Journal of Assyrian Academic Studies Vol. 23, no. 1, 2009 ...jaas.org/edocs/v23n1/Full Issue 23-1...

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Journal of Assyrian Academic Studies Vol. 23, no. 1, 2009

Table of Contents -- English Section

Articles Archaeology at Frontiers: Excavating a Provincial Capital of the Assyrian Empire Dr. John MacGinnis and Dr. Timothy Matney .............................................................................................................................................3

The Cult of Mart Shmunie: A Maccabean Martyr In the Tradition of the Assyrian Churches of Mesopotamia.................................................................................22 Dr. Michael Abdulla Cuisine and Customs of the Kurds and their Neighbors Dr. Mirella Galletti.........................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................40 Deep Waters: Death in the Perkins Family, 1834-1852 Gordon Taylor.............................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................64 A poem About the Murder of Mar Benyamin Shimon by a Contemporary .................74 Dr. Eden Naby

Book Reviews: John Pierre Ameer, Assyrians in Yonkers: Reminiscences of a Community ................87 Francis Sarguis Gordon Taylor, Fever & Thirst: An American Doctor among the Tribes of Kurdistan 1835 - 1844. .....................................................95 Dr. Arianne Ishaya Modern Aramaic (Assyrian/Syriac) – Dictionary and Phrasebook ...................................................98 Philimon Darmo

Table of Contents - Assyrian Section

Articles Sayomoota ...................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................3 Editorial

Ri’yani ‘Al Qitre d’Hoogaya Comments on Spelling Problems......................................................................................................................................................................................................5 Philimon Darmo

Continued……………….2

2 Journal of Assyrian Academic Studies, Vol 23, no. 1, 2009

Table of Contents - Assyrian Section, continued Sorgada Ator-Bawlaya w’Takhse d’Zoyakha d’Akito........................................................................................................25 Assyrio-Babylonian Calendar and Akito Festival Gabriel Gewargis Yimma yan Brata Mother or Daughter (Story) ....................................................................................................................................................................................................................48 čYouel A. Baaba

Khda Khyarta ‘Al Datid A Look on the Future ..............................................................................................................................................................................................................................................60 Samir Khoshaba

Iggarta Qa Yimmi A Letter to My Mother ........................................................................................................................................................................................................................................63 Daniel D Benjamin Marge Qine Green Meadows.......................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................65 Adam Daniel Homeh Z’oore Wakh We Are Still Young.......................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................70 Robin Beth Shmoel Sawhoth Gazarta Semi Island...........................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................72 Nineb Lamasso Syame Khate New Books ...........................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................76

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Archaeology at the Frontiers: Excavating a Provincial Capital of the Assyrian Empire

Dr. John MacGinnis§ University of Cambridge

McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research

Dr. Timothy Matney * University of Akron

When, in the ninth century BC, Assyria set itself once more on a program of

outward expansion and embarked on the course that was to lead to an empire on a scale hitherto unimaginable, it ran up against new challenges in every direction and which in every direction were different. The widely varying topography of the regions surrounding the Assyrian heartland had dictated distinct patterns of state formation which, combined with the equally diverse patterns of indigenous peoples and languages, led to alignments of polities and cultures unique to each area. The west, characterized by the open expanse of upper Mesopotamian merging into the piedmont of the Levant, was divided up into a network of Aramean states to the north, with Israel and Judah in the south and Edom, Moab and Ammon across the Jordan.1 To the south lay the vast alluvial plain of Babylonia with the marshes in the furthest extremes. This countryside was difficult. The plain was crisscrossed by canals, the date groves were impossible for an army to operate in and the marshes proved an almost inexhaustible refuge for rebels. In the east rose the Zagros Mountains and an intricate patchwork of isolated valleys, host to a mosaic of local chieftains and petty kings2 with Elam at the southern end. To the north lay Urartu and Shubria and the further Anatolian states beyond.

§

Dr. John MacGinnis studied Assyriology and Near Eastern Archaeology at Cambridge. Since completing his doctorate on Neo-Babylonian temple administration he has published many articles on ancient Mesopotamia, specializing in the first millennium BC. He has worked on excavations throughout the Middle East including Iraq, Syria, Egypt and Sudan. He now directs operations in the lower town of Ziyaret Tepe. * Dr. Timothy Matney received his B.A. in Western Asiatic Archaeology from the University of London and his M.A. and Ph.D. (1993) in Anthropology from the University of Pennsylvania. He has conducted fieldwork across the Middle East in Turkey, Syria, Iraq, Israel, and Azerbaijan. He co-directed excavations at the Early Bronze Age site of Titriş Höyük from 1994-1999 and has served as director of the Ziyaret Tepe excavations since 1997. His main area of research is early urbanism. 1 Edom, Moab and Ammon paid tribute but there is no evidence for permanent Assyrian

presence in these areas (Bienkowski 2000). 2 See Lanfranchi 2003.


It is the north which forms the focus of the present paper, specifically the Upper Tigris province of Tušhan. Until recently our knowledge of the Assyrians in this region came almost entirely from cuneiform sources. These indicate that a presence had been established at Tušhan in the Middle Assyrian period by Shalmaneser I (1274-1245 BC)3 but also that this did not last. For our purposes the story really begins with forays by Tukulti-Ninurta II (891-883 BC). This king campaigned in the area and successfully extracted tribute from Amme-ba'lī of Bit Zamani.4 This renewed Assyrian involvement but it was left to his son Ashurnasirpal II (883-859 BC) to establish the Assyrian presence on firm foundations. Ashurnasirpal campaigned here in his second and fifth years (882 and 879 BC); a revolt of Amme-ba’lī was brutally suppressed and this paved the way for Ashurnasirpal to implement a truly imperial agenda. In his own words:

I repossessed the fortified cities of Tidu and Sinabu which Shalmaneser, king of Assyria, a prince who preceded me, had garrisoned on the border of the Nairi lands and which the Arameans had captured by force. I resettled in their abandoned cities and houses the Assyrians who had held the fortresses of Assyria in the lands of Nairi and whom the Arameans had subdued. I placed them in a peaceful abode. I uprooted 1,500 troops of the ahlamû Arameans belonging to Amme-ba’lī, a man of Bit Zamani, and brought them to Assyria. I reaped the harvest of the Nairi lands and stored it for the sustenance of my land in the cities Tušha, Damdammusa, Sinabu and Tidu.5

Subsequently Ashurnasirpal's son Shalmaneser III (858-824 BC) campaigned

in the region, strengthening Assyrian control and extracting tribute from Shubria.6 Shalmaneser also continued a tradition of venerating the Tigris at a dramatic location north of modern Lice where the river surges out of a vast tunnel which the Assyrians took to be the source of the river: “In my fifteenth year I marched to the land of Nairi. At the head of the Tigris, where its water comes out in a mountain cliff, I created an image of my royalty.”7 From the time of Shalmaneser III the Tigris at Tušhan formed the northern border of the Assyrian empire, a situation which continued until 673 BC, a period of over two hundred years. In that year Esarhaddon (680-669 BC) invaded across the Tigris, annexing Shubria and dividing it into the two new provinces of Uppumu and Kullimeri.8 With the border pushed north Tušhan became an internal part of the

3 Radner & Schachner 2001, p.758. 4 Grayson 1991, p. 171-2. 5 Grayson 1991, p. 261. 6 “In my fifth year I ascended Mount Kaššiari and captured its fortified cities. I confined

Anhitti the Shubrian to his city and received his rich tribute.” (Grayson 1996, p. 65 & p. 104).

