La Vie Chère and the Challenges of Illegal Immigration ... · In March 2018, residents launched a...
Transcript of La Vie Chère and the Challenges of Illegal Immigration ... · In March 2018, residents launched a...
12 30 October 2018
La Vie Chère and the Challenges of Illegal Immigration: Paradise Lost in France’s Indian Ocean Départements
Katarina Welborn Research Assistant Indian Ocean Research Programme
Summary
The French island territories of La Réunion and Mayotte are the geographical focus of French
influence in the Indian Ocean region. La Réunion, part of the Mascarene Islands chain, has
been fully integrated into the French Republic since 1956. In contrast, Mayotte, part of the
Comoros archipelago, became the 101st French département in 2011, following a 2009
referendum. The Mahorais (as the residents of Mayotte are known), voted overwhelmingly
Key Points
A range of economic and social challenges are being encountered in the
French overseas départements of La Réunion and Mayotte.
High costs of living, poverty and unemployment have provoked waves of
social unrest and protests against the French Government on both islands.
The continuous arrival of illegal immigrants from the neighbouring
independent Comorian islands has placed significant pressure on
Mayotte’s hospitals and schools and has brought increasing resentment
from local residents.
The French Government has implemented measures aimed at reducing
the disparities between the mainland and overseas France, stepping up
security measures and providing aid to improve living conditions in the
Comoros.
Page 2 of 8
in favour of becoming a département due to the economic and security benefits associated
with deeper integration with France. Both départements present Paris with some significant
economic and security challenges however. Popular protest against la vie chère – “the costly
life” – has become rife on both Mayotte and La Réunion. Consequently, the French
authorities are attempting to implement measures to reduce the social and economic
inequalities between the overseas territories and the mainland. The continuous arrival of
illegal migrants from the nearby independent Comorian islands poses significant social and
economic challenges for Mayotte. Many Mahorais blame increased crime levels on migrants
and resent the pressure that migration is placing on local hospitals and schools. The French
authorities are also working to improving the quality of life on Mayotte and increase
development, while implementing measures to reduce the lure of a better life for the
impoverished people of Comoros. Improving living standards on the Comorian islands is
ultimately essential to stemming the flow of migrants to Mayotte.
Analysis
High consumer prices, persistent poverty and rising unemployment have, with increasingly
regularity, provoked social unrest and strike action on Mayotte and La Réunion. Both islands
suffer from small, isolated and sluggish economies. Mayotte has the highest unemployment
rate and the lowest per capita income level of all 101 départements, with 84 per cent of its
population living below the poverty line. The island’s economy is heavily dependent on
French financial assistance. Mayotte has no exploitable mineral resources and must import
the majority of its food requirements.
The economy of La Réunion has also been affected by high levels of unemployment,
particularly among the young population. The unemployment rate, coupled with high living
costs, has led to high levels of poverty across the island. The per capita income of La Réunion
is around 80 per cent of that in metropolitan France. The level of poverty in Reunion,
however, reached 42 per cent in 2010, compared to 14 per cent on the mainland. The
Page 3 of 8
disparity highlights the underlying levels of income inequality that exist on La Réunion, and
which has fuelled social tensions.
La vie chère has caused widespread protests and demonstrations across both islands. The
high prices of basic commodities in the two dependencies exceed those in metropolitan
France, leaving island residents with much weaker purchasing power while having to pay
considerably more for food, petrol and other essential goods. La Réunion has previously
experienced social protests against la vie chère in 1991, 2009 and 2012. In a report from its
visit to the island in 2012, a delegation from the French Senate acknowledged that the
protest movement ‘revealed a context of important crisis’, as well as raising ‘fundamental
questions regarding the development of the society and its positioning vis-a-vis the
metropolis and the other overseas departments’. Subsequent developments on the island
have confirmed La Réunion’s social instability. On 9 October 2018, a call for a national strike
resulted in hundreds of people joining demonstrations in Saint-Denis and Saint-Pierre. The
protests centred on opposing some of the social policies of the government of President
Emmanuel Macron, in particular issues relating to costs of living, wages and the
maintenance of social protections and pensions.
