase in the need for both

professionals and low-skilled workers (Yaro, 2005). Rising incomes

of the urban middle class, mass public investments and rapid

industrialisation attracted a number of West African labour migrants

(van Hear 1998). Professionals from English-speaking countries such

as Ghana flooded the Nigerian workplace (ibid).

New resource borders were opened up to increase cocoa production

in the middle belt and the western regions which saw unopposed

migration flows into the country and large circular migration within

the country. The measure of migration in recent years has greatly

increased. In recent times movement across national borders within

West Africa has been eased by the ECOWAS Protocol on free

movement and institutions. These movements raise new issues,

and eventually have consequences, implications and challenges for

development in the sub-region (Anarfi & Kwankye 2003).

In Ghana, as in other parts of Africa, migration is largely informal

and unrecorded, making accurate data on the issue extremely

insufficient. Despite this lack of data, the literature points to a long

history of population movement with migration playing a central role

in the livelihood and advancement plans of both rural and urban

populations. Ghana’s mining sector was probably the biggest under

1 4


British colonial rule in West Africa and offered a range of opportunities

for employment in which local people only took a small part. For

many decades, in a country of net immigration where the number of

people entering far exceeded the number leaving, the country saw a

change in migration trends from the late 1960s with a decline in the

economy, and political instability and Ghana became a country of net

emigration (Awumbila, et.al, 2008).

In the past two decades however, new migration changes have arisen

in Ghana with globalisation, shifts in the global political economy, as

well as the economic and political stabilisation of the country. These

have brought about increasing variety of things and complications

not only in internal mobility patterns but also in international

movements, thus making Ghana to at the same time experience

internal migration, immigration, transit migration and emigration

both within and outside Africa (ibid).

2.2 Labour migration in GhanaThere is a long history of migration (both internal and international)

in Ghana (Peil, 1974). What is also certain is that at the beginning,

much of the migration in the 1960s was within the borders of the

country and involved groups and individuals of different ethnic

groups moving into other groups in search of security during the

period of intertribal, civil wars, and for new land safe for settlement

and fertile for farming (Boahen, 1975, Wyllie, 1977;).This came to be

termed as rural-urban, rural-rural and urban-rural migrations during

the post-independence period (Addo 1968, 1971,1981, Caldwell

1968, 1969; De Graft-Johnson, 1974; Arthur 1991; Twumasi-Ankrah

1995; Simon et al., 2004). Many farmers and farm employees moved

internally from their natal regions into other regions (Addae-Mensah,

1 5

LITERATURE REVIEW

1983, 1985; Addo, 1971). From time immemorial as Addae-Mensah

observed, farmers migrated in search of empty land for the cultivation

of both food crops and cash crops. The introduction of cocoa in the

late nineteenth century resulted in never-before-seen migration of

farmers around Ghana (Hill, 1963).

Such migrations led to socio-economic change. According to Addo

(1968), migrants influenced social and economic change by making

their skills available where they were most needed, by bringing

new sense of values and new modes of economic behaviour into

established enterprises, by introducing new skills into the economic

life of the receiving areas, and sometimes by opening up the

possibility of profitable investment in the areas where they lived.

According to Addae-Mensah (1983), migrants’ influenced change

in their destinations. He suggested in the case of farmers in the

Wassa-Amenfi district that, they commanded control over property

especially of large farms of cash crops and other foodstuff in the

area. Other migrants from the Brong-Ahafo, Ashanti, Volta, as well as

Gas, Akwapims and Fantis in the Sefwi area either owned farm lands

bought from the Sefwi chiefs and heads of families or they worked

as share-croppers (Adu, 2005). Apart from these studies, there are a

number of studies (both past and present) that explore North-South

migration in Ghana (Oppong, 1967; Nabila, 1975, Zeng, 1993;

Pellow, 2001; Mensah-Bonsu, 2003; Sulemana, 2003; Kubon, 2004;

Hashim 2005a, 2005b, 2007; Meier, 2005; Kwankye et al, 2007).

In recent times, the studies on the north-south migration situation

in Ghana have shifted to examining the emerging trend of the

youth, particularly young females from the northern parts of Ghana

to the southern cities, particularly Accra and Kumasi to engage in

menial jobs (Whithead and Hashim, 2005, Awumbila and Ardayfio-

1 6


Schandorf, 2008). Most people work because of reasons like paying

for the stuff they need and also to attain a sense of fulfillment that

they are doing something positive, or even just something they enjoy

doing. Despite the more powerful internal migration in the early

period, international migration also occurred, but at a lower level.

While migration out of Ghana involved few people, mostly students

and professionals to the United Kingdom as a result of colonial ties

(Anarfi, et al. 2000; Anarfi, et al. 2003) and other English-speaking

countries such as Canada (Owusu, 2000), migration to Ghana was

visible and clear and its documentation dates back to the pre-colonial

period. Rouch (1954), for instance mentions Wangara migrants in

Ghana in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries while Peil (1974)

also highlights migrant labourers and workers who came into the

country with the development of cocoa farming, mines and railways

in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Peil (1974:368)

also argues for instance that ‘at one period, British boats stopped

regularly on the Kru coast of Liberia to pick up workers for the Gold

Coast harbours and mines’. The result of these was that, in the

case of commerce, traders of foreign origin were well established

in market centres of Ghana’s north and in Kumasi by the beginning

of the colonial era. Sutton (1983) supports Peil’s claim and argues

that, with very little from the north of Ghana and almost none from

the south, much of the labour force in Ghana’s mines in the early

twentieth century were from neighbouring West African countries of

Liberia, Sierra Leone and Nigeria (Beals and Menezes, 1970; Harvey

and Brand, 1974). After its independence, Ghana’s relative wealth

compared to its neighbours continued to attract migrants (Antwi

Boasiako, 2008).

1 7

LITERATURE REVIEW

A rise in employment opportunities, the development of industry

and higher wages, especially in urban areas, made the Ghanaian

economy attractive and therefore persuaded not only rural-urban

migration, but sub-regional migration as well. This migrant-receiving

status was strengthened by Nkrumah’s foreign policy which, among

other things, was aimed at promoting pan-Africanism. This made

Ghana conscious of its role in the independence of the rest of Africa

(Brydon, 1985). According to Brydon, a number of African freedom

fighters and pan-Africanists entered the country, describing it as ‘a

haven’ and ‘Nkrumah’s promulgation [announcement] of a country-

wide policy of universal primary education at that time, earned the

country a reputation as a civilized state’ (Brydon, 1985:569). In the

1960 census for example, immigrants accounted for 12 percent of

the enumerated population. Migrants from other African countries

constituted 98 percent of the foreign-born population (Anarfi, et al.,

2000; 2003). Some sources4 suggest that, by 1969, when many

‘foreigners’ were expelled, Ghana’s foreigner community constituted

about 2 million out of its population of about 8.4 million (cf. Antwi

Boasiako 2008). Clearly, Ghana had assumed the status of a net

immigration country.

Many factors account for the movement of Ghanaians within and

out of the country. Migration literature on Ghana has identified

these at both the internal and international levels. Internally, the

old north-south pattern continues which, according to Black et al

(2006) is fuelled by infertile soils and lack of local services in Ghana’s

northern sector. Accordingly, Mensah-Bonsu (2003) argued that rural

outmigration in northeast Ghana is for employment purposes, and

that, it is dominated by young people. There have also been forced

1 8

4 See http://www.nationsencyclopedia.com/index.html


migrations in Ghana. For instance, Black et al (2006:33) observed

that, from 1994 to 1995, about 100,000 people were estimated to

have been forced out of their homes in northern Ghana as a result

of ethnic conflict. On the international level, Peil (1995) identified

Ghana’s economy and educational system as basic causes of the

large scale emigration of Ghanaians and argued that, the situation in

Ghana offered few opportunities for the then growing population.

But various reasons including employment, education and training

underlie much of Ghanaian emigration to other West African states,

as well as to Europe and North America (Nuro 1999). Moreover, Fosu

(1992) observed that political instability can also be attributed to the

increase in Ghana’s emigration in the late 1970s and early 1980s.

However, the period of large-scale emigration started in the 1970s and

1980s. The Convention People’s Party (CPP) had maintained a liberal

immigration policy given the party and government’s pan-Africanist

political stand and the concern to make Ghana the leader of African

unity (Dzorgbo, 1998). This was cut short by the proclamation of

the Foreigners’ Compliance Order in 1969 which saw the expulsion

of a large number of immigrants in Ghana in the same year. The

order required of all foreigners in the country to be in possession of

residence permit if they did not already have it or to obtain it within

a two-week period.

The order earned the then Busia-led Ghanaian government the

displeasure of some West African governments especially Nigeria,

Togo, Benin, Mali, Niger, Ivory Coast and Burkina Faso whose

nationals were mostly affected by the expulsion. Besides, the 1969

Order also affected Ghana’s image in mainland Africa and the rest of

the world (Dzorgbo 1998:117). It must however be pointed out that,

in West Africa, Ghana was hardly alone in the expulsion of foreigners.

1 9

LITERATURE REVIEW

Adepoju (2005:5) provides examples of some West African countries

which also expelled residents of foreign origin including Ivory Coast

in 1958 and 1964, Senegal in 1967, and Sierra-Leone in 1968 and

Nigeria in 1983 and 1985. These examples show that a number of

West African countries resorted to expulsion as an option for dealing

with immigrants. In the Ghanaian case, the expulsion ‘had a mild

improving effect on the temper of Ghanaians’ and a debatable

economic advantage for Ghana (Brydon, 1985). Indeed, Brydon

interprets the expulsions in Ghana in adverse terms since foreigners

took with them, capital and in addition a large part of the Ghanaian

trading link was destroyed’. Following the Order in 1969, the

economic policies pursued in the 1970s by the National Redemption

Council, the Supreme Military Council (1972-1978) and the frequent

changes in government as well as the non-continuity of policies (see

Addo, 1981), created an economic downturn in Ghana. According

to Dzorgbo (1998:207), the country’s inflation, unemployment

and underemployment figures increased and the national currency

depreciated. There was a general lack of confidence in the Ghanaian

economy.

The result of these was that, for some Ghanaians, the best way to

handle the problem was to emigrate. According to Manuh (2001:

19), migration became the ‘tried and tested strategy’ for dealing with

the ‘deteriorating or worsening economic and social conditions’.

This set the stage for large scale emigration of Ghanaians to African

countries and the world at large which continues till today (see Table

2.1 below). Middle cycle school teachers, doctors, and members of

faculties of universities left their posts for other prosperous African

countries as well as Europe and North America (Dzorgbo 1998).

2 0


Tab

le 2

.1: S

elec

ted

inte

rnat

ion

al m

igra

tio

n s

tati

stic

s b

y co

un

try

of

ori

gin

(se

nd

ing

) &

des

tin

atio

n (

rece

ivin

g)

Reg

ion

/Co

un

try

Sen

din

g (

Emig

ran

ts)

Rec

eivi

ng

(Im

mig

ran

ts)

1990

2000

2010

2013

1990

2000

2010

2013

AFR

ICA

21,1

98,3

3022

,840

,008

28,7

92,7

0130

,923

,050

15,6

30,9

32 1

5 59

1 33

517

125

675

18

644

454

Gha

na38

8,87

249

2,20

068

4,87

671

9,23

6 1

64 8

51 1

91 6

01 3

37 0

17 3

58 8

29

Nig

eria

465,

728

625,

993

944,

418

1,02

9,46

6 4

47 4

11 7

51 1

26 1

111

236

1 2

33 5

92

Côt

e d’

Ivoi

re37

0,05

058

9,38

582

0,75

997

8,25

0 1

816

426

2 3

36 3

62 2

371

722

2 4

46 1

71

Burk

ina

Faso

1,01

9,69

01,

426,

109

1,58

5,28

31,

641,

243

349

657

520

039

673

904

696

983

Libe

ria35

6,51

036

3,92

733

3,69

235

2,25

2 8

0 83

1 1

59 5

86 1

17 0

99 2

25 4

84

Togo

200,

331

282,

835

424,

320

456,

181

162

608

176

172

195

625

202

476

EURO

PE49

,252

,454

50,6

57,7

5555

,792

,235

58,4

98,1

1549

,048

,341

56,2

09,4

2069

,174

,301

72,4

49,9

08

ASI

A57

,686

,616

65,0

02,7

5788

,733

,947

92,6

26,1

3249

,910

,609

50,4

14,6

3967

,781

,526

70,8

46,7

71

LATI

N A

MER

ICA

15,4

20,8

6623

,998

,360

33,2

54,8

0834

,518

,001

6,07

2,76

55,

250,

453

6,72

9,32

07,

140,

817

NO

RTH

AM

ERIC

A2,

897,

462

3,22

1,24

54,

000,

823

4,31

8,34

727

,773

,888

40,3

95,4

3251

,205

,367

53,0

94,8

91

OC

EAN

IA98

6,06

81,

298,

438

1,70

4,64

41,

801,

792

4,66

8,26

25,

402,

146

7,34

9,18

07,

938,

121

GLO

BA

L15

4,16

1,98

417

4,51

5,73

322

0,72

9,30

023

1,52

2,21

515

4,16

1,98

417

4,51

5,73

322

0,72

9,30

023

1,52

2,21

5

Sou

rce

: U

N D

ESA

19

90

-20

13

Da

tab

ase

2 1

LITERATURE REVIEW

Table (2.1) above shows the trends in international migrant stocks

by sending and receiving in some selected regions and countries

including Ghana. Over the period, Ghana has seen more people

leaving (a sending country of migrants) than coming (receiving

migrants). Not only do emigrants form the majority in the migration

flows in Ghana but the outflows and inflows increased and almost

or more than doubled between 1990 and 2013. However, between

1990 and 2013, the annual average rate of change of the migrant

stocks is higher for immigrants (3.3 percent) than emigrants (2.3

percent). For instance, from 2000 to 2010, the rate of increase in

immigrant stock was 7.5 percent and emigrant stock, 3.9 percent in

the country. However, this data must be carefully examined because

it does not indicate the length of stay outside Ghana. In the particular

case of migration of health professionals (see Table 2.2 below), it is

estimated that over half of doctors trained in Ghana have migrated5.

According to Mensah et al (2005), the total number of Ghanaian-

trained doctors registered in the UK doubled from 143 to 293

between 1999 and 2004. In addition, there were 40 new registrations

of Ghanaian nurses in 1998/9, and by 2003/4 an estimated total

number of 1,021 had registered. The great decrease in the number

of health workers emigrating in 2004 may be due to government

moving in to improve the conditions of service of health workers.

These conditions included increases in basic salaries and allowances,

the introduction of the additional duty hour allowance (ADHA) for

health workers in 1998, incentive schemes such as housing and car

loans, study leave with pay, the establishment of the deprived area

incentive allowance (DAIA) and the establishment of the College

2 2

5 See Save the Children’s briefing titled ‘Whose Charity? Africa’s Aid to the NHS’ (2005). Save the Children is an NGO. The briefing is available at www.medact.org


of Physicians and Surgeons to provide and supervise post graduate

medical training in Ghana.

Table 2.2: Brain drain of health workers: 1999-2004

Main Cadres 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 Total

Doctors 72 52 62 105 117 40 448

Pharmacists 49 24 58 84 95 30 340

Allied Health Workers 9 16 14 12 10 8 69

Nurses/Midwives 215 207 235 246 252 82 1237

Source: Ministry of Health, 2005, CF Awumbila, 2007

It is however becoming increasingly clear that socio-cultural and other

non-economic factors are also very important, and that a realistic

explanation of Ghanaian (and indeed African) migration should

be looked at from many disciplinary angles (Achanfuo-Yeboah,

1993). For instance, evidence suggests that Ghanaian international

migration destinations in recent times show a high sense of fashion

and energy. The evidence points to people going to countries in Asia

and the Far East such as China, Malaysia and Dubai. These reflect the

significant importance these countries and regions have attained in

global political and economic affairs.

In the United Kingdom for example, the UK Department of health

has since 1999 developed and gradually strengthened a Code of

Practice for the International Recruitment of Healthcare professionals

(Department of Health 2004) which requires the National Health

Service employers not to actively recruit from developing countries

unless there is a government-to-government agreement. This is to

ensure quality standards and training of these healthcare workers.

2 3

LITERATURE REVIEW

Large-scale emigration of Ghanaians from different sectors in the

economy to African countries and the world at large continues to

date (Manuh, 2001: 19).

The main periods of increase and the spreading abroad of Ghanaians

were between 1990s to the present (Bump 2006.) Ghanaian

emigration has increasingly been outside of the region, since the

decline of Nigeria as a major destination for Ghanaian migrants

in the 1980s. Although the majority of Ghanaian emigrants (66.4

percent) still stay within the region of West Africa, a growing

proportion is migrating to a different number of countries outside

the region (DRC, 2007). According to a 2008 Ministry of Foreign

Affairs estimates, Ghanaian emigrants can be found in more than 33

countries around the world. After West African countries, the most

important countries of destination for Ghanaian emigrants are the

USA (7.3 percent) and the UK (5.9%) (DRC, 2007). Currently, the

trend appears to be the same, even though with more inflows than

outflows. According to the 2010 Population and Housing census,

there were 398,585 immigrants as against 250,624 emigrants (i.e.

1.3 percent of the total population). This must be due largely to the oil

find and possible influx of migrants across the borders from the sub-

region. Of the immigrants, about 86 percent were African nationals

with those from the Economic Community of West Africa States

(ECOWAS) comprising about 68 percent. The main destinations of

the Ghanaian emigrants outside Africa were Europe (38 percent) and

the Americas (24 percent)6 . Majority (close to 26 percent) were also

into other ECOWAS countries7 , while about 10 percent migrated

2 4

6 There were more female emigrants than males emigrants into Europe (39 percent vrs 37 percent) and the Americas (26 percent vrs 22 percent)

7 Cote d’Ivoire is the highest recipient (7.8 percent) and followed by Nigeria (6.8 percent)


to other African countries. This confirms earlier claims that though

majority of Ghanaian emigrants stay within West Africa, a growing

number is migrating to a diverse range of countries outside the

region (see DRC, 2007). Skilled migration from Ghana, especially to

developed countries in the North, has accelerated since the 1990s.

Ghana has one of the highest emigration rates for the highly skilled

(46 percent) in Western Africa (OECD, 2005; Docquier and Marfouk,

2005.)

A sectoral study on migration conducted by the Centre for Migration

Studies of the University of Ghana, Legon, identified the following

as major gaps and challenges confronting policymakers and decision

makers in Ghana: the lack of a comprehensive migration policy,

inadequate information and data on international migration, and the

need for an improved migration management framework.

2.3 Return migrationAccording to the definition offered by the United Nations Statistics

Division for collecting data on international migration (UNSD,

1998), returning migrants are “persons returning to their country of

citizenship after having been international migrants (whether short-

term or long-term) in another country and who are intending to stay

in their own country for at least a year.”

Evidence of return migration of Ghanaian migrants can be traced

to the 1980s. Since the early 1980s when Ghanaian migrants were

expelled from Nigeria, a series of voluntary and involuntary return

migration of Ghanaians have also occurred. For instance, during the

fourteen-year civil war in Liberia, Ghanaians in that country had to

return to Ghana to the care of their relatives in what Dekker (1995)

2 5

LITERATURE REVIEW

described as a ‘forced homecoming’. But home coming of Ghanaians

in the diaspora has not always been by force. For instance, while

Ammassari (2004) explores homecoming from the view point of

nation-building and entrepreneurship, Black et al (2003) approach

homecoming from the view point of small enterprise development in

Ghana and question whether small enterprise development provides

a route for moving out of poverty. Tiemoko (2004) also approaches

homecoming from the social and economic change it appears to

cause. African Americans and people of African descent from the

Caribbean and South America have also migrated to Africa and

Ghana since the eighteenth century (Lake, 1995). Related to this,

Bruner (1996) interpreted the touristic pursuance of black people

from the diaspora to Ghana as the ‘return to motherland Africa’,

specifically to Ghana. But while Lake focuses on those who have

permanently returned from their stay abroad, Bruner looks at those

who continue to reside abroad but are on touristic expedition to what

they describe as their ancestral land. It appears then that homecoming

of Ghanaians abroad has not only been the concern of individual

migrants. Obviously these individuals have played significant roles in

this attempt.