7 Grayson 1996, p. 47. 8 Grayson 1975, p.84 (Chronicle I iv.24), p.127 (Esarhaddon Chronicle 24).

Archaeology at Frontiers: Excavating a Provincial Capital of the Assyrian Empire. 5

empire and appears to have remained stable until the end. Turning to the archaeological picture, this area was, until recently, terra

incognita. In the 1860's Taylor, the British consul in Diyarbakir, discovered two Assyrian stelae at the site of Kurkh (now Uçtepe), and sent these back to the British Museum. However, as archaeological artifacts they remained in isolation. Little attention was paid to this corner of the empire and such research as there was focused principally on attempts to match data in the cuneiform texts with sites on the ground. Specific to our interests was the observation that three major sites east of Diyarbakir – Pornak, Uçtepe and Ziyaret Tepe – must correspond to the three fortified towns of Sinabu, Tidu and Tušhan know from the cuneiform sources.9 Following the Second World War there was also a slow stream of data from the excavation of sites with Neo-Assyrian remains, particularly Sultantepe10 in the 1950's, Gir Nawaz11 and Tille12 in the 1980's. All of these lie some distance from the area under consideration. Of more direct relevance were the excavations conducted at Uçtepe, which clarified beyond doubt the importance of that site in the Neo-Assyrian period although also establishing that these remains lay under a considerable overburden.13 Overall however knowledge of the archaeology of the region remained restricted. This picture really began to change in the 1990's when the Turkish government announced plans to build a hydroelectric dam on the Tigris at Ilisu, some 50 km north of the border with Syria. Archaeologists were invited to explore the area, with survey starting in 1988. Sites covering every period from the Paleolithic onwards have been investigated. For present purposes, however, it is the Iron Age that concerns us. Nearly 40 sites from this period have been identified in the area under consideration. In the evaluation of this survey data a matter of key importance is distinguishing Assyrian settlements from indigenous sites. It turns out that this is indeed possible. There are ceramics diagnostic of both Assyrians and the local population, and on this basis sites can be sorted into four categories:

1. sites which are exclusively Assyrian 2. sites which are predominantly Assyrian 3. sites belonging to the indigenous population with no evidence of

Assyrian contact 4. sites belonging to the indigenous population with some evidence of

Assyrian contact

The distribution of these sites is quite distinctive. Prior to the advent of the Assyrians, settlement in the area consisted of small villages without evident

9 Kessler 1980. 10 Lloyd & Gokçe 1953, Lloyd 1954. 11 Donbaz 1988, Erkenal 1988. 12 See for now Summers 1991 and Blaylock 1998. 13 Köroğlu 1996, Çaglari 2006.


settlement hierarchy.14 Subsequent to their arrival indigenous sites were confined to the foothills, while all the main Assyrian sites are located in the floodplain in excellent agricultural land. The survey data firmly suggests that the frontier between the Assyrian Empire and the indigenous cultures of the upper Tigris straddled the Tigris-Batman confluence,15 although to some degree Assyrian ceramics percolated up the valleys of the rivers tributary to the Tigris.16

Among the sites which can be attributed to the Assyrian occupation there is one that stands out in terms of both the size of the mound and the extent of the lower town. This is the site of Ziyaret Tepe, located near the modern village of Tepe, some 60 km east of Diyarbakir. Ziyaret Tepe was a natural choice for investigation. In 1997 Dr. Timothy Matney of the University of Akron, Ohio, initiated fieldwork at Ziyaret Tepe and this has continued every year since. Currently the project includes teams directed by Dr. John MacGinnis (Cambridge University), Dr. Kemallettin Köroğlu (Marmara University, Istanbul) and Dr. Dirk Wicke (University of Mainz).17 Ziyaret Tepe is an impressive site. It consists of a central mound some 30 m high and a surrounding lower town of approximately 30 hectares. The central mound is of some antiquity – to date there is evidence for occupation going back to the early third millennium but there may be earlier levels yet. The lower town is exclusively Assyrian. This site morphology, a central mound with a surrounding lower town, is an established type for Assyrian provincial cities. Other examples are Til Barsip and Tell Rimah.

There can be little doubt that at Ziyaret Tepe we have the remains of ancient Tušhan. In addition to the sheer size of the site there are now a number of additional arguments for supporting this identification:

- a loan of grain made by the governor (though his area of jurisdiction is not named) in one of the texts excavated at Ziyaret Tepe;18

- the Middle Assyrian texts from Giricano (across the river from Ziyaret Tepe and a little upstream) which record loans of barley from Tušhan to a village by the name of Dunnu-ša-Uzibi in such a way that it appears highly likely that Giricano must be equated with Dunnu-ša-Uzibi and Ziyaret Tepe with Tušhan;19

- orthographic stylistics occurring both in texts found at Ziyaret Tepe and

14 Parker 2003, p. 534. 15 Algaze et al. 1991, p. 183; Parker 1997a, p. 233. 16 Particularly the Garzan Su, which Parker suggests may have been on a route leading

up to Urartu (Parker 1997a p.229). 17 For a number of years Prof. Michael Roaf of the University of Munich was also a

member of the team, directing the excavation of a step trench on the eastern side of the high mound.

18 ZTT 14. ZTT = Ziyaret Tepe Texts is the siglum used by the project for tablets excavated at the site.

19 Radner 2006, p. 274.


in letters from Tušhan found at Nineveh.20 Accepting this identification allows us to make a direct comparison between

the evidence of archaeology and the evidence from cuneiform texts. When Ashurnasirpal decided to set about refounding the city of Tušhan he recorded what this entailed in some detail:

Moving on from the land Nirbu I approached the city of Tušha. I took Tušha in hand for renovation. I cleared away its old wall, delineated its area, reached its foundation pit and built, completed and decorated in splendid fashion a new wall from top to bottom. A palace for my royal residence I founded inside. I made doors and hung them in its doorways. The palace I built and completed from top to bottom. I made an image of myself of white limestone and wrote thereon praise of the extraordinary power and heroic deeds which had been accomplished in the lands of Nairi. I erected it in the city of Tušha. I inscribed my monumental inscription and deposited it in its wall. I brought back the enfeebled Assyrians who because of hunger and famine had gone up into the mountains to the land of Šubria. I settled them in the city Tušha. I took over this city for myself and stored therein barley and straw from the land of Nirbu.21