Containing illegal migration to Mayotte has presented a significant challenge for local and
French authorities. The four Comorian islands, including Mayotte, were a single French
colony until 1975, when the residents of Mayotte chose to remain an overseas French
territory and the other three islands became the independent Union of the Comoros. Since
then, frequent political turbulence and chronic poverty on the independent islands have
prompted thousands to flee to Mayotte on small fishing boats known as kwassa-kwassa.
While Mayotte has a considerably lower standard of living than any other French
département, it nonetheless offers vastly better standards of medical care, educational
facilities and job opportunities than are available in the Comoros. The standard of living per
capita in Mayotte is twelve times higher than that of Comoros and the average wage in
Comoros is about one-third of the minimum salary on Mayotte. The rate of immigration has
risen since Mayotte became an overseas department in 2011 and, as the development gap
continues to widen, the attraction of Mayotte grows. Foreigners are now estimated to make
up 42 per cent of the population of Mayotte.
The illegal kwassa-kwassa traffic from Comoros has resulted in a considerable number of
deaths and created significant challenges for the way of life on Mayotte. The high number of
shipwrecks, drownings and disappearances has led to the stretch of water separating the
Comorian island of Anjouan and Mayotte being labelled the kwassa-kwassa cemetery.
According to estimates by the French Senate, the sea voyage to Mayotte claimed a
staggering 400 to 600 lives per year between 1995 and 2012.
Uncontrolled immigration has placed significant pressure on the island’s health, housing and
education services. Schools are bursting at the seams. Mayotte’s school population has
experienced annual increases of five per cent in recent years. With around 90,000 students
currently enrolled in the 229 schools on Mayotte, children are only able to attend school in
half-days. Hospitals are also struggling to cope. A record 9,760 babies were delivered in
Mayotte’s hospital in 2017, of which 69 per cent were born to illegal migrants. France’s
Page 4 of 8
policy of droit du sol (birthright citizenship) means that those born in Mayotte’s hospital are
entitled to French nationality.
The Mayotte Hospital Centre was described by the Hospital Director in September 2018 as
being in ‘a situation of permanent crisis’. Health facilities are severely understaffed, which
has led to overworked medical staff repeatedly taking to strike action. French officials have
considered making the hospital a non-French territory in order to deprive those born there
of an automatic route to French citizenship. Medical professionals have, however, opposed
the idea, saying it will not stop desperate mothers from coming to Mayotte, and will merely
increase the number of women giving birth at home or in other dangerous situations on the
island.
In March 2018, residents launched a month-long concerted campaign of protests, strikes
and road blocks across Mayotte, with residents rounding up suspected illegal migrants and
taking them to the police. The protests were designed to attract the attention of Paris and
force the French authorities to address the situation in Mayotte more forcefully. Hachim, a
local protest leader, explained his frustration to Le Monde newspaper:
The Mahorais fought to “be French and be free”, for the values of the
Republic and, among these values, there is security. Today, security does
not exist in Mayotte. We cannot live normally anymore. Mayotte has
become an open-air Sangatte [refugee camp in Calais]. It is
unacceptable. And what bristles us is that the authorities in France do not
understand us.
The scale of the riots and the animosity directed towards French Government
representatives indicates the frustration felt by the Mahorais. Residents claim that while
Mayotte gained the status of a département, there has been a lack of tangible change.
Page 5 of 8
Claude-Valentin Marie, a sociologist at the French Institute for Demographic Studies,
explained that the Mahorais just want what those on mainland France take for granted:
‘They want to be like other French départements in terms of education, economic activity,
health and security… they no longer want to be the exception.’
