Konings and Geschiere_Itineraries of Accummulation in Cameroon

7/29/2019 Konings and Geschiere_Itineraries of Accummulation in Cameroon

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Introduct ion 1Peter GeschierePiet Konings

Les modes d'accumulation "alternatifs" et leurs variationsregionales

Cet ouvrage prsente des tudes sur les divers modesd'accumulation au Cameroun. Dans quel le mesure * ces modesd'accumulation sont-ils du domaine de l'Etat? Peut-on en voir mergerde no uve aux plus indpendan ts de l'Etat? Quelles en sont les importantesvariantes regionales? Dans certaines rgions du Cameroun, surtout dansles provinces de l 'Ouest et du Nord-Ouest, de nouvelles catgoriesd 'en t repreneurs ont vu Ie j ou r : il s dveloppent des modes


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10 ITINRAIRES D'ACCUMULATION AU CA ME RO UNtisation au Cameroun reste incertain. Mais on peut dja aff irmer qu el 'ouverture politique a accentu les variations regionales et que desdiffrences dans les modes d'accumulation et Ie rapport Etat-socit yjouent un rle de premier plan.Ce s dernires annes, les dbats politiques sont de plus en plusmarqus par une Opposition entre l'Ouest (Bamilk, Grassfields) et IeCentre-Sud (Beti). Et la construction idologique de pareillesoppositions est dominee par des notions floues mais tenaces sur lesdiffrentes formes d'accs de ces groupes l'Etat et au march. Cesquestions concemant modes d 'accumula t ion et variations regionalesjouent sans doute un rle politique important dans d'autres paysgalement et pas seulement en Afrique.

Les articles prsents ici font suite une confrence surl 'conomie politique du Cameroun, qu i s'est tenue Leyde en juin 1988.Cette confrence, interdisciplinaire, a rassembl conomistes,anthropologues, historiens et specialistes en sciences sociales intressespa r Ie Cameroun. Deux thmes lies en sont ressortis. D'abord, la force etla rsistance des modes d'accumulation "altematifs", en dehors descircuits formels de l'conomie nationale: ce sujet, on a remarqu laformidable expansion, dans les annes soixante-dix, d'associationsd'pargne no-traditionnelles, comme les tontines (njangis), qui de nosjours accumulent et fon t circuler Ie capital une chelle teile qu'ellessont devenues un e srieuse menace pour Ie circuit bancaire officiel. Puis,on a ressenti la ncessit d'approfondir les recherches comparatives desvariations regionales au Cameroun. Pour ce s associations d'pargne, pa rexemple, il est frappant que leur impact ait tellement vari selon lesrgions. Elles ont rencontre un assez vif succes dans les provinces del'Ouest et du Nord-Ouest, o elles ont entran l'mergence d'unecategorie d'entrepreneurs d'importance rgionale, voire nationale. Maiselles semblent tre moins efficaces dans d'autres rgions, y compris dansIe Nord o les commergants musulmans taient nettement soutenus pa r Iergime d'Ahidjo, dans les annes soixante et soixante-dix. Le rgime deBiya, partir de 1982, s'est efforc de promouvoir l'esprit d'entreprisechez les Beti du Centre et du Sud. Malgr ce soutien officiel, les

entrepreneurs betis se sont rvls incapables de rattraper leurs collguesde l'Ouest et du Nord-Ouest. Depuis l'poque coloniale,

INTRODUCTION 1 1Ie Centre et Ie Sud ont surtout f o u m i de s fonctionnaires de l'Etat. Pa rconsquent, les modes d'accumulation dans ces rgions ont tendance adpendre plus directement de l'accs l'Etat.Ce s comparaisons suggrentqu e l'articulation de nouvelles formesd'accumulation et des modes d'organisation pr-existants a suivi un e"trajectoire" diffrente dans chaque rgion. Ces contrastes rgionauxdterminent la lutte actuelle pour Ie controle de l'Etat. Une teileperspective sur les variationshistoriques dans le s modes d'accumulationet les rapports Etat-socit est sans doute plus clairante que des analysessimplistes faites en termes tribaux qui, malheureusement,abondent dansla presse occidentale mais aussi au Cameroun. Il est urgent de mieuxcomprendre ces contrastes rgionaux, cause de la grave criseconomique qui svit actuellement dans ce pays. Il Importe surtout d'ensavoir plus sur la viabilit des modes d'accumulation "altematifs", c'est-a-dire plus ou moins en marge des circuits controles par l'Etat.Points de vue et questions: Ia socit contre l'Etat?

Demirement, on a observ avec un intrt grandissant l'existencede modes d'accumulation "altematifs" qui fonctionnent plus ou moins endehors de l'Etat. Surtout, depuis la publication du rapport de 1989 de laBanque mondiale sur la crise en Afrique sub-saharienne2, on n'hsiteplus exposer les checs de l'Etat en Afrique et on insiste sur lancessit de s'adresser, plutt qu' l'Etat, des agences et des groupescapables de stimuler un vritable dveloppement. Vu les rsultatsdcevants de nombreux rgimes africains et l'aggravation de s problmesconomiques, comme la chute de s prix de s produits africains sur Iemarch m o n d ia l , l'endettement, etc., cette raction n'a rien desurprenant. Il est devenu difficile de nier qu'une de s consquences de sefforts de coopration pour Ie dveloppement a t d'encourager de sformes de gouvernement parasitaires. De plus, mme avant Ie "tournant"en Europe de l 'Est, l'engagement de l 'URSS et d'autres pays

2Banque mondiale (1989), Sub-Saharan Africa :From Crisis to Sustainable Growth,Washington D.C, B I R D.