The program outlined here of the construction of a walled city with palace

and stela was part of the model formula for the planting of settlements in newly acquired territories. Compare for example a letter from Liphur-Bēl, governor of Amidi:

The king my lord knows that [...] years ago I built a town on the king's fields. Under the aegis of the king my lord I have bought and added to it 400 hectares of field from the subjects of Ašipâ. I have erected a fort there. The perimeter of the town is [...] cubits. I have built a royal palace and drawn the king's likeness. I have placed 200 stone slabs there and settled the king's subjects there.22 The importation of settlers who were given grants of land in the surrounding

area was indeed an important part of the formula – more on this below. Another element was the introduction of Assyrian gods.23 How does this program match what we find on the ground at Ziyaret Tepe? Firstly, the site is indeed surrounded by a city wall. This was revealed clearly by 20 Parpola 2008, pp. 25-27. cf. also his note to ZTT No.8 l.4. 21 Grayson 1991, p. 242-3 (with minor adaptations); this passage is also incorporated into

the "Annals" of Ashurnasirpal (Grayson 1991, p. 202). 22 Lanfranchi & Parpola 1990 No. 15. Installation of winged bulls is a common addition

to this program, cf. Lanfranchi & Parpola 1990 No.17 (Bit Zamani) and Nos. 57-58 (Adia); Tiglath-Pileser set up winged bulls at Khadatu (Tadmor 1994, p. 207).

23 Cogan 1974, Yamada 2000, p. 302.


magnetometry and is also visible as a low rise visible in certain parts of the site. It measure 3 m across at the base (we have no direct data on how tall it would have been) and was protected by a moat. There were three and possibly four gates. The palace mentioned by Ashurnasirpal almost certainly corresponds to the remains of the monumental building on the high mound. From the texts excavated at Ziyaret Tepe we know the site was also home to a temple of Ištar. At the time of writing it is still not certain whether or not Building 2 in Area G, where the tablets were found, corresponds to this temple (or its treasury).

Our understanding of the layout of the lower town is still in its early stages. According to Oates24 the outer towns of the major Assyrian cities were occupied by the mansions of the nobility. Oates bases this chiefly on Nimrud, but the same appears to hold for Nineveh, at least to the degree that it has been explored. We are not yet in a position to say to what extant this may have been true at Ziyaret Tepe. Building 1 in Area G does indeed appear to have been a high-status residence, but our knowledge of the rest of the lower town is not yet sufficiently extensive to answer this. Oates goes on to remark “no representative quarter containing smaller private houses, with a higher population density, has ever been excavated, though they must obviously have existed.”25

In fact at Ziyaret Tepe we do have some evidence for private housing in the form of some small architecture built up against the city wall (Operation K) and against a city gate (Operation Q). Nevertheless documenting and exploring domestic architecture in the lower town through remote sensing and targeted excavation remains a major aim for future fieldwork. Resistivity has indeed already shown that there is a complex of buildings arranged around the main south gate. It seems most likely that these were barracks or storehouses. Excavation in this area is also an aim for future fieldwork. In addition to this there must also have been stables and an arsenal.26 Lastly, there is some preliminary evidence that there may be further remains outside the moat.

The senior official resident at Ziyaret was the provincial governor. His primary responsibilities were taxes and the army. These were matters pivotal to the operation of the city, and indeed of the empire as a whole. When a new settlement was created, the surrounding land was allocated to imported population who thereby generated the agricultural basis of the settlement while at

24 Oates 2005, p. 44. 25 Oates 2005, p. 44. Note that at Tell Rimah an area of Neo-Assyrian housing was

revealed at the foot of the central mound (Site B) but not further investigated: C. Postgate, D. Oates & J. Oates The Excavations at Tell Al Rimah: The Pottery (British School of Archeology in Iraq, 1997) p. 21.

26 Excavation of this part of the city may well yield rich results; even the limited excavation at Nebi Yunus, the arsenal mound of Nineveh, yielded, in addition to a wide range of artifacts, an astonishing variety of cuneiform texts - annals, dream omens and sikkātu (inscribed wall pegs) as well as the contracts, lists of livestock and issues to the army that we would naturally expect. See MacGinnis 1992; Scott & MacGinnis 1990.


the same time forming a military reserve. The theory was straightforward – individuals were granted land in return for the performance of yearly service to the state. In reality the pattern of land tenure would have been much more complex, with different holdings subject to special conditions or benefiting from exemption from taxes as well as land owned by the crown, temples and magnates of the empire.

In order for the governor to perform his duties effectively he must have had access to updated records of land holdings. An insight into this is given by the collection of tablets known as the “Harran Census.” This was first published a century ago by one of the pioneers of Assyriology, C. W. H. Johns.27 The census has been dated by Parpola to the reign of Sargon or Sennacherib (late eighth or early seventh century BC)28 and comprised six to eight eight-columned tablets in two series. Johns dubbed the series “An Assyrian Doomsday Book” and the title is apt – it is indeed a list of farmsteads and estates with their associated chattels. Typical entries read:

Rahimâ, goatherd; Našuh-sama'ni his son, adolescent; 1 woman, 1 three-year old daughter: a total of 4 people29 2 houses, 50 hectares of arable land, of which 10 hectares are under cultivation; 1 ox, 1 threshing floor, 1 cistern: Našuh-qatari son of Nadi-[...]-Issar30

Overall the census records details of family (man, wife, children, sometimes

mother), landholdings (arable land, vineyards, orchards, vegetable gardens, poplar and willow groves), animals (sheep, goats, cattle, oxen, donkeys, horses, camels) and structures (house, threshing floors, cisterns, wells). The professions of the key individuals are often given, most commonly farmers, gardeners and shepherds though a scattering of other professions also occur. The average size of a family is four.31 Postgate has demonstrated the purpose of the document was probably not to serve as a basis for taxation but rather listed lands exempted from taxation.32 Although the Johns census relates to the province of Harran, we would have to predict that similar lists were generated by the administration in Tušhan and indeed in many parts of the empire. It is therefore of no little interest that the excavations at Ziyaret Tepe have produced a number of fragments of a census of 27 Johns 1901; for studies of the Harran Census see Fales 1973 (with reviews Parpola

1974, Postgate 1974b) and now Galil 2007. Johns went on to become Master of St. Catherine's College, Cambridge.