Mayotte’s Foreign Office has been disrupted since the March protests and access to it
completely blocked after 31 July. The closure of the office resulted in people losing the right
to stay on Mayotte, the loss of access to medical care, broken employment contracts,
interrupted tertiary studies and training programmes due the non-processing of applications
and an inability to establish residency permits for foreigners who are not necessarily
Comorian or illegal. Protestors have also blocked access to health clinics. The Jacaranda
Health Clinic in the capital, Mamoudzou, has been repeatedly forced to close during October
2018, with protestors blocking Comorian patients from entering the clinic and the situation
often descending into violence. French Defender of Rights Jacques Toubon made a
statement against the blockades, stating that ‘every day that passes increases the decline of
the rule of law’ on Mayotte.
Government Response
Boosting the economies of both départements is essential to raising living standards across
Mayotte and La Réunion. In February 2017, the French Government passed a law for “real
equality” for overseas territories, aimed at reducing the disparities between the mainland
and overseas France and internal inequalities within the départements. This has led to the
establishment of regular Assises des Outre-mer, or Overseas Conferences, which aim to
involve the overseas départements in policy development. A series of meetings focusing on
overseas trade and the revitalisation of town centres were held in La Réunion on 16 October
2018 as part of the Assises du Commerce de l’Outre-mer. The meetings also discussed
economic reform taking into account the limited markets and low purchasing power of local
residents. Entrepreneur Nadine Hafidou, a member of the Mahorais delegation that
attended the conference, emphasised the value of hearing the experiences of other
départements, especially La Réunion: ‘Certainly, our territories are different but overseas
traders face common problems: logistics difficulties, [and] additional costs due to
remoteness and stock problems.’
Government efforts to contain illegal migration to Mayotte have centred primarily on the
deployment of border police and paramilitary gendarmerie personnel. In response to the
March protests and roadblocks, the Minister for Overseas Territories, Annick Girardin, made
a two-day visit to Mayotte. Ms Girardin announced the temporary deployment of an
additional sixty gendarmes, together with further, permanent, police reinforcements and
paramilitary gendarmerie forces. Ms Girardin also committed to prioritising health care
reform, announcing a 200-million-euro plan to modernise the Mayotte Hospital Centre.
The Foreign Office was able to re-open on the 11 October 2018. Residents and the inter-
union associations who blockaded the office remain indignant and have accused the French
administration of fuelling a “Comorian colonisation”. Mohamed Bacar, the Mayor of
Tsingonu, a commune in Mayotte, recognised the legitimacy of the grievances that drove
the blockade in a public statement in which he recalled their main demand: ‘The return of
Page 6 of 8
illegal Comorian nationals to the borders of their own country,’ and an end to the issuance
of residency permits to Comorian illegal immigrants.
Enhancing regional co-operation between France, Mayotte and Comoros is essential to
developing a more effective response to migration flows. The relationship between France
and Comoros is particularly strained over Mayotte, as Comoros still claims sovereignty over
the island. In June 2013, the Presidents of France and Comoros signed the “Paris Declaration
on Friendship and Co-operation between France and Comoros” to reinvigorate the bilateral
relationship. Political dialogue has been further strengthened by the creation of a “High Joint
Council” but controversy over Comorian migration to Mayotte has continued to cause
conflict. The French embassy in Moroni, the Comorian capital, decided in May to suspend
issuing visas to all Comorian nationals after the Comorian Government announced that it
would refuse to receive Comorians deported from Mayotte. Comoros Foreign Affairs
Minister, Souef Mohamed El-Amine, announced that Comoros will ‘refuse to kneel in front
of France’, and said the French visa decision ‘gives a clear answer to people who have been
fooling themselves by saying that France was a friendly country. It has no friends. It defends
its interests.’
Given the persistent disparities between Comoros and Mayotte, the geographical reality
that Mayotte and Anjouan are separated by a mere 70-kilometres, and that low salaries and
poor living conditions in Comoros are the main factors driving illegal migration to Mayotte,
developing effective policy responses has been difficult for the French and Mahorais
authorities. The only real long-term solution to countering illegal immigration is for the
health, educational and income levels across the Comorian islands to experience such
significant improvements that making the risky voyage to Mayotte is no longer worthwhile.
