Labor and Politics in Egypt

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Labour and Politics in Egypt, 1919-1939Author(s): Marius DeebReviewed work(s):Source: International Journal of Middle East Studies, Vol. 10, No. 2 (May, 1979), pp. 187-203Published by: Cambridge University Press

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Int. J. Middle East Stud. o0 I979), I87-203 Printed in Great Britain

Marius Deeb

LABOUR AND POLITICS IN EGYPT, 1919-1939

The aim of this essay is to analyse the rise and development of a new labour

movement in Egypt between I9I9 and 1939, the crucial interwar period. As

the history of the movement was inextricably linked to the Wafd as well as to

the competing political forces in Egypt at the time, I examine the extent to

which the variouspolitical parties

andpersonalities

were able tohamper

the

development of an independent trade union movement during those years. I

also discuss the factors which assisted or hindered, at times, the promulgation of

labour laws, and view the achievements of the trade union movement (in different

sub-periods) in terms of its success in satisfying the demands of workers, which

were being opposed by those of the predominantly foreign local bourgeoisie.The aftermath of World War I witnessed an unprecedented trade union

movement. By I922 there were o02 trade unions: 38 in Cairo, 40 in Alexandria,

I8 in the Canal zone and 6 in the provinces.1 Simultaneously, a wave of strikes

hit most of the major industries: during the years 1919-1921, 8I strikes (67

general and 14 partial) took place.2 Moreover, it was due to the increasing num-ber of labour disputes that the Labour Conciliation Board was set up in August

I919.3 Some of the causes contributing to this upsurge in Egypt during that

period included, first, the boom and the exorbitant rise in the cost of living,which immediately followed World War I. The cost of living rose by leaps and

bounds after the outbreak of World War 1.4 There is overwhelming evidence

that the demand for higher wages to match the high cost of living was a central

issue in these strikes. For instance, the workers of the Cairo Tramway Companywent on strike for the third time in February 1920, demanding an increase in

pay as prices continued to soar even after the agreement of October 1919which included a bonus for the increased cost of living.5Secondly, asthe artificial

ICommission de Conciliation de Travail, VIIeme Rapport, Annex II, F.O. I4I/779/932IIio6. There are no figures for the membership of these labour syndicates. Figurespertaining to some syndicates which went on strike during the period I919-1921 areavailable. Twenty-eight such syndicates had a total number of 26,714 workers, i.e., an

average of approximately 954 workers per syndicate.2 Ibid.

3Egypt, Fihrast Majmu'at al-Qawanin wal-Marasim al-Muta'aliqa bil-Shu'an al-'Amma Sanat I9i9 (Cairo, I921), p. 6I.

4E.g., the index number of retail prices of food, fuel, soap, etc., for artisans and labour-

ers in Cairo was, during most of 1920, not less than 282 (taking 1913-1914 as the Ioobase). Egypt, Ministry of Finance, Statistical Department, Monthly Agricultural Statist-ics, Ninth Year, Second Series, No. 3 (Cairo, I920), p. Io.

5Muhammad Zaki 'Ali, Taqrir 'an Halat 'Ummal al-Tram bil-Qahira (Cairo, 1920),pp. I4- 5.

0020-7438/79/0200-0201 $OI.50 ? 1979 Cambridge University Press

187







188 Marius Deeb

protection enjoyed during World War I ended, the full impact of foreign com-

petition was felt by local industry in the early 1920S. The high profits realized

during and immediately after World War I were replaced by losses owing toforeign competition and to a cotton crisis which considerably reduced domestic

consumption. The employers' general complaint was that they were running at

a loss. Consequently, they began reducing the number of workers employed.The Egyptian Oil Industries (Egolin) dismissed 90 workers out of the 750 em-

ployed 'from motives of economy', and in March 1924 it closed down its oil

department owing to the bad market situation. The National Spinning Companyof Alexandria reduced the pay by io per cent and dismissed 22 of the 1,200

workers. Finally, the Salt and Soda Company reduced the days of work of the

oil workers to threedays

aweek'owing

to the bad state of business.'6 Furthermore

foreign competition accelerated the dismissal of workers and their replacement

by machines. The most dramatic case of machines replacing workers occurred in

the cigarette industry. During only i8 months (from i January 1920 till the

end of June 1921) twelve major cigarette factories reduced the number of hand

rollers employed from 1,519 to 318.7 The substitution of machines was intended

to decrease the cost of production of cigarettes to be able to compete with the

cigarette industry in the countries to which they were exported.8The rising trade union consciousness was manifested in the formation of

organizations aimed at uniting the various trade unions. The first attempt at

forming a General Federation of Labour was made in February I92I.9 ThisFederation had close links with the Socialist Party whose conference, held on

30 July 1922, adopted communism and moved its headquarters to Alexandria.10

The communists controlled the General Federation of Labour which had around

3,000 members, among whom were workers in big establishments such as

Egyptian Oil Industries, the National Spinning Company, and Abu-Shanab

Oil factory. Communist leaders such as Mahmud Husni al-'Urabi11 and Antun

Marun12played an active role in labour disputes - for instance, they instigatedworkers to demonstrate in March 1923 against the Labour Conciliation Board.13

Genuine economic grievances, however, were at the root of these strikes takingplace during the period of November 1923 to March 1924. Communists had

merely takenadvantageof labourers'complaints to attack the Labour Conciliation

6 Extracts from Major Capper's situation reports covering the period 28 January to

24 June 1924, F.O. 141/583/9321/123.7 F.O. 141/583/9321/106.8 Ibid.9 Great Britain, Department of Overseas Trade, Report on the Economic and- Financial

Situation of Egypt (London, 1921), pp. 28-29.10Al-Ahram, 9 January 1923.

11Al-'Urabi was a merchant by profession (ibid., 29 May 1924). He was one of thefounders of the Socialist Party and was its delegate in the fourth conference of the

Communist International (ibid., 7 March I924).12 Marun was a lawyer at the Mixed Courts in Alexandria, and an advisor to labour

trade unions (ibid., 29 May 1924).13 Ibid., 20 March 1923.







Labour and Politics in Egypt, I9I9-I939 189

Board in particular and to spread anti-capitalist propaganda in circulars and

through speeches by 'Urabi, Marun, and the Secretary of the General Federation

of Labour, Shaikh Safwan Abu al-Fath.14 They synchronized strikes andincited the workers to occupy the factories of the National Spinning Companyand the Egyptian Oil Industries on 22 February 1924.15 This could be interpretedas an attempt by the communists to emphasize the common interests unitingworkers at different establishments, that is, to instil in them a class consciousness.