28 Parpola 1974, p. 108. 29 Fales & Postgate 1995, p. 123. 30 Fales & Postgate 1995, p. 125. 31 Galil 2007, p. 118, 228. 32 Postgate 1974a, p. 36-8, 1974b, p. 229. Postgate's reasoning is based on the fact that

the texts come from the central archives in Nineveh but list holdings according to owner but not geographical order.


just this nature (ZTT 26). Closely associated with the instruments of land tenure were the registers of

individuals liable for military call-up kept on wooden writing boards.33 The entire population was subordinated to the military structure.34 We do not so far have exemplars of these registers from Ziyaret and we cannot give a precise figure for either the number of standing troops stationed in the city or for the levies that could be called up from the population of the surrounding countryside. However we can form a rough idea of the scale involved by comparison with a letter reporting back to the king on a review of the troops of the province of Zamua. That text produced the following breakdown:35

chariotry wing: 106 men (supporting 10 chariots) cavalry wing: 343 men (supporting 161 horsemen) Qurreans auxillaries (spearmen): 360 Itu'eans auxillaries (archers): 440 Assyrian infantry: 80 ancillaries: 101

The ancillaries included grooms, donkey drivers, tailors, cupbearers, bakers,

cooks, confectioners, scribes, dispatch riders and an intelligence officer. The full muster comes to 1430. In the absence of other data we have to guess that the forces at Tušhan were constituted on a similar scale. Some support for this comes from a letter from Tušhan which records a detachment of 500 Itu'eans who the writer feels should have been in the province, apparently in addition to other troops.36 It is not clear what proportion of these were standing army and what proportion called up, though the bulk must have been the latter.37

It is certain that Tušhan will have been built and settled by deportees. We cannot give an exact figure for the population of the city and dependent hinterland, though this is likely to have been in the order of a few thousand men plus dependents.38 The use of deported populations was indeed central to the

33 cf. Lanfranchi & Parpola 1990 No.121. 34 cf. the statement of the Kummeans in a letter from Aššur-rē1ūa: “Since we are the

subjects [of Assyria], a foreman of cavalry is [our sup]erior.” (Lanfranchi & Parpola 1990 No. 95).

35 Lanfranchi & Parpola 1990 No.215, analyzed by Postgate 2000, from which comes the identification of the Qurrean and Itu'ean auxillaries as spearmen and archers respectively.

36 “Of the Itueans in my country, there is a surplus of 500 men who should have kept watch with me. Why did they go to Guzana? Let them release the men to me” (Lanfranchi & Parpola 1990 No.21).

37 Thus Oates 2005, p. 56: “But the greater part of the army remained, as it had always been, an annual levy, and it seems unlikely that the available manpower under any system could have furnished standing forces of the necessary size.”

38 In this context it is interesting to note the approach taken by Oates to arrive at a viable


operation of the empire.39 As put by Oates, “mass deportation was initially an ingenious and, for the time, successful solution of two problems, the maintenance of control over territories larger than Assyria itself, and the provision, for the construction of the great cities, of labor forces greater than Assyria alone could furnish.”40

We have no information on the origin of the first deportees transported to Tušhan by either Ashurnasirpal or Shalmaneser, but we do know that Tiglath-Pileser III (744-727 BC) deported 83,000 people from Hamath and its environs and settled them in the province.41 Parpola has suggested that one of the names in the texts excavated at Ziyaret Tepe may have belonged to the descendant of a Babylonian deportee. Others will have come from Assyria itself. An important issue is the nature of relations between the transported settlers and the indigenous population. The latter may have comprised both Shubrians (who may have been Hurrian) and Arameans, and possibly other elements about which we know nothing at all, all with their own religion, language and cultural traditions. One small indication of cultural exchange and perhaps religious syncretization is the presence of a Shubrian augur at the site.42

We are somewhat better informed about how the settlers were distributed. In general terms, in Wilkinson's words, “the Late Assyrian settlement program appears to have been one of infilling, with new settlements being established on former marginal or other land.”43 This was written with respect to the Jezira, but the description applies equally well to the Northern provinces. The area was first secured with the construction of forts, preparing the way for the establishment of

figure for the population of Nimrud (Oates 2005, p. 48). He starts with the observation that 7 km is about the limit of what a laborer will walk daily in order to work. This radius equates to a circle of approximately 150 sq. km. Modern data suggests that a family of six requires 1/20 sq. km of land to subsist, which converts to 1/10 sq. km when factoring in fallow. Accordingly the 75 sq. km. on one side of the Tigris could have supported 750 families. In practice, the number supported was probably much more restricted due to (1) inefficiencies imposed by administration and (2) portions payable to landlords.

39 Lanfranchi has summarised the logic behind this neatly: “The removal of the elites and of a select part of the population from their territory was aimed at breaking the most intimate and irremediably stable relationship, that between man and land, between organized society and owned territory. As such, this measure was most suited for definitively smashing the tight connection between local rulers and their territory and for promoting the rapid establishment of a governorship which could replace without much trouble the uprooted or physically eliminated local rulers.” (Lanfranchi 2003, p. 106).

40 Oates 2005, p. 57. 41 Tadmor 1994, p. 63. 42 ZTT No.4 rev.7; an augur is also mentioned in ZTT No.25. 43 Wilkinson 1995, p. 149.


small agrarian communities.44 In the case of Tušhan this picture is illustrated both by survey data and by data in the texts from the site itself in which there is evidence for farmsteads identified by name.45 As observed by Wilkinson the dispersed settlement pattern allowed by the Pax Assyriaca would have provided production in excess of the needs of the inhabitants.46 However in at least one respect our understanding is imprecise, for while we are able to distinguish Assyrian ceramics from those of the indigenous traditions, in each case we are only able to date the material in a rough manner. We are not in a position to study the development of settlement patterns on even a century by century basis, let alone anything more accurate – “short term fluctuations in settlement remain invisible.”47 Recovery (or reconstruction) of a solid first millennium sequence is indeed a long term aim of the project. Conclusions Analysis of archaeological and textual data from Ziyaret Tepe serves as a type case for documenting the construction and operation of the Assyrian Empire. The process began with exploratory campaigns (Tukulti-Ninurta II) followed by the founding of cities (Ashurnasirpal II). Once a province was securely under Assyrian government the process of infilling at the local level could begin. At this stage settlements were frequently sited on former territorial boundaries or on marginal land.48 In the case of Ziyaret Tepe Matney has produced a model for the interaction of the Assyrian colonial cities (Tušhan, Tidu, Sinabu) with local Iron Age survivals (Salat Tepe, Giricano, Kavushan Tepe, Boztepe) and the Assyrian heartland which matches the data well.

Although the Assyrian expansion can be regarded simply as rampant imperialism there was a structure and certain logic to it. A fully functioning province channeled back resources in terms of materials, animals and manpower. The precise nature of what was fed back varied geographically. From the Northern provinces we know that wood and horses were particularly sought after.49 Indeed, the acquisition of raw materials may have been one of the motivating factors behind the Assyrian effort to control Syria and Anatolia.50 This is not surprising. Assyria was caught in the classic spiral of imperial expansion whereby the empire could only be maintained by continuous growth. Compare for example the situation appertaining to the supply of horses highlighted by Dalley:

44 Matney (in press). 45 e.g. ZTT Nos. 12, 15, 23. 46 Wilkinson 1995, p .158. 47 Wilkinson 1995, p. 149. 48 Wilkinson 1995, p. 157. 49 Parker 1997b, p. 79; for felling of trees cf. Lanfranchi & Parpola 1990 Nos. 4, 6, 7, 8,

25, 33, 34, 43 etc. 50 Parker 1997b, p. 220.