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12 ITINRAIRES D'ACCUMULATION AU CAMEROUN INTRODUCTION 13socialistes en Afrique dclinait et, par consquent, les pays occidentauxse sentaient moins tenus de mnager les rgimes africains.Aussi comprhensible que soit cette rorientation de l'"Etat" versla "socit", eile peut mener des confusions dans l 'analyse. Ainsi ,quelques chapitres d'un recent ouvrage intitul The Precarious Balanceof State an d Society in Africa3, qu i soulignent Ie retrait progressif desgroupes sociaux de l'Etat. Cette analyse comporte des consquencespositives et negatives. Elle relativise utilement l'importance accorde aupouvoir de l'Etat, exprime dans les annes soixante-dix, surtout dansles crits tendance marxiste. En revanche, eile amne de s auteurs -Azarya, Chazan, et aussi Parpart - a faire une distinction entre une"approche Etat" et une "approche socit"4. Ce s formulations risquentde crer une confusion , car elles peuvent gnrer une Oppositionconceptuelle entre Etat et socit. En effet, ces auteurs supposent que lesactivits conomiques pratiques en dehors de l 'Etat ont augment defacon frappante. Chazan propose d'appliquer un concept d'"conomienon formelle" aux secteurs conomiques qui sont "invisibles" pourl'Etats.Que signifie ici l'Etat ? Prenons l'exemple de la contrebande,activit qui, semble-t-il, fait partie de ce secteur "non formel". Chazanelle-mme affirme que les fonctionnaires sont souvent directement ouindirectement impliqus dans la contrebande. Si c'est Ie cas, on peut sedemander comment ces activits peuvent rester "invisibles" pour l'Etat.n se peut qu'elles ne soient pas reconnues officiellement par l'Etat maiselles sont sans doute tout fait visibles aux yeux de nombreusespersonnes qui travail lent pour l'Etat. Ne devrait-on pas les percevoir

comme des "excroissances" de l'Etat6? Nous ne devrions pa s affirmertrop vite que les modes d'accumulation au Cameroun se dveloppentvraiment "en dehors" de l'Etat. On peut se demander si la remarqueincisive de Freund, affirmant que les classes dirigeantes africaines sont"attaches par un cordon ombilical la bureaucratie de l'Etat ", n'est pa stoujours valable, mme travers les rcents vnements (Freund, 1984).Il semble toujours assez hasardeux d'opposer "Etat" et "socit".La question est plutt de mieux comprendre les imbrications complexesde l 'Etat et de la socit dans l'Afrique postcoloniale. A ee t gard, un enotion utile es t celle d"'Etat rhizome" de Bayart qui met en relief lesramifications complexes et "souterraines" du pouvoi r de l 'Etat dans lasocit (Bayart, 1989). Cette notion suggre l 'image d'un Etat, substratet terre nourricire pour des rseaux clientlistes et des activitsinformelles, image tout fait approprie l 'Afrique postcoloniale et,sans aucun doute, de nombreux autres pays du monde. A la suite dequoi, on peut se demander si l'Etat finira pa r tre "mang" - pouremployer Ie vocabulai re de Bayar t - par toutes ce s formes deredistribution. En mme temps, cela soulve les problmes inhrents un vritable "retrait de l 'Etat", sujet crucial dans le s discussions de sannes quatre-vingt. Des expriences rcentes m enes en Occident ontmontr la difficult de raliser un retrait de l 'Etat. Etant donn le sramifications de l'"Etat rhizome" dans l'Afrique postcoloniale, il n'y aaucune raison de croire qu'une teile politique aura plus de succes enAfrique, en dpit des pressions persistantes exerces par les organismesinternationaux.En rapport avec sa notion d'"Etat rhizome", Ie concept de Bayartde "chevauchement" es t essentiel pour comprendre le s rapports Etat-

3 Rothchild et Chazan, 1988. Par certains aspects, eet ouvrage peut tre considrcomme l'"tat des lieux" de la science politique amricaine sur l 'Afrique. Pour unecritique plus dtaille, voir Roitman, 1990.4 II est surprenant que Azarya (p. 5) et Chazan (p. 330) aff rment que, j u s quercemment, l"'approche Etat" a presque compltement domin les tudes africaines,ngligeant ainsi toute une bibliothque de travaux anthropologiques et historiques quiessaient d'tudier Ie dveloppement "par Ie bas".5 Voir Chazan, 1988, pp. 126 et 331. Chazan fait la distinction entre economie "nonformelle" et economie "informelle", dont eile considr qu'elle s'est greffe surl'economie "formelle".

6 D'autres auteurs de Th e Precarious Balance, comme MacGaffey et Nins in , criventqu e c'est certa inement Ie cas pour Ie secteur "informel". Dans les annes soixante-dix,de nombreux experts en dveloppement considraient Ie secteur "informel" comme un ealternative de dveloppement. Derniremem, toutefois, de plus en plus d'auteurs ontaffirme qu e Ie succes d une carrire dans ce secteur dpend surtout de la position dansl'conomie formelle, en particulier de l'accs l'Etat. En fait, au Heu de reprsenter un ealternative, ce secteur semble en quelque sprte tre H l'conomie formelle et l'Etat.D e mme, on peut se demander s 'il est utile de faire la diffrence entre secteur "nonformel" et secteur "informel". L'histoire postcoloniale de l 'Afr ique a dmontr que,mme si l 'Etat semble faible, son pouvoir peut tre tentaculaire (cf. Keith Hart, souspresse).