Since the early 1990s however, Ghanaian governments have pursued

different return migration policies with the ultimate objective to

attract skilled Ghanaian nationals abroad. In the 1990s, Emancipation

Day Celebrations were instituted by the Rawlings-led government.

This was part of the government’s solution to help African Americans

and people of African descent, especially from the Caribbean and

South America to return to Africa and to Ghana.

In 2001, a Homecoming Summit was organised by the Kufuor

administration to attract and tap the potential and skills of Ghanaians

2 6


in the diaspora to help the development of the country. As indicated

in Manuh and Asante (2005:298), the objectives of the Summit were

as follows: ‘to develop a process for the renewal of confidence of

Ghanaians living abroad and those at home, to enhance dialogue and

explore opportunities for productive relations between Ghanaians

living abroad and their country, and to identify the means to tap into

the acquired capacities of Ghanaians living abroad for the creation

of the nation’s wealth’. Return migration has also provided an

opportunity for the acquisition of skills, experience and knowledge.

This has resulted in ‘brain gain’ and or ‘brain circulation’. According

to Sjenitzer and Tiemoko (2003), return migration involves the

transfer of skills back to Ghana and job improvement on the part of

return migrants.

Evidence from the 1995 migration survey (Twum-Baah, et al. 1995)

indicates that some return migrants received higher level formal

education abroad — a useful contribution to human capital formation

for the country. Evidence from this study will illustrate clearly the

great number of returned migrants in Ghana and the importance of

documenting their experiences and also help address any challenges

identified.

2.4 Consequences of labour migration There are many arguments and opinions about the advantages

and disadvantages attached to labour emigration and how it has

impacted on both sending countries and receiving or host countries

as well as on the migrants and their families. It is important to state

that, countries (sending or receiving) and migrants may experience

both gains and losses from migration, but the economic effects stand

to vary widely (short-term or long-term). However, the immediate

effects are always on the very people on the move (i.e. migrants).

2 7

LITERATURE REVIEW

Clearly, there are positives as well as risks or threats for international

migrants. For the person who risks going out of his home or for that

matter his country, in search of employment is in a way helping his

family to sustain their livelihood (ways of earning a living) which he/

she may not be able to achieve locally. In the same way, thousands of

people who lack opportunities back home could be fortunate enough

to find major breakthroughs through migration. For instance, many

migrants send large sums of money (remittances) directly to their

families back at home. Those remittances when utilised prudently

by the migrants and their families could even contribute significantly

to national development. Again, beyond the individual migrant or

household, for the broader society, migration can reduce the pressure

on resources (land, water and food), particularly in densely populated

and poor regions. Also, if there are constant ethnic and civil strifes,

migration of certain interest groups in the society serves as a safety

valve. Also, migration of certain population groups in the society

can relieve pressure on labour markets and ease intergenerational

tensions.

Despite the advantages, the risks involved in moving abroad can

be huge. In many host countries, migrant workers are among the

most at-risk groups in the society. They often have no rights, and

suffer under poor working and living conditions (Anarfi J, Kwankye S.

2003). Although international standards for the protection of migrant

workers exist, they are often ignored. In many cases, the debts owed

to recruitment agencies are an additional burden (ibid). Agency cost

for a job abroad can be many times the migrant’s monthly salary.

In many other instances, migrant workers mobility and freedom of

choice are restricted by the retention of their passports and other

2 8


8 Refers to system of relationship binding the migrant employee/worker to the employer (Kafeel or sponsor) and puts too much power in the hands of the employer. This unbalance power in terms of rights and obligations allows the Kafeel to dictate the recruitment process and working conditions.

documents. An example is the Kafala8 system across the Arab Gulf

countries. Women who account for almost half of migrant workers

around the world are the most vulnerable (easily hurt) (Black, R., et

al. 2003).

Furthermore, migrant workers are exposed to the same risks as

other home-based, seasonal agricultural, and construction workers.

However, due to the difficulties in obtaining work and residential

permits in many European countries, many migrant workers work in

the unofficial ‘black’ economy (Dzorgbo, Dan-Bright S. 1998.) The

work of these migrants is undeclared, and therefore they may be

earning low wages and have poor housing and living conditions.

These workers will make no social security contributions, and so

have no social protection, and are often subjected to abuse and

exploitation (ibid.) In some cases the concentration of migrants in

rural areas creates unease in the local population, and even racist or

violent incidents (Docquier, F. and A. Marfouk 2006.)

Beside low wages, employment discrimination and poor living

conditions, frequently they are subject to poorer health and safety

conditions than nationals (Sjenitzer, T. and R. Tiemoko 2003). Migrants

and seasonal workers are usually employed in agriculture to do low-

skilled jobs, and work long hours. In some agricultural sub-sectors,

such as greenhouses, where the health and safety conditions often

can be very poor, migrant workers are the only people employed

(ibid.)

Few agricultural workers receive sufficient safety training, and few are

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LITERATURE REVIEW

protected effectively. Since these people are not familiar with some

technology and their hazards, it makes them even more vulnerable

(ibid.) The seasonal nature of the work and the permanent rotation

of workers, language barriers, poor communication, and different

attitudes to work safety all contribute to worsen work-related

risks (ibid.). Exposure to pesticides and other chemical products is

something common that has been seen to lead to depression,

nervous system disorders, and miscarriages among migrant workers

in some parts of the world (Bump, M. 2006.) The incidence of other

injuries among people working in greenhouses is also high. Muscular

diseases and back pain, dehydration, as well as heart complaints

linked to high temperatures are frequent (ibid).

There are also lots of consequences of labour migration for both

countries of origin and destination. For sending countries, the

immediate benefit of emigration can be found in remittances (money

and goods sent home). The flow of remittances to developing

countries, including Ghana, is very high. According to the World

Bank, remittances totaled $529 billion worldwide in 2012, with $401

billion of that money flowing into developing nations. Such funds

sent home by emigrants, though mainly to support families9 left

behind, can encourage broader economic development. They can

contribute to foreign exchange earnings and thus serve as protection

against economic shocks. In the long term, beside countries being

able to mobilise savings through financial institutions, the human

capital gained by some emigrants could be a brain gain for their

countries of origin.

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9 Remittances provide for households livelihood by being spent on general consumption items, construction of homes, healthcare and education that can promote employment in these areas.


At the same time, sending countries can suffer in several ways.

For instance, they can suffer from brain drain through the loss

of educated and skilled people who emigrate. According to the

International Organisation for Migration (IOM), there are currently

more African scientists and engineers working in the U.S.A than there

are in all of Africa. This brain drain can hinder the development of

the migrants’ homeland (Carrington, W.J. and E. Detragiache (1999).

The problem is particularly severe in the healthcare sector. In the

same way, as indicated by Ammassari (2004), the negative effect on

the production capacity of developing countries due to brain drain

from those countries often results in low capacity development and

increased poverty, among others.

With regard to host countries (mostly developed ones), who are at

the receiving end of the migration process, there are mixed results.

On the positive side, the inflow of migrant workers and job-seekers

can be a development opportunity for these countries. Migrant

labourers are always ready to fill low wage jobs for which there is no/

or unwilling supply of labour locally, they thus provide cheap labour

to host economies. For instance, in Europe which is one region of the

world that attracts the largest number of migrant workers (including

their families) (see Tiemoko, R. 2004.), agriculture is one of the main

sectors employing migrant workers. The reliance on migrant labour

has become a feature of agriculture, especially for seasonal activities

where a large workforce may be needed at short notice and for brief

periods. Furthermore, temporary worker programmes help to address

skills shortages in host countries.

On the other hand, an increase in the number of immigrants can

have significant negative effects on the host countries. One major

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LITERATURE REVIEW

effect of immigrants, especially those from poorer countries with

a low educational background is a burden on the host economy.

This is because such immigrants are more likely to be unemployed

or economically inactive than the domestic population. The taxpayer

may then have to pay for the increased level of government spending.

Also, the inflow of immigrants into an area may increase the

demand for housing and push up the cost of living for all residents.

Moreover, the inflow of new workers will lead to an increase in the

supply of low-skilled workers and therefore drive down the balance

in the wage for domestic low-skilled employees (ibid). In addition,

the constant arrival of workers into the receiving countries if not

checked, will lead to domestic workers being unnecessarily unhappy.

This puts pressure on the available scarce resources and can cause

a rise in unemployment which can have significant effects on the

labour markets of host countries. Migrants may also be exploited

and the increase in population can put pressure on public services.

There may be integration difficulties and friction with local people.

Moreover, for countries of origin there is an economic disadvantage

through the loss of young workers especially, loss of highly-trained

health workers. Lastly, it may create a social problem for children left

behind or growing up without a wider family circle.

To summarise, labour emigration can promote development, but it

can also lower development if not managed properly. On the positive

side, however, the process of labour migration not only benefits

migrants themselves, their families and their home countries, but

also their host countries. Migration leads to the transfer of money,

goods, knowledge and ideas, and helps the workers’ countries of

origin become more closely absorbed into the global economy.

Furthermore, migration means not only going away, but also coming

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back. Thus with the knowledge, capital and international experience

gained, labour migrants can contribute significantly to the growth of

their home countries.

It is clear that emigration or immigration can be beneficial for

migrants, but only if their rights are protected properly. It can also be

economically beneficial for both origin and host countries, however,

with the present economic and trading structures, it is the rich and

powerful countries that benefit the most. Migration brings social

and cultural pressures that need to be taken into account when

planning for future services. Migration also has the potential for

bringing people together culturally but friction occurs if efforts are

not made to make false beliefs held by local people disappear. It is

also essential to provide good information about the local way of life

to newcomers and ensure there are opportunities for people to mix

and fully integrate.

Box 1: Stories of labour migrants (positiveand negative experiences) in Ghana

Experiences of some migrant workers in the health sector in northern part of Ghana

In a recent research undertaken by the Public Services

International (PSI) and the National Working Group on

Migration in Ghana in 2011(Research on migration of health

and social care workers in Ghana, June, 2011) the following

were some of the outcomes based on interviews with some

LITERATURE REVIEW

migrant workers in the Northern part of Ghana. It was

realised that, from the experiences of the migrant workers,

the issue of reintegration into the system of work was a major

challenge to them. With particular reference to the health

sector, it was observed that most of the migrant nurses had

challenges reintegrating into their various health professions.

Key challenges encountered was the failure of the Ghanaian

system to recognise their practical experiences in nursing from

abroad since these practices cannot be measured. Even those

with recognised certificates from abroad go through similar

challenges.

These challenges are conveyed to their counterparts abroad to

discourage them from returning home to offer their services.

A nurse who shared her experience said: “When I was leaving

this country, I was a general nurse. When I travelled abroad,

I obtained a certificate in Midwifery. Upon my return, even

though my certificate from abroad was accepted, I was made

to undertake a refresher course in Midwifery before getting

integrated into the system. I had to bear all the expenses in

taking this course which took me some months to complete.

This was the only way I could prove my practical experience.”

It was also observed that most of these nurses preferred

destinations such as the UK, USA and Canada. These countries

offer them better opportunities to easily upgrade and practise

their profession. Issues with recruitment agents also came out

strongly. These concerned individual agents who deal directly

with these nurses by offering juicy contracts to attract them

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to travel abroad to work. Another issue that came up was

working conditions for nurses in Ghana compared with their

counterparts abroad. Most of these nurses work in health

facilities with limited logistics and other resources to aid in

their work. It was generally observed that most nurses were

ready to offer their services in the country provided that all

the bottlenecks that affect their work delivery are addressed.

2.5 Governance of migration: Legal andinstitutional frameworksGovernance (system of governing) is an essential idea with regard

to migration and human rights. Migration governance can be

understood as the process in which the combined framework

of legal norms and organisational structures regulate and shape

how states and other stakeholders act in response to migration,

addressing rights and responsibilities and promoting cooperation10.

In the realm of international migration, governance (according to

the Global Commission on International Migration-GCIM) comes in

various forms. These include the migration policies and programmes

of individual countries, interstate discussions and agreements,

multilateral consultative processes, the activities of international

organisations, as well as the laws and standards. This section looks at

the legal and supporting rules that govern migration in Ghana. The

section also provides a summary of the regional and international

instruments, ways in which things are done, and institutions that

deal with labour migration.

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10 Adopted from UNHR Migration and human rights, “Improving Human Rights-Based Governance of International Migration”, 2015

LITERATURE REVIEW

2.5.1 Legislative and institutional frameworks on labour migration in GhanaThe management of migration in Ghana can be described as having many sides. In terms of the legal and principle of action at the national level controlling migration, a lot of structures exist. Key among these is the 1992 Constitution which states the rights and freedom of movement for citizens, upon which other laws are based. Other key laws and policies include the Immigration Act, 2000(Act 573), Immigration (Amendment) Act, 2012 (Act 848), Immigration Regulations, 2001 (L.I 1691), the Labour Act, 2003(Act 651), Labour Regulations 2007(L.I1833). There are other Acts and Regulations of Parliament and local government laws that provide some regulation and control of labour migration in Ghana (see Annex 2.1).

The Immigration Act, 2000(Act 573), provides circumstances for the admission, residence, employment and removal of foreign nationals and other related matters. Immigration Act, 2000 (Act 573) Part 11 also controls the employment and residence of foreign nationals in Ghana. The Labour Act, 2003 (Act 651) especially Part (iii) talks about protection of employment and this covers, among other things, the rights and duties of workers (section 10-11). Section 18(1)(d) states that, in case of ending a foreign contract, the employer shall pay the expense and necessities for the worker’s journey and repatriation expenses for the worker and members of his family, in addition to other payments mentioned in section(1) of the Act (any salary earned before the termination which has not been paid and any compensation in respect of sickness or accidents). This Act covers both nationals and non-nationals (migrants). Regulations 2007(L.I1833) contain specific provisions on foreign employment. The Acts and Regulations of Parliament, the 1992 Constitution and

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11 Is to promote the benefits and minimize the costs of internal and international migration through legal means with the rights and security of migrants well respected in order to ensure socio-economic development in Ghana.

various official agreements which have also been included in the local government laws allows for foreign employment.

Migration is managed by several institutions. The key national ones include the National Migration Unit of the Ministry of Interior (MOI), Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Regional Integration (MFARI), Ministry of Employment and Labour Relations (MELR). Other key institutions are the Ghana Immigration Service (GIS), National Development Planning Commission (NDPC), Ghana Statistical Service (GSS) and the National Population Council (NPC). (See Annex 2.2 for a summary of their roles).

One of the most significant steps taken, and a key policy initiative, concerning migration in Ghana is the development of the draft National Migration Policy (NMP). Beyond the draft NMP goal11 , three necessary parts can be drawn from the broad aims, these are; (i) rules governing the migration process, (ii) protecting and empowering migrants and their families and (iii) linking migration and development process. Another very important development of the draft policy is the proposed establishment of a Ghana National Commission on Migration (GNCM) with the authority to handle migration in line with the (policy) official way of doing things. Indeed, the policy when finalised will direct the whole and thorough way of handling migration in Ghana.

2.5.2 Regional processes, instruments and policy frameworks on migrationOutside the national legal and institutional structures, there are several regional or sub-regional legal documents and consultative processes

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LITERATURE REVIEW

that serve as a guide and support to govern migration management

in Ghana. At the sub-regional level, especially ECOWAS12 of which

Ghana is part, several structures exist which Ghana has adopted

to guide migration management. First and foremost, ECOWAS

member States have ‘Common Approach on Migration’ and carry

out their actions within the set of rules of the revised ECOWAS Treaty,

particularly Article 59: ‘Citizens of the community shall have the right

of entry, residence and establishment and Member States undertake

to recognise these rights of Community citizens in their territories

in accordance with the provisions of the Protocols [correct official

behaviour]’. Largely, the ECOWAS Treaty, which was adopted in

1979, provided in Article 27 that ‘Member States shall by agreement

with each other, exempt Community citizens from holding visitors’

visas and residence permits and allow them to work and undertake

commercial and industrial activities within their territories’. Indeed,

the Revised Treaty of 1997 also outlines in Article 3(1) for ‘the

removal, between Member States, of obstacles to the free movement

of persons, goods, services and capital, and to the right of residence

and establishment.’ The above provisions reflect the three-way

approach to the migration policy of ECOWAS protected in the 1979

Protocol on the Free Movement of Persons, Right of Residence and

Establishment.

Currently, one of the most important milestone sub-regional

agreements was the 2008 ECOWAS Common Approach on

Migration adopted at the 33rd Summit of the ECOWAS Heads of

State and Government. This set of ideas provides for the necessary

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12 The ECOWAS stands for Economic Community of West African States, a regional group of fifteen member states, founded in 1975. Its mission is to promote economic integration in “all fields of economic activity, particularly industry, transport, telecommunications, energy, agriculture, natural resources, commerce, monetary and financial questions, social and cultural matters.

policy guidelines for Member States to move beyond migration

control and prevention to migration management and opportunity.

It is important to add that, ECOWAS Member States also obey

other instruments including: The United Nations General Assembly

Resolution No.60/277 on International Migration and Development

of April 7, 2006; the International Convention on the Protection of

the Rights of All Migrant Workers and members of their families which

became effective in July 2003; the political dialogue between the EU

and ACP countries as set out in Articles 8 and 13 of the Cotonou

Agreement of June 2000; the Rabat Action Plan and Declaration of

July 2006; the ECOWAS General Convention on Social Security; the

high level dialogue on migration and development initiated in New

York in September 2006; the Tripoli Declaration of November 2006;

and the 1951 Geneva Convention and its additional protocol of

1967 on the status of refugees.

Ghana also adopted the Lagos Plan of Action for the Economic

Development of Africa (1980-2000) as well as the Final Act of Lagos

(1980) which urged all African Regional Economic Communities

(RECs) to promote regional integration in groups that will eventually

combine to form the single group of African Economic Community

(AEC) by 2028. Indeed, beyond ECOWAS, all RECs recognised by the

African Union (AU) have protocols on the free movement of labour,

goods, services and capital as well as processes towards common

markets and full integration. RECs which have made significant

progress towards integration include: the East African Community

(EAC), Southern Africa Development Community (SADC), and the

Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA).

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LITERATURE REVIEW

2.5.3 International frameworks and institutions on migration Beyond the national and regional or sub-regional laws and policy

set of ideas, there are international migration laws13 and methods

that deal with migration which directly or indirectly guide Ghana.

International laws and agreements relevant to migration include the

following:

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948); the ILO Convention

concerning Migration for Employment 1949: C97; the Convention

concerning Migration in Abusive Conditions and the promotion

of Equality of Opportunity and Treatment of Migrant Workers

1975:C143; the International Convention on the Protection of Rights

of All Migrant Workers and Members of their Families 1990 (UN

Convention 45/158); the Private Employment Agencies Convention

1997 (ILO Convention No 181); ILO Declaration on Fundamental

Principles and Rights at Work and its Follow Up 1998; UN Protocol

to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, especially

Women and Children, supplementing the UN Convention Against

Transnational Organised Crime 2000; ILO Convention on Multi-

lateral Cooperation for Labour Migration 2005; the ILO Multi-lateral

framework on Labour Migration 2006; and ILO Convention on Decent

Work for Domestic Workers 2011: C189 and Recommendation 2011

No. 201.