The Egyptian Government reacted to the occupation of factories by arresting the

ring-leaders (including Marun and Abu al-Fath)16 who were members of the

Communist Party. Pro-Wafdist labour unions began to organize rallies in

Alexandria emphasizing the dangers of communism. It was not accidental that

it was inearly

MarchI924

that 'Abd al-Rahman Fahmi wasapproached bylabour leaders to form a General Union of Labour Syndicates.17

Still more significant than the communist-controlled General Federation of

Labour was a group of labour unions controlled by leaders who were Wafdists

or had strong Wafdist leanings. The Wafd's interest in organizing labour unions

as auxiliary organizations for its political struggle goes back to the immediate

aftermath of the 1919 popular uprising. 'Abd al-Rahman Fahmi wrote to Zaghlulin October 1919 about the role of the Wafdist Central Committee in spreadinglabour unions all over the country. He claimed that 'for every craft a union

was formed'.18 These labour unions, he added, were an important weapon in

the hands of the nationalist movement.19 In fact, the year I9I9 witnessed the

formation of a relatively great number of them. In Cairo there were 38 unions

in 1922, 8 of which were reported to have been formed in I919.20 The unions

formed were those of important enterprises such as the Cairo Tramway Com-

pany, Cairo Electric Railway, Heliopolis Oases Company, and several important

cigarette and tobacco enterprises. The advisers or representatives of these

labour unions were pro-Wafdist, such as Muhammad Kamil Husain, 'Aziz

Mirhum, Hasan Nafi', and Mahjub Thabit.21 The actual relationship of 'Abd

al-Rahman Fahmi to this labour movement, however, is difficultto ascertain. The

formation of these labour unions was described as being motivated by nationalist

14 F.O. I4I/583/9321/I23. Abu al-Fath was a teacher by profession (Al-Ahram, 29May 1924).

15 F.O. 14 /583/9321/I23.16 Allenby to Macdonald, 21 March 1924, F.O. 407/i98, enclosure in No. io8.17 'Abd al-Rahman Fahmi, Mudhakkirat, MS (hereafter Fahmi), National Archives,

Cairo, Egypt, pp. 2815-2816; Allenby to Macdonald, 5 April I924, F.O. 407/198, No.

I29.18 A letter from Fahmi to Zaghlul, dated i8 October I919. Muhammad Anis, Dirasat

fi Watha'iq Thawrat 1919, Vol. I (Cairo, I963), p. 154 (hereafter Anis).19 bid.20Commission de Conciliation du Travail, VIIeme Rapport, Annexe II, F.O.

I4I/779/9321 /Io6.21 Thabit revived the Handicrafts Trade Union established by the Watani Party in

1908, and, not unlike the Watanists, cooperated with the Wafd in the aftermath of the

I919 popular uprising. The Handicrafts Trade Union had over i,ooo members andbranches n Port-Said,Isma'iliya,and Alexandria.







190 Marius Deeb

as well as by economic causes.22The Wafd and the labour unions were connected

during the period 1919-1923 through the Wafdist advisers or representatives of

labour unions rather thanthrough any

other formalorganization.'Abd al-Rahman Fahmi began his labour activities in March I924 and for the

first four months relied on the General Workmen's Syndicate which was

originally a splinter group from the Handicraft Trade Union of MahjubThabit.23 The first stage was simply an attempt by Fahmi and his associates to

attract existing syndicates in Cairo, Alexandria and the provinces. Perhaps the

attempt to form a General Workmen's Syndicate in Port-Said in May I924 was

an exception.24The membership of the General Workmen's Syndicate reached

0o,ooo to I2,000 in June 1924.25 A new development in the labour movement

began with the drafting of the statutes of the General Union of the Workers of

the Nile Valley in July i924.26 This General Union was supposed to replace the

General Workmen's Syndicate of Cairo and its various branches. It is significantthat some workers of the General Workmen's Syndicate did not join the newlyformed General Union.27 The newspaper Ittihad al-'Ummal stopped beingissued from 28 July till 26 October 1924, that is, during the period of reorganiza-tion of the labour movement. By November 1924 the General Union managedto attract a large number of workers. Branches were formed in the Suez Canal,Kafr al-Zayyat, al-Faiyum and Kom Ombo. The major labour syndicates of

Alexandria which were under Wafdist control joined the General Union.28

The latter claimed, by late November 1924, 120 labour syndicates, and a total

membership of around 150,000 workers.29

'Abd al-Rahman Fahmi, the president of the General Union, in a speechdelivered on 2 November 1924, outlined the objectives sought in his participationin the labour movement. The first was 'the organization of the largest section

of the nation upon whose efforts our economic and social independence hinges.'30Thus the organization of workers was by itself an objective, and it was made

quite explicit in the statute of the General Union of the Workers of the Nile

Valley.31 In the latter's administrative board, control and decision-making

resided. The section on strikes of the General Union's statute shows to whatextent the administrative board subordinated and controlled the various labour

22 Ruh al-'Asr, No. 3, 28 February 1930, an interview with Zuhair Sabri who claimed

that the labour unions began as nationalist syndicates and were gradually transformed

to labour syndicates proper.23 Saiyid Qandil, Naqabiyyati: al-Risala al-'Ummaliya al-Ula (Cairo, 1938), pp.

17-18 (hereafter Qandil).24 F.O. I41/583/9321/116.25 Ittihad al-'Ummal, 12 June I924.26 The statute was actually written by 'Abd al-Rahman Fahmi, Zuhair Sabri and Hasan

Nafi'.27 Fahmi, pp. 2853-2854.28 Al-'Ummal, 31 October I924.29 Ittihad al-' Ummal, 23 November I924.30 Ibid., 9 November 1924.31 Anis, the full text of the statute, pp. 309-320; article 5, clauses 1-3, pp. 309-3Io.