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14 ITINRAIRES D'ACCUMULATION AU CAMEROUNsocit et les variations regionales eet gard 7. Le succes d'unentrepreneur aussi bien dans l'conomie dite "informelle" qu e dans Iesecteur formel dpend de son habilet "chevaucher" la distinction entreEtat et secteur priv. Cette image a l'avantage d'illustrer Ie largeventail de possibilits et de stratgies d'accumulation. Le s diffrencesde modes d'accumulation dans l'ouest, Ie nord et Ie sud du Camerounpourraient tre analyses comme types de "chevauchement" diffrents,dtermins par Ie rle de l'Etat et les points d'appui dans les formesd'organisation locales.Dans une perspective similaire, Mbembe souligne Ie Hen troit quiexiste entre la tendance la "non-accumulation" o u tout au plus"accumulation non productive" dans l'Afrique postcoloniale et les"modes de gouvernement" provenant du contexte colonial (Mbembe,1988, 1990). Un tel point de vue nous vite galement de passerprmaturment d'une "approche Etat" une "approche socit". Lestypes d'accumulation actuels, mme dans Ie secteur informel ou nonformel , doivent tre compris en relat ion avec le s "modes degouvernement" prdominants dans diffrentes parties d'Afrique et avecleur specifieke historique.De plus, Mbembe tente d'tablir un Hen direct entre lesdveloppements nationaux et les changements au strict niveaudomestique. Il est interessant de Ie voi r remettre ainsi en question ladichotomie actuelle, souvent simpliste, entre "macro" et "micro". Dansl'Afrique postcoloniale, Ie principal controle exerc sur Ie travail se faitencore au niveau domestique. C'est-a-dire qu'on ne peut comprendrel'mergence de nouveaux modes d'accumulation et leurs effets variablessur la formation de l 'Etat qu'en rapport avec les changements "micro"au niveau du foyer ou de la familie. Ce s changements "micro" nersultent pas seulement de changements "macro". Au contraire, le sdveloppements "micro" inf luent sur les m odes de formation d'Etat etles types d'accumulation au niveau "macro". En fait, la distinction mmeentre niveaux "micro" et "macro" devient problmatique dans ce scirconstances.

7 Bayart emprunte cette not ion aux t ravaux de Cowen sur Ie Keny a (Cowen, 1977); ildmontre avec force exemples qu'elle s'applique la politique postcoloniale partout enAfrique.

INTRODUCTION 15La notion d'"accumulation", aussi vague soit-elle, est un point dedpart utile pour i'tude de ces questions. Dernirement, eile estdevenue un concept central des travaux d'africanistes de tendancesthoriques diverses - parce que, semble-t-il, eile leur permet d'viterd'analyser les structures sociales africaines en termes de classes rigides8-Contrairement aux dbats fonds sur des notions de classes prconcues,un concept ouvert comme celui d'"accumulation" inspire des tudesempiriques des modes spcifiques dans l'mergence des ingalitsnouvelles. De mme, Ie caractre ouvert du concept d'accumulationpermet d'tudier avantageusement le s questions mentionnes plus haut.Le s "modes d 'accumulation" peuvent avoi r diffrents rapports avecl'Etat ou demeurer en dehors du domaine de l 'Etat. Nous ne pouvonssavoir quelles formes spcifiques d'accumu lation se sont dveloppesdans teile rgion tel moment qu'a travers la recherche empirique.Tout au long de ce volume, la notion d'accumulation sera utilisedans une acception tres large. Elle renvoie l 'accumulation du capital,

mais aussi l 'accumulation d'autres ressources: hommes - ce qui inclut,mais pas seulement, Ie travail -, terre et mme "capital symbolique"(voir Goheen, dans Ie prsent ouvrage). L'uti l isation d'une notiond'accumulation largie nous aide voir comment les modesd'accumulation locaux prexistants s'articulent avec de nouvelles formesd'accumulation. A eet gard, ee t ouvrage aborde donc un thme qui,depuis les annes soixante-dix, est central dans les travaux d'africanistesde tendances thoriques extrmement diverses: l 'articulation tresvariable de nouvelles ingalits avec les contradictions prexistantes l'intrieur des communauts locales9.

Les articles de eet ouvrageDes remarques qui viennent d'tre faites, nou s po uvons extrairedeux sries de questions qui sont la base de eet ouvrage:

8Voir Bayart, 1979,1985,1989; Bernstein et Campbell, 1985; Copans, 1987; Coopcr,1981. A ce sujet, Bayart (1985, p. 321) remarque que l'on peut parier, en Afrique, toutau plus d'une "structure de classes construire".9Quelques auteurs de tendances thoriques tres diffrentes : Rey, 1973; Bayart, 1979,1989; Peel, 1983. Voir galement van Binsbergen etGeschiere, 1985; Konings, 1986.