In addition, other international processes and institutions include the

Global Commission on International Migration (GCIM) launched by

the UN in 2003; the UN High-Level Dialogue on Migration in 2006;

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13 International Migration Law (IML), the international legal framework governing migration, is not covered by any one legal instrument or norm. Instead, IML is an umbrella term covering a variety of principles and rules that together regulate the international obligations of States with regard to migrants. Such broad range of principles and rules belong to numerous branches of international law such as human rights law, humanitarian law, labour law, refugee law, consular law and maritime law.

the ILO Plan of Action for Migrant Workers 2008; the UN General

Assembly second High-Level Dialogue on International Migration and

Development adopted in 2013; the IOM Policy on the Human Rights

of Migrants; and the Fair Migration-setting an ILO Agenda 2014.

Notable Institutions dealing with migration at the international level

are: the Global Forum on Migration and Development (GFMD), the

ILO, IOM, and members of the Global Migration Group (GMG). (See

Annex 3.2).

2.6 The international labour organisation (ILO)International labour Organisation (ILO), as an international body has

pioneered international conventions regarding labour migration for

decades. The ILO includes the protection of migrant workers as part

of its constitutional mandate, as well as the Decent Work Agenda.

The under listed are some of the migrant-specific instruments of the

ILO:

1. Migration for Employment Convention (Revised), 1949 (No. 97)

2. Migration for Employment Recommendation (Revised), 1949

(No. 86)

3. Migrant Workers (Supplementary Provisions) Convention, 1975

(No. 143)

The Convention on Migrant Workers defines the rights of migrant

workers under two main headings: (i) human rights of migrant

workers and members of their families, applicable to all migrant

workers (irregular migrants included), (ii) Other rights of migrant

workers and members of their families applicable only to migrant

workers in a regular situation. The International Convention on

the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and members

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LITERATURE REVIEW

of their families entered into force in July 2003. Its main goal is to

protect migrant workers and their families, particularly those easily

harmed, from unfair treatment and abuse of their human rights.

These agreements seek to draw the attention of the international

community to the abuse of the rights of migrant workers’ and

their family members. Moreover, the Resolution and Conclusions

on Migrant Workers adopted in 2004 state that the ILO will place

increasing emphasis on the importance of movement of labour in

the global economy, and will focus on the need to address labour

migration in all areas of ILO activity.

2.7 International organisation for migration (IOM)International Organisation for Migration (IOM) is an inter-governmental organisation established in 1951. IOM is committed to the principle that compassionate and orderly migration benefits migrants and society. IOM membership increased from 67 States in 1998 to 156 States in 2014 and continues to grow. It has offices in more than 150 countries. It also assists countries in developing officially agreed ways of migration and laws that are acceptable to the international migration law (IML) in order to manage migration more effectively.

IOM works to increase knowledge and acceptance of the laws that protect migrants’ rights, as well as the signing and giving of power to these legal documents. It also assists states in developing agreed-upon principles of migration and rules that conform to IML in order to handle migration more effectively and in a manner agreeable with international law. IOM organises a lot of training programmes on a regular basis and upon request. Two annual training courses are held in Sanremo, Italy, in collaboration with the International Institute of Humanitarian Law (IIHL) and the other in New York in collaboration

4 2


with the United Nations Institute for Training and Research (UNITAR). Additional training seminars are available at the regional or country level upon request. Training seminars cover, among other things, human rights and migration, transnational criminal law, the rights of migrant detainees and international rules on detention, protection of groups at risk, international refugee law, and international labour law and the protection of non-nationals. It again conducts a lot of research activities that provide direct assistance to states and to human rights mechanisms.

Since 1998, IOM has been part of the Steering Committee for the

Promotion of the Ratification of the UN Migrant Workers Convention,

along with the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights

(OHCHR), International Labour Organisation (ILO), United Nations

Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) and a

number of NGOs working on migration issues. IOM regularly works

together with the Human Rights Treaty Monitoring Bodies, especially

the Committee on Migrant Workers (CMW); the Committee on the

Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) and the

Special Procedures of the Human Rights Council. In particular, it

works closely with the UN Special Rapporteur on the Human Rights

of Migrants. IOM also advises the European Court of Human Rights

and the Inter-American Court of Human Rights and the Human

Rights Council.

At the request of States and other stakeholders, IOM analyses

national migration legislation, advises and consults governments on

reform and improves and develops effective legislative frameworks

for migration management. At a government’s request, IOM analyses

specific legislative acts relating to migration or migration management

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LITERATURE REVIEW

mechanisms. In 2011, IOM provided support in the development

of legislation and policies conforming to international standards to

Colombia, Timor-Leste, Malaysia and the Venezuela. Globally, labour

migration is still ongoing in almost all countries and they are involved

in migration as either host or countries of origin (Peil, 1974). Ghana

as a country has been involved in labour migration since the 1960s

(ibid.) Most Ghanaian emigrants who travelled have returned back

home. Return migration has provided opportunities for acquiring

skills, experience and knowledge (Sjenitzer and Tiemoko,2003) and

these skills are used back home to the benefit of the individual and

the nation as a whole.

Emigrants, before they return or even after their return, are bound

to face several challenges. For instance, due to the difficulties in

obtaining work and residential permits in many destination countries,

especially European countries, many emigrant workers work in the

unauthorised economy (Dzorgbo, Dan-Bright S. 1998). The work of

such emigrants is illegal, and consequently they may end up receiving

low pay and have poor housing and living conditions.

Generally, there are international laws, regional laws and national

laws as well as other established organisations that guide and assist

countries including Ghana, in dealing with labour migration. However,

in Ghana and probably many other countries, much attention has not

been given to return migrants and their reintegration. The focus has

been on pre-migration issues for smooth migration and protection of

migrants at their destinations.

Since labour migration has become part and parcel of the present

workforce all over the world and cannot be ‘stopped’, there is

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the need for a wholesome approach on how it can be regulated

and managed properly. There should be two-way agreements

between both countries of origin and destination. Also institutional

capacities should be built to ease international and intraregional

labour migration and again provide direct assistance to returned

migrants to be able to reintegrate into the system especially those

with professional qualifications. Although creating employment

opportunities in the home countries is preferred, a growing number

of countries understand that migration is impossible to avoid and,

therefore, see labour migration as a necessary part of their national

development and employment plans. The migration policy drafted in

Ghana should help regulate labour migration in Ghana.

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3.0 Introduction This section presents the analyses and main findings from the survey.

Similar results taken from the existing literature on return migration

are also added. The analyses are focused on the socio-economic

and population profiles of the households of the people surveyed,

emigrants and return migrant’ members. A short description of

the sampled households by area is analysed first. This is followed

by the nature of social, population issues and economic nature of

respondent households as well as issues on migrant members and

return migrant members (returnees). These include the size, nature

and reason for migration, return migration (re-emigration) as well as

remittances and reintegration issues.

3.1 Profile of respondents

3.1.1 Geographical profile This migration mapping or starting point study was put into effect in

late 2013. The survey covered about 2,831 respondent households

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FINDINGS FROM THE HOUSEHOLD SURVEY

CHAPTER THREE

in all the 10 administrative regions of Ghana. The 2,831 respondent households provided information on some 1,356 emigrants and 745 return migrants’ household members.

Table 3.1 shows the geographical distribution of the respondents by region and locality. The distribution shows that majority of the respondents are from the southern ecological zone of Ghana, with the major regions being Ashanti (20.4 percent), Greater Accra (15 percent), Eastern (11.2 percent) and Western (10.5 percent). The Upper East and West Regions had the lowest (less than 5 percent each) of the respondents, while the Northern Region is the highest in the northern ecological zone. The findings suggest that the sample was biased towards some regions (e.g. the two major regions of Ashanti and Greater Accra). In total (i.e. of the 2,831 respondent households), 51 percent originated from urban areas as against 49 percent from rural areas.

Table 3. 1: Geographical distribution of respondents by region and locality

RegionRural Urban Total

No. % No. % No. %

Greater Accra 39 1.4 387 13.7 426 15.0

Ashanti 229 8.1 348 12.3 577 20.4

Brong Ahafo 84 3.1 103 3.6 187 6.6

Central 137 4.8 125 4.4 262 9.3

Western 179 6.3 119 4.2 298 10.5

Northern 206 7.3 93 3.3 299 10.6

Upper West 69 2.4 15 0.5 84 3.0

Upper East 98 3.5 26 0.9 124 4.4

Volta 170 6.0 86 3.0 256 9.0

Eastern 182 6.4 136 4.8 318 11.2

Total 1,393 49.3 1,438 50.7 2,831 100.0

Source: Survey Data, 2013

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3.1.2 Socio-demographic characteristicsThe distribution of respondents in the survey by individual and

household characteristics is presented in Table 3.2. The key issues

analysed are sex (gender), age, marital status, and the number of

children per respondent household. Male respondents form the

majority (59 percent) of the surveyed households, while females are

the minority respondents (41 percent). The fact that men constitute

more of the entire respondents has been a fixed and traditional

pattern, especially in most surveys in Ghana. Men have traditionally

played the role of bread winners and thus are relied upon to provide

information on family or respond to family issues. It could also be that,

perhaps due to the time of visit some potential female respondents

were at work or doing household chores, hence the lower female

representation. Also in all the age groups, the males outnumber

the females group (see Annex 3.1). The majority of the respondents

in the survey sample are quite young with an average age of 28

years. Among the age groups, respondents in the 15-2414 age group

form the majority (49 percent). Again, as many as four-fifths of the

respondents captured in the survey are in the 15-35 age bracket

(i.e. the standard national age definition of youth in Ghana), while

about 5 percent and 2 percent are aged 46-55 and 56+ respectively.

Overall, over 90 percent of the respondents are aged 45 years or less.

This distribution is in line with the national population issue statistics

and represents an important potential, in terms of labour force, for

the future development in Ghana.

Concerning marital status, more than half (69 percent) of the

respondents are single or unmarried while those married makes

about 29 percent. As shown in Table 3.2, only 1.4 percent and 0.7

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14 The Standard UN definition for youth

percent are divorced or separated and widowed respectively. Further

analysis (see Annex 3.1) showed that, the majority (44 percent) of

those who are single fall in the age group of 15-25 and followed

by the 26-35 age group with 22 percent. On the other hand, the

share of those who are married is more (11 percent) in the 26-35 age

group, followed by 36-45 age group with about 9 percent. In terms of

gender, more males (43 percent) are single as compared to females (26

percent), while there is near equal gender split in the married couples

(i.e. 15 percent for males and 14 percent for females. Regarding the

number of children in a household, the highest percent (about 65)

of respondents do not have children in their family. However, the

situation of those with children is the lowest, with 20 percent having

between 1 to 2 children, 12 percent having 3 to 5 children and only

4 percent having 6 or more children in the household.

Table 3.2: Socio-demographic characteristic of respondents

No. %

Sex N=2,801

Male 1,664 59.4

Female 1,137 40.6

Age group (Mean age:28) N=2,825

15-25 1,370 48.5

26-35 933 33.0

36-45 327 11.6

46-55 133 4.7

56+ 62 2.2

Marital status N=2,756

Single/Unmarried 1,909 69.3

Married 790 28.7

Divorced/Separated 39 1.4

Widowed 18 0.7

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No. of children N=2,677

No children 1,735 64.8

1-2 535 20.0

3-5 312 11.7

6-8 76 2.8

9+ 19 0.7


3.1.3 Educational achievementsThe distribution of respondent households by educational status is presented in Table 3.3. The analyses showed that majority (93 percent) of the respondents have some level of formal education, while just a few (only 7 percent) had no formal education. In terms of the level of education attained, the largest proportion (31 percent) of the respondents had secondary education as the highest attained, while the lowest proportion (15 percent) had attained at least a degree. A further 26 percent had completed diploma education and more than 18 percent had completed basic education. Altogether, close to half of the respondents (about 49.5 percent) had completed at most secondary education while about 74 percent had completed at least secondary education. All things being equal, perhaps, the legacy of the huge public investment in education over the years in Ghana, especially the FCUBE15 policy is being manifested. This finding stands in sharp contrast to the general idea that most Ghanaian households are poorly educated or illiterate. Concerning the educational level by gender, it was observed that the situation of respondents with no formal education (illiterates) is about the same for both males and females (4 percent each). However, there is a clear gender difference in the formal education. From basic education to postgraduate education, the males are more than females. Rural respondents have the least diploma, bachelor, masters and postgraduate education,

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15 FCUBE refers to the Free Compulsory and Universal Basic Education

while the situation as reported for urban respondents in Table 3.3 is just the opposite. However, another important observation from the analysis is that, the proportion of respondents with basic to secondary education is higher in rural areas than in urban areas. Most of those with no formal education are rural respondents (5.8percent as against one (1) percent) for urban respondents. This appears to show the inequality in quantity and quality, of the education and training systems between rural and urban areas. The urban people are more educated and perhaps may have the best education structures and systems as well as get the best jobs. Finally, as presented in Table 3.3, in all levels of education, the share of respondents decreases with increase in age group.

Table 3.3: Respondents level of education by sex, locality and age group (%)

Highest educational levelattained

Sex Locality Age Group All

Male Female Rural Urban15-25

26-35

36-45

46-55

56+ Total

Illiterate/No formal edu

3.7 3.6 5.8 1.4 1.2 2.5 2.1 0.8 0.8 7.3

Primary &Basic16edu

10.0 9.0 13.7 5.3 10.9 4.3 2.2 1.3 0.3 18.9

Secondary edu

17.9 12.9 17.2 13.3 20.4 7.0 1.9 0.9 0.4 30.6

Diploma edu

17.2 9.1 8.1 18.3 11.8 11.2 2.7 0.5 0.2 26.4

Bachelors & Masters

9.8 5.1 4.1 11.0 3.7 7.7 2.3 1.0 0.3 15.0

Post graduate

0.8 0.7 0.6 0.9 0.4 0.4 0.4 0.3 0.1 1.5

Others 0.1 0.1 0.1 0.1 0.1 0.1 0.0 0.0 0.1 0.3

Total 1,634 1,114 1,376 1,398 1,343 917 321 133 58 2,774


5 2


16 Lower secondary education

Table 3.4 further shows the educational level and employment status.

Interestingly, there is a relationship between level of education and

employment or activity status. In other words, the education status

of respondents appears to have an effect on their activity status as

shown in Table 3.4. For the unemployed, the majority are those with

basic education (2.7 percent), secondary education (2.7 percent) or

no formal education at all (2.5 percent). The proportion of those with

at least diploma education and unemployed is one (1) percent or less.

Again, most of the respondents who are engaged in the informal

sector activities are those with no formal education (3.5 percent) or

with lower education such as basic (4.5 percent) and secondary (2.4

percent). On the other hand, from the formal sector activities, those

with at least diploma education are the most (20 percent) whereas

the least (about 13 percent) are those who had attained secondary

education or lower or none at all.

Table 3.4: Respondent educational attainment by employment or activity status

Highest educational level attained

Employment/Activity Status

Formal Sector

Informal Sector

Unemployed Student Total

No formal education 1.1 3.5 2.5 0.0 7.1

Basic 4.0 4.5 2.7 7.6 18.8

Secondary 8.0 2.4 2.7 17.6 30.7

Diploma 9.4 1.0 1.1 14.8 26.3

Bachelors & Masters 9.4 0.4 0.7 4.7 15.2

Post graduate 0.8 0.0 0.1 0.6 1.5

Others 0.1 0.0 0.1 0.1 0.3

No. 905 322 272 1,249 2,748


5 3


3.1.4 Economic characteristics: employment and income statusThe economic status of households is one of the most important areas,

because literature (writings) suggests that bad economic conditions

of households are mostly responsible for large scale migration. The

examination of employment or activity status of respondents is given

in Table 3.5. As captured in the analysis, as many as 54 percent of

the respondents are economically active of which 44 percent are

employed while about 10 percent are unemployed. The findings show

a clear sign of the high unemployment17 situation in the country

which is opposite to national official statistics in Ghana. Of the

employed respondents, a large proportion (33 percent) is engaged

in official sector activities compared to only 12 percent engaged in

unofficial sector activities. The economically inactive respondents

are mainly respondents that are found to be in school. Altogether,

the employment situation of the respondents is dominated by

two economically unproductive groups, i.e. the students and the

unemployed which together formed about 56 percent of the sample

surveyed.

The analysis further showed that the employment status of the

respondents differs by locality and gender. Of the unemployed

respondents, more (7 percent) are found in rural areas than in urban

areas (3 percent) while there is an equal split between genders.

Concerning the employed respondents that are engaged in formal

sector activities, the majority (19 percent) are found in urban areas

as against about 14 percent in rural areas, while the sector was also

dominated by males (20 percent) compared to females (13 percent).

5 4


17 Underemployment is another serious employment challenges that has not received enough focus

As shown in Table 3.5, there also appears to be more informal

activities in the rural areas than in the urban areas while again, there

is an equal gender representation with regard to informal sector

activities. This is opposite to the view that informal sector activities

are female dominated.

Table 3.5: Employment or activity status of respondents by gender, age and locality

Background characteristics

Employment status

Formalemployment

Informalemployment

Unemployed In School Total

Gender

Male 19.5 5.9 4.9 29.2 59.5

Female 13.1 5.6 4.9 16.9 40.5

Age Group

15-25 6.9 2.5 3.9 35.1 48.4

26-35 16.3 4.7 3.1 8.9 33.0

36-45 5.9 2.8 1.4 1.6 11.7

46-55 2.8 1.0 0.7 0.2 4.7

56+ 0.9 0.6 0.6 0.0 2.2

Locality

Rural 13.6 6.7 6.7 22.3 49.3

Urban 19.2 4.9 3.1 23.5 50.7

All 32.8 11.6 9.8 45.8 100.0


Table 3.6 shows the distribution of the indicated total monthly

household income of respondents. Getting accurate information

on households’ income can be very difficult and this was a major

problem during the research. Either households do not keep records

of income earned from various sources or they are just not prepared

5 5


to reveal such information for various reasons. The average monthly

household income reported by the analysis is GH¢431.00. More than

half (57 percent) of the respondents earned less than the average

income while about 43 percent earned above the average. Further

examination indicates that, there are more respondents at the lower

end of the income ladder (i.e. 34 percent earning less than GH¢200)

compared to the upper end (i.e. 19 percent earning above GH¢800).

This is an indication of the income inequality situation in Ghana,

where majority of workers earn low incomes while a few earn high

incomes. It also reflects the rising wage, clear division between the

bottom and the top, meaning many workers gain less from economic

growth.

In terms of income differences by gender, more males earned below

or above the average monthly income than females. Again, the larger

share of respondents who earned below the average income (or are at

the bottom income) live in rural areas compared to urban areas. The

opposite is the case in terms of earnings above the average income or

those at the top income. Also, a large part of respondents who earn

low incomes or below the average income is the youth between the

age groups of 15-25 (see Annex 3.2). Family or household income

can be a key factor in determining the educational level of members.

As shown in Annex 3.2, the household income levels appear to be

linked with the educational level of respondents. It is observed that

most of the respondents in the lowest income bracket (i.e. less than

GH¢200) are those with lower formal educational level or none at

all. For instance, the majority (13 percent) had secondary education,

followed by 9 percent with basic education, whereas 4 percent had

no education. Interestingly, 6 percent of diploma holders are found

in the lowest income bracket. On the other hand, respondents within

5 6


the highest income bracket (i.e. more than GH¢800) are dominated

by those with bachelor or master’s education (7 percent) and diploma

education (6 percent).

Table 3.6: Respondents household total monthly income (in gh¢) by gender, locality and employment status

Income {mean=431}value

All Sex Locality Employment/Activity status

Total Male Fe-

maleRural Urban Formal Informal

Unem-ployed

In School

Less than 200

34.0 20.0 14.2 22.1 11.9 6.5 4.4 5.5 17.7

200-400 22.8 13.4 9.5 11.3 11.4 7.9 3.7 1.9 9.3

401-600 14.0 8.4 5.5 6.1 7.9 6.3 1.9 0.7 5.0

601-800 10.0 5.9 4.0 4.2 5.8 4.6 1.2 0.6 3.7

More than 800

19.2 11.6 7.4 5.1 14.1 9.3 1.5 0.7 7.5

Total 2,516 1,480 1,012 1,228 1,288 864 316 234 1,079


Summary This section explored the various social, economic and educational

issues, including the age, marital status, number of children and

occupational status of the respondents. It is seen from the analysis

that males form the majority of the respondents and are mostly made

up of people below the age of 36 years. The relatively large youthful

nature of the respondents can be a great potential for respondents’

household development. The analysis also indicates that majority of

the respondents are unmarried with most being men and a large

proportion are without children. The fact that most people are single

5 7


might be that they are postponing marriage for various reasons,

including economic hardships, and thus indicating the large number

of childless households.