Labour and Politics in Egypt, 1919-1939 I91

unions which belonged to the General Union. The board decided when to go on

strike and defined its purpose irrespective of whether it was a general

strike or not (in the case of a general strike 80 percent of the members of theboard would issue the decision, which needed the approval of only 60 percent of

them). Furthermore no union could declare a strike without the approval of the

General Union.32The second objective of the labour movement was to safeguardthe workers' rights and to prevent them from succumbing to communist ideas.33

This objective was a direct reaction to the communist control of some of the

important unions in Alexandria - especially the short-lived communist labour

activities from February I92I to March 1924. The third objective was to preventthe workers from demanding more than their rights and 'to quieten the capital-ists'

apprehensionsso that

theywill invest more in an

atmosphereof

peaceand

confidence.'34

Fahmi conceived of a trade union as a necessary intermediary between workers

and employers. A labour union was not to work against the capitalists, on the

contrary, one of its duties was to ask for the workers' legitimate rights only. It

would take a stand in labour disputes favouring neither side at the expense of

the other.35 On the whole the union was to have a moderating effect on the

workers. Fahmi reminded the workers of this balance by saying that he would

defend the capitalists' rights just as well as he would the workers' rights.36The conception of a labour syndicate as an intermediary between workers

and employers was reinforced by the strong belief among workers that the

establishment of national industries would reduce the prevalent unemploymentand improve their lot. In other words, they adopted, mutatis mutandis, the

doctrine of economic independence which was part and parcel of the ideologyof the nationalist movement and which found its economic expression in the

Bank Misr group.37Fahmi and other Wafdist leaders, who represented the workers whenever a

strike took place or was imminent, realized that the labour conciliation boards

(which were established in each Mudiriya in February 1924, replacing the Labour

Conciliation Board of August I919) were unable to enforce agreements arrivedat by the two parties concerned, owing to the absence of labour legislation.38Without legislation workers were facing capitalists unarmed while the latter

had the capitulations and the law safeguarding private property as their weap-ons.39 The same reasons prompted Wafdist deputies to propose the setting upof a labour committee in the Chamber of Deputies as the first step for the even-

32 Ibid., articles 46, 47, 48 and 50, p. 318.33 Ittihad al-'Ummal, 9 November 1924.34 Ibid.35 Fahmi, pp. 2822-2823.36 Ibid., p. 2870. Fahmi himself was a shareholder in Bank Misr from its foundation

(ibid., p. 3772).37See Marius Deeb, 'Bank Misr and the Emergence of the Local Bourgeoisie in Egypt,'

Middle Eastern Studies, 12, 3 (I976), 69-86.38 Al-'Ummal, 12 August 1924.39Ittihad al-'Ummal, 23 November I924.







192 Marius Deeb

tual enactment of labour legislation.40 In preparation for the parliamentaryelections of March 1925 there were fourteen candidates who were put forward

as the workers' candidates for the Chamber of Deputies. Eleven of these hadbeen active in labour affairs. The list included, apart from Fahmi himself,

Shafiq Mansur, Hasan Nafi', Makram 'Ubaid, Ahmad Mahir and RaghibIskandar.41

Fahmi, however, resigned from the presidency of the General Union in late

January 1925, after his release from prison where he spent a couple of months

in the wake of the assassination of Sir Lee Stack. Fahmi feared that he would

remain suspect as long as he was at the helm of the labour movement.42 ShafiqMansur was elected as the president of the General Union and Ibrahim Musa

became a member of the council.43 Both were arrested inFebruary 1925

in

connection with the assassination of Sir Lee Stack and were eventually hanged.The implication of prominent labour leaders in the assassination carried out bythe secret apparatus of the Wafd, as well as the measures taken by Ziwar's

ministry against the Wafd as such, adversely affected labour syndicates, and

eventually the General Union became defunct.

With the formation of the Palace party, al-Ittihad, there was an attempt byIttihadists to capture labour syndicates.44The programme of the party contained

as one of its objectives the improvement of the workers' lot.45 King Fu'ad

gave the workers, in March 1925, a gift of ?E3,000 on the condition of electingIttihadists as presidents of important syndicates.46The success achieved by the

Ittihadists was short-lived, however, having been made possible only under the

repressive measures launched against Wafdist labour leaders by Ziwar's Cabinet.

During September 1926 the Ittihadist leaders of labour syndicates were replaced

by Wafdist or pro-Wafdist figures. Similarly, the spokesmen of labour syndicatesin the Chamber of Deputies were of the same stock: Hasan Nafi', Zuhair Sabri,Ahmad Hafiz 'Awad and Mahjub Thabit.47

The Wafd had considerable control over the labour movement through Wafd-

ists who acted as presidents of, or advisers to, the major labour syndicates. The

General Workmen's Syndicate (3,350 members) had Ahmad Muhammad Agha,a Wafdist, as adviser; the Cairo Tramway Men's Syndicate (2,449 members)

40 Madabit Majlis al-Nuwwab, session 22 November 1924.41 Ittihad al-'Ummal, I January 1925.42 Fahmi, p. 2879. Fahmi's decision was probably affected by the fact that he had been

previously involved in clandestine activities, since I919, and that charges broughtagainst him in the trial of 1920 were not completely unfounded.

43Report on Labour Situation, January 1925 to September 1926, F.O.

I41/583/9321/143.44Vatikiotis erroneously states that 'a pro-Ittihad party union was organized in

1925 under Abd al-Rahman Fahmi' (P. J. Vatikiotis, The Modern History of Egypt[London, I969], p. 335).

45Ahmad Shafiq, Hawliyat Misr al-Siyasiya, al-Hawliya al-Thaniya Sanat 1925(Cairo, 1928), p. I6.

46 F.O. 141/583/932I/143.47 Ibid., see Madabit Majlis al-Nuwwab, sessions 22, 25, 31 August 1926, and o0, 23

January 1927.