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18 ITINRAIRES D'ACCUMULATION AU CAMEROUN INTRODUCTION 19prsentent de s comparaisons hardies avec les autres articles. Un thmecommun ces trois tudes, par exemple, est Ie rle crucial des ancienneset des nouvelles stratgies matrimoniales dans l 'accumulation, aspectprobablement vital pour les efforts d'accumulation des hommes aussi.Elles constituent galement un e rponse Parpart (1988), qui dit que lesfemmes pourraient tirer profit du dsengagement de l 'Etat de la vieco n o m iq u e , p u i s q u e , p o u r elles, de plus g randes possibilitsd'accumulation se trouveraient en dehors de l'Etat. NOS auteurs semblenttre plus nuances. Goheen pense qu e Ie controle du travail de s femmesconstitue la base de l ' accumulat ion de s hommes chez les Nso de lap r o v in ce du No r d -Ou es t . Pen dan t la per iode coloniale, lacommercialisation des produits a entrain de nouveaux problmes pourles femmes de cette rgion, bien qu'elle ait aussi stimul leur rsistance.Selon Goheen, les changements postcoloniaux on t cr de nouvellesouver tures pour l ' accumulat ion par les femmes. A ce sujet , le sexpriences des femmes avec les nouvelles stratgies matrimoniales sontd 'une importance capitale. Holtedahl analyse la portee de diffrentsmodles dans le s rapports entre religion, milieu ethnique, ducationoccidentale et accumulation pour les femmes de Ngaoundr, une desgrandes villes du nord du Cameroun . Elle dmontre qu e l'ducationmoderne a eu des implications diffrentes pour les femmes musulmaneset le s femmes chrtiennes, selon les convenances imposes pa r leurmilieu ethn ique et leur position dans ce qu'elle appelle "Ie nouveaumarch du savoir". Dans so n analyse, les anciennes et les nouvellesstratgies matrimoniales sont galement cruciales pour les femmes dansleur ideal de la "bonne vie".Van Santen tudie la fajon dont les dveloppements politico-conomiques larges et les transformations locales se sont articuls chezles femmes mafas de Mokolo, ville des montagnes du Mandara, dans Ienord du Cameroun. Quand ces femmes se convertissent l'islam, ellesadoptent de nombreux traits culturels des Foulb, groupe dominant duNord . Pour affirmer leur Statut social, elles doivent participer a deschanges complexes de cadeaux de mariage. Le s t ransfo rmationsactuelles les ont obliges a t rouver un e solution au problme del'accumulation du capital ncessaire ces changes: elles se lancent dansIe commerce et particulirement dans un e contrebande riche en profitsavec Ie Nigeria voisin. Van Santen dcrit comment ces nouvelles pres-

sions exerces sur les f em m es et leurs stratgies d'accumulationtransforment leurs relations avec leurs families et leurs mans.Dans ces trois tudes de cas, les possibilits chan geantes des femmespour avoir acces de nouveaux modes d'accumulation semblent tre liestroitement au x formes variables de l'impact de l'Etat su r Ie plan local.Dans la demire contribution, Bayart tire de s conclusions sur lesrelations entre Etat postcolonial et accu mula tion au Cameroun . 11 analyseles dveloppements au Cameroun dans un e perspective plus large eninsistant sur la specifieke des trajectoires regionales et de la dynamique du"chevauchement" dans ce pays. Il les situe en relation ayec l'volutionparticuliere du rg ime camerounais dans le s annes quatre-vingt enm o n t r an t co m m en t on peut dpasser un e analyse tribaliste de ceschangements. Dans l 'pilogue Mbembe analyse le s effets de la criseactuelle de lgitimit de l'tat au Cameroun sur Ie Systeme politique et lestrajectoires d'accumulation.Cet ouvrage ne peut pas prtendre prsenter un tableau exhaustifde s relations complexes entre Etat et accumulation au Cameroun n icouvr ir le s nombreuses var ian tes reg ionales en ce qui concernel ' ar t iculat ion de nouvelles fo rmes d ' accumulat ion et les m o desd'organisation prexistants. Il s 'agit plutt d'une invitation poursuivreles recherches dans ce domaine. Un de ses points faibles, c'est Ie manqued'tudes sur des groupes d'entrepreneurs importants d'autres rgions duCameroun, comme les Haoussa et les Foulb du nord du pays, ou les lbodu Cameroun anglophone. Mme les entrepreneurs tudis dans ce livremritent plus ample recherche. Les tudes com paratives sur les femmes etl 'accumulation, aussi interessantes soient-elles, proposent seulement un epremire bauche des variations regionales.Un e des conclusions de ce recueil d'articles pourrait tre qu'unvritable retrait de l'Etat serait tres difficile mettre en oeuvre. Il semble

peu raisonnable de propager l'ide de "by-passing the State" ("contourneil 'Etat") comm e un e panacee po ur raliser un e croissance conomique etun dveloppement rel. A la lumire de la crise actuelle du Cameroun, ilvaut mieux dvelopper de s formes de coopration entre les entrepreneurset l 'Etat qui ne contrecarrent pas l'accumulation productive. Mais pouique cette coopration se mette en place, il faut que l'Etat compte sur de;formes d'accumulation indignes plutt que sur des ressources extrieuresReste savoir si la constellation politique actuelle peut favoriser un tedveloppement.