The data on educational level in the survey indicates that a good

number of the respondents are highly educated with secondary

education or above. Even though the data show a low number

of illiterates or semi-literates among the respondents, illiteracy is

relatively higher in rural areas than in urban areas while the difference

in illiteracy between men and women was not much. A good

number of the illiterates were also unemployed or were engaged in

the informal sector. In terms of employment status, the analysis show

that majority of the respondents were either in school (46 percent)

or employed (44percent). Further, one out of every 10 persons in the

sample were unemployed of which respondents in the youth (15-35

years), rural areas and those with secondary education or below were

the most affected. Finally, the data show clearly that a significant

proportion of respondents had monthly household incomes totalling

GH¢400 or less. Most of these are men and rural respondents, even

though more males and urban respondents reported higher incomes

than females and rural respondents respectively. It is also observed

from the analysis that respondents with reported household incomes

of GH¢400 or less were mostly the youth aged 15-25 years compared

to other age groups.

3.2 Household income adequacy, access to social security and children educationAdequate (sufficient) incomes and social security18 systems are

necessary parts of decent work and socio-economic security. At least,

5 8


18 Contributions to some social security are legal requirement, especially under the Pension Act (Act 766). The Act mandates employers to pay social security contributions on behalf of their employees.

the two can be the underlying idea for one to have a decent working

life. Also being able to have basic social services like education and

health are important factors of household well-being. However, low

incomes, insufficient social security and insufficient healthcare as

well as poor state of schools are common problems faced by a large

number workers and households in Ghana. This section therefore

investigates how household incomes are able to help families,

whether respondent households contribute to or benefit from any

form of social security and the type of schools respondents’ children

attend. In other words, the survey sought to find out how the

respondents view their income in terms of it being able to secure their

livelihood, whether or not they have any social security arrangements

and the kind of schools their children attend and how they pay for

their education. Basically, the study sought to find out the reasons

for migration, which we can see when we examine the intentions to

migrate. It is important to state that such conditions may or may not

be the reasons for migration.

3.2.1 Adequacy of household income to secure family livelihoodFigure 1 presents the distribution of respondents’ views on how

sufficient their incomes are to secure their family livelihood. The

analysis revealed that majority of the respondents were either in

disagreement or not sure or both. About 51 percent disagreed or

strongly disagreed that incomes are enough to secure the livelihood of

their entire families, whereas another 22 percent were not sure. Just

a few, less than one-third (28 percent) of the respondents indicated

that incomes are enough to secure their families livelihood. This

might be the fact on the ground of both the universal and relative low

incomes people earn in Ghana. It is also observed from Figure 1 that,

5 9


for both genders and rural-urban residence, more people disagree

that incomes are sufficient than those who agree that incomes are

sufficient. In particular, however, more of those in the rural area think

that their incomes are insufficient to secure their livelihood than those

who are in urban areas. The opposite is the case with regard to those

who think incomes are adequate. That is, more urban respondents

than rural respondents view incomes to be adequate. The findings

point out the low incomes rural households earn due to lack of better

and enough income-generating opportunities that will enable them

to have improved livelihood in most parts of Ghana.


3.2.2 Access to social securityThe main focus with regard to social security was whether households were paying for any form of social security and the type of system. The analysis, as presented in Table 3.7, demonstrates that most respondents (over 56 percent) do not pay for or have access to social

6 0


security. The situation is particularly serious among male-headed households and rural households as compared to female-headed households and urban households respectively. In contrast, those who pay or have access to social security form just about 44 percent. Of this proportion, men are over-represented (27 percent) compared to women (17 percent). Also, more urban households (24 percent) have access to social security than rural households (19 percent). This might be interpreted to mean that women and rural residents have difficulties in accessing social security services and it puts them in a highly vulnerable and risky situation.

Concerning the type of social security they have, the analysis reveals that the pension and healthcare systems are what the respondents mainly have, with close to 54 percent having healthcare as against 46 percent for pension. Except in the urban areas, the pattern is the same in all rural areas and both genders in terms of the availability of healthcare and pension to households. This, perhaps, shows the general low coverage of pension in Ghana.

Table 3.7: Respondents access and subscription to social security by sex and locality

Do you subscribe to any social security scheme

Sex Locality All

Male Female Rural Urban Total

No 32.4 24.2 29.4 27.1 56.5

Yes 26.9 16.5 19.4 24.1 43.5

Number 1,548 1,062 1,285 1,350 2,635

Type of social security

Pension 29.4 16.2 16.8 29.0 45.9

Health care 31.6 22.8 27.0 27.1 54.1

Number 475 304 344 441 785


6 1


3.2.3 Type of schools children attendChildren are an important household asset and their growth and

development is very important to the future well-being of the entire

family. For any child to be well-developed, it must have good or

quality education among other things, even though good education

is expensive. It must be clearly stated that the quality of education a

child gets points to the quality of life the household will enjoy either

now or in future. Apart from finding out about the sufficiency of the

household’s income and availability of social security, the study also

examined the type of schools the respondent’s children attend and

how they are able to pay for the fees of private schools. The results

on the type of schools and the sources of funding private education

are presented in Figure 2 and Figure 3 respectively.

The analysis further showed that the number of children in public

schools and private schools were almost the same: 50.1 percent for

public and 49.9 percent for private. More males had their children in

both types of schools than females. More of the female respondents’

children were in public schools (24 percent) than in private schools (23

percent). There is not much difference in male respondents’ children

for both types of schools. It was further seen that, the number of

rural households with children in public schools is higher (33 percent)

than that in private schools, (21 percent). On the other hand, a higher

number of urban households had their children in private schools (29

percent) as against those with children in public schools (17 percent).

Apart from the fact that there is great difference in the quality of

teaching between public and private schools, the findings may show

it also has to deal with being able to afford and the nearness of the

schools. Public schools have large presence in all parts of Ghana and

within the means of most low income groups including women and

6 2


rural households. In contrast, private schools are not only expensive

and way above the means of some groups, but they are also more to

be found in urban areas.

With regard to the source of money used to pay fees of children

in private schools, further analysis in Figure 3 revealed that quite

a significant number (85.6 percent) of the households depend on

their salaries (9.6 percent). Only a small number of people depend

on loans and scholarships to pay fees, (4.8 percent). This pattern or

trend of funding the fees of children’s education was similar among

men and women and rural and urban localities.


6 3


Summary This section provides an examination concerning the sufficiency of

incomes to secure households’ livelihoods and enable them have basic

services as well as social security, type of schools children attend and

the income sources for funding children’s private school education

of respondents. The result shows that for most people, incomes are

not enough to sustain their household livelihood. A greater number

(72.5 percent) of the respondents disagreed or were not sure that

incomes were sufficient. Males as well as respondents in rural areas

formed the majority of those who think incomes are not adequate to

sustain their households’ livelihoods.

It is also observed from the analysis that majority of the respondents

have no social security system. Of the 56.5% that are reported not

to have social security, more males were affected than females and

respondents in rural areas were relatively more affected compared to

those in urban areas. Between the two main social security systems,

more people had healthcare than pension.

Regarding the type of schools respondents’ children attend, enrolment

rate was slightly higher in public schools than in private schools

especially in rural areas and among female respondents. A great

part of the respondents across all groups paid their children’s schools

fees mainly from their salaries. This shows that most families don’t

borrow or get scholarships to pay for the tuition of their kids that

attend private schools in the country. This shows why it is important

that workers in the country should be paid decent salaries.

6 4


3.3 Households’ perspectives (views) on salaries, working and socio-economic conditions in and outside the country What makes people to behave in a certain manner, and especially decide to migrate, may be real or imagined. The salaries as well as working and other socio-economic conditions in a country and elsewhere are key reasons of people staying or moving elsewhere. This section investigates the views of respondents on some socio-economic conditions in Ghana compared to other parts of the world.

3.3.1 Salary adequacy and securityThe amount and sufficiency of salaries workers receive are important factors of individual and household income. Also, sufficient salaries are viewed to affect productivity. In most countries including Ghana, most workers are not always satisfied with the salaries they earn. Workers have always agitated for salary increases every year because what they earn is not enough to meet the rising cost of living. To judge how true this is, the survey questions asked households about the extent to which they agreed or disagreed with the statement that salaries paid in the country are enough for workers. The survey revealed that, majority (56 percent) of the total respondents do not agree (disagree or strongly disagree) with the claim that salaries are sufficient for workers. As demonstrated in Figure 4, 28 percent of the respondents were not sure and only 16.6 percent agreed that salaries are adequate. Again, for both genders and in both rural and urban localities, more respondents disagreed than agreed. About 34 percent of males and 22 percent of female respondents disagreed or strongly disagreed while a mere 10 percent agreed and 6 percent strongly agreed. In rural localities, 29 percent disagreed and in urban localities, 27 percent, disagreed. Only 8 percent agreed in rural and 10 percent in urban localities agreed. This finding may partly be

6 5


showing the general opinion in the country that salaries and incomes are not adequate for workers. This might be due to negative effect on real wages and incomes, as well as the general cost of living, with the constant rising in prices of essential services, food and fuel in the country over the years. Indeed, money matters and other working conditions are key reasons behind the decision to migrate.


3.3.2 Working conditions in the country Beyond salary and income security issues, there are other important concerns and challenges workers face. A key concern is the state of working conditions (or conditions of service). Working hours, contract of employment and work related or non-wage benefits such as social security contribution, paid sick leave and paid annual leave are some of the key issues of working conditions. Good working conditions are expected to motivate workers to be productive. They are also to enable workers to have a proper work-life balance. To a large extent, working conditions in Ghana have worsened over the years, especially in some sectors and for some group of workers. For instance, long hours of work without rest or a day off and fewer

6 6


benefits is the practice in the informal sector and among young

workers. Also, most workers in the informal and some private formal

jobs do not have written employment contracts, that at least tell

them their pay and other rights. When the respondents were asked

whether conditions of service in the country are adequate or not

for workers, an overwhelming majority (74 percent) said conditions

of service were not adequate for workers; only 26 percent think

conditions were adequate. The pattern was similar across gender

and rural-urban localities. The majority of respondents who think

working conditions are not adequate are rural residents (39 percent)

as against 35 percent for urban residents. A lower proportion think

that working conditions are adequate, urban (16 percent) and rural

(10 percent).

Table 3.8: Assessment of conditions of service for workers in the country by sex and locality

There are adequate conditions of service for workers in the country

Sex Locality All


Yes 15.9 10.6 9.9 16.4 26.3

No 43.5 30.0 38.8 34.9 73.7

Total 1,525 1,043 1,263 1,328 2,591


The distribution of state of bad conditions of service that respondents

think confront workers is presented in Table 3.9. According to the

results, the most cited bad working conditions workers face was

that of working overtime without pay. Close to 58 percent of the

respondents mentioned overtime and said it was not always paid. Of

this proportion, more males (36 percent) were faced with this problem

6 7


than females (23 percent), while it is slightly more of a rural problem

(30 percent) than an urban (28 percent) one. Another important bad

working condition cited was working without employment contract.

Respectively, more males (12 percent) and rural residents (12 percent)

think it is more of a problem than female (8 percent) and urban

(8 percent) residents. Other serious working conditions problems

mentioned were: no paid sick leave (7.7 percent), excessive overtime

(7.1percent), non-payment of night allowance (5.8 percent), and less

days of leave (1.6 percent). Interestingly, 7 percent of the respondents

said they worked more than 8 hours of work per day. These people

might be working overtime against their wish19, but it is not clear

from the answers if they were paid or not.

Table 3.9: Type of inadequate/bad working conditions in the country by sex and locality

Type of bad working conditions

Sex Locality All


Over time is sometimes not paid

19.7 13.2 16.6 16.4 33.0

Over time is not paid at all 15.2 9.5 13.8 11.1 24.9

No night allowances 3.7 2.2 3.9 1.8 5.8

Less than 25 days for leave 1.0 0.7 0.6 1.0 1.6

More than 8 hours for work per day

4.6 2.6 2.6 4.5 7.1

No paid sick leave 4.6 3.2 2.9 4.8 7.7

No employment contract 11.9 8.1 12.0 7.9 19.9

Total 945 615 826 751 1,577


6 8


19 The standard maximum daily hours for most employees in many countries, including Ghana is 8. The reasons for limiting the working hours is to improve the safety, health and well-being of workers and also to allow them have a proper work/life balance.

3.3.3 Socio-economic security or insecurity in Ghana With regard to work and life generally, a combination of social and

economic security or insecurity can be linked to several factors such

as how secure a person’s employment is, work and income security,

how secure his place in society is and how well he is protected in

society, as well as issues concerning health and education. Socio-

economic security or insecurity can be associated with several

issues such as employment security, work and income security,

representation security, social protection security as well as education

and health. For many people, how secure or insecure they consider

the combination of social and economic development of their

country is likely to influence their behaviour. This is because people’s

livelihood largely depends on the social and economic progress of

their country. This section of the survey sought to examine this issue

by asking respondents how they agreed or disagreed to the belief

that “the socio-economic development of the country (Ghana) is

at risk”. The findings showed that majority of the respondents’ feel

that the social and economic development of the country is at risk

or insecure (see Table 3.10). Close to 58 percent agreed while 25

percent disagreed. Only 12 percent of the respondents were not sure

whether the socio-economic development is at risk or not. A similar

pattern can be seen across gender and locality. However, within rural

localities there were more agreements (30 percent) than in the urban

localities, (28 percent). The opposite is the case with regard to the

number of respondents who disagreed.

6 9


Table 3.10: Perception of the socio-economic development of the country by sex and locality

The socio-economic development of country is at a risk

Sex Locality All


Strongly agree 14.4 8.3 13.6 9.1 22.7

Agree 20.0 15.3 16.4 18.9 35.3

Not sure 9.8 7.2 6.7 10.2 16.9

Disagree 10.2 7.1 8.1 9.2 17.3

Strongly disagree 5.1 2.5 3.8 3.9 7.7

Total 1,566 1,060 1,287 1,362 2,649


3.3.4 Information about socio-economic conditions abroad Information about social and economic conditions abroad is as

important as how people see how secure or insecure the social

and economic development their own country is. Especially for

people who have the intention to migrate, adequate information

about job and other related conditions in the destination country

is a major issue. In the survey, respondents were asked about how

they agreed or disagreed with the claim that everybody finds a job

in the industrialised countries, or industrialised countries offer social

protection and/or that the way they earn money in industrialised

countries is better. As shown in Table 3.11, about 39 percent reported

that they were not sure if everybody finds a job in the industrialised

countries. A further 30 percent of the respondents disagreed whereas

about 32 percent agreed. With regard to the issue that industrialised

countries offer social protection, a surprising 76 percent agreed. Just

a small number was either not sure (17percent) and/or disagreed,

7 0


(7 percent). Concerning the statement that ways of earning a living

in industrialised countries is better, majority (75 percent) of the

respondents agreed, while 18 percent were not sure and only 7

percent thought it is not so. The analysis is probably showing that

respondent households are generally well informed about events

outside the borders of Ghana. This idea could be right or wrong,

but households get a lot of information through migrants and their

networks.

Table 3.11: Respondents perception of some basic security issues in industrialised countries

Industrialized country offer social protection

Everybody finds a job in industrialized country

Livelihood in industrialized country is better

Strongly agree 29.0 9.4 24.5

Agree 46.7 21.1 50.5

Not sure 17.0 39.3 18.2

Disagree 4.9 23.7 4.7

Strongly disagree 2.3 6.5 2.0

No. 2,756 2,725 2,742


Summary The examination in this section focused on important issues that affect

both working and non-working households—sufficiency of salaries

as well as working and other socio-economic conditions inside and

outside the country. Concerning the issue that salaries in the country

are all right for workers, a vast majority of the respondents did not

agree or were not sure. This confirms the general idea in the country

that earnings are not sufficient to cater for the basic needs of workers

and their families.

7 1


In terms of the claim that there are adequate conditions of service for

workers, only a tiny number of respondents approved that satisfactory

conditions of service exist for workers. Generally speaking, a great part

of the respondents, about 74 percent, think that working conditions

are unacceptable, if not very bad. The disapproval was particularly

higher in rural areas and among male respondents. Across all groups,

the most serious issue of poor conditions of service was considered

to be working overtime without pay and working without contract of

employment. Nearly 58 percent and 20 percent of the respondents

did not benefit from overtime work with pay and employment with

contract respectively. Other relatively serious poor working conditions

they stated were: no paid sick leave, working more than the stated 8

hours and no night allowance.

Again the examination showed that it was generally agreed that the

social and economic development of the country is at risk. Out of

every ten people questioned seven people think that the country’s

socio-economic development is in danger. This shows the growing

lack of hope among most people about the kind of policies we pursue

as a country. In this regard, more men and more rural dwellers had

no hope than women and urban areas for the growth prospects of

the country. Regarding some socio-economic opportunities in foreign

countries, including social protection, jobs and better livelihood,

the analysis showed that a greater proportion of the respondents

thought that foreign industrialised countries offer social protection

(76 percent) and better livelihood (75 percent). An equally good

number, about 31 percent, agreed that everybody finds a job in

industrialised countries. This goes to strengthen the negative idea

people have about Ghana rather than foreign countries and these

influence emigration which is the focus of the next section of the

survey.

7 2


3.4 MigrationMigration is a development issue in many developing countries

including Ghana. For most people in Ghana, migration has become

a common survival tool to cope with many of the socio-economic

problems they faced in the country. The youth in particular, have a

miserable idea about the future, so some look for individual solutions

by migrating in search of greener pastures in faraway places in and

outside Ghana. However, the increasing size and complex nature

of migration, especially emigration, has started attracting a lot of

interest. Even though this mapping study is intended to provide a

standard short description of the issues related to international

migration in Ghana, the focus is on emigration, return migration and

re-integration.

3.4.1 Emigration of respondents’ household members The statistics on the surveyed households’ emigrant members are

shown in Table 3.12. The survey asked respondents if they had any

migrant household member in other countries. As demonstrated by

the findings, almost half (49.7 percent) of the surveyed respondent

households had at least a migrant family member outside the

country. The proportion of households without an emigrant is

50.3 percent. Even though the latter may have no family migrant

outside the country, it is likely that some can have family members

engaged in internal migration. This notwithstanding, it is still enough

indication that migrants have been leaving the shores and borders of

the country for work elsewhere and for other reasons.

The analysis further shows that, the proportion of households

with emigrants is higher in male-headed households (31 percent)

compared to female-headed households (19 percent). Also, there

7 3


are more emigrants reported in urban households (27 percent)

compared to rural households (23 percent).

Table 3.12: Magnitude of migration to other countries by sex and locality

Has any household mem-ber migrated to other countries?

All Sex Locality

Total Male Female Rural Urban

Yes 49.7 30.6 19.0 22.6 27.1

No 50.3 28.8 21.5 26.7 23.6

All 2,729 1,607 1,095 1,344 1,385

No. of migrants abroad /household (mean= 3.2)

1 25.3 16.6 8.8 14.2 11.1

2-3 38.0 23.2 14.8 15.6 22.4

4-5 15.3 9.8 5.3 5.2 10.1

More than 5 21.4 11.9 9.7 7.6 13.8

All 1,213 737 462 516 697


Concerning the number of emigrants per respondent household,

it is observed that, the number varied from one to more than five

emigrants. The average number of emigrants per household is 3.