Labour and Politics in Egypt, I9I9-I939 I93

had Zuhair Sabri as adviser; and Hasan Nafi' was the president of the Auto-

mobile Drivers' Syndicate (700 members).48 Although a centralized general

union of syndicates, on the lines of 'Abd al-Rahman Fahmi's General Union,did not exist, the various syndicates cooperated mainly owing to the Wafdist

bonds which united the leaders who, in some cases, held posts simultaneouslyin different syndicates. For example, Ahmad Agha was a leading figure of seven

major syndicates with a total membership of 17,000 workers.49 'Aziz Mirhum,a Wafdist senator, acted as an adviser or president of four labour syndicates.50Another labour leader, Husni al-Shintinawi, edited a weekly newspaper, al-

'Amil al-Misri, as the organ of the various labour syndicates.51In June 1926 a committee dealing with labour matters was set up in the

Chamber ofDeputies.52

Hasan Nafi'proposed

the formation of agovernmentcommission to examine the condition of workers and to lay down labour legisla-

tion,53 and subsequently the Rida Commission was formed in July 1927. He

also proposed, pending the enactment of labour legislation, a labour office

with an advisory capacity to replace the Labour Conciliation Boards, which

would examine complaints from both sides (labour and employers) and supervisethe implementation of the agreements reached by the two parties.54

Labour syndicates continued to grow in strength in the late 1920S.55 The

parliamentary period (June I926-June 1928) furnished the spokesmen of the

various labour syndicates with the opportunity to express their grievances and

demands in the Chamber of Deputies. For example, one of the major labour

syndicates, the General Workmen's Syndicate, sent in a petition to members

of the Cabinet and Parliament listing a great number of labour demands. The

list included legislation for the recognition of labour syndicates, the establish-

ment of labourers' savings banks, the enforcement of the decisions of the Labour

Conciliation board, the guarantee to labourers of a scale of gratuities, allowances

in case of temporary or permanent injury, unemployment pay, and allowances

in case of illness. There were also other demands of a more general or specificnature that were presented.56 The urgency of these labour demands was felt

by the labour leaders themselves, as well as in government circles, and resulted

48 List of Syndicates in Cairo, 14 October 1926, F.O. I41/583/9321/143.49Ruh al-'Asr, No. 6, 2I March 1930, p. 8.50 SenatorAziz Mirhum.F.O. I41/583/9321/66I.51Al-'Amil al-Misri, io FebruaryI930. This newspapercame out from February

until June 1930. As the communistchallengewas over, the Wafdist labour leadersbecamemoreradical.This couldbe seen in the articlesandreportsof al-'Amil al-Misrias compared with those of Ittihad al-'Ummal of 1924-1925.

52MadabitMajlisal-Nuwwab,session 13 June 1926.53Ibid., session 25 January 1927.54 Ibid.55 In October 1926 there were 21 syndicates in Cairo (F.O. I4I/583/932I/I42a). In

1927 the General Workmen'ssyndicate'saffiliatedand allied unions numbered36 inCairo and elsewhere (F.O. I41/585/923I/I43). By the end of 1930, there were 36syndicates n Cairo alonehavinga total membershipof approximately 9,000 workers(F.O. 141/763/506/1/31).

56F.O. I4I/583/932I/I42a.







I94 Marius Deeb

in the formation of the Rida Commission on Labour (1927-1929). All this natur-

ally provoked criticism from the Federation of Industries.57

The culmination in thedevelopment

of the labour movementduring

theperiod1926-1930 was enhanced by the return of the Wafd to power in January 1930.58

A congress of labour syndicates, in which eighteen syndicates were represented,was held in May-June I930.59 The congress passed resolutions urging the

Government to submit labour legislation to Parliament and to promulgate it

during that session.60 It also decided to set up a high consultative labour office

to organize syndicates,61and eventually to form a federation of labour syndic-ates.62

The growth by the late 1920Sof trade union consciousness among the workingclass could be noted in demands from the rank and file for the amelioration of

their conditions of life63 and for the formation of a federation of trade unions.64

The absence of labour legislation as well as the fact that labour unions were

organized on the basis of crafts and not on the basis of the kind of industrial

activity the worker was engaged in,65hampered the development of trade union

consciousness proper. Although a syndicate was no longer thought of as playinga mediating role between workers and employers (as it definitely served the

interests of the former), widespread unemployment, and the predominantly

foreign character of local industrialists, hindered the development of a class

consciousness among the workers.

The year 1930 marks a new stage in the development of the labour movement.The impact of the Great Depression on Egypt's economic condition was the most

significant factor in the growth of trade union consciousness among the workingclass. The economic crisis induced industrialists to reduce staff and wages,

coinciding sometimes with the installation of new machinery, which was

prompted by new tariffs, and which aggravatedthe whole situation. For example,in Alexandria, the Pressage Company discharged almost i,ooo workers, the

National Spinning Company reduced wages, the number of workers, fitted

new machines, and employed boys and girls. It was reported also that some

companies 'employing contract labour deal with the workers as they pleasedespite contract provisions.'66 On the whole, cuts in wages reached more than

40 per cent compared to 1923, and unemployment was rife. Moreover, un-

employed workers were 're-engaged at lower wages',67and even child labour was

more widely spread than was realized.

57 Misr al-Sina'iya, 3, 2 (1927), 27; ibid., 4, 2 (1928), 37-39; ibid., 4, 6 (1928), 29-33;

ibid., 5, 8 (1929), 28.58A note by Smart dated 29 January 1930, F.O. I4I/649/268/1130.59Ruh al-'Asr, No. i8, 13 June I930, p. 8.60 Al-'Amil al-Misri, No. ii, 26 May I930.

61 This was proposed by senator 'Aziz Mirhum in April 1930, but incurred somecriticism from workers (Ruh al-'Asr, No. 9, i April 1930, p. 3; see ibid., No. Io, I8

April I930, p. 6.)62 Ibid., No. i8, 13 June I930, p. 8. 63 Ibid., No. 6, 21 March I930, p. 8.64 Ibid., No. 3, 28 February I930, p. 8. 65 Ibid., No. 4, 7 March 1930, p. 5.66 F.O. 141/658/I64/25/30. 67 Ibid.







Labour and Politics in Egypt, z199-I939 195

The Butler Report on Labour Conditions in Egypt, published in 1932, re-

garded the official estimate of unemployed workers (24,000) as low, for it noted

that if both seasonal unemployment and permanent unemployment figureswere taken the number of unemployed would be very great indeed.68The problemof unemployment in the early 1930s plagued the working class to a lesser extent

than it did the agricultural class of labourers. Rural immigration to towns was

steady, in spite of the prevalent unemployment there, as the income of workers

was relatively higher than that of agriculturalworkers.69 t has also been claimed

that the use of machinery in the tafatish (the large landed estates) cut down the

employment of labour there and thus augmented ruralemigration.70The Govern-

ment was faced with such a wave of migration to the towns and such a high

degree of unemployment, that it issued a law concerning vagrancy to control

the situation.71 Moreover, industrialists found it more economic, in the early

1930s, to employ more child labour, and as Butler observed, it became even

more widespread in large-scale modern industry.72The trade union movement in the early I930S was helped by some factors

and hampered by others. On the one hand, unemployment and the low wageswere factors which promoted the development of the trade union movement.