The Assyrian kings could not supply their army with horses by means of tribute and booty alone. The capture of equestrian centres such as Samaria meant that they acquired one large consignment of animals that would not necessarily be repeated.51

Consciously or not, Assyria was coming face to face with the reality that the

continued existence of the empire required a flow of materials which could not be sustained.

There were also wider political considerations. With the realization of the province of Tušhan it must have seemed that Assyria had reached its natural limit, at least in this part of the empire. And for a long while the Tigris did indeed serve as the northern border. But a knock-on effect was to create a new set of problems – relations with adjacent chief powers in the region, particularly Shubria and Urartu. This created a tense environment. As one scholar has aptly put it, “The 'Great Game' of Assyrian times – complete with spies, assassinations and fugitives – was played out in the north.”52 Other things being equal, Assyria would probably have been quite happy to leave Shubria as a buffer zone between Assyria and Urartu, but a problem with this was that there could be no guarantee that Urartu would not itself invade Shubria; this was indeed the subject of an oracular query to the sun god by Esarhaddon.53 Furthermore, the king of Shubria appears to have taken a somewhat foolish stance in refusing to co-operate with Assyria in dealing with political asylum seekers. When, in 680 BC, this was taken to the extent of refusing to extradite the Assyrians who had fled to Shubria following the murder of Sennacherib it was a defiance too far and provoked Esarhaddon into invading the country, annexing it and splitting it into two new provinces.54 The entire Shubrian army was incorporated into the Assyrian army55 and captives from Shubria were dispersed among the citizens of Nimrud.56 For a few decades the status quo in Tušhan remained apparently stable. However, the final collapse of Assyria was not far off. Following the death of Ashurbanipal in 627 BC the empire began to quickly unravel. Widely hated, with the population of the heartland diluted by deportees and the influx of Aramean tribes, with pressure on resources and factionalized by civil war, the disintegration of Assyria was to be predicted. The actual military overthrow was brought about by a coalition of Babylonians, Medes and Cimmerians. From the death of

51 Dalley 1985, p. 47. 52 Bienkowski 2000, p. 53. 53 Starr 1990, No.18. Similarly, the annexations of the Medean polities were originally

carried out specifically in order to attract them into the Assyrian sphere of influence and thus deny potential allies to Urartu (Lanfranchi 2003, p. 108).

54 Na'aman 2006; Radner & Schachner 2001. 55 Oded 1979, p. 52: "I enlarged the army with charioteers of the guard, horsemen of the

guard, men in charge of the stable, ša rēši officers, service engineers, craftsmen, light troops, shield bearers, scouts, farmers, shepherds, gardeners".

56 Oded 1979, p. 30-31.


Ashurbanipal to freefall collapse took just fifteen years. The iconic event was the fall of Nineveh in 612 BC. A major source for this is the Babylonian Chronicle – damaged and incomplete, to be sure, but nevertheless an extraordinary witness to these events. According to the Chronicle, in the fourteenth year of Nabopolassar the king mustered his army and joined forces with Cyaxeres (the Mede) and the “Umman-mandu” (Cimmerians).

They marched along the bank of the Tigris. They encamped against Nineveh. From the month of Sivan until the month of Ab, for three months, they subjected the city to a heavy siege. [On day x] of the month of Abu they inflicted a major defeat upon a great people. At that time Sin-šar-iškun king of Assyria died.57

Thus is recorded one of the cataclysmic events of world history.

Nevertheless, it was not quite the final end. For a few more years Assyria staggered on as a political entity, contracting into the northwest sector of the former empire, centered on a capital at Harran. In the process the front line drew back across this region. In 611 BC it was the turn of Tušhan.

In the 15th year, in the month of Tammuz, the king of Babylon [mustered his troops] and went to Assyria. [He marched about] imperiously [in Ass]yria and conquered the [citie]s of T[u]šha[n, ...] and Šu[br]ia. They took [their poeple] as captives and [carried away] a hea[vy] booty from them.58

At Ziyaret Tepe there is evidence for these events. On the archaeological

side, it is clear that the monumental buildings in Operation G were abandoned with sufficient time to remove any valuables. There is also evidence for burning, though it has not so far been possible to establish whether or not this was deliberate. Excavations in two city gates (Operation D and Operation Q) produced no evidence for destruction or even a struggle. It is interesting to note that the Assyrian capital at Tel Barsip was similarly cleanly abandoned and not destroyed.59

The evidence from the texts is more dramatic. The thirty or so tablets excavated so far date to the very end of the empire, to just before and just after the fall of Nineveh. The occurrence of the limmu Aššur-šarrāni, whom Parpola dates to 611 BC, is unique.60 Many of the texts appear to be of a routine nature, perhaps suggesting that the Assyrians were at this stage still expecting to regain control of their empire. But other texts clearly relate to the struggle at hand. One example is the issue of armor ZTT 8. But most dramatic is ZTT 22, a letter written by a certain Mannu-kī-libbāli to a senior official, perhaps city treasurer.

57 Grayson 1975, p. 94. 58 Parpola 2008, pp. 13-14. 59 Bunnens 1997, p. 28. 60 Parpola 2008, p. 14.


Evidently Mannu-kī-libbāli had been asked to muster a unit of chariotry. However the entire structure to support such an order had collapsed:

Concerning the horses, Assyrian and Aramean scribes, cohort commanders, officials, coppersmiths, blacksmiths, those who clean the tools and equipment, carpenters, bow-makers, arrow-makers, weavers, tailors and repairers, to whom should I turn?.....Not one of them is there. How can I command?.....The lists are not at my disposal. According to what can they collect them? Death will come out of it. No one [will escape]. I am done!61

This letter is unparalleled. It can only have been written as the front line drew

close to Tušhan and the infrastructure of the empire collapsed. As a first-hand account of Assyria in its death-throes it is unique.62

What happened to Tušhan, and indeed to the region as a whole, in the years following the disappearance of Assyrian government, is still not yet clear. It was once thought that Assyria was entirely wasted – “the image is that of a virtually empty landscape, made yet more desolate by the presence of deserted cities with the odd village dotted here and there.”63 However, recent studies have shown that the level of devastation was not so total and that many of the major cities continued in at least a reduced manner.64 The empire was carved up between the victors. The Medes took the Zagros territories, but the degree to which they were able to administer them is far from clear. The Babylonians, on the other hand, were the mainstream successors to the Assyrian empire, taking over direct rule in Syria and the provinces east of Babylonia, reasserting control of Palestine and campaigning in the north. In Syria the transition appears to have been fairly smooth – one demonstration of this is the tablets from Tell Sheikh Hamad on the Habur, dated to Nebuchadnezzar years 2 (603 BC) and 5 (600 BC) but written in classic Neo-Assyrian language and format.65

In the case of Ziyaret Tepe it appears that there was squatter occupation for a limited period after which the site was abandoned. This is very much in accord

61 Parpola 2008, p. 88. 62 Perhaps the nearest thing is the letter from Sin-šarra-iškun to Nabopolassar recently

published by Lambert (2005). That letter, however, exists only in a later Babylonian copy and its authenticity is not certain.