About a quarter of the households have one (1) emigrant member,

while majority of the households (38 percent) have 2-3 emigrant

members. Another 15 percent and 21 percent have 4-5 emigrants

and at least 6 emigrant members living abroad. The analysis showed

that the majority of households had between 1 to 3 migrant

members abroad. It was also evident that urban respondents had

more migrants than rural respondents and also male respondents

had more migrants than female respondents. The results appear to

7 4


reflect that the male-headed households dominated in the decision

to migrate and that emigration is more common in urban areas than

rural areas.

3.4.2 Destination countries of emigrants and mean of migratingInternational migrants may have their preferred destinations, but

they are likely to move towards several destinations before their

final country of settlement. The obvious reasons could be social

and extended family networks that provide some level of support

or language and cultural similarities that can respond to migrants’

situations. For instance, writings on migration have shown that, most

Algerian emigrants are in France and most Turks are in Germany.

Equally, most Ghanaian emigrants are in the United Kingdom and

Holland.

The distribution of emigrants by country of destination is presented

in Table 3.13. The analysis shows a greater number (88.6 percent) of

emigrants residing outside the continent of Africa, while only about

11 percent are dispersed across other African countries. Even though

the emigrants are scattered in many different regions of the globe, it

is clear that Europe and the United States of America (USA) are the

most favoured destinations. About 42 percent of the respondents

had their emigrant relatives residing in Europe and 38 percent in

the USA. The other countries of emigrants’ choice of destination

are Australia (3.8 percent), Asia (3.8 percent) and Latin America

(0.6percent). The various reasons given for Ghanaians emigrating

to neighbouring countries and beyond will continue if not well-

addressed. This is not surprising since most households in the survey

believe that industrialised countries are better for getting jobs, social

protection and generally better ways of earning a living.

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Regarding the means of movement, most of the emigrants were

reported to have travelled to their destinations by flight. As shown in

Table 3.13, a high 88 percent of the emigrants had travelled by air,

while just a tiny minority of the migration (4.5 percent) was by boat

(or ship) and 7.4 percent by road. Interestingly, except for those who

travelled by air and sea, emigrants who travelled by road were more

(4 percent) from rural areas than the urban areas (3 percent). This

reveals the kind of cross border movements that go on daily. Over all,

the number of emigrants who have travelled by road are most likely

to be residing in other African countries.

Table 3.13: Emigrants destination and mode of migration

Country of DestinationAll Locality

Total Rural Urban

Europe 42.0 18.0 24.0

America 38.4 15.5 22.9

Australia 3.8 1.8 2.0

Asia 3.8 1.5 2.3

Latin America 0.6 0.1 0.5

Other African countries 11.4 5.9 5.5

All 1,244 532 712

Mode of transport used by emigrants

Via Flight 88.1 36.4 51.7

Via Ship/Boat 4.5 2.2 2.4

Via Road 7.4 4.0 3.4

All 1,234 42.5 57.5


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3.4.3 Reasons for migration, migration decisions and facilitationAnother important issue the study addressed is the reason(s) for emigration. For many decades, people in Ghana have moved across borders for many different reasons, such as economic, personal, social, political and environmental reasons. In order to capture the causes of emigration, respondent households with emigrant members were asked to list the major reasons for members’ emigration. As shown in Table 3.14, for most households the major reason for the movement of members abroad was because of employment, (55 percent) and going for further studies, (34 percent). Family reunion or marriages were also some of the reasons members emigrated (3.8 percent). About 7.8 percent of the respondent households had no knowledge of why their family members migrated. This probably shows how independent the decision to migrate has become. Also, the fact that most of the emigrants went for economic purposes (i.e. to find work or follow a particular career path) shows the lack of opportunities for economic and human development in Ghana. This was reflected in most respondents’ earlier feelings that conditions of service in the country are poor and socio-economic development of the country is at risk.

Table 3.14: Reasons for respondents family members’ migration

No. %

Study, and returned to work 197 16.0

Study, stayed abroad 219 17.7

Employment, returned to work 284 23.0

Employment, stayed abroad 391 31.7

Family reunion/marriage 47 3.8

Have no knowledge 96 7.8

Total No. 1,234 100.0


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The decision to migrate may be a private or a collective effort. The

migration decision-making process was an important consideration

of the survey. As presented in Table 3.15, a large majority of the

respondents (79 percent) stated that emigrants’ movement was

with the consent of the whole family. This suggests that migration

decisions are made largely with the participation or input of family

members. Also, a fair percentage of the respondents (21 percent)

stated that emigrants had moved without the consent of the

family, an indication that some level of migration decisions are

heavily influenced by individual aspirations. Regarding the means of

migration, respondents were asked on how emigrants’ movement

was facilitated or assisted. As demonstrated in Table 3.15, the majority

of the migrants were assisted to their destinations by family members

either in Ghana (34 percent) or outside Ghana (22 percent). This is

to be expected since most emigrants are reported to have made a

participative decision with their family members before moving and

therefore are highly likely to receive some form of assistance. Another

significant proportion is reported to have migrated based on their

own decisions and efforts (23 percent), whereas the remaining had

their movement facilitated by friends (13 percent) and recruitment

agencies and organizations (8 percent).

Table 3.15: Migration decisions and means or facilitation of migration by sex and locality

Was the movement at/with family Consent?

All Sex Locality

Total Male Female Rural Urban

Yes 79.4 48.0 31.4 33.4 46.1

No 20.6 13.4 7.2 9.1 11.4

All 1,226 745 467 521 705

7 8


How was the migration facilitated?

By myself 22.9 15.4 7.6 11.0 11.9

Family members in Ghana 34.0 20.0 13.7 15.3 18.7

Family members outside Ghana

21.8 12.0 9.9 7.0 14.8

Friends in Ghana 6.0 4.7 1.4 2.8 3.3

Friends outside Ghana 7.1 4.5 2.5 2.9 4.2

Organisations/Agencies in Ghana

4.9 3.1 2.0 2.3 2.6

Organisations/Agencies outside Ghana

3.2 1.8 1.4 1.3 1.8

All 1,193 724 455 509 684


The survey also investigated the length of stay by emigrants abroad

or the time migrants have spent working abroad. This can have a

connection with how often money is sent back home and the decision

to return. As shown in Table 3.16, the period of absence from home

changes. Most of the emigrants have lived abroad for a period of 7

years or more (52 percent). Another 25 percent had a stay abroad

that varied between 4 to 6 years. About 17 percent are reported

to have stayed abroad for between 1 to 3 years and 5 percent less

than one year. Overall, more than two-thirds, about 78 percent of

emigrants in the survey had lived and worked abroad for at least 4

years. From the analysis, it can be said that majority of the migrants

had stayed abroad for long and thus could be described largely as

long-term emigration. Majority of the people that had moved for

economic related motives were reported to be staying after their

studies or finding employment. However, the relatively long term

migration experience of most emigrants who stayed for 4 years or

more could be showing how movement can impact greatly on their

decision to return.

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Table 3.16: Information about migrants stay abroad

Years No. %

Less than one 58 4.8

1-3 211 17.4

4-6 309 25.4

7-10 221 18.2

Above 10 416 34.2

Total 1215 100.0


3.4.4 Working and living conditions of emigrants Worsening and unequal socio-economic conditions have always

pushed people to leave their own countries and seek opportunities

elsewhere. In other words, people leave with the idea that better

opportunities exist in other countries. As we have already seen, the

obvious reasons for the respondents’ family members migrating

abroad were to seek employment and further their education.

However, in some cases migrants have been disappointed and

regretted the working conditions and the general socio-economic

situation they faced in host countries. Table 3.17 shows the

distribution of households’ knowledge of information about their

emigrant members’ working and living conditions abroad. In other

words, the survey tried to find out if emigrants abroad had made

complaints concerning their working and living situation abroad.

Close to 61 percent of the households had received complaints or

were aware of their emigrant members’ living situation abroad.

On the other hand, 39 percent of the surveyed households had

no knowledge of their members’ conditions abroad. This may not

necessarily mean that those emigrants who had not expressed any

complaints to their relatives have stable lives or have successfully

8 0


integrated into their host with no challenges. Perhaps, they are not

communicating frequently or not been in constant touch with their

families back home. Such lack of communication is most associated

with emigrants who have moved independently, they may not be

likely to return.

Table 3.17: Information about migrants working and living conditions abroad

Did migrant members complain about Working & living situation abroad?

No. %

Yes 800 60.6

No 521 39.4

Total 1,321 100.0

Situation migrants complained about

High cost in the foreign country 265 34.4

Hard work 328 42.6

Bad conditions of service 79 10.3

Regulations in the foreign country 34 4.4

Hostility towards foreigners 11 1.4

Bad weather 53 6.9

Total 770 100.0


Concerning the kind of situations or challenges emigrants complained

about, over half of the respondents mentioned hard work (43 percent)

and high cost of living (34 percent) in host countries as the most

common. These were followed by bad/poor conditions of service (10

percent), bad weather conditions (7percent), stringent regulations

(strict laws) (4 percent), and hostility towards foreigners 1 percent.

8 1


Further analysis shows that, for most emigrants, weighing their general conditions in which they find themselves still feel they are better off emigrating abroad than staying in their own country (see Table 3.18). More than half (56 percent) of the respondents felt their emigrant members were better off than before. About 10 percent of the households felt their members had seen no change, while 6 percent considered their members’ situation abroad to have become worse. A significant number of respondents (28 percent) said they never talked to their emigrant members about their general situation abroad. This goes to confirm the earlier finding when a fair proportion of the respondents indicated that emigrant members did not complain to them about their working and living conditions abroad.

The survey also investigated whether emigrants had acquired jobs that are adequate for their educational background and professional experience. As far as this is concerned, the majority of emigrants, 62 percent had jobs that matched their educational and professional experience. On the contrary, 38 percent of emigrants had not. Upon further inquiry about what positions migrant members occupy or hold, approximately 57 percent of the respondents revealed that members abroad hold higher positions while 43 percent said their members hold same position.

Table 3.18: Evaluation of migrants situation abroad

How do migrants evaluate their own situation No. %

The same 118 10.0

Better than before 654 55.7

Worse than before 73 6.2

I never talked to them about this 330 28.1

Total 1,175 100.0

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Did migrants find a job abroad which is adequate for theireducational background and past professional experience?

Yes 691 61.7

No 429 38.3

Total 1,120 100.0

What is current position?

Same position 197 43.3

Higher position 258 56.7

Total 455 100.0


SummaryThe findings in this section indicate that the scale of emigration is quite high. Four out of every ten respondent households had an emigrant with an average three emigrants per household. There were relatively more emigrants among male headed households while emigration also predominantly took place from urban areas. This is possibly a reflection of the continued dominance of men in migration decisions in most households in the country. The relatively high rates of external migration from urban areas than those in rural areas could also be explained by the proximity of urban areas/cities to the outside world and information. In most cases, rural migrants move first to the cities sometimes with the intention to settle permanently, but then may emigrate having been privileged to information and necessary travel documents.

In terms of destination, it is observed from the analysis that the most preferred choice of destination by most emigrants was European countries and the USA. The choice of such countries may be influenced by economic reasons as they are perceived to have better employment opportunities and good educational facilities for further studies. The analysis further shows that, for most of the migrants,

8 3


economic motivations influenced their migration. More than four-fifths of respondent households’ members had migrated abroad for employment and/or undertake further studies reasons. This is an indication of the challenges we have as a country to create enough and decent employment. Migration decisions were also largely made with the participation of family and migrants were assisted to move by family members both home and abroad. It was also evident that most of the emigrants had stayed for a period of 4 or more years which can be described a long-term migration.

Regarding working and living conditions, majority of households had had one complain or the other from emigrant members. The issue of hard work, high cost of living in host countries and bad conditions of service in host countries were the most complained about. This notwithstanding, most migrants were reported to be better off in destination countries. Majority were observed to be working in jobs that match their educational and professional background and experience, with most emigrants indeed reported to be holding higher positions than before.

3.5 Emigration and remittancesRemittances (money sent back home) serve as a link between migration and the development of less developed regions and households where migration does occur. Beyond occasional or regular visits and communication, migrants send remittances to their families to enable them get the necessities of life and to keep social relations. It is important to state, however, that while some migrants may maintain close contact with families back home others may not. Most households see migration as having an important livelihood role, because the remittances enable them to meet important household expenses and make it easy for them to engage in income-generating activities. In order to properly understand the how remittances affect

8 4


families’ livelihoods, the survey investigated the manner, how often and methods or ways of sending remittances.

3.5.1 Forms and frequency of remittancesMigrants normally send remittances in cash and/or in kind. Studies, however, have shown that remittances from international destinations are mostly in cash compared to in kind. This is because it is easier and cheaper to transfer cash than goods due to freight charges. Regarding how the remittances are received, it is observed that most of remittances sent were in the form of cash rather than goods. As demonstrated in Table 3.19, 66 percent of the respondents in the survey received cash (money) while 54 percent received theirs in the form of goods. As indicated by the survey analysis, even though cash remittances are the most common, it is also evident that in-kind remittances are quite huge as well. It is likely that the in-kind or goods remittances may include all manner of used items such as clothing, mattresses, household utensils, electrical appliances, motor parts and groceries though this is not clear in the survey. However, they are the kind of items that are sold and patronised in most urban localities of Ghana.

Table 3.19 also presents how often remittances were sent by migrants. Largely, remittances are sent on regular basis. Emigrants who sent remittances once every month were 23 percent and once every three months were 22 percent. Another 19 percent indicated that remittances are sent once every six months. It is observed that most remittances are sent once a year, (36 percent). In the analysis, mostly cash remittances are sent monthly (32 percent) while goods remittances are sent once in a year (49 percent). Quarterly remittances are mostly in cash as compared to goods, while half-yearly remittances are mostly goods as compared to cash. The sending of goods remittances takes some time, perhaps due to the

8 5


cost involved and the medium of transport used. In terms of locality, remittances are sent to urban respondents more frequently than rural respondents (see figure 5). This might be because it is easy to receive remittances in urban areas which are better connected to the outside world than rural areas.

Table 3.19: Frequency of remitting by forms of remittance

Does migrant mem-bers send remittances

Forms of Remittances

Cash (Money)Non cash (Goods)

Both

No. % No. % No. %

Yes 812 66.2 696 53.7 812 66.2

No 414 38.8 599 46.3 414 33.8

All 1,226 100.0 1,295 100.0 1,226 100.0

How often do migrants remit?

Once every month 243 32.4 65 10.5 308 22.5

Once every three months 187 24.9 113 18.2 300 21.9

Once every six months 127 16.9 138 22.2 265 19.3

Once a year 193 25.7 305 49.1 498 36.3

All 750 100.0 621 100.0 1,371 100.0


8 6


3.5.2 Channels for sending remittancesMigrants use several different channels to send remittances home.

However, there are two broad classes of channels— informal and

formal. Informal channels include transfers through mediums such as

hand carriage by migrants themselves, acquaintances, or unregulated

money transfer operators (MTOs). On the other hand, formal channels

include transfers via banks and non-bank financial institutions, and

regulated MTOs such as Western Union, Moneygram, and Vigo

Money Transfer. In most cases, the preference of one mode over

the other depends on various factors including the transfer charges

involved and the risk of money likely to be lost as well as the legal

status of the migrant abroad. In Ghana, there is a wide range of

formal and informal channels. In many countries, where there are no

supportive institutions for remittances, informal remittance systems

have spread.

The distribution of the main channels of remittance, cash or non-

cash, used by migrants is presented in Table 3.20. The survey findings

revealed that most of the respondents received their remittances via

formal channels. Regarding money or cash transfer, 61 percent were

remitted via MTOs and 29 percent via bank transfers. Only 10 percent

said money was sent through an acquaintance (somebody). In terms

of goods or non-cash transfer, about two-fifths (40 percent) said

they were sent via an acquaintance while 21 percent said it was by

migrants themselves during visits home. Courier services (22 percent)

and post office (17 percent) was other common methods used in

sending goods remittance. The findings show that, there is a greater

use of formal channels for cash remittances, while informal channels

have become more reliable methods in terms of goods remittances.

8 7


Table 3.20: Main channels for remittance transfer used by migrants

Channel of TransferCash (Money) Non cash (Goods)

No. % No. %

Brings personally - - 98 21.0

Bank Transfer 209 28.7 - -

Via MTOs 445 61.2 - -

Via post office - - 78 16.7

Courier Service - - 104 22.3

Via somebody 73 10.1 186 39.9

All 727 100.0 466 100.0


SummaryAn important product of migration is the remittances migrants send

back home. According to the survey, a significant proportion, 66

percent, of the households who have a family member living abroad

regularly receive remittances from them. It was clear that, majority

of the remittance-receiving households get remittances at least once

every quarter, of which about 23 receive once every month and 22

percent once every 3 months. It is also evident from the analysis

that remittances are sent to Ghanaian households in various forms

and through a number of different channels. From the survey, even

though remittance in cash is the most dominant, goods remittance

is also quite huge. Emigrants send back home both money and

goods through banks and MTOs, through friends and other people

who travel to Ghana and by emigrants themselves. For the most

part, cash remittances are sent mainly through formal means (90

percent) i.e. through money transfer operators (MTOs) and banks

whereas goods are remitted mostly through informal means (61

8 8


percent) i.e. acquaintances and emigrants personally. The fact that

cash remittances are sent through official means or formal channels,

especially through the banks, is a positive sign, because this could

help promote better saving habits, while those funds captured as

deposits could be used for investment.

3.6 Return migration and reintegrationAccording to the UN definition, return emigrants or returnees are

persons returning to their country of citizenship after having been

international migrants, short-term or long-term, in another country,

and who are intending to stay in their own country for at least a year.

Migrants may return voluntarily or involuntarily to settle permanently

or temporarily. Reintegration may be simply described as the process

by which returnees are accepted back or absorbed into society. It

involves reducing social and economic barriers, creating equal

opportunities and enabling returnees to participate actively in the

public, economic, social, political and other areas of life.

3.6.1 Intentions and motives for returnThere are various reasons why migrants decide to return home.

Generally speaking, the reasons for return can be grouped into ‘push’

factors in the host country and ‘pull’ factors at home (country of

origin). The push factor may include difficulties in finding good jobs

and difficulties in being part of the host society, while the pull factor

may include improved socio-economic conditions at home. Regarding

return migration (re-emigration), the survey asked respondents if their

migrant’s families had expressed any intention to return to Ghana

someday and the possible reasons for return. As shown in Table 3.21,

a greater majority of the respondents (81 percent) said emigrants had

expressed their intention to return one day. On the contrary, just a

few want to stay abroad or had no intention to return to Ghana (19

8 9


percent). According to the analysis, economic reasons were the major

motivation for emigrants’ intention to return. Setting up a business

or businesses was the main reason for emigrants’ intention to return,

(54 percent). Other reasons were for employment opportunities (12

percent) and retirement in Ghana (15 percent).

Regarding the claim that migrants would return if better jobs could

be found in Ghana, nearly 60 percent of the respondents agreed

or strongly agreed. Only 16 percent were in disagreement whereas

24 percent were not sure if finding better jobs back home would

encourage emigrants to return.

Table 3.21: Intentions to return and reasons for return.

Did members indicate they want to return one day and for what reason

No. %

Yes

• For employment 135 11.54

• To set up own business 637 54.44

• For retirement 172 14.70

No • They want to stay abroad 226 19.32

Total 1,170 100.00


9 0


In order to get accurate calculations concerning emigrants who

actually return, respondents were asked if they or any family member

had worked in other countries and returned to Ghana. Only 29

percent said yes, which showed that only about one-third of the

respondent’s households had at least one returnee (see Table 3.22).