On the other hand, the coming to power of Sidqi in June I930, and his strongmeasures against the Wafd Party, inevitably had repercussions on the labour

movement as a Wafdist stronghold. Sidqi attempted to capture trade unions

by enlisting the services of Dawud Ratib, who was the president of a generalunion consisting of only three syndicates.73In December I930, however, Ratib

was ousted by the members of the General Union and replaced by 'Abbas

Halim.74The latter had already manifested Wafdist sympathies over the abroga-tion of the 1923 Constitution. After King Fu'ad deprived Halim of his title of

Nabil, the Wafd bestowed upon him the honorific Sahib al-Sharaf al-Rafi'

instead.75The Wafd tried to use him in its fight against Sidqi and King Fu'ad,while Halim, on his part, tried to further his ambitions by riding on the wave

of the popular Wafd Party. The outcome was an uneasy alliance between the

Wafd and 'Abbas Halim.68Al-Tali'a, i, 6 (I965), I56. Harold Butler was delegated by the International

Labour Office at the request of Sidqi's Cabinet to examine the labour situation in Egypt.The report was submitted in March I932 (ibid., p. I46).

69 Ibid., p. 148.70 Salama Musa, 'Harakat al-'Ummal fi Misr,' al-Majalla al-Jadida, 4, 2 (February

1935), 19-20.

71 'Abbas Halim, 'Al-'Ummal al-Misriyun fi al-'Ishrina Sana al-Madiya,' al-Majallaal-Jadida, 3, I (November 1934), 56.

72Al-Tali'a, i, 6 (1965), 149.73Qandil, pp. 18-19. Ratib was, until June 1930, a member of the Liberal Constitution-

alist Party (Ruh al-'Asr, No. i8, 13 June I930).74 Muhammad Hasan 'Imara, Arba'ina 'Aman fi al-Haraka al-'Ummaliya, MS (here-

after 'Imara), pp. 12-I3. 'Imara, himself a member of the General Union, took part inthe action against Ratib. I am grateful to Dr. Ra'uf 'Abbas of Cairo University for makingthis manuscript available for me to consult.

75 Ra'uf 'Abbas, al-Haraka al-'Ummaliya fi Misr i899-1952 (Cairo, I967), p. 90.







196 Marius Deeb

The General Union of Labour Syndicates of Egypt, which 'Abbas Halim

wrested from Dawud Ratib, gradually developed into a powerful General Union.

It had around 600 members in December I930,76 around I,ooo in February-March 1931,77 and by the summer of 193I the number of members rose to

several thousands.78 By June I934 it was reported that the General Union had

300,000 workers, through the estimated membership of seven unions and 56labour syndicates affiliated to it.79 The General Union sought the realization of

various objectives such as the promulgation of labour legislation concerning

accidents, pension and sickness; working hours that were not to exceed the eight-hour limit and the six-day week, with an annual paid vacation of two weeks;the equality of Egyptian and foreign workers in wages and privileges if working

in the same trade; and that the number of Egyptian workers should not be lowerthan 80 per cent in any establishment. The General Union advocated the

establishment of evening schools to decrease illiteracy among the workers,as well as weekend schools and even an evening university for the spread of

education among the working class. It also demanded the building of hygienichouses for workers in cooperation with the Government, the capitalists, and the

municipalities. The General Union kept links with labour unions outside

Egypt, as well as with international organizations: such as the International

Federation of Trade Unions,80 of which it became an affiliate.

Halim's General Union had an administrative council of seventeen members

headed by himself. There were two vice-presidents, five secretaries, one treas-

urer, and eight members. The members of the council represented, at first,

only eight labour syndicates.81 The council itself had several committees such

as the publicity, finance, and legislation committees, as well as the labour

disputes committee and the committee for organizing syndicates.82The General

Union relied primarily on subscriptions for its finances, but whenever its budgetsuffered a deficit, 'Abbas Halim himself balanced it from his own private means.

When one compares the statute of the General Union of the Labour Syndicatesof Egypt with earlier ones, such as Fahmi's General Union of the Workers

of the Nile Valley, one notices that its objectives were clearly defined while

there was little emphasis on organization and supervision as such.83 Its aims

were not unlike those of the General Workmen's Syndicate in the late I920S.84

There were, however, two features peculiar to Halim's General Union, namely,the emphasis on the educational and social aspects of workers' lives, and the links

with international labour organizations such as the International Federation

of Trade Unions.85

76Al-Safa', 26 April 193I.77F.O.

I41/763/506/1/131.This refers to the Halim's labour syndicate in Cairo only,

but the General Union had already formed branches in various towns such as Alexandria,Damanhur, al-Mahmudiya, Banha and Hilwan (Qandil, pp. 19-20).

78 'Imara, p. 15; F.O. I41/763/506/22/31; al-Safa', 26 April I931.79'Abbas, p. 97; al-Muqattam, 28 December I934.80 'Imara, p. 14. 81 Ibid. 82 Ibid., p. I5.

83 Al-Safa', No. i, 3 April 1931.84 F.O. 141/583/932I/I42a. 85Al-Safa', No. I, 3 April I931.







Labourand Politics in Egypt, I919-I939 197

'Abbas Halim sought a labour movement independent of the Wafd althoughallied to it. He did not allow Wafdists to 'infiltrate' his General Union,86 and

consequently tried to rely on independent trade unionists. He drew his assistantslargely from workers instead of the usual lawyers who acted as advisers to labour

syndicates. A mark of Halim's independence from the Wafd was the foundation

of the Labour Party in May-June 1931.87 The party was weak and had by the

end of June 193I not more than 4,000 members.88Labour syndicates refrained

from joining the party (especially syndicates in Alexandria)89probably fearingto antagonize the Wafd Party, which still had the allegiance of the mass of the

workers. The Wafd resented the move taken by 'Abbas Halim, and so put pres-sure on him to dissolve the party (which he did in July I93i),90 and to confine

himself to the trade union movement proper. Halim's independent stand was inharmony with his long-range objectives and ambitions - as he 'openly says that

he intends to be the next King of Egypt.'91From March 1931 till early 1934, Halim's General Union was rarely involved

in the daily trade union struggle, and purely economic issues were thus relegatedto the background. The deprivation of the political rights of workers rendered

them actively involved in boycotting the elections of June 1931 in Cairo,

Alexandria, and the provinces.92 Still more significant was the struggle for sur-

vival, that is, the right to exist, which overshadowed purely economic conflicts.