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Introduction 1Peter GeschierePiet Konings

Alternative Modes of Accumulation and their RegionalVariationsThis book focuses on various modes of accumulation in modemCameroon. To what extent are these modes inside or outside the domainof the state? Is it possible to detect ne w modes of accumulationindependent of the state? Ho w should the important regional variationsin these modes be dealth with? In some regions of Cameroon, inparticular th e West an d North West Provinces, ne w groups ofentrepreneurs have come into being, developing modes of accumulationthat persist during the present crisis, and are even reinforced by it. In

other regions, such as the Centre an d South Provinces, there appears tobe a more marked trend towards "unproductive accumulation" (Berry,1985). In these areas, there are still strong levelling forces within localforms of Organisation which impede accumulative efforts.In this book, we want to address modes of accumulation, the state-society balance, an d regional variations within modern Cameroon.The importance of these issues has been underscored by the recenlspread of democratization movements in the country. At the time olwriting this text (March 1992), the development of this democratizatiorprocess in Cameroon remains still uncertain. But one can already affirrr

1This book is inspiredby the discussion during a conference, organised in 1988 by tbAfrican Studies Centre at Leiden in collaboration with the Ministry of Higher EductiorInformatica andScientific Research (MHEISR) at Yaound. For the Proceedings of thiconference, see Geschiere & Konings, 1989. Paul N k w i (MHEISR), Wim vaBinsbergen (ASC,Leiden) and Jean-Franc.ois Bayart (CERI, Paris) gave their valuablsupport in organising this conference and in conceiving the present collection carticles. We owe a special thanks to Mieke Zwart-Brouwer who, Hke a true Europeaprepared both the French and the English texts for publication. Ms. Marie-HlenMassardier re-wrote, in her elegant way, the French text of chapters 3 and 8; shtranslated chapter 10 from English into French.


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22 ITINRAIRES D'ACCUMULATION AU CA ME RO UNthat the politica! opening ha s accentuated the regional variations an d thatdifferences in the modes of accumulation and state-society relations playa major role in them.Of late, political debates are more an d more marked by a tendencyto oppose the West (Bamilk; Grassfielders) to the Centre-South (Beti).An d the ideological construction of such oppositions is dominated byfluent, but tenacious notions on the different forms of access of thesegroups to the state an d market. There is no doubt that such questionsconceming modes of accumulation an d regional variations also play animportant political role in other countries in Africa an d elsewhere.

The present collection of articles is a sequel to a conference on thepolitical economy of Cameroon held at Leiden in June 1988. Th econference was of an in terdiscip l inary nature , b r ing ing togetherecono mists, anthrop olog ists, histo rians and other social scientistsinterested in Cameroon. Two related themes stood out during theconference. First, the_^e^gth_and_resiiience ofj 'alternative" modes ofaccumulation outsjde the_farmal circuit&jof-the^national economyTInTHisconnectionTparticular attention wa s devoted to the formidable^xpansionduring the sevenlies of neo-traditionaLsayings associations such as the"tontines" an d "njangis", which no w accumulate an d circulate capital tosuch an extent that they have become a serious threat to the officialbanking circuit. And second, the need for more comparative researchinto the regional variations within Cameroon . Fo r instance, it is strikingthat the impact of saving associations ha s been so different in the variousregions of the country. They have been quite successful in the West an dNor th West Provinces , leading to the emergence o f a g r o u p o fentrepreneurs of regional and even national significance. However, theyseem to be less effective m other regions, even in the North whereIslamic traders were strongly supported by the Ahidjo regime in thesixties and the seventies. Following its takeover in 1982, th e Biyaregime made a determined effort to promote entrepreneurship amongthe Beti groups in the Centre an d South Provinces. Despite this officialsupport, Beti entrepreneurs proved incapable of catching up with theircolleagues from the West an d North West Provinces. Since colonialdays, the Centre and South Provinces have remained importantrecruiting areas fo r public office. Therefore, modes of accmlation in

INTRODUCTION 23these areasjeruHo depend moj^jdmscy upon access to the state.Such comparisons suggest that tha7ticKton of new forms ofaccumulation with existing modes of Organisation followed a different"trajectory" in each region. Those regional contrasts determine theactual struggle for state control. Such a perspective on the historicalvariations in the modes of accumulation and state-society relations is,undoubtedly, more enlightening than the simplistic analyses in tribalterms which unfortunately abound in the western press as well as inCameroon itself. The serious economie crisis which at present affects thecountry urges us even more to arrive at a better un derstanding of theseregional contrasts. It is especially important to know more about theviability of "alternative" mpjdejLojLaccurniilationjj.e. those modes whichoperate rnqre or less in ^jrnargjnj>f_the,circuits-e0ntelled-by the state.Viewpoin ts and Questions: Society versus the State?

Of late, there has been growing interest in the existence of"alternative" modes of accumulation operating more or less outside thestate. Particularly after the publication of the 1989 World Bank reporton the crisis in Sub-Saharan Africa2, it has become common to exposthe failures of the state in Africa and insist on the need of_by;passing thestate in favour of social groups an d agencies capable of stimulating realdevelopment. In view of the disappointing performance of many Africanregimes aggravated by growing economie problems like falling pricesfo r African products in the world market, indebtedness, and so on, areaction like this was not surprising. It became more an d more difficultto deny that one of the main effects of most development cooperationefforts was to encourage parasitic forms of govemment. Moreover, evenbefore "die Wende" in Eastern Europe, the commitment of Russia an dother socialist countries to Afr ica had begun to decline andconsequently, western countries feit less obliged to humour Africanregimes.