Migrants can have different reasons to return. In some instances,

the decision to return was caused by different factors other than the

initial decision to migrate or even the initial intention to return. In

the survey, respondents (including return migrant respondents) were

asked to list the important reasons for return. As presented in Table

3.22, the major reason for the return of migrants was family-related

reasons. About 42 percent cited family reunion or marriage as the

reasons for their return. The motivation to retire home in Ghana was

another important reason for migrants’ return, (20 percent). Finding

a job or employment back home (17 percent) and the non-renewal

or end of residence/work permits (16 percent) also contributed to

migrants’ return. About 6 percent returned because they were fed

up with conditions in foreign host countries. From the analysis, even

though the reasons for return vary, it is clear that migrants’ return

was mainly affected by pull factors at home. This could be that most

returnees had decided to return voluntarily and were not forced by

circumstances to leave the host countries.

Further examination indicates that the time returnees have been

away or lived abroad ranges from less than one year to over 10 years.

Except for only 7 percent of returnees who had stayed away for less

than one year, majority had stayed away for at least one year. About

21 percent of returnees had stayed away for between 1 and 3 years,

between 4 and 6 years (24 percent) and between 7 and 10 years

(20 percent). About 27percent of returnees were reported to have

stayed abroad for over 10 years. It is very clear that the absence from

9 1


home was variable for the returnees which could be related largely to

the principal purpose of initial emigration of individuals, whether the

purpose has been achieved or not and challenges abroad.

Table 3.22: Return migration

No. %

Have you/any family member worked in other countries and returned to Ghana?

Yes 745 29.1

No 1,815 70.9

Total 2,560 100.0

Length of stay abroad/Time Away

Less than 1 year 51 7.4

1-3 years 146 21.1

4-6 years 169 24.4

7-10 years 137 19.8

More than 10 years 190 27.4

Total 693 100.0

Reasons for Return

Family reunion/marriage 295 42.3

For Retirement 136 19.5

Because they found a job in Ghana

116 16.6

Because they did not like the foreign country

43 6.2

End of work /residence permit 83 11.8

No renewal of work /residence permit

25 3.6

Total 698 100.0


3.6.2 Wages and working conditions in host countries of returneesSituations and circumstances in host countries can play a crucial

role in migrants’ decision to return or stay, beside conditions at

home. To have a complete understanding of the causes of migrants’

9 2


return, a further research question was asked in respect of wages

and working condition of returnees during their stay abroad. The

question was: “Did return migrants ever face low wages and bad

working conditions while in foreign countries?” Many returnees (60.5

percent) were reported to have faced low wages and /or bad working

conditions while working abroad (see Table 3.23). On the other

hand, about 41 percent claimed they did not face any bad conditions

and low wages. They reported that the most challenging situation

faced was low wages (35 percent), followed by lack of employment

(17 percent). In addition, working more than the stipulated 8 hours

per day (15 percent) and verbal abuses by colleagues and superiors

at work (13 percent) were equally worse conditions (see Figure 7).

Other unfavourable, though minor, conditions returnees had faced

while abroad included issues such as leave without pay (5 percent),

non-payment for overtime or weekend work (3 percent), no social

security contribution (3 percent), no paid sick leave (2 percent), no

medical care and bad safety measures at work (1.5 percent each) as

well as sexual harassment at work (0.8 percent).

Table 3.23: Situation of wages and working conditions in host country before return

Did you or family members face low wages/bad working conditions?

No. %

Yes 426 60.5

No 278 39.5

Total 704 100.0

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3.6.3 Challenges of return migration and reintegration Things can be difficult when migrants have stayed away, especially

for long, and returned. Alongside structural changes and general

development in the country of origin, family and community situations

as well as personal relations and networks are likely to change. These

can make migrants have adjustment challenges when they return. As

presented in Table 3.24, the study revealed that most of the return

migrants were confronted with difficulties in various forms in their

attempts at reintegration. About 54 percent of the returnees were

confronted with social and economic difficulties trying to adjust

while about 46 percent had no difficulty in adjusting to life. Of those

9 4


who faced difficulties, opening or setting up a business was their

biggest source of frustration and problems (36 percent). Another

serious difficulty reported was the problem of reintegration with

family and community (23 percent). About 17 percent claim they

faced workplace difficulties, bureaucratic administrative procedures

(16 percent) and other challenges,(8 percent). Broadly, the key

challenges faced by return Ghanaian migrants in the survey had to

do with how to reintegrate socially, professionally, economically and

institutionally.

Table 3.24: Return migration and reintegration challenges

No. %

Were difficulties faced after return?

Yes 368 54.3

No 310 45.7

Total 678 100.0

Kind of difficulties faced to get used to new life.

Reintegrating with the community or family

67 23.2

Administrative procedures 45 15.6

Difficulties at a work place 50 17.3

Difficulties to open or set up own business

104 36.0

Other 23 8.0

Total 289 100.0


There is no doubt that people, and for that matter migrants, will

have fond memories of where they once lived and worked, especially

if they had established networks and relations that cannot easily be

forgotten. Therefore, no matter what might have motivated migrants’

return, they will still have fond memories of the host countries.

Asked, how they agree to the statement that returnees miss life in

9 5


foreign countries, the findings revealed that many respondents feel

their returnee family members have missed the life they once lived

in foreign countries. About 52 percent of the respondents were in

agreement that returnees have missed life abroad. Quite a sizeable

number of the respondents were not sure if returnees missed their life

abroad (31 percent), whereas only 17 percent were in disagreement.

Concerning whether migrants returned of their own freewill or not,

as many as 59 percent of the respondents agreed that returnees

were back home of their own freewill (see Figure 8). Twenty-nine

(29) percent of the respondents were not sure while 12 percent were

in disagreement.

9 6



SummaryThis part of the survey dealt with return migration plans and

reasons for return as well as the reintegration problems back home.

Many migrants dream or have plans of returning one day to their

homeland, at least at the time they are beginning the first step in

the migration process. However, the intention to return may be

different from actually returning depending on the course of events

in the host community and the country of origin. Regarding return

migration plans, a greater proportion (81 percent) of the migrant

households expressed that emigrants intended to return. However,

the analysis shows that, only 29 percent of households indeed had

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had their emigrants return. By the analysis, apart from the hope to

retire home and probably finding employment at home, the main

reason respondents gave for their emigrants’ return intentions

were to return and set up businesses, perhaps to avoid looking for

paid employment. These appear to suggest that, in the Ghanaian

case considerations for return are largely determined by economic

motivations (operating businesses to provide additional income or

create employment and be in paid employment). This fact is further

seen with nearly 60 percent of the respondents agreeing or strongly

agreeing that emigrant members would return if better jobs could be

found in Ghana.

Concerning actual return, there are a host of factors that lead

emigrants to return to Ghana. The findings show that emigrants return

mainly because of family reunion or marriage reasons. In addition,

the freedom to choose, to retire and find a job at home were equally

key motivators for emigrants’ actual return. The fact that majority

of the returnees did so for family reunion and/or retirement reasons

shows that the migration was marked by a relatively long period of

time spent in the host countries. The analysis gives evidence to this

with nearly 72 percent of the respondents indicating that emigrant

members have stayed away for at least 4 years.

Circumstances in destination countries can play a role in migrants’

return. However, the foregoing analysis suggests that there were

more “pull” factors than “push” factors. Even though not liking the

host foreign country anymore as well as non-renewal or end of work/

residence permit were other reasons for return, nearly 61 percent

of returnees had faced problems of low wages and bad working

conditions before their return. This might have persuaded them to

return. The most important problems mentioned as faced by the

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emigrants in host countries included low wages, lack of employment,

working overtime and verbal abuse by co-workers or superiors.

From a development point of view, return migration can play an

important part in the improvement of social and economic conditions

of origin communities and families, if there exists a favourable

environment for returnees to reintegrate (be absorbed) smoothly.

This is because, in some instances, migrants may return with financial

capital, material capital and skills to apply at home. However, the

prospects of return and reintegration can be confronted with various

challenges. The survey findings show that majority of the emigrants

were met with various experiences and problems while trying to

reintegrate after returning home. Many have had difficulties in trying

to set up businesses. This may be a sign of official and legal barriers

entrepreneurs face when they are trying to register new businesses

in Ghana. Another important experience for returning emigrants

was the problem of living with the community or family. Returnees

who had this challenge might have lost contact with families and

community during their period abroad or had adopted a changed

lifestyle after return. A sizeable number also had difficulties at the

workplace or with administrative procedures in trying to adjust back

in Ghana.

The survey also observes that even though most emigrants had

returned on their own freewill, there was largely the general feeling

or agreement that returnees have missed life in host countries. This

can be expected as most emigrants have stayed for long periods

abroad and would have established various links and social networks.

Such links and networks sustain international relationships, of which

ones feelings of belong is an important part.

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3.7 Intentions for emigration and re-emigrationMigration is as old as human existence. Humans have migrated since

time immemorial. These patterns of migration have ranged from

journeys of a few kilometres to very long travels across oceans and

continents by road, sea or air. Drought, plagues, floods, or other

natural disasters have caused migration. Social disorder, violence,

ethnic clashes, escape from slavery, invasions, and exile have created

forced migration. Adventurers have migrated to seek new lands,

fame, fortune, or power. Formation of empires, colonies, and nation

states have taken people across Asia, Africa, Europe, Russia, the

Americas, New Zealand, Australia, and Iceland in the olden days20 .

International migration, in particular, is sometimes discussed in the

areas of “push” and “pull” factors in the global discussions. But is

also true that there are others with different views who argue about

a more complex set of factors affecting international migration.

Some of these relate to conditions, social and economic factors. This

is what makes this subject much more complex. The intention to

emigrate21 or re-emigrate depends on so many factors and these

can be grouped into push and pull factors. Especially for first time

emigrants, bad socio-economic conditions and social and political

conflicts at home are usually the push factors, while the prospects

of good jobs, education, migrant networks and population issue

changes in foreign countries are the pull factors. For re-emigrants, the

motivation largely has to do with reintegration difficulties experienced

upon return home as well as family commitments abroad.

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20 “History of International Migration,” Centre for Research in Ethnic Relations, The University of Warwick21 Despite the fact that migrants often face many challenges including dangerous journeys, exploitation

by criminal smuggling networks, difficult working and living conditions, and intolerance when they arrive on foreign soil, migrants with undocumented status are afraid to seek help when their rights are violated.


3.7.1 Intention to emigrate given the opportunityIndividual choices and family decisions may influence the decision

to migrate when people feel insecure in their jobs or their incomes

are not enough for their needs, as seen in the other section of

insufficient incomes. The survey reveals that individuals may migrate

based on both economic and social ties. From the study, out of 2,738

responses, only 8.2 percent indicated that they would not migrate

given the opportunity while about 9 percent were not sure, and a

large 82.8 percent indicated that they would possibly travel beyond

their borders to find employment given the opportunity. Trade unions

must negotiate for better incomes and job security for their members

as well better social protection packages to take care of the most at-

risk people in the society. It is seen in previous sections that working

conditions and livelihoods also influence the intention to migrate.

Individual, group or family decisions are mostly based on insufficient

incomes.

3.7.2 Intention to migrate to other parts of africa with stronger economiesRegarding migration to other countries the question was asked

whether one would prefer migrating to other African countries with

stronger economies. Out of a study population of 2,399, 16 percent

which is (432 respondents) strongly agreed; 38.2 percent (1,032

respondents) agreed; 20.9 percent (563 respondents) were not sure

what would be the preference; 17.6 percent, (473 respondents)

disagreed and the remaining 17.2 percent (representing 194

respondents) strongly disagreed. Also this tells us that prospective

migrants would move anywhere provided they would find a job. This

is a clear indication of south-south migration. There are many other

West Africans living and working in Ghana today. Some Ghanaians

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and other West Africans move to South Africa in search of better

jobs. South-south migration also means that if the quality of jobs,

especially in the public sector, are increased, it will control the threat

of migration. Developing countries must create decent jobs for their

citizens because people will stay in their countries of origin if they are

well paid and would be able to have a say in, and contribute to their

retirement.

3.7.3 Motivations for re-emigration, intention to emigrate and prospects of returnThe intention to emigrate and/or re-emigrate is underlined by several

motivations. Concerning this issue, the survey analysis revealed that,

the most common motivations for respondents’ consideration to re-

emigrate or emigrate are, in fact, related to both prospect of finding

better job opportunities and appropriate course of study (2,248).

Interestingly, 230 respondents expressed the view that they would still

migrate even if they do not find jobs or educational opportunities out

there because they still believe there are better and more opportunities

in receiving countries than back home. This is a reflection of the poor

rating by respondents earlier in the analysis on incomes and general

socio-economic conditions in Ghana. Although individuals naturally

may migrate regardless of their status, most prospective migrants of

today look forward to better their standards of living anyway. People

will go to where they have relatives or friends with the hope that

these people will help them find jobs fast and easily. With this in

mind, migrants move beyond their borders without looking at the

demands of the jobs they seek to occupy. This leads to unofficial

migrant status.

Further questioning shows that, almost all respondents believe in

further studies and work abroad as compared to just a few who

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would travel to reunite with their family members. The first case may

be due to the fact that there are no families abroad to reunite with.

This goes to emphasize the fact that there is the need to create more

decent jobs and better avenues for further studies in the countries of

origin. This response may be said to be due to the sample chosen— a

youthful generation— whose interest is to have higher education. It

can also be seen in the responses of where children of respondents

attend school and where they would have been given the resources.

Scholars who have ideas about migration yet to be proved believe

that, more would-be migrants would travel to where there is a

relation or where they have contacts rather than travel to new

areas to explore all by themselves. This study showed this trend as

more than half of the respondents have preference towards areas

where there are known relations as opposed to very few individuals

who would want to be on their own and start all by themselves by

breaking new grounds.


Concerning the claim whether prospective migrants would return or

not if jobs are created in Ghana, most would-be migrants (52 percent)

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indicated they had the intention to return. Twenty-six (26) percent think they never intend to return, while 22 percent were undecided (not sure). It may be interesting to find out the reasons for people not intending to return if they had the opportunity to migrate, despite the potential challenges referred to earlier, in host countries. This is equal to the numbers that think they would migrate abroad even without a job offer or place to stay. However, the majority who had the intention to return could be the ones motivated by employment and education reasons. Therefore if conditions back in Ghana are improved, they could be motivated to send remittances for investment and eventually return, or at least engage in circular migration. This can improve culture, bring new ideas, new technology, as well as products to family and the economy in general.

3.7.4 Language barriers to emigration The debate over language is often a heated one. Most nations encourage newcomers to learn the national language. Language can be seen as a means for integration and absorbing the host culture. It is seen as a unifying force. For full participation in the national and political life in the host country, migrants benefit from knowledge of the language. Some see language differences as a matter of identity, cultural pride, diversity, and a connection with one’s ancestors. Where language differences are accepted, there are costs such as bi-lingual education, multi-lingual signs and instructions, and a constant need for qualified interpreters. Language is fluid and constantly changing. For language purists, (traditionalists) the introduction of new languages may endanger the old form of the language22.

The survey also investigated if language could be a possible barrier to people wanting to emigrate. Interestingly, the report reveals that Ghanaians are daring and will want to learn new languages and try

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22 Rae, Leah, “Pass along language skills, immigrant parents told; video,” The Journal News, March 5, 2007

to find out more about new cultures. This is contrary to the migration systems theories which say individual migration decisions would lean towards known languages than to learning new ones.

More would-be migrants would want to come back and settle in their country of origin after they have acquired some capital or some technological knowhow to settle on their own or be employed with new skills acquired abroad. This also agrees with circular migration supporters who are of the view that, individuals would transfer technology from countries of destination to countries of origin. This claim is debatable since most Ghanaians who have travelled to work come back home only when they can no longer work, or have attained the compulsory retirement age. A recent survey conducted by the Public Services International in collaboration with Health Services Workers’ Union of TUC Ghana and the Ghana Registered Nurses Association, found out that when the Government of Ghana sent some nurses out on an exchange programme to bring back the experiences earned, only a handful returned. This means that migrants would prefer to stay and work in destination countries than to return to their own countries, and this leads to brain drain.

3.7.5 Prospective migrants’ preferred destinationThe survey indication of destination countries of would-be migrants is not different from previous emigration patterns of Ghanaians as indicated by the International Organisation for Migration (IOM) 2010 Ghana Migration Profile. As demonstrated in Table 3.25, a significant proportion of prospective migrants would prefer the USA (43 percent) and European countries (41 percent). This is followed with about 6 percent preference for Australia, other African countries (5 percent), Asia (4.3percent) and the least being Latin America (0.9 percent). This is in line with the earlier analysis on households’ emigrant members’ destination countries abroad. This might also

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just be echoing the views of most respondents (about 53 percent) who indicated they would follow a family member to the country he/she has migrated to. It is important to state, however, that this is in contrast to the view that would-be migrants would dare go into new language destination countries as the United States of America, an English-speaking country, is the preferred destination first, and Europe second. The point would have to be made that in Europe, the preferred destination is most likely United Kingdom, it being an English-speaking country.

Table 3.25: Prospective migrants intended countries of destination

Country Percent (%)

Europe 41.2

United States of America 42.8

Latin America 0.9

Australia 5.8

Asia 4.3

Other African Countries 5.0

Total (N=2,608) 100.0


A pre-decision and information kit developed by some trade unions in Ghana to educate prospective migrants sets out the things to look out for before one decides to migrate. Some sending countries believe that borders should be monitored and exit permits should be restricted in order to control of labour and intellectuals. Other sending countries choose to offer incentives to those who pursue overseas employment and travel. Sending countries also struggle with issues of citizenship of their nationals

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who adopt a new country. There are countries that recognise dual or multiple citizenship. In other words, a citizen in a country retains that nationality even if she or he obtains citizenship in another country. Other countries do not recognise dual citizenship, so once their citizens obtain citizenship in another country they lose all rights of nationality in their home country. Another question facing sending countries is the extent to which they will protect their citizens who are residing in another country. There are rights of embassies to protect and publicly support their citizens in another country. But such exercise of protection requires use of political capital and resources to commit to effective advocacy of their citizens abroad23 .

SummaryRespondents have indicated that they would look out for job opportunities before they migrate but few also would migrate whether there is a job opening or not. But in most instances, it is believed that more people would rather migrate and look for jobs than finding the job before departure.

The increasing regional and global economies depending on each other (interdependence) is a good forecast that migration will not stay put but it will follow increasingly more complex patterns. Some might argue that this trend is a positive one. Others might disagree and would suggest that national resources be used to stop the tide of globalisation in order to protect the integrity of nation states, their boundaries, and their economies. Some might put forward as fact that globalisation is occurring in spite of nation-states, while others would argue that globalisation is the product of decisions and actions taken by nation-states and individuals.

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23 Udogu, E. Ike, “African Development and the Immigration of Its Intelligentsia: An Overview”

The responses from the study also reveal that individuals would want to look out for these things including work permit, resident’s permit, contracts of employment, the labour laws in the destination country and climatic conditions, among others, but migrants always find themselves in distress for lack of information. Could it be that would-be migrants do not get relevant or accurate information? This is an area that could be explored further.

3.8 Migration information seeking andknowledge of recruitment agenciesMost prospective migrants have information or they do not always seek for enough information on the employment and other opportunities that exist in intended destination countries. Neither do they have information about the legal processes for migrating, and agencies that facilitate immigration. In particular, information on recruitment agencies is secretive and people do not give this information easily. There are some visa contractors also in the system who do not find jobs for the migrants but all that they do is to get them to the destination country.