One should view from thisangle

theparticipation

of the General Union in the

International Trade Union Conference held in Madrid in July I931. They had

an urgent need for international pressure to be exerted on Sidqi to relax his

restrictions on syndical freedom.93Consequently, W. Schevenels, the Secretary-General of the General Federation of Trade Unions, was delegated to visit

Egypt in October 193I, and was able to meet representatives of labour syndicates,members of Halim's General Union, in spite of Sidqi's efforts to prevent this.94

Nevertheless, all these endeavours by the General Union bore no fruit. Sidqi,and later 'Abd al-Fattah Yahya, continued to have the upper hand, and were

almost completely successful in stifling the labour movement, untilearly

1934.The years 1932-1933 were characterized by labour inactivity. Halim's General

Union was reduced to issuing occasional manifestos protesting against the

suppression of labour syndicates.s5

86 AlthoughWafdist-controlledabourunionsjoinedHalim'sGeneralUnion ('Abbas,p. 9I).

87 Vatikiotis ncorrectly tates: 'in 1933-4, AbbasHalimdetachedhis union fromtheWafd and formed the EgyptianLabourParty (possibly by this time inspiredby theCrown)'(ModernHistoryof Egypt,p. 335).

88 European Department to Oriental Secretary, Confidential, 30 June 193I, F.O.

141/763/506/22131.89 Ibid.90The Egyptian Gazette, 22 July I931.91EuropeanDepartment o Smart,25 June 1934,F.O. I41/733/894/3/34.92'Imara,p. 15; 'Abd al-Rahmanal-Rafi'i,Fi A'qabal-Thawraal-Misriyya,Vol. II

(Cairo, 1966), p. 172.93 'Imara, p. i8. 94 Ibid. 95 'Abbas, pp. 95-96.







198 Marius Deeb

The events of June 1934, namely the violent clashes between the police and

the workers, bear witness to the helplessness of labour leaders vis-a-vis the anti-

trade union policy of the Government. Two developments took place which ledto the labour events of June 1934. First, the revival of trade union activities and

the formation of syndicates among unorganized labour on the one hand, and

the encouragement given to labour syndicates such as Tramway Workers and

Omnibus Workers, by Halim, to join the General Union, on the other hand.96

Second, it seems that an increased number of labour disputes took place in the

months of March to June i934.97 As a consequence of the clashes Halim was

arrested. He was released after three weeks without any charges being brought

against him; but it was not until the fall of Yahya's Cabinet, in November I934,that Halim was able to resume his labour activities.98

In suppressing labour syndicates, Sidqi, and later Yahya, had three objectives:

first, to check the Wafdist control over the labour movement, as part and parcelof weakening the Wafd Party; second, to undermine 'Abbas Halim's powerin the labour movement, so as to please King Fu'ad who viewed him with dis-

trust; and thirdly, to weaken labour syndicates vis-a-vis local industrialists.

It should be noted that Sidqi, who became vice-president of the Federation of

Industries in 1929,99 was closely connected with the local bourgeoisie. The estab-

lishment of the Labour Office in November 1930, as a section of the Public

Security Departmentin the

Ministryof Interior, before the

promulgationof

any labour laws, was in full agreement with the view held by the Federation

of Industries.100As recommended by the Butler Report on Labour,10l a HigherLabour Council was set up, in December 1932, but workers had no representa-tives on it.102 On the whole, the Butler Report was less objectionable to local

industrialists than the Rida Commission Report of 1929 (which was completely

ignored), as the former laid great emphasis on gradualism in labour legislation.103Labour Laws Nos. 48 and 80 of 1933 regarding child and female labour, which

were based on the Butler Report, complied with the wishes of the local

bourgeoisie. These laws took into account the criticism, by the Federation of

Industries, of the sections in the Rida Report concerning child and femalelabour.104Sidqi's rule was praised by the local bourgeoisie, as he kept the house in

order, especially in matters of public security.105In I935, when Sidqi was no

longer in power, he sent an open letter to the Prime Minister urging him to curb

96 F.O. I41/733/894/Ia/34, 21 June 1934.97 Five out of seven major disputes that took place during 1934. Egypt, Labour Office,

Annual Report for the Year I935 (Cairo, I935), Annex C, pp. 40-4I. The list shows someof the disputes in which the Labour Office intervened.

98 Lampson to Eden, i6 April 1937, F.O. 37I/1989/815/16.99Misr al-Sina'iyya, 5, 7 (1929), 5.100Ibid., 7, 2-3 (I93I), 20.101Al-Tali'a, i, 6 (1965), I49.102 Egypt, Labour Office, Annual Report for the Year 1935, pp. 27-28.103 Al-Tali'a, i, 6 (I965), 149104 Ibid., I, 5 (I965), 158; Misr al-Sina'iya, 6, 7 (1928), 29-32.

0o Ibid., 9, i (I933), 8.







Labour and Politics in Egypt, I919-I939 I99

political influence in the labour movement, which, he claimed, could be harmful

to the 'nascent' Egyptian industry.106

As long as 'Abbas Halim was cooperating with the Wafd, the latter did notorganize the working class as such. The Wafdist Congress of January 1935,however, recommended the creation of a permanent labour council, and con-

sequently 'Abbas Halim was approached and it seems that, at first, he acceptedthe presidency of the proposed High Labour Council.107But later Halim came

under pressure from his followers108and, perhaps, from the Young Egypt

Society too,109which made him change his mind and reject the proposal. The

Wafd's initiative to form a permanent labour council was motivated by two

reasons:110 irst, that the labour movement might no longer be 'dependent on

one man's life', namely Halim's; and second, to control the working masseswho were Wafdist and could act irresponsibly, and therefore discredit the

Wafd Party. Negotiations took place between the Wafd and 'Abbas Halim, and

an agreement was reached which was essentially a recognition of the High Labour

Council (formed by the Wafd on Io February 1935 with Halim as president)111and the Federation of Syndicates as two separate and independent organizations.The former was not to interfere in the latter's affairs.112In the meantime, Wafdist

labour leaders were active among syndicates to win them over to the side of the

Wafd.1l3 By April 1935 'Abbas Halim was losing ground, and his resignationfrom the