2World Bank (1989), Sub-Saharan Africa: From Crisis to Sustainable Growth,Washington D.C., IBRD.


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24 ITINRAIRES D'ACCUMULATION AU CAMEROUNUnderstandable though this reorientation from "state" to "society"might be , there is a danger that it may lead to analytical confusion. Thisis exemplified by some of the chapters in a recent book en titled "The

Precarious Balance of State and Society in Africa"3 which stresses anincreasing disengagement of social groups from the state. This view haspositive and negative consequences. It usefu l ly corrects theoveremphasis on state power expressed in the seventies, especially inmarxist-inspired writings. On the other hand, it causes some authors -Azarya, Chazan, cf. also Parpart - to distinguish between a "state-centered" and a "society-centered" approach4 These formulations can beconfusing, fo r they easily generate a conceptual O pposition between statean d society. Indeed, these authors argue that there ha s been a strikingincrease in economie activities outside the state. Chazan proposes theconcept of "nonformal economy" to refer to sectors of the economy thatare even "invisible"TT"state5What is meant rere by "the" state? Let us take the example o fsmuggling, an activity that seems to be part of the "nonformal" sector.Chazan herself claims that state officials are often directly or indirectlyinvolved in smuggling. If that is the case, one wonders how suchactivities can indeed remain "invisible" to the state. They may not beofficially recognized by the state though it seems safe to maintain thatthey are highly visible to m an y of the people who run the state.Therefore, should one not perceive them as "excrescences" of the state6?

3Rothchild & Chazan 1988. In some respects, this collection might be regarded as a"state of the art" of present North American political science on Africa. For a moredetailed critique, seeRoitman, 1990.4 Surprisingly, both Azarya (p. 5) and Chazan (p. 330) maintain that un ti l recently a"state-centered" approach almost completely dominated African studies, thus neglectingan importan t body of an thropological and his tor ical work that tried to viewdevelopments "from below".5See Chazan, 1988, p. 126 and 331. Chazan wants to differentiate this "nonformal"economy from the "informal" one she considers to be grafted upon the "formal"economy6Other contributors to "The Precarious Balance", like MacGaf fey and Ninsin, arguethat this is cer tain ly th e case for the "informal sector". In the seventies, m a n ydevelopment experts viewed the "informal sector" as an alternative avenue todevelopment . Of late,Jiowever, a growing n u mb e r of authors maintain that a successfulcareer in this sectorlslnainly-dependent upon one'sjrosition in the fornTal economy, inparticular one's access to the state. As a matter of fact, instead ofcbnstitutig anlternatwe;TKis'sector seems to be somehow linked to the formal economy and the state.Similarly, one wonders whether it is useful to differentiate the "nn-frmal" sector from

INTRODUCTION 25Indeed, we should not be too quick to assume that modes of theaccumulation in Cameroon really develop "outside" the state. Freund'sincisive remark that the African leading^classes are "attached by anumbilical cord to the state bureaucracy" still seems to hold true, despiterecent changes (Freund, 1984).It still seems to be a precarious undertaking to oppose "state" and"society" in present-day Africa. The question is rather to gain deeperinsight into the complex intertwinement of state and society sincedecolonization. In this respect, Bayart's notion of the "rhizorne^s_tate" isquite helpfu l . It_ enjphasizes the_cQropJe,x ajid ' ^subter ranean"ramificatiomÔtale_BOTverJn_Qciety (Bayart, 1989). Iyxmjureûp_animage of the state as a "substratum", a breeding ground fo r clientelisticnetworksând^ infornialjwtiyjtiesjân image quite appropriate to post-colonial Africa and, undoubtedly, to many other parts of the world.This raises the question of whether the state will eventually be "eaten" -to borrow Bayart 's idiom - by all those forms or redistribution. At thesame time, it suggests the problems involved in an y real "withdrawal ofthe state", a topic crucial in the discussions of the eighties. Recentexperiences in the West have demonstrated ho w difficult it is to realize a"withdrawal of the state". In view of the ramifications of the "rhizomestate" in post-colonial Africa, there is no reason to believe that such apolicy would be more successful in Africa - nqtwithstanding persistentpressure on the part of international organisations.Related to his notion of the "rhizome state", Bayart's concept of"sjraddling" is central to understanding state-society relations an d theirregional variations7 Success in the informal economy - just as in theformaLsectpr - largely dependsLonja.n actor's skill in "straddling" thedjstinction bLwen^tê,jjnd_4mvjatej5ectors. The advantage of thisnotion of "straddling" isjtoaiJLindicatesjhe wide range of jpsjibilitiesan d strategies of accumulat ion . Th e differences in the modes ofaccumulation in W est, North and South C ameroon might be analysed asdiffering patterns of "sjraddling" determined by the role of the stateTandthe "footholds" for accumulation in local forms of Organisation.the "informal" one. The post-colonial history of Africa hasdemonstrated that even if thestate seems to be weak, its power can still be far-reaching (cf. Keith Hart, in press).7Bayart borrows this notion from Cowen"s work on Kenya (Cowen, 1977) andillustrates with a wealth of examples its connnu i ng relevance to post-colonial politics inAfrica.