It is interesting to note that most respondents, (about 76 percent), indicated they would inform themselves about regulations before embarking on migration. This is a reflection of the lack of knowledge on legal processes of migrating. Concerning information on recruitment agencies, interestingly, most respondents, close to 50 percent, showed knowledge of the existence of recruitment agencies who could find jobs for prospective migrants, while a good number did not also know of the existence of such agencies. Further analysis indicates that a good number of intending migrants also know that these recruitment agencies are supposed to be regulated by law but they are not aware which laws regulate their activities. Over 60 percent of intending migrants do not believe these agencies are

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regulated and controlled by the state. About the same proportion have also indicated they have heard of emigrants complaining about recruitment agencies. The common complaints were in regard to costly or expensive charges (28 percent), bad services (19 percent) and unfulfilled promises including jobs that do not meet workers’ qualifications (48 percent) as well as improper documents (5 percent). These findings show the workings of the informal and unregulated nature of recruitment agencies for migrant workers. it is no wonder that innocent Ghanaian would-be migrants are openly exploited (without means of protection in Ghana), in terms of high recruitment fees and links to non-existent jobs abroad, especially in Dubai and Qatar.

The International Labour Organisation (ILO) decisions agreed upon by various parties on labour migration (which is a set of non-binding principles and guidelines for a right-based approach to labour migration) has a regulatory framework on which countries and organisations can have knowledge about practices of international recruitment. Individuals are encouraged to also read this document to increase their knowledge. The World Health Organisation (WHO) has a non-binding global code of practice on international recruitment of health professionals and it is believed that member countries could use it to improve the practices of migration in the health sector. This code of practice has elements of moral principles of recruitment practices and can be adopted for all sectors.

3.8.1 Assertion that prospective migrants would use recruitment agencies It is believed that intended migrants know very little about the activities of recruitment agencies and very few are aware of their existence. Information from the study reveals that those who have ever contacted and dealt with recruitment agencies in the past have issues ranging from their cost being too high, bad services, arranging

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for jobs which do not meet migrants’ qualifications, to wrong documentation, with failed promises topping the list.

With the experiences of those who have ever used the services of recruitment agencies, about 61 percent of the study population indicated that they would not use the services of recruitment agencies. Only 39 percent of the respondents showed interest in the services of these agencies irrespective of the challenges.

Of the respondents who indicated that they were prepared to use the services of recruitment agencies, 678 are prepared to pay various sums of money ranging from $1000 USD to over $10,000 USD. Some respondents indicated that they were prepared to pay whatever it may cost them to travel abroad. This shows that, no matter the amount placed on this issue, people would still pay and travel abroad. This might be an indication of the challenges people face in Ghana and the lack of confidence in the growth and development prospects of Ghana. This is not to say that things are rosy abroad, given the general economic challenges industrialised countries are dealing with.

Table 3.26: Amount of fees prospective migrant are prepared to pay for recruitment services

Amount (USD) Percent (%)

Up to 1000 36.4

Up to 3000 12.2

Up to 5000 7.2

Up to 1000 4.4

Above 10000 3.2

Whatever it may cost 36.6

Total (N=678) 100.0


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4.0 Introduction This chapter summarises the key findings of the field survey and the

conclusions emerging from both the literature review and the survey.

Some recommendations based on the key findings for policy and

action are also added to this.

4.1 Summary and conclusions The study has, to a large extent, supported national statistics and

findings of other research studies undertaken in the past on a

combination of social and economic factors as well as population

characteristics of the Ghanaian population or households. The survey

has highlighted a known fact that households are mostly headed by

males and the population is generally youthful. It also came to light

that a good number of the households’ members have secondary

education while a sizeable number of illiteracy or semi-illiteracy still

prevails, especially in rural households. Again, it has also been shown

that a good number of those without jobs were composed of people

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SUMMARY,CONCLUSIONS AND

RECOMMENDATIONS

CHAPTER FOUR

1 1 2

with no formal education while those who had jobs were engaged

largely in the informal sector for a living. The findings further revealed

that, one out of every ten persons was unemployed mostly among

the youth (15-35 year group).

The general low salaries and incomes that exist for most workers in

Ghana were also revealed in the survey. This confirmed the widely

held view that salaries and incomes are insufficient and therefore not

adequate to sustain households’ livelihood. This was particularly a

serious problem for rural households and localities as well as among

women and the youth. Other revelations that are not different from

national situations are the low coverage of social protection, declining

patronage for public education systems, poor or inadequate working

conditions, and the strong lack of faith in the prospects of Ghana’s

socio-economic growth and development. On the contrary, however,

the survey revealed a largely positive view held by most respondents

that conditions are better in foreign countries.

These re-confirm the general view in the country that earnings and

incomes are not sufficient to cater for the basic needs of most workers

and their families, apart from the indecent conditions under which

people work. This shows why the payment of decent salaries and

improved working conditions for workers in the country is important,

and is a view always held by Civil Society Organizations (CSOs)

and Labour Unions, including TUC Ghana. Generally, if the socio-

economic conditions of people are not improved, if employment is

not created and the distribution of growth is not fairly done, such

opposing views could go a long way to reinforce people’s decisions

and cause people to emigrate.


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SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

Regarding the workings of migration, return migration and related

issues, there appears not to be any clear and reasonable agreed-upon

ideas and ways to govern and manage migration properly, especially

external migration. What exist are scattered methods and institutions

with duplicating roles. The survey did reveal that a significant scale of

emigration is taking place in Ghana, which largely involves men and

occurs in urban areas. These show the lack of employment in Ghana,

and the better prospects of job opportunities and education abroad.

It also re-confirms the fact that the gender profile of migration

streams are relatively male-dominated.

For most emigrants, their preferred choice of destination is the USA or

Europe. However, the study could not indicate any specific European

country, given the fact that there are crises in some countries and

migrants are not welcome. However, the choice of such destinations

was largely influenced by economic reasons as they are perceived

to have better employment opportunities and good educational

facilities for further studies. This supports findings of other studies

carried out on the motives behind Ghanaians emigrating and place

of destination.

Most of the emigration has been voluntary, long term and largely

decided with, and helped by family members. Though there

were some associated challenges with regard to work and living

conditions abroad, most emigrants were better off working abroad.

It was indicated that most were working in jobs that matched their

educational and professional background and experience, with

most indeed reported to be holding higher positions than before.

This was reflected in a significant proportion of emigrants sending

remittances, majority of which were through formal channels. This

1 1 4

can be a positive sign to promote better saving habits, while those

funds captured as deposits could be used for investment if these

channels and institutions involved are regulated and managed

properly.

Concerning return, the survey found that many emigrants dream of

returning one day to Ghana. However, the intention to return may

be different from actually returning depending on the situation of

events in host countries and the country of origin. It was revealed

that, most emigrants had indeed not returned even though they had

planned to return. In terms of planned return and actual return, the

major motivations were to retire and find employment in Ghana.

Equally important was the need for family reunion or marriage

considerations. The former finding could be an indication that things

are not all that rosy for all emigrants abroad. The economic crises in

some countries might be having a negative impact on them as well

as the poor working conditions some emigrants were reported to

be facing. Even though circumstances in destination countries, such

as the reported low wages and verbal abuses at work places, could

have played a role in emigrants’ return (though the survey is silent

on that), the survey implies that there were more “pull” factors than

“push” factors.

In terms of the impact of return migration, one has to consider the

prospects of return and reintegration. The survey found that the post

return situation and reintegration process was either not good or

very bad for most returnees. In particular, a considerable number

of returnees have had difficulties in trying to set up businesses

in particular. Even though the survey does not indicate whether

business services exist or not, nonetheless, it could be a reflection of


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the bureaucratic and legal hurdles faced by entrepreneurs wishing to

incorporate and register new businesses in Ghana. The survey did also

reveal that many other returnees could not fully reintegrate with their

families and community while others had issues at work. Perhaps

these returnees might have lost touch with home during their stay

abroad or have adopted a different lifestyle after their return. Though

there are no indications from the survey, the challenges could also

be due to lack of services or migration centres to offer support to

returnees to adjust fully back home. These findings strengthen the

need for further studies, and in general the need for more efficient

reintegration services, especially from the public services to support

returnees and those intending to return.

From a development perspective, return migration can play an

important role in the socio-economic improvement of origin

communities and families, if there is a favourable and environment

for returnees to reintegrate smoothly. This is because, in some

instances, migrants may return with financial capital, material capital

and skills to apply at home. However, the positive impact of return

and reintegration cannot be felt if the various challenges are not

addressed. Related to this was the issue of informal and unregulated

recruitment agencies and their unfair processes. One cannot talk

about ethical recruitment and placement agencies, when the system

is not transparent due to non-regulation. The survey findings show

that majority of would-be emigrants are aware of the various

experiences and problems people are exposed to in dealing with such

agencies. However, most had no option than to deal with them no

matter the cost.

While there are various sides to the migration situation, increased

1 1 6

attention should be paid to this and practical steps taken to address

this development issue. Even though the state must take the lead, all

stakeholders, including the trade unions, have a shared responsibility.

The world, and indeed developing countries, cannot reduce poverty

early enough if this segment of the development process is excluded.

At least, how well emigration is managed would be crucial for the

promotion of the ILO’s Decent Work Agenda and the achievement of

the MDGs or the SDGs.

4.2 RecommendationsThis study has revealed some important findings that need further

consideration by stakeholders in the migration situation. The chapter

therefore presents the recommendations based on the key findings

for policy and action.

The study has demonstrated beyond doubt that the key influences on

emigration are bad socio-economic conditions, especially in Ghana.

At least, the influences are more national than international. The

fact that socio-economic working and living conditions, especially

wages and incomes, in some sectors in Ghana are bad, is not new.

What might be new or unnoticed is the impact of these on people’s

behaviour to migrate out of the country and the challenges thereof. In

fact, the distress emigrants go through, such as attacks and drowning

along migratory roots, cannot be over-emphasised. Government

needs to take a long term view and approach on improving socio-

economic environment for all citizens, then migration can be by

choice and not as a necessity. In particular, the other model of growth

and development should be more inclusive24 and there should be

increase in the social content of wider economic policies.


24 At least promoting better access to employment and economic opportunities for all citizens is an effective way of empowering people to stay.

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Regarding the conditions of emigration, despite the firm view of

relatively better conditions and opportunities in foreign countries,

migrants appear to be unevenly more affected or face serious decent

work challenges abroad. Such people at risk need protection for

better lives. Effective migrants’ protection needs both a national and

international effort. Beyond national efforts, government of Ghana

should work out methods to establish bilateral agreements with

countries that are hosts to many Ghanaian migrants, if not having

“migration for work” arrangements. This will offer some level of

protection to the human and socio-economic rights migrants.

Likewise, the trade unions in Ghana especially TUC Ghana through

its international recognition and influence, have a role to play. Unions

must begin to explore and build alliances, networks and cooperation

agreements with foreign trade unions of destination and transit

countries to provide services such as migrants’ complaints and

information centres. At least migrants who are unfairly treated or

have problems could avail themselves for redress and protection in

addition to facilitating informed migration for prospective migrants.

The trade unions should also work out methods to organise migrant

workers into unions. This is because unfair treatment of migrant

workers can undermine decent work conditions for all workers.

Generally, there appears not to be any coherent policy rules in Ghana

to govern and manage migration, especially external migration,

return migration and reintegration, properly. What exist are scattered

methods and institutions with overlapping roles. There is the need

for a workable national policy on labour migration to guide how

the issue of migration as a development challenge can be efficiently

managed, seeing that naturally, migration issues are many-sided.

1 1 8

First the law will help find ways to sustain or keep those returning

and then address re-emigration issues. The existence of public

services such as migration information centres, to influence and

ease migrants’ return and their full reintegration is necessary and

must be provided. Second, the issue of the informal, rent seeking

and unregulated landscape of recruitment agencies must be properly

organised and regulated.

There must be effective licensing to improve and formalise the

recruitment process as well monitor placement and recruitment

agencies in the country. The trade unions, in their organising drives,

should also provide pre-departure information kits to empower

members to make informed choices. Through bilateral agreements,

efforts should be made to harmonise and simplify recruitment

regulation throughout migration corridors linking both origin and

destination countries.


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Beals, R.E.; Menezes, C.F. Beals, R.E. and Menezes, C.F. 1970: Migration, Labour and Agricultural Output in Ghana, Oxford Economic Papers 22, 109-27. Black, R., et al. (2003) “Migration, Return and Small Enterprise Development in Ghana: A Route Out of Poverty?” Sussex Migration Working Paper, University of Sussex, Brighton, UK.

Bos-Jones, R. (2005), “The Dutch Perspective on Contemporary Migration”, edited by Takyiwaa Manuh, At Home in the World? International Migration and Development in Contemporary

Brettell, Caroline, et. al (eds.), Migration Theory: Talking across Disciplines, Routledge, New York, 2000.

Brydon, L. (1985) “Ghanaian Responses to the Nigerian Expulsions of 1983”, African Affairs, Vol. 84, No. 337, pp. 561-585.


1 2 1

REFERENCES/BIBLIOGRAPHY

Buchan, J. and D. Dovlo (2004) “International Recruitment of Health Workers to the UK”: A Report for DFID, DFID Health Systems Resource Centre, London, February 2004.

Bump, M. (2006) “Ghana: Searching for Opportunities at Home and Abroad”, Institute for the Study of International Migration, Georgetown University.

Caldwell, P. (1969) “African Rural-Urban Migration: Movement to Ghana’s Towns”, Australian National University Press, Canberra.

Carrington, W.J. and E. Detragiache (1999) “How Extensive is the Brain Drain?” Finance Development, 36 (2): pp. 46-49.

CIREFI (2009) “Database of the Centre for Information, Discussion and Exchange on the Crossing of Frontiers and Immigration,” EU/Eurostat, accessed in January 2009.

Clemens M. and G. Pettersson (2007) “New Data on African Health Professionals Abroad”, Working Paper No. 95, Centre for Global Development, Washington DC.

Carroll, K. M., K. R. Nuro, and S. S. O’Malley. “Compliance Enhancement: A Manual for the Clinical Management of Drug-Dependent Patients”, Yale University School of Medicine, Psychotherapy Development Centre, Department of Psychiatry, New Haven CT (1999).

Daily Graphic (2005) “The Posted Babies Syndrome”, 11 August 2005. Retrieved May 10, 2014 from: http://www.Graphicghana.com/daily graphic/index.php

1 2 2

De Haas, H. (2007) “The Myth of Invasion: Irregular Migration from West Africa to the Maghreb and the European Union¸” International Migration Institute, University of Oxford.

Development Research Centre (DRC), University of Sussex 2007 Global Migrant Origin Database, March 2007.

Docquier, F. and A. Marfouk (2006) “International Migration by Educational Attainment (1990-2000)”, in C. Ozden and M. Schiff (eds), International Migration, Remittances and Development, Palgrave Macmillan, New York.

Dovlo, D. (1999) “Issues Affecting the Mobility and Retention of Health Workers/ Professionals in Commonwealth African States”, Unpublished consultancy report for the Commonwealth Secretariat, London, copies available from the author.

Dzorgbo, Dan-Bright S. (1998) “Ghana in Search of Development: The Challenge of Governance, Economic Management and Institution Building”, Uppsala: Uppsala University, Sweden.

European Union: Delegation of the European Commission in Ghana, October 2006. ECOWAS

Fosu, Augustin Kwasi. “Political Instability and Economic Growth in Developing Economies: Some Specification Empirics.” Economics Letters 70.2 (1992, 2001): 289-294.

Ghana AIDS Commission 2007: NAACP, http://www.ghanaids.gov.gh/gac/index.php


1 2 3


Ghana Demographic and Health Survey 2004, Accra

Ghana Health Service 2008: Annual Report 2007.

Ghana Immigration Act, 2000 (ACT 573)

Ghana Immigration Service (GIS) 2008: Migration to and from Ghana (compilation from 2000 to 2008).

Ghana Statistical Service (GSS) 1999: Ghana Living Standards Survey Round 3 1998/99.

Globalisation and Labour Response, Cornell University, School of Industrial and Labour Relations.

Harvey, M. E. and Brand, R. R. (1974), “The Spatial Allocation of Migrants in Accra, Ghana.” Geographical Review Vol. 64, No. 1:1-30.

Manuh 1994, 1997; Masinde 1993; Mbilinyi 1992, English-Speaking Sub-Saharan Africa A Review of Research in the Social Sciences Magubane 2001; Mama 1996;

Margaret Peil (1991) “Nigerian Politics: The People’s View”

Migration from and to Ghana: A Background Paper, Development Research Centre on Migration, Globalisation and Poverty, Working Paper Series, Working Paper C4, University of Sussex.

Population and Housing Census Report, 2000, Accra.

Population Data Analysis Report, 2005a.

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MAFE PROJECT: Briefing Paper No. 3 January 2013.Review of Maritime Transport: Report by the UNCTAD Secretariat, 2011.

Sutton, John (1993), Echoes of Edgeworth: The Problem of Indeterminacy, European Economic Review, 37 (2-3.). 491-499. ISSN 0014-2921.

Sutton, John and Binmore, K and Shaked, A (1993) Testing Non-Cooperative Bargaining Theory: A preliminary Experiment In: Hey, John D and Loomes, Graham, (eds.) Recent Developments in Experimental Economics, Series No. 29.

Sjenitzer, T. and R. Tiemoko (2003), “Do Developing Countries Benefit from Migration? A Study of the Acquisition and Usefulness of Human Capital for Ghanaian Return Migrants”,Sussex Centre for Migration Research.

Tiemoko, R. (2004), Migration, Return and Socio-Economic Change In West Africa: The Role of Family.

Twum-Baah, K.A. (2005) “Volume and Characteristics of International Ghanaian Migration” in Manuh T. (ed.) At Home in the World? International Migration and Development in Contemporary Ghana and West Africa, Accra: Sub-Saharan Africa.

Van Hear, N. (1998) “Refugee Studies and the Refugee Regime in Transition”, New Diasporas: the Mass Exodus, Dispersal and Regrouping of Migrant Communities, University College London Press, London. 1998a.


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Whithead and Hashim, (2005), Awumbila and Ardayfio-Schandorf, (2008). Tonah, S. (2005), “Fulani in Ghana: Migration History, Integration and Resistance”.

Yaro, J. A. (2005), Migration in West Africa: Patterns, Issues and Challenges, Centre for Migration Studies, University of Ghana, Legon (n.d), Human Migration Guide, 200 Core Welfare Indicators Questionnaire Survey, 2003.

Zedillo, Ernesto (year), “Globalisation and the Changing Roles of the State,” The Trilateral Commission.

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Annex 1.1: Distribution of respondents age group by sex, locality and marital status

Background characteristicsAge of respondent

15-25 26-35 36-45 46-55 56+ Total

Sex

Male 29.1 20.2 6.4 2.6 1.1 59.4

Female 19.6 12.7 5.2 2.0 1.1 40.6

No. 1,365 919 323 131 61 2,799

Locality

Rural 26.3 14.3 4.9 2.3 1.5 49.2

Urban 22.2 18.7 6.7 2.4 0.7 50.8

No. 1,370 933 327 133 62 2,825

Marital status

Single 44.3 22.1 2.4 0.4 0.1 69.3

Married 3.0 11.4 8.5 4.1 1.7 28.6

Divorced/separated 0.1 0.3 0.7 0.1 0.2 1.4

Widowed 0.0 0.1 0.1 0.2 0.3 0.7

No. 1,305 931 323 133 62 2,754


1 2 7

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1 2 8


Annex 2.1: Selected national legal & policy instruments on migration

Legal/Policy Instrument Provision/focus

Refugee Law, 1992 (PNDCL 305D) Grants refugees status in accordance with the UN 1951 Convention and the 1967 Protocol as well as the AU 1969 Conven-tion; established the Ghana Refugee Board to manage refugee affairs.

Revised 1994 Population Policy Recognizes the role of migrants and voluntary return of skilled emigrants in national development as well as issues and problems of migration.

Free Zones Act, 1998 (Act 504) Grants resident permits to foreign work-ers who wish to engage in designated zones.

Citizenship Act, 2000 (Act 591) & the Citizenship Regulations, 2001 (LI 1690)

Grants citizenship by birth, naturalization and registration.

Human Trafficking Act, 2005 (Act 694) & Human Trafficking (Amendment) Act, 2009 (Act 784)

Recognizes the 2000 UN Convention on Human Trafficking; created a Human traf-ficking Management Board.