63 Kuhrt 1995, p. 239. 64 Dalley 1993, Kuhrt 1995. To the data collected by Dalley and Kuhrt two further pieces

of evidence may be added, a text from the reign of Cyrus documenting the manufacture by the Ebabbara temple of Sippar of bronze rings for the Lady (Ištar) of Arbail (MacGinnis 2004 p.32 No.3), and a text also from the Ebabbara administration recording the receipt of tithes contributed by the governor of Assur (MacGinnis 2000 p.336 BM 58761, dating to one of the Neo-Babylonian kings). Andrae had indeed postulated that the two Neo-Babylonian temples at Assur had been built by the governor of the city (Andrae 1938, p. 164-166).

65 Postgate 1993.


with the picture elsewhere. At Tell Ahmar, succinctly put by Bunnens: “the local prosperity created by the Assyrian Empire was not able to continue without the structures which it put in place.”66 In addition to this it may be imagined that at least some of the deported populations may have returned to their homelands.

Geographical Location of Ziyaret Tepe Bibliography

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Parpola, S.; 1974. ‘A Note on the Neo-Assyrian Census Lists’, Zeitschrift für Assyriologie 64, 96-115. Parpola, S.; 1987. The Correspondence of Sargon, Part 1: Letters from Assyria and the West, State Archives of Assyria I (Helsinki). Parpola, S. and R. M. Whiting; 1997. Assyria 1995 (Helsinki). Parpola, S.; 2008. ‘Cuneiform Texts from Ziyaret Tepe (Tušhan), 2002-2003’, State Archives of Assyria Bulletin 17, 1-113. Postgate, J. N.; 1974a. Taxation and Conscription in the Assyrian Empire (Studia Pohl, Series Maior 3, Rome). Postgate, J. N.; 1974b. ‘Some Remarks on Conditions in the Assyrian Countryside’, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 17/1, 225-243. Postgate, J. N.; 1991. ‘The Land of Assur and the Yoke of Assur’, World Archaeology 23, 247-263. Postgate, J. N.; 1993. ‘Four Tablets from Šeh Hamad’, State Archives of Assyria Bulletin 4, 109-124. Postgate, J. N.; 2000. ‘The Assyrian Army at Zamua;, Iraq 62, 89-108. Radner, K.; 2006. ‘How to Reach the Upper Tigris: the Route Through the Tūr 'Abdīn’, State Archives of Assyria Bulletin 16, 273-305. Radner, K. and A. Schachner; 2001. ‘From Tušhan to Amedi: Topographical Questions Concerning the Upper Tigris Region in the Assyrian Period’ in N. Tuna, J. Öztürk and J. Velibeyöglu (edd.), Salvage Project of the Archaeological Heritage of the Ilisu and Carchemish Dam Reservoirs, Activities in 1999 (Ankara), 753-751. Scott, M. L. and J. D. A. MacGinnis; 1990. ‘Notes on Nineveh’, Iraq 52, 63-73. Starr, I.; 1994. Queries to the Sungod. State Archives of Assyria IV (Helsinki). Summers, G.; 1991. ‘Kummuh and Assyria: The Evidence from Tille Höyük’, Studien zum antiken Kleinasien 3. Friedrich Karl Dörner zum 80. Geburtstag gewidmet, 1-6. Tadmor, H.; 1982. ‘The Aramaization of Assyria: Aspects of Western Impact’ in H.-J. Nissen and J. Renger (edd.), Mesopotamien und seine Nachbarn II (Berlin), 449-470.


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22

The Cult of Mart Shmuni, a Maccabean Martyr, in the Traditions of the Assyrian Churches of Mesopotamia

Michael Abdalla, Ph.D.§

In the traditions of the Assyrian (Syriac) Churches of Mesopotamia the characters of Shmuni, her seven sons and their teacher, Eleazar are associated with persecutions of the Jews by the Seleucids for their belief in God and unshakable attachment to the Law, and with the successful Maccabean revolt.1 A detailed picture of the persecutions was immortalized in the First and the Second Book of the Maccabees. All nine of them were killed at the same time, however it is the mother of the youths who is mentioned as a saint and “the first female martyr.” Despite the fact that none of the Books of the Maccabees2 mentions her name, all Assyrian Christian sources referring to those events stress that the martyr’s name was Shmuni. Inclusion of a Jewish martyr into the ranks of Christian saints was explained with the fact that also Christians were killed in mass numbers for the very same brave and humble conduct. Those were Christians who in the times of pagan rule refused to pay homage to idols and in the time of ensuing persecutions never renounced Christ. The tradition of the Assyrian Christians of Mesopotamia went even further, naming Shmuni’s sons as Addai, Kaddai, Tarsi, Khiawron, Khiawson, Yawnon and Bakkos and specifying the date of their martyrdom as the 15th day of October 173 B.C.3 The feast day devoted to Mart Shmuni 4 and her sons is celebrated by all the Churches

§

Dr. Michael Abdalla is professor at Adam Mickiewicz University Faculty of Modern Languages and Literature, Poznan, Poland. The Author recommends a unique study under a similar title authored by a renowned Syriologist W. Witakowski, Mart(y) Shmuni, the Mother of the Maccabean Martyrs, in Syriac Tradition, in: R. Lavenant (ed.), VI Symposium Syriacum, University of Cambridge, Faculty of Divinity 30th Aug –2nd Sep 1992, Rome 1994, 153-168. In the source materials part both studies partially overlap, in addition Witakowski made use of source materials in the Assyrian (Syriac) language mostly unavailable in Poland. The author has managed to get access only to Arabic translations of some materials. 1 On the revolt of Judah the Maccabee see for instance M. Grant, The History of Ancient Israel, Warsaw 1991, 241; W. Tyloch, Dzieje ksiąg Starego Testamentu, Warsaw 1981, 386. 2 This is true of both the canonical Books 1 and 2, and the apocryphal Books 3 and 4. See footnote 30. 3 As regards the date see footnote 22. Apart from the names of Addai (Taddeus) and Yawnon (Jonah), the other names sound strange to the Assyrian tradition.@4 In the Churches of Mesopotamia the words Mart (feminine gender) (the Assyrian Church of the East and the Chaldean Church) or Mort (the Syrian Orthodox Church of Antioch or SOCA) and Mar or Mor (masculine gender), meaning “Lady,” “Sir,” are as a rule used to refer to a saint. The same term is used to refer to living bishops and