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26 ITINRAIRES D'AC C U M U LATI ON AU C AM ER OU NFrom a s imi lar perspective, Mbembe emphasizes the closeconnection between the trend towards "non-accumulation" - or at most"unpjpductive accumulation" - in post-colonial Africa and the "modes ofgovernance" or ig inat ing from the colonial context (Mbembe 1988,1990). Ajjajn,j5uch_aYiew^cautions us against a pjematurejwitclLfrom a"state-centered" to a "society-centered" approach. Current patterns ofaccumulation, even in the informal or "nonformal" sector, are only to beunderstood in relation to the "modes of governance" prevail ing indifferent parts of Africa and their historical specificity.Moreover, Mbembe tries to establish a direct l ink betweennational developments and changes at the lowest Household level.Interestingly, h thus seems to question the present-day, often quitesimplistic, "macro-micro" id iom. In post-colonial Africa, the maincontrol over labour still resides at the household level. The emergenceof ne w modes of accumulation an d their different effects on stateformation can therefore only be understood in relation to "micro"changes at the level of the household or family. Changes at the "micro"

level do not simply result from changes at the "macro" level. On thecontrary, "micro" developments tend to shape patterns of state formationan d modes of accumulation at the "macro" level. In fact, the wholedistinction between "micro" and "macro" levels is highly problematic inthese circumstances.Th e notion of '^acumulatipn^'i however vague^seems to be auseful starting-point for studying these issues. Of late, it has become acentral concept in the work of Africanists from different theoreticalbackgrounds - apparently because it allows them to avoid analysing thefluid African social structures in rigid class termss. Contrary to debatesbased on preconceived notions of class, an^pjpen concepJL Hkeaccumulatipn4.enjsjpjnspj^the emergence of newjnequjlities. Similarly, the "openness" of theconcept of accumulation is an advantage if we want to study the issuesmentioned above. "Modes of accumulation" can be related to the state invarious ways or can remain outside the state domain. It is only through

8Cf. Bayart, 1979,1985,1989; Bernstein & Campbell, 1985; Copans, 1987; Coopcr,1981. In this respect, Bayart (1985:321) observes that we may detect in Africa at most"une structure de classes construire".

INTRODUCTION 27empir ical research that we can f ind ou t which specific fo rms ofaccumulation developed in various regions an d periods.In the chapterjLQf this volume, the notion of accumu lation will beusedjn a broad sense. I^npH.Qnlyjjefers^to accumulation j)f,cagital,_butalso to accumulation of other resources: people, including - though bymTmans xclusively - labour, land an d even "symbolic capital" (cf.Goheen, in this volume). This broad use of the notion of accumulationhelps us to see how the existing local modes of accumulation arearticulated with new forms. In this respect, the present volume onceagain addresses a theme that since the seventies has become a focus ofstudy by Africanists of widely different theoretical backgrounds: thehighly variable articulation of new inequalities with the pre-existingcontradictions within local communities9.The Articles to th i s Volume

From what ha s been noted, we can deduce tw o sets of questionsthat recur in this volume:- What is the exact relation between state and accumulation? Do modesof accumulation really take place "outside" the state or do theyconstitute inform al or even illegal excrescences o f the state?- Which regional variations occur in the grafting of new forms ofaccumulation onto existing pattern s of Organisation?Not unexpectedly, the various chapters provide very differentperspectives on these issues.Th e first par t of this book contains tw o case studies of relativelysuccessful forms of accumulation in Cameroon by Miaffo & Warnierand Rowlands and a wider reg ional perspective by Fisiy & Geschiere,devoting particular attention to the ideological incentives and obstaclesto accumulation. Miaffo & Wamier present a penetrating analysis ofthe complex relationship between state an d private initiative and the

9Just to cite a few authors with highly different theoretical backgrounds: Rey, 1973;Bayart, 1979, 1989; Peel, 1983. See also van Binsbergen & Geschiere, 1985; andKonings, 1986.


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28 ITINRAIRES D'ACCUMULATION AU CA ME RO UNgrafting of n ew forms of accumula t ion on to ex is t ing patterns ofOrganisation am o n g the Bamilk of West Cameroon. They fpcus onstrategies towards "disaccumulation" from within the family. They arguethat fo r var ious reasons, the Bamilk en trepreneurs have beenparticularly successful in warding of f these jpressures. In a parallel studyof the emergence of entrepreneurs in the neighbouring North WestProvince, Rowlands emphasizes the independence of these entrepreneursvis--vis the state. However, of lateJhere appears to bc a shift jowardsgreater dependence on the state. Rowlands distinguishes between anolder_grouEjof entrepreneurs wha were actually "self-made" men and anewer grqupjhat starled from a foothold within the state. Fisiy &Geschiere analyse changes in the idiom of sorcery and witchcraft asref lect ions on the emergence o f new fo rms o f accumulat ion .Remarkably , the same represen ta t ions can have quite differen timplications in various areas: at times they have strong levelling effectsand at times they encourage further accumulat ion . These authors try toexplain these regional variations in terms of local power structures.The second part of the book focuses on the impact of the state onpatterns of accumulat ion at the nat ional level. Bom Jua and Valle drawattention to the changes in the patterns of accumulation following thetransition from th e Ahidjo to the Biya period. Jua argues that theincreasing infusion of oi l rents created ample opportunities for capitalaccumulation, especially among social groups closely allied to the state.Valle tries to explain why the Biya regime increasingly resorted toexternal borrowing, leading to a substantial rise in the national debt. Ina historical s tudy , Clarence-Smith illustrates th e impor tan t role th eGerman colonial state played in setting up large-scale cocoa plantationstowards the end of their rule in Cameroon, that the Germans came toadmit that peasant cocoa production was, after all, more viable.Clarence-Smith demonstrates that this colonial legacy of strong emphasison the role of the state in the Organisation of cocoa c ultivation co ntinuesto detrimentally affect public policies towards smallholder production inthe region. Notwithstanding the present adverse conditions, due to thecompetion of large-scale cocoa plantation s of South East Asia, h feelsthere are indications that in the near future smallholder p roduction willonce again prove more efficint than plantation production. Konings