Representation of the Peoples (Amend-ment) Act, 2006, (Act 669)

Allows Ghanaian emigrants to take part in democratic processes through voting in General Elections.

National Youth Policy, 2010 Recognizes the youth as potential for rural-urban migration and urbanization, and emigration due to the unemployment and other challenges.

National Climate Change policy, 2013 Guide the management of climate change and migration related processes and challenges.

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ANNEXES

Annex 2.2: Selected key national institutions and their role on migration

Key Institution/Agency Role

National Migration Unit of the Ministry of Interior (MOI),

Among policy formulation, regulation and supervision, they see to migration data and information management.

Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Regional Integration (MFARI),

Monitor to promote and protect nationals abroad; and also have oversight over the implementation of migration related conventions, protocols and agreements ratified by Ghana.

Ministry of Employment and Labour Rela-tions (MELR).

Implement and coordinate all activities and policies related to labour migration.

Ghana Immigration Service (GIS), Manage, regulate, control and facilitate immigration and emigration as well as create database to provide information for planning.

National Development Planning Commis-sion (NDPC),

As a body responsible for all development initiatives, NDPC mainstreams migration issues into national development plan-ning.

Ghana Statistical Service (GSS) Provide data and information on migra-tion by collecting analyzing and dissemi-nating.

National Population Council (NPC). Provide technical leadership on the impact of migration on population dynamics and how migration can be integrated into development planning.

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Annex 3.1: Summary of international conventions, policy frameworks, instructions and plans on migration

CONVENTIONS AND POLICIES

ILO Convention concerning migration for employment

1949: C97.

This convention is on policies, law, and regulations relating to

emigration and immigration and the members who ratified

the convention should provide free services to assist migrants

for re-employment, prevent misleading propaganda, facilitate

departure, journey and reception of migrants and facilitate

medical services, proper remuneration and social security

benefits according to national laws. The convention has 23

articles relating to these focus areas. It also articulates the

principle of equal treatment of migrant workers employed

lawfully in the country with the national workers, regarding

working conditions, trade union membership and enjoyment

of the benefits of collective bargaining, accommodation, social

security, employment taxes and legal proceedings relating to

matters outlined in the convention. Ghana is yet to ratify this

convention.

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ANNEXES

Convention concerning migration in abusive conditions

and the promotion of equality of opportunity and

treatment of migrant workers 1975:C143

This convention is on illegal employment, clandestine

movement of migrants, information sharing to prevent illegal

employment, prosecution of manpower trafficking, equality

of treatment and security of employment, trade union and

cultural rights and social security for legal employees. In

Article1 Convention No. 143 imposes an obligation on state

properties, “To respect the basic human rights of all migrant

workers “confirming its applicability to migrant workers

having irregular status. No south Asian country has ratified

this convention to date. In Asia-Pacific, the Philippines ratified

convention No. 143 in 2006.

International convention on the protection of rights of

all migrant workers and members of their families 1990

(UN Convention 45/158)

This convention is applicable to the entire migration process

embarked upon by migrants and permeation of such migration

on their families, comprising preparation, departure, transit,

period of remunerated activity in the state of employment

and return. The convention has 71 Articles relating to the

protection and rights of all migrant workers. Ghana has

ratified this convention.

1 3 2


Private employment agencies convention 1997 (ILO

Convention No 181)

This convention is particularly relevant to migrant workers,

especially since private agencies are now significantly involved

in the transfer of workers between countries. The convention

prescribes state parties to implement a system of licensing

and certification of agencies, prohibiting the denial of

worker’s rights to free association and collective bargaining,

discrimination against workers and the charging of fees to

workers directly or indirectly.

ILO Declaration on fundamental principles and rights at

work and its follow up 1998

This Declaration covers four fundamental principles and

rights at work; the freedom of association and the effective

recognition of the right to collective bargaining, elimination

of all forms of forced or compulsory labour, effective abolition

of child labour and the elimination of discrimination in respect

of employment and occupation. It specifically refers to the

protection of migrant workers in its preamble and is especially

relevant in the context of domestic work, as many domestic

workers experience inhuman and degrading conditions, which

sometimes is tantamount to forced or compulsory labour.

Ghana has ratified all the above.

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ANNEXES

UN protocol to prevent, suppress and punish trafficking in

persons, especially women and children, supplementing

the un convention against transnational organised crime

2000

This UN Trafficking Protocol is the first international instrument

to identify trafficked persons as victims of crime and in

distinguishing this, supports the implementation of national

measures to recognise and respond to their status as victims of

crime, including providing support services for victims. Ghana

is a signatory to this Protocol, but is yet to rectify it.

ILO convention on multi-lateral cooperation for labour

migration 2005

Adopted in 2005, this convention is a global framework

of non-binding principles, guidelines and good practices

for rights based approach to labour migration. Based on

ILO conventions and standards, tripartite negotiations and

consensus of origin and destination countries, it comprises 15

principles and corresponding guidelines.

ILO multi-lateral framework on labour migration 2006:

This Framework establishes international guidelines on best

practices in multiple areas, promoting the following agenda:

promoting decent work for migrant workers; preventing

abusive practices, migrant smuggling and trafficking in

1 3 4


persons; protecting and promoting human rights of all migrant

workers and promoting awareness of rights of migrant

workers; improving labour inspection and creation of channels

for migrants to lodge compliants and seek remedy without

intimidation; measures to reduce the cost of remittance

transfers; incentives to promote productive investment of

remittances; measures to ensure that all migrant workers are

covered by national labour legislation and applicable social

laws; polices to encourage return migration, reintegration into

the country of origin and transfer of capital and technology

by migrants; including the contribution of migrants in

development; formulating orderly and fair migration schemes in

regional integration processes; promoting bilateral agreements

for well-regulated and fair migration between member states;

instituting fair and ethical recruitment practices and exploring

mutually beneficial approaches to ensure the adequate

supply of skilled, health and educational personnel that serve

the need of both sending and receiving countries including

through bi-lateral and multi-lateral agreements; countering

unacceptable situations and specific risks for all migrant

workers; promoting social integration and inclusion, reducing

discrimination against workers; facilitating the portability of

social security entitlements and other entitlements through

bi-lateral, multi-lateral or regional agreements in relation to

the regular migrants; and promoting the recognition and

accreditation of migrant workers skills and qualifications as

appropriate , in order to enhance their employability.

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ANNEXES

1 3 6

It is to be noted that this non-binding multi-lateral framework

recognises the necessity of policies on return and reintegration

of migrant workers, to maximise the contribution of migration

to development and identifies the facilitation of training of

return migrants, promoting transfers of technology, capital

and transnational business activities of migrants as focus areas.

ILO convention on decent work for domestic workers

2011: C189 and recommendation 2011 No. 201.

As of 2010, the ILO estimated over 53.6 million people working

as domestic workers worldwide, even though this number

might have increased, of the 53.6 million, 83 percent were

women, representing 3.6 percent of global wage employment

and 7.5 percent of total female wage employment.

Traditionally, domestic work is perceived as not “real” work,

performed unpaid by women in their homes. Internationally,

domestic work is often excluded from, legal protection offered

tom other workers and workplaces. Thereby, this convention

claims to be important in the realm of policies on migration, as

neither the local nor international domestic domains provide

sufficient protection to domestic workers.

Recommendation No.201 was adopted at the 100th session

of the International Labour Conference in June 2011.It

broadly defines domestic work as “work performed in or for a

household or households” and a domestic worker defined as

“any person engaged in domestic work within an employment

relationship.” This convention ensures the rights of domestic

workers.


INSTITUTIONS AND PLANS

1. ILO plan of action for migrant workers 2008

ILO, the UN specialised agency working on labour issues has

been engaging with the labour migration since 1919 and

has pioneering international conventions to guide migration

policy and protection of migrant workers. All major sectors

within the ILO — standards, employment social protection

and social dialogue — focus on labour migration within its

overarching framework of “Decent Work for All”. ILO adopts a

rights based on approaches to labour migration and promotes

tripartite participation in migration policy. Being actively

engaged in diverse areas of labour migration, ranging from

elaborating policy approaches to protect departing migrant

workers, to offering advices on addressing challenges inherent

in irregular migration. In order to advance this agenda, the ILO

and its constituents agree to implement a Plan of Action in

partnership with relevant international organisations.

The Plan action shall include:

• Thedevelopmentofanon-bindingmulti-lateralframework

for a rights-based approach to labour migration, which

takes account of labour market needs, proposing guidelines

and principles for policies based on best practices and

international standards

• Identification of relevant action to be taken for a wider

application of international labour standards and other

relevant instruments

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ANNEXES

• SupportforimplementationoftheILOGlobalEmployment

Agenda at national level

• Capacity building, creating awareness and technical

assistance

• Strengtheningsocialdialogue

• Improvingtheinformationandknowledgebaseonglobal

trends in labour migration, conditions of migrant workers

and effective measures to protect their rights and

• MechanismstoensurefollowupofthePlanofActionby

the ILO Governing Body and ILO participation in relevant

international initiatives on migration.

2. Fair migration: Setting an ILO Agenda 2014

A report authored by the Director General of the ILO, Guy

Ryder, prepaid for the international Labour Conferences‘

103rd session in 2014, provides ILO’s tripartite constituency

a reiteration of the global importance placed on international

labour standards for migrant workers and provides a good

base for discussions moving forward.

3. IOM policy on the human rights of migrants

IOM is dedicated to promoting humane and orderly migration

for the benefit of all and acts with its partners to uphold human

dignity and well-being of migrants. It also encourages social

and economic development through migration and assist in

1 3 8


meeting the growing operational challenges of migration

management and advance understanding of migration issues.

4. Global migration group (GMG)

In response to the recommendation of the Global Commission

on International Migration for the establishment of a high level

inter-institutional group of agencies involved in migration-

related activities, the GMG was established by the UN Secretary

General in early 2006. At present, GMG comprises 14 entities,

meeting at regular intervals. It is chaired by rotation every six

months by the executive heads of member organisations listed

below. ILO is the present chair of the GMG. The following are

the members: ILO; IOM; Office of the UN High Commissioner

for Human Rights (OHCHIR); United Nations Conference

on Trade and Development (UNCTAD); United Nations

Department of Economic and Social Affairs (UNDESA); United

Nations Developments Programme (UNDP); United Nations

Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO);

United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA); Office of the United

Nations High Commissioner for Refugees(UNHCR); United

Nations Children Fund(UNICEF); United Nations Institute for

Training and Research (UNITAR); United Nations Office on

Drugs and Crime (UNODC); UN Regional Commissions (ECS/

ECE/ECLAC/ESCAP/ESCWA); and The World Bank (WB).GMG’S

key priorities are to:

• Exchange information and expertise to improve

understanding, inter-agency cooperation and collaboration,

1 3 9

ANNEXES

1 4 0


in order to promote synergies and avoid duplication;

• Exchange results and pull efforts in regard to research,

data collection and analysis;

• Establishacomprehensiveandcoherentapproachinthe

overall institutional response to international migration;

• Work to ensure absolute respect for human rights and

labour rights of international migrants in order to promote

human security and development and in particular, provide

protection to vulnerable migrants;

• ContributetotheGeneralAssemblyHighLevelDialogue

on Migration and Development and to the follow-up of the

recommendations of the GCIM and other major initiatives

and of the international community and GMG members;

• Identify critical issues, opportunities, weaknesses, gaps

and best practices in relation to international migration

and its inter-relations in the context of development.

5. Global forum on migration and development (GFMD)

The first GFMD was held in 2007 in Brussels. THE Global

Forum on Migration and Development (GFMD) is a recent

initiative of the UN member states intended to address

migration and development interconnections within practical

and action oriented spheres. It is an informal non-binding

voluntary and government-led that marks the culmination of

more than decade of international dialogue on the growing

importance of linkages between migration and development.

It reflects the progressing acknowledgement of the limits of

a strictly national approach to migration and questions and

discusses implications of global level in an intergovernmental

framework. In view of the societal implications of these issues,

civil society representatives have also been involved from the

outset in this process.

1 4 1

ANNEXES

Annex 4: Household survey questionnaire

Questionnaire on “Labour migration in Ghana”

Personal information

1.Age

15-25 26-35 36-45 46-55 56 and above

2.Sex

Male Female

3.

Highest level of education

No formal education

Basic education (primary to JHS/JSS)

Secondary Education (SHS/Vocational/Technical School)

Diploma

Bachelors/Master’s Degree

Post graduate (e.g. PhD.)

Other (please specify): …………..............................................................

.....….............................................…..........................................................

4.

Occupation

Formal Sector

Private Sector

Public Sector

Student

JHS

SHS

Polytechnic

Vocational Training

University

Informal Sector

Unemployed

5.

Marital status

Single

Married

Divorced

Widowed

1 4 2


6.Children

No Children 1-2 3-5 6-8 9 and above

Perception of socio-economic situation in Ghana

7.

The family income (What is the monthly overall income of your

household?)

Under GH¢ 200 GH¢ 201-400 GH¢ 401-600

GH¢ 601-800 Above GH¢ 800

8.

The income is enough to secure the livelihood of my family

Strongly agree Agree Not sure

Disagree Strongly disagree

9.

I pay for social security schemes.

No Yes

Pension

Health Care

I have no money to pay for social security schemes.

10.

Where do your kids go to school?

Public Private

If private:

I pay for it from my salary.

I take a loan.

They have a scholarship.

11.

The salaries in the country are adequate for the workers.



12.

The conditions of service in the country are adequate for the workers.

Yes No

Because (please tick where applicable)

Overtime is sometimes not paid.

Overtime is not paid at all.

No night allowances

Less than 25 days for leave

More than 8 hours of work per day

No paid sick leave

No employment contract

1 4 3

ANNEXES

13.

The social and economic development of the country is at risk, so it is

better to find a job outside the country.



Perception of socio-economic situation in foreign countries

14.

Industrialised countries offer more social protection

and higher salaries.



15.The livelihood in industrialised countries is better.€ strongly agree.

Agree Not sure Disagree Strongly disagree

16.Everybody finds a job in industrialised countries.€ strongly agree.

Agree Not sure Disagree Strongly disagree

17.

I would prefer to migrate to other countries in Africa with a strong

economy.



Migration of family members

18.Has any family member migrated to other countries?

No Yes (If yes, please answer the questions 19 - 32)

19.If No, please

continue to

question bloc

on “Migrants

who returned to

Ghana”

How many have migrated to foreign countries?

1 2-3 4-5 more than 5

20.

Why did they migrate?

Study, came back to work

Study, stayed abroad

Employment, came back

Employment, stayed abroad

Family reunion/marriage

Have no knowledge of purpose for migrating

21.

Where did the family members migrate to?

(please tick where applicable)

Europe America

Australia Asia

Latin America Other African countries

1 4 4


22.If No, please

continue to

question bloc on

“Own intention

to migrate”

Was the movement at/with the family consent?

No Yes

23.What was the mode of transportation?

Via flight Via boat/ship Via road

24.

By whom was the movement facilitated?


By myself

Family members in Ghana

Family members outside Ghana

Friends in Ghana

Friends outside Ghana

Organisations/agencies in Ghana

Organisations/agencies outside Ghana

25.

Do any of these family members send money to Ghana

regularly?

No Yes

If yes: how often do they send money?

Every month Every three months

Every six months Once a year

26.

Do any of these family members send non-cash/goods

to Ghana regularly?

No Yes

If yes: how often do they send non-cash/goods?

Every month Every three months

Every six months Once a year

27.

How do you receive the cash or goods from

family members? (please tick where applicable)

Cash Goods

Bank transfer Post office

Money transfer (Money-

gram, Western Union)

Courier service

Someone brings it They bring it while on vacation

Somebody else brings it to Ghana

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ANNEXES

28.

How long have they been working abroad now?

under 1 year 1-3 years 4-6 years

7-10 years above 10 years

29.

Did family members also complain about the situation

in the foreign country?

No Yes

About (please tick where applicable)

High costs in the foreign country

Hard work

Bad conditions of service

Egulations in the foreign country

Hostility to foreigners

Bad weather

30.

If you talk to the family members abroad, how do they

evaluate their own situation in foreign countries in

general?

Better than before The same Worse than

before I never talk to them about this.

31.

Did they find a job abroad which is adequate for

their educational background and past professional

experience?

No Yes – lower position

Same position

Higher position

32.

Did they indicate that they want to return to

Ghana one day?

Yes, for employment Yes, to set up own business

Yes, for retirement No, they want to

stay abroad

33.

I think they would come back if they would find a well-paid

and adequate job in Ghana.



1 4 6


Migrants who returned to Ghana

34.

If I would have the chance to work abroad, I would do it.



35.

If No, please

continue to

question bloc on

“Own intention

to migrate”

How long have you or your family member worked

abroad?

Under 1 year 1-3 years 4-6 years

7-10 years Above 10 years

36.

Why did they come back to Ghana?


family reunion/marriage

Retirement

Because they found a job in ghana

Because they did not like to live/work in the foreign

country

End of work permit/residence permit

No renewal of work permit/residence permit

37.

I or my family members miss the life in a foreign coun-

try.

Under 1 year 1-3 years 4-6 years

7-10 years Above 10 years

38.

It was my, or my family members’ own will to

come back to Ghana.



39.

Did you or your family members ever face low wages/bad

working conditions in the foreign country?

No Yes

If YES, what kind of low wages/bad working

conditions? (please tick where applicable)

Low wages

No employment contract

No paid overtime

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ANNEXES

Worked more than 8 hours per day

No paid leave

No social security contributions

No medical health care

No paid sick leave - had to work when I was ill

Bad safety measures at workplace

Work on weekends without pay

Sexual harassment at workplace

Verbal abuses by colleagues or boss

40.

I or my family members had difficulties to get used to

a new life in Ghana after return.

No Yes

If Yes, what was difficult? (please tick where applicable)

Difficulties to reintegrate in the community or family

Difficulties with administration

Difficulties at a work place

Difficulties to open up an own business

Others:

Own intention to migrate

41.

If I would have the chance to work abroad, I would do it.



42.

I would only migrate if I would find an adequate job/study.



43.

I would migrate for which purpose:

Study

Employment

Family reunion

44.

I would follow a family member to the country he/she

has migrated to.



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45.

I would integrate into the society of the foreign country (learn lan-

guage if necessary, attend cultural events etc.).



46.

I would never intend to go back even if Ghana would create jobs.



47.

I would migrate to: (please tick where applicable)

Europe

America

Australia

Asia

Latin America

Other African countries

48.

I would inform myself about regulations (work permit, residence per-

mit, labour law etc.) of the foreign country I intend to migrate to.



49.

I would even go abroad without a job offer or place to stay.



Knowledge about agencies for labour migration

50.

I have heard of or know agencies which help workers to

find jobs abroad.



51.

I believe the agencies are regulated and controlled by the state.



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ANNEXES

52.

I have heard that migrant workers have complained

about the agencies.

No Yes

If yes, why? (Please tick where applicable)

Too costly

Bad services

Promises will be not fulfilled

They arrange for jobs which do not meet qualifications of workers

They do not get paperwork correct

53.

Would you pay money to agencies or somebody else

to find a job abroad?

No Yes

If yes, how much?

Up to 1000 USD

Up to 3000 USD

Up to 5000 USD

Up to 10000 USD

Above 10000 USD

Whatever it may cost

Telephone number:

(We need the contact data to ensure that the respondents were actually approached by our representatives. We will NOT keep records of any information given (e.g. telephone numbers) and the questionnaires will be shredded once the research is completed!)

Thank you very much,

For the field assistants only:

Were the answers ticked and written directly by the respondent? No Yes

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LABOUR MIGRATION Migration Study.pdf · 2016-03-11 · LABOUR MIGRATION IN GHANA: AN ANALYSIS OF...

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Transcript of LABOUR MIGRATION Migration Study.pdf · 2016-03-11 · LABOUR MIGRATION IN GHANA: AN ANALYSIS OF...