The Cult of Mart Shmuni, a Maccabean Martyr, 23

with the Syro-Mesopotamian roots.5 Liturgy celebrated on that day is preceded by a church feast in the form of a vigil in Mart Shmuni’s church or monastery. Can one then presume that the origin of this feast day dates back to the times before the Third Ecumenical Council of Ephesus (431 A.D)? In the weekly cycle of Thursday morning liturgies in the Syriac Orthodox Church of Antioch (SOCA) the choir sings a song with the following lyrics:

@O@@d¤ûã@şi@dÈr‘@dØÜ½@oãì@μ@aŠßa@@@ióí@⁄@æëóäß@†yÃë†rÇ@Ùîß…ìÓ@“à’ãæëμ@dãa@bqóí@aμü@aş†rÇ@æëóíòma@óÜm……@@Åä¹óß@oãì@aŠÏûi@aμü@ðòiŠÓ@bîÏbäm…@oÛ@†jÇ@aμđa

@OìØnİãa@bØÜßaˆßa@ƒía@Øã@şrÛ

@ïÜÇë@@@bí‰a@ƒía@âŒç

Of the seven of my triumphant sons ¹

says Shmuni to the king –

I will give away none,

to serve under you.

I give them to God.

They are His servants.

In the morning the faithful Shmuni

presented the following request to God:

God, save me

from King Antiochus.

He slaughters my sons as lambs,

and pounces on me like a lion.

Irrespective of whether Shmuni was a historical or just a symbolic figure she is known in the Assyrian Christians’ popular culture as an example of a brave mother who raised her sons in a model way; many women,

patriarchs. The words “female saint” and “male saint” correspond in Syriac to the terms: qāddišta (Å’m†Ó) and qāddīša (d’m†Ó). 5 It is celebrated also by all the Churches originating from the Byzantine tradition, see S. Strach, Świętych siedmiu braci Machabeuszy, ich matka Salomea i nauczyciel Eleazar, Przegląd Prawosławny 8 (2005), pp. 37-38; www.kostomloty-parafia-unicka.siedlce.opoka.org.pl/kalendarz05/Sierpien05/sierpień05a.htm. The following piece of information has been placed on the portal page: “The Maccabean brothers’ relics were brought to Rome in the 4th century and laid in the St. Peter in Chains Church.” A big question mark needs to be put next to this statement.@


especially in rural areas bear her name.6 She is also a patron of cultural and charity associations both in the Middle East (mainly in Iraq), and in the communities of the Assyrian immigrants in the West.7 Her conduct inspired at least two plays styled as history tales,8 written in Iraq. She was also known to, and admired by some Muslim Arab poets.9 Shmuni and her sons in the Assyrian Christian sources It is believed that the first to mention the name Shmuni was Aphrahat (ca. 270 to after 345), known in the Assyrian Christian literature as “the Persian sage.” In the fifth speech entitled On Wars he tried to convince the audience that the parable about the beast’s little horn, described by Daniel (Dan 7:21), had been a harbinger of Antiochus, the tormentor,10 and that the destruction of Jerusalem, defilement of the Temple and persecution of God’s servants corresponded with the words of Psalm 79:1-3. He wrote: “This came true at that time when the old man by the name of Eleazar and the sons of the blessed Shmuni, of whom there were seven, were killed.”11 An extensive commentary on St. Shmuni and her sons can be found in the works of St. Ephrem (ca. 306-373). One of his hymns is entitled On the Sons of Shmuni. Following the invocation to the mother and contemplation of the number seven, the author equates the pain suffered by a mother giving birth to a child with the pain caused by watching it die. The mother is praised for coming to terms with the death of the youngest son who could “be a walking stick to support her in old age. Shmuni’s sons are compared to seven prudent virgins, or more precisely given as a 6 This is, for instance, the name of the Author’s elder sister. Shmuni is also a surname, both among Christians and Muslims, met for example in the Lebanese town of Zahle, in Beirut and in Ash-Shuf region in the Mountains of Lebanon. It is also met in Syria. 7 In calendars issued by the Assyrian Diaspora there is no unified spelling of the name. It can have the following versions: Sollomonia, Salome, Salamone, Simone. 8 The first play Death for the Faith, was written in the 20th century in Arabic by Bulus Behnam (†1969), Bishop of Baghdad and Basra of the SOCA, and published in 1979 with a brief introduction by Barsom Yusuf Ayyub, curate in Aleppo of the SOCA. It consists of four scenes. Their titles suggest that the author believed that the execution had taken place in the city of Antioch. The other play: The Brave Shmuni and HerSons was written in Assyrian and staged in the town of Ain-Kawa (northern Iraq) by a qualified director Rafīq Nūrī anna member of the Chaldean Church. The play became popular also because of its references to the internal political situation in Iraq. 9 In one of his poems poet Abū Nuwwas wrote: طریق@اشموني وسبع قدمتهم، وما حادوا جميعا عن “On Ashmuni and her seven sons, whom she sacrificed; none strayed.” 10 Antiochus IV Epiphanes (176-164). 11 B. al-Feghali (Introduction, translation from the Assyrian original into Arabic and editing), Al-Maqālāt: Afrahat, al- akīm al-fārisī, Beirut 1994, 89. The speeches were subdivided with captions and paragraphs were numbered. Paragraph 20 in Speech Five, from which the quote comes, is entitled Daniel’s Vision: the Horn.@


contrast to seven imprudent virgins, who did nothing to be granted salvation. Making a voluntary offering of oneself is compared to the example of Jephthah (Judg 11:40), and Shmuni’s strong belief is paralleled with Joseph’s behavior towards Potifan’s wife’s sin provoking conduct and to Daniel’s behavior in the lion’s den.12

A mention on the Maccabean martyrs is present in a chronicle by an anonymous monk from the Qartamin monastery written at the beginning of the 9th century, where Shmuni’s name is also mentioned:13

@ N@ N@ N@ åm…ñòma@ bäq‹@ dãói@ O@bşîÜ@ bÈr‘ë@ bãó×@ ‰ŒÈnÛa@ ìØnİãa@áÜ‘‰ëbi@ oãì@æëóßa@áÇ@ ðôë†şn½ñ@ @ N@ N@ N@diˆÓë@ ÝíaŠm@ şq…@diˆ‘ë

àÓ…@ dÐnÓñ@aô@ æëóí‡†y…@ dØÜß@ ÝÇë@ æëóÜm…@Ãë…ëŠß@ ÝÇë@ æëóîÜÇ@ ìdşîrÔß…@ÅÛñ…@aŠÐi@³rmò×

“At this time Eleazar and his seven disciples and Shmuni, their mother were put to trial by Antiochus in Jerusalem [...]. Stories of the sons of Israel and severe wars waged against them as well as their rebellion against the neighbor kings are recorded in the Third Maccabees.”