HighLabour Council

merely anticipatedhis removal

byits Wafdist

members.114Halim accused the Wafd, in his letter of resignation, of bringing

political matters into the sphere of labour,115while 'Aziz Mirhum, the Wafdist

labour leader, accused Halim's Federation of being transformed into a federation

not unlike those of Dawud Ratib and Edgar Jallad.116By May 1935 the majorityof labour syndicates in Cairo and Alexandria had left Halim's Federation and

joined the High Labour Council.117 n spite of reports about the inactivity of the

High Council, the 'little apparent influence over organized labour' exercised bythe Wafd, and the claim that 'Abbas Halim [is] still holding his own against the

Wafd',118Halim's Federation could not meet the Wafdist challenge. Attempts

106 Al-Ahram, 12 February I935.107 Lampson to Simon, I5 February 1935, F.O. I417I13/259/6/35.108Ibid.; 'Imara, p. 24.lo9 Abbas Halim and Ahmad Husain came to an agreement that legal advisors to

labour syndicates were 'to be chosen from the ranks of "Young Egypt" members.'Abbas Halim and Young Egypt Society, 24 January 1935, Secret, F.O. 141/713/259/2/35.

110Discussion with Director General of the European Department, 12 February 1935,F.O. 141/713/259/8/35.

111 Kawab al-Sharq, I February 1935.112 Lampson to Simon, 2 March I935, F.O. I41/7I3/259/11/35.113

Lampsonto Simon, 23

February 1935,F.O.

I41/713/259/9/35.114 Lampson to Simon, 26 April 1935, F.O. I41/713/259/16/35. 115Qandil, p. 27.116 Al-Musawwar, No. 551, 3 May 1935, p. I4; Edgar Jallad, the editor of the news-

paper La Liberte,formed a Palace-sponsored General Union of Syndicates in 1931, whichhad a total membership of about 150 workers.

117 Lampson to Simon, 17 May 1935, F.O. I41/713/259/19/35.118 Lampson to Eden, 31 December I935, F.O. I41/713259/23/35.







200 Marius Deeb

at unifying the opposing labour organizations, in the wake of the formation of

the United Front of political parties in December I935, were unsuccessful. By

early 1936Halim had left the labour

scene,and it was not until

August 1937that he became again involved in labour affairs.

The Wafd, which after taking over Halim's Federation, continued the practiceof transferring 40 per cent of the subscriptions of the individual unions to the

central organization, increased the number of labour syndicates attached to it,and 'caused a good deal of unrest in various industrial establishments which led

to strikes, dismissals and occasionally to the betterment of working conditions.'19

When the Wafd came to power in May 1936 it continued to pursue its labour

policy through the High Labour Council and the Federation of Syndicatesinstead of through the official Labour Department, putting a great deal of

pressure on the latter 'to intervene in disputes which would never have arisen if

the workers had been left to themselves.'120

Prominent Wafdist Labour leaders like Zuhair Sabri who was the Chairman

of the Chamber Committee for Labour and Social Affairs demanded the enforce-

ments of Labour Laws such as the Child Labour Law of 1933.121 Sabri criticized

the reduction of wages of workers employed in the hand-rolled cigarette estab-

lishment which had been the result of an increase of taxes on cigarettes.122The Wafdist Parliament managed to pass the Workmen's Compensation for

Accidents Law in 1936. An attempt by some deputies to amend the law so that

its application would be limited to industrial and commercial establishmentswith a capital of /Ei,ooo or more, failed.123Similarly large landowners in the

Senate were unsuccessful in amending the second article of the law to exclude

workers employed in agriculture who worked on power-operated machines.124

The Wafdist Cabinet tried to pass a law organizing trade unions but was

faced with stiff opposition from the Advisory Labour Council and the Labour

Department headed by R. M. Graves. The Advisory Labour Council had a

total membership of thirty-six but of which two members only represented the

workers. The major objections to the proposal came from the representative of

the Federation of Industries, Henri Naus, who was against the organization oftrade unions on the basis of establishment or factory, for he preferred them to

be organized on the basis of crafts. He was also opposed to the establishment of

branches of trade unions because this would have been tantamount to the

formation of a federation of trade unions. These ideas incurredstrong oppositionfrom the Wafdist trade unions which accused the Advisory Labour Council as

being unrepresentative and of hampering the enactment of legislation.125

119The Egyptian Government's Attitude towards Labour, A Note by R. M. Graves,20 November I937, F.O. I4I/660/357/7/37.

120 Ibid.21 Madabit Majlis al-Nuwwab, session Io August 1936.

122 Ibid., session 20 July I936. 123 Ibid., session 24-25 August I936.124 Madabit Majlis al-Shuyakh, sessions 7 and 9 September I936.125 Amin 'Izz al-Din, Tarikh al-Tabaqa al-'Amila al-Misriyya fi al-Thalathinat I929-

I939 (Cairo, 1972), pp. I44-145 (hereafter 'Izz al-Din).







Labour and Politics in Egypt, I9I9-I939 20I

In the summer of 1936, Senator 'Aziz Mirhum replaced Hamdi Saif al-Nasr126

as president of the Wafdist High Labour Council. In contrast with his pre-

decessor,Mirhum was

activelyinvolved in labour and

reorganizedthe

HighLabour Council to include both Wafdist advisors to the labour movement and

representatives of the rank and file of workers.

The culmination of the Wafdist interest in labour was the Labour Congresswhich was convened by the High Labour Council, and its Federation of Trade

Unions, in early October 1937, in Alexandria. The Wafdist press claimed that

00oo,oooworkers attended it. Mustafa Nahhas's speech before the Congresscontained a thorough presentation of the labour laws which his cabinet was

planning to send to Parliament, such as the proposed laws concerning the indi-

vidual contract of employment, the

organization

of trade unions, hours of work

in commercial establishments, and trade union disputes and arbitration.127

On the whole during the period 1936-I937, the demands of the various work-

ers' syndicates, such as an increase in pay, shorter hours of work, paid leave,sick leave, indemnities, pensions, and the increasing number of strikes, were

dealt with favourably by the Wafdist Cabinet.128

'Abbas Halim - who regained his title of Nabil in June 1936 - decided, in

August 1937, to resume his labour activities.129This prompted trade unionists

to meet in September 1937 and form a body for organizing the labour movement,that is, reviving and organizing labour syndicates and eventually founding a

labour party.130Consequently, in March 1938 the General Union of Workers'