INTRODUCTION 29in the present-day South West Province of Cameroon. It was onlyhighlights recent developments in the relationship between plantation andpeasant production in the same region. He describes ho w under pressureof the World Bank the state introduced smallholders' schemes in the areain con junct ion with th e largest agro-industrial parastatal in Cameroon,the Cameroon Development Corporation (CDC). He maintains that therelative failure of these schemes wa s mainly due to the persistent half-heartedness of the support on the part o f both th e state and theCorporation. Recent developments on the Pamol plantations, which wereso dramatically abandoned by Unilever, suggest th e feasibility of analternative scenario that might provide more scope fo r smallholderproduction.

The third part of the book consists of three studies on women'sopportunities for accumulation - a topic which seems to be vital tofuture economie development in Cameroon. In these studies, the issue ofaccumulation is approached from a clearly different perspective. One ofthe reasons why we are particulary happy to include these papers is thatthey present challenging comparisons with the other articles. A commontheme in these three studies, for instance, is the crucial role of old an dnew marriage strategies in relation to accumulation - an aspect probablyvital to men's efforts towards accumulation as well. These studies alsoaddress Parpart's statement (1988) that women might benefit from statewithdrawal from th e economy, since their major opportunities foraccumulation tend to be located outside the state. Th e conclusions of ourauthors on this point seem to be more refined. Goheen^rgues_thatcontro l over femaJe labour cons t i tu tes th e fo u n da t io n fo r maleaccumula t ion among the Nso in the Nor th West Province . Th eincreasing commoditization during th e colonial period created specialproblems fo r women in the area, though it also stimulated their growingresistance.According to Goheen, post-colonial changes created ne w openingsfo r accumulation by women. In this respect, women's experiments withne w marriage strategies are of vital import an ce . Holtedahl analyses thesignificance of different patterns in the relations between religion,ethnic background, Western education and accumulation for women inNgaoundr, one of the largest tow ns in North Cameroon. She argues


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30 ITINRAIRES D'ACCUMULATION AU C AM ER OU Nthat modern education had different implications for Muslim andChristian women, depending on the "rules of relevance" imposed bytheir ethnic background and position in what she calls "the new marketof knowledge". In her analysis, old and new marriage strategies are alsocrucial to women's efforts to achieve "the good life".Van Santen analyses how broader politico-economic developmentsan d local transformations were articulated in the case of Mafa women atMokolo, a tow n in the Mandara mountains of North Cameroon. Whenthese wo men convert to Islam, they adopt many of the cultural featuresof the Fulbe, the dominant group in the North . To confirm their socialstatus, they have to pa rticipate in com plex exchanges of m arriage gifts.Modern changes made it necessary fo r them to find a solution to theproblem of accumulating the necessary capital: they engage in tradingan d particularly in profitable smuggling to neighbouring Nigeria. VanSanten describes how the new pressures o n w o m e n an d theiraccumulative strategies affect their relations to their families and

husbands.In each of these three case-studies changes in women 's access tonew modes of accumulation seem to be closely related to processes ofstate formation and their impact on local patterns.In the final chapter of this book, Bayart draws some conclusionsabout the relationship between the post-colonial state an d accumulationin Cameroon. He analyzes developments in Cameroon in a widerperspective insisting on the specificity of regional trajectories and thedynamics of "straddling" in this country. He relates them to theparticular evolution of the Cameroonian regime during the eightieswhile demonstrating how one can surpass a tribalistic analysis of thesedevelopments. In the postscript Mbembe analyses the effects of thepresent crisis in the legitimation of the Cameroonian state on the

political system and the trajectories of capital accumulationOf course, this book can not present an exhaustive picture of thecomplex relationship between state an d accumulation in Cameroon an dfully cover the numerous regional variations in the grafting of newforms of accum ulatio n onto ex isting patterns of Organisation. It istherefore an invitation to fur tner research in this field. One o f itsshortcomings is the dear th of s tudies on important entrepreneurialgroups in other parts of Cameroon such as the Haussa/Fulbe in North

INTRODUCTION 31Cameroon or the lbo in Anglophone Cameroon. Even the entrepreneurscovered in this book require further research. In terest ing though thecomparative studies of women and accumulation in this book might be,they only present a first impression of the considerable regionalvariations.One o f the main tenors of this collection as a whole is that a realwithdrawal of the state will be very difficult to implement. There seemsto be little reason to advocate "by-passing of the state" as a pan acea forreal growth and development. In view of the present crisis in Cameroon,it seems more worthwhile to look fo r possible forms of cooperationbetween the state an d entrepreneurs that do not thwart productiveaccumulation. One condition for the realization of this cooperation isthat the state relies on indigenous forms of accumulation rather thanextemal sources. Th e question is to what extent the new politicalconstellation will allow for such changes.

Konings and Geschiere_Itineraries of Accummulation in Cameroon

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