Situation in the Comoros
Comoros is ranked 165 out of 189 countries on the Human Development Index. With 45 per
cent of its population living below the poverty line, the Comoros falls into the UN category of
least developed countries. The World Bank’s 2018 poverty assessment shows that living
conditions in Comorian households have improved with poverty levels falling by over 10 per
cent since 2004. The report, however, underscores the uncertainty surrounding the ability to
sustain progress, owing to wide inequalities, particularly between rural and urban
households. The rural-urban disparity is largely attributable to the fact that rural households
earn less from their income stream, leading to persistent poverty and intergenerational
inequality. The report emphasised the lack of access to goods and basic services as a major
challenge for rural households.
Political and institutional crises have been sources of prolonged instability. Comoros has had
more than 20 coups or attempts to seize power since independence in 1975. The latest
political controversy was sparked in August 2018 by President Azali Assoumani moving to
extend presidential term limits and overhaul the system of rotating the presidency between
the three main islands. The decision met with protests and is likely to exacerbate political
instability. The authorities reportedly cut off water and power supplies as part of efforts to
quell the unrest, a response that is only likely to further contribute to migration to Mayotte
in search of better governance and living conditions.
Page 7 of 8
Revised in December 2017, the Comorian Government’s poverty reduction and growth
strategy (SCA2D) covers the 2017-21 period and aims to make the Comoros an emerging
country by 2030. Improving access to such services as piped water facilities, electricity and
health care centres, is a major priority. A five-year investment plan for 2016-21 places
special emphasis on infrastructure investments, particularly in the energy and roading
sectors. The strategy aims to leverage the country’s assets and latent comparative
advantages to increase productive employment and promote a more diversified,
competitive and formal economy. The national health policy for the period 2015-24 is driven
by the vision that ‘The Union of the Comoros should have an efficient health system that
enables the entire population, and especially the most vulnerable and impoverished, to gain
access to high-quality health care’. Comoros is one of the 19 priority destinations for French
foreign aid, and France provides health-sector assistance through a project financed by the
French Agency for Development (AFD). Reducing maternal and infant mortality has been
identified as a strategic priority.
The production of vanilla, ylang-ylang and cloves together account for 80 per cent of
Comorian exports and employ 45 per cent of the workforce, placing them at the centre of
the government’s agricultural policy, and making their promotion a top priority. More than
half of that workforce lives in poverty, however. In September 2016, the Comoros
Government established the National Office of Vanilla to promote the vanilla industry and
advocate for improved working conditions and skills development for workers.
Unemployment among Comorian youth is increasing and will worsen if economic growth
and diversification do not increase. Economic growth and poverty reduction relies on radical
improvements to the agricultural industry and the development of a strong private sector
that is able to generate greater numbers of productive jobs. While the Comorian
Government is attempting to implement economic reform, significant improvements to
health, educational and income levels are required.
The introduction of legislation targeting high living costs and poverty in France’s overseas
territories has been an important step towards addressing the many challenges faced by
Mayotte and La Réunion which must be overcome if the islands’ residents are to enjoy a
standard of living approaching that of the mainland. While the French Government has
tightened maritime security between Mayotte and the Comoros, without higher levels of
development across the Comorian islands, the flow of migrants to Mayotte is unlikely to
slow.
Given the continuing economic and political challenges in the Comoros, French aid plays an
important role in helping to increase equitable access to resources and healthcare, and to
strengthen the private and financial sectors. If, however, France is seen to be taking too
assertive a role in the affairs of its former colony, it could easily leave itself open to
accusations of neo-colonialism, an outcome that Paris will wish to avoid. Over the longer
term, a co-ordinated development programme agreed by the French and Comorian
Governments will be essential to boosting development levels, economic and educational
opportunities and health outcomes in the Comoros. Such changes, if effectively
implemented, will produce meaningful benefits for the citizens of both countries.
Page 8 of 8
*****
Any opinions or views expressed in this paper are those of the individual author, unless stated to be those of
Future Directions International.
Published by Future Directions International Pty Ltd.
Suite 5, 202 Hampden Road, Nedlands WA 6009, Australia.
Tel: +61 8 6389 0211
Web: www.futuredirections.org.au