Syndicates of the Kingdom of Egypt was formed. It comprised thirty-two

syndicates, and was headed by 'Abbas Halim.131 The General Union organizeda demonstration on 8 May 1938 demanding the official recognition of syndicates,shorter work hours, minimum wages, reconsideration of the Workmen's

Compensation Law, enforcement of the directives of the Labour Departmentin inspecting industrial establishments, and the solution to the problem of

unemployed workers.132This demonstration was intended, inter alia, to be an

answer to the president of the Federation of Industries, Henri Naus, who called

for a slower pace in the enactment of labour legislation.133Moreover, on 25 MayI939, the General Union made a dramatic move by declaring that eight of its

members would go on a hunger strike unless labour legislation was issued within126 '. .. who suffered rom a combinationof ill-healthand disinclination or his task'

(F.O. 14I/660/357/7/37).127 'Izz al-Din, pp. I48-149.128E.g., workersof HotelsCompany,Kom OmboCompany,PressingCompany,and

Alexandria Tramway (Al-Ahram, 13 March, I, 2 and 17 April I937).129 The Egyptian Gazette, II August I937. It seems that Halim was encouraged by

King Faruq hopingto forma labourpartywhich would be 'a troublesome horn in theside of the Wafd' (Kelly to Eden, i8 August I937, F.O. 141/660/357/2/37).

130 Qandil, pp. 33, 43.131 Ibid., p. 34. In April 1938 Halim became Za'im, while Muhammad al-,Damardash

al-Shanadiwas electedpresident.The latterwas an employeeat a weaving company nAlexandria'Imara,p. 27).

132Qandil, pp. 39-40.133 Ibid., pp. 40-41; Misr al-Sina'iya, I4, 6 (1938), 22-23.







202 Marius Deeb

a fortnight. The strike lasted only three days, ending 15 June 1939, when the

Chamber of Deputies began discussing the Labour Syndicates Law. 34

Since early 1938 the labour trade union movement split between the newlyformed General Union of 'Abbas Halim and the Wafdist High Labour Council

and its Federation of Trade Unions. It seems that the Wafd retained some sup-

port in Alexandria and the provinces, while Halim's General Union was mainlyconfined to Cairo and to a lesser extent to Alexandria where Damardash al-

Shanadi headed a group of trade unions.135 It is noteworthy that Zuhair Sabri,the Wafdist labour leader, tried to steer away the Federation of Trade Unions

under the High Labour Council from involvement in politics in accordance with

the Federation's statute.136Similarly, from July 1939 Halim's General Union

embarked on a newcourse, dissociating

itself from allpolitical parties

and influ-

ences (including 'Abbas Halim's) and laying down new statutes and pro-

grammes.137The banning of the General Union by the Government duringWorld War II, however, nipped this development in the bud.

In conclusion, one can fairly maintain that the Wafd dominated the labour

scene throughout most of the inter-war period - a dominance which showed

signs of weakening towards the end of the 1930s. There were, however, two

major challenges to the Wafd's dominance during the period under study:the brief communist challenge of 1921-1924 and that of 'Abbas Halim in 1935,and again in 1938-1939. It is interesting to note that whenever the Wafd's

power was seriously challenged in the labour movement, the party formed a

centralized organization for trade unions, such as the General Union of Workers

of the Nile Valley in 1924, and the High Labour Council and its Federation of

Trade Unions in I935.

The trade union movement was adversely affected by having strong ties with

the Wafd, in the long run. Whenever the Wafd was driven out of power the

activities of trade unions were curbed and their power curtailed. The most

dramatic cases took place in 1925, and again in 1931-1934, when Wafdist

labour leaders were found to have been involved in the assassination of Sir Lee

Stack in November I924; and when the offensive against the Wafd culminatedwith the Palace-Sidqi regime, which imposed unprecedented restrictions on

the labour movement in the early I930s.In the short run, however, the political link between the Wafd and the labour

movement proved to be beneficial to the latter. There is strong evidence that

Wafdist cabinets and Wafdist-dominated parliaments were more in favour of

labour legislation than non-Wafdist regimes. The Wafd's interest in the labour

movement stemmed from the view it held of itself as the mouthpiece of the

nation which included the working class as an integral part of it. It was during

those years also of 1926-1928, I930, and 1936-1937, when parliament wasdominated by Wafdists, that the workers' demands received the most active

support, and that most labour laws were proposed. By the late I930s many

134 'Imara, pp. 29, 31-32.136 Al-Ahram, 15 January 1938.

135 'Izz al-Din, pp. I58-I59.137'Abbas, p. 109.







Labour and Politics in Egypt, 9Iz9-I939 203

labour leaders began to wonder whether the benefits the movement was gainingfrom its political involvement did not outweigh the drawbacks, as the movement

seemed to suffer serious setbacks whenever changes took place on the politicalscene.

The labour movement was also faced throughout the inter-war period by a

powerful local bourgeoisie whose influence delayed labour legislation - the few

labour laws which were promulgated were hardly ever observed. The local

bourgeoisie, which was predominantly foreign, cooperated with the European

Department of the Ministry of the Interior, as could be seen during the period

1930-1935, when both kept in 'close personal touch' to combat labour unrest.138

The director of the European Department, in 1935, was also in complete agree-

ment with the Federation of Industries when he declared that even if laboursyndicates were officiallyrecognized, a federation of labour syndicates would not

be tolerated.139Finally, Sidqi's close ties with the local bourgeoisie, via the

Federation of Industries of which he was a vice-president, had a strong impacton government policies aimed at curbing the activities of the labour movement.

Therefore, it is valid to maintain that there was no labour movement 'inde-

pendent' of politics during that era. The rivalries and squabbles among the Wafd,the Palace, and the various minor political parties, as well as 'Abbas Halim,all affected the development of the labour movement. Moreover, the close

association of the trade unions with the Wafd as the national party, on the onehand, and the predominantly foreign character of the bourgeoisie, on the other,

hampered the emergence of a class consciousness as such, among the workers,as they viewed their objectives and aspirations thwarted by foreign domination

rather than by that of another class.

PRINCETON UNIVERSITY

PRINCETON, NEW JERSEY

138F.O. 141/646/268/x/3o. 139 F.O. I4I/713/259/8/35-

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