Another text on St. Shmuni was included by Michael the Great (†1199) in his chronicle. It reads as follows:14

كاهن وذلك لدى مجيء أنطيوخس إلى أورشليم ونهبه في هذه الفترة استشهدت شموني وأوالدها ولعازر الهيكل اهللا وإقامته فيه تمثاال لمشترى األولمبي أي السماوي، آما أقام هيكال للمشتري خانيوس على جبل

لألصنام عذب واستشهد من أجل ) ذبيحة(عندما ابى لعازر أن یقدم . جزریم في السامرة بسماح من أهلهابشموني وأبنائها السبعة أمام أنطيوخس فقطع لسان األول ورؤوس أعضاء جسمه آافة الناموس ثم أتوا

وألقى به في مرجل وسلخوا فروة رأس الثاني آما قطعوا لسان الثالث أیضا وهكذا الواحد تلو اآلخر فبنفس وسيفوس غير أن آتب المكابيين وی. هذه األساليب عذبوا واستشهدت أمهم ونقلت رفاتهم إلى أنطاآية

وثاولوغس ویوحنا العمودي یؤآدون أنهم دفنوا في أورشليم حيث استشهدوا وربما نقلت رفاتهم الى أنطاآيا فلما قتل أوالد عبد شالوم مع معلمهم لعازر . إن متثيا أبا المكابيين وعبد شالوم أبا أوالد شموني إخوان. الحقا

. الشریعةمن قبل أنطيوخس نسب متثيا أوالده إلى أخيه حسب

12 The manuscript (dated to the 6th or 7th century) with the abovementioned hymn is reportedly kept in the British Museum under the catalog number 14592, see. A. Abūna, Adab al-luġa al-ārāmiyya, Beirut 1996, 79. The hymn is known to European Syriologists also in the German language version. The summary of the contents has been taken from W. Witakowski, Mart(y) Shmuni. 13 The English title of the edition: Julius Y. Çiçek (ed.), The Syriac World History – Secular and Ecclesiastical, Losser 2004, 66. The Qartamin Monastery (founded in the 4th century), which is still active, is situated in Tur Abdin region (south-eastern Turkey) and is more often referred to as Mor Gabriel Monastery. 14 I have used the Arabic translation by amuel Šam‘ūn, the Metropolitan of Mosul of SOCA published in three volumes by Yuhanna Ibrāhīm, the Metropolitan of Aleppo of SOCA, Dār Mārdīn, 1996, vol. 1, pp. 435-436. This edition lacks indices, which lowers its value.


“At that time died Shmuni and her sons and Eleazar, the priest. This happened at the time when Antiochus came to Jerusalem and plundered God’s Temple and erected the statue of Jupiter Olympus who is »celestial« in its interior, and erected a statue of [Zeus] Xenios on Mount Gerizzim in Samaria with consent of those who had it under their rule. As a result of refusal to make an offering to the statues Eleazar was tortured and died for observing the Law. Next, Shmuni and her seven sons were brought before Antiochus. The tongue and the tips of all external organs of the first son were chopped off and he was thrown into a huge cauldron. Then the second son was scalped and the tongue of the third son was also chopped off, and the other sons suffered the same. At the end their mother was killed. Their bodies were taken to the city of Antioch. However the Books of the Maccabees as well as Jusefus (Flavius Josephus) and the Theologian (Gregory of Nazianzus) and John Stylites maintain, they were buried in Jerusalem where they died, and that their bodies were – perhaps – moved to Antioch later. Mattathias, the father of the Maccabees and ‘Abd Shalom, the father of Shmuni’s sons, were brothers. Following the murder of‘Abd Shalom’s sons and of their teacher Eleazar by Antiochus, Mattathias entrusted his own sons to his brother according to the Law, and thus the nephews became the sons.”

In the chronicle by Bār ‘Ebrāya (†1286) written almost half a century later there is an identical account in the part referring to the way Eleazar, Shmuni and her seven sons had been killed. However the following important detail is worth noting:15

ودفنوا في اورشليم ثم بعد مجيء المخلص نقل مؤمنو النصارى أجسادهم إلى مدینة أنطاآية وبنوا عليهم آنيسة

“They were buried in Jerusalem but after the Savior’s coming the faithful Christians moved the bodies to the city of Antioch, where they erected a church over them.”

After this sentence the chronicler included a piece of information known from other sources according to which the persecutions triggered the Maccabean revolt. Another author describing the same story was alība bār Dāwīd, living at the end of the 15th and at the beginning of the 16th century. He wrote a text entitled: On the Heroism of the Maccabean Brothers and Shmuni, Their Heroic Mother16 which unfortunately is not extant. 15 Ibn al-‘Ibrī, Tārī mu ta ar ad-duwal, missing date and place of issue, p. 60. 16 About the author we know that he was born in the village of Man ūriyye, district of Gzīro (nowadays Çizre, south-eastern Turkey), and that some of his works, e.g., the song on the Fast of Nineveh, were included into the liturgy of the Assyrian Church. Abūna,


Roughly to the same period dates a manuscript preserved in Dayr aš-Šarfa, Lebanon (belonging to the Syriac Uniats) under the catalog number 15/11 with a Garshuni text by an unknown author entitled The Martyrdom of Shmuni and Her Sons and the Teacher Eleazar.17 Also in the acts of the Assyrian martyrs and saints there is a mention under a separate title: ܕܘܬܐ ܬܝ@ ـ ـ ـ@ ـ@ ܕ ܕܐ@ ܘܕܒ ـ – The Martyrdom of Mart Shmuni and Her Martyr Sons, written in a style similar to the account included in the Books of the Maccabees.18

Martyrdom of Eleazar, Shmuni and her sons in the teachings of the Assyrian Christians

The Jews who refused to yield to Greek customs and continued to observe Sabbath, practice circumcision and abstain from eating “unclean” foods, were slain by the Seleucids. The account of the killing of Eleazar, Shmuni and her sons is in the Books of the Maccabee preceded by a lecture on the significance of martyrdom in the history of the Jewish people. The Seleucids were ruthless and uncompromising. In the hour of truth the Jews could only choose between martyrdom and revolt. Eleazar died for the faith; and his death was probably the first in the Jewish history act of individual suffering for the faith and became an example for future Christians (2 Macc 6:18-31). The name “Eleazar” is frequently mentioned in the Bible; it was – as we already know – the name of both one of the brothers of Judah the Maccabee and one of the sons of Aaron. Eleazar was learned in the Law and he did not want to stain his reputation and his old age with departure from the canons of the Mosaic faith. He was respected during his life and even more so after his death. The account of the martyrdom of Shmuni and her seven sons had been written in conformity with the rules of the art of historical narration, highlighting the bravery of the victims and ruthlessness of the torturers. Till the very end the youths remained faithful to their father’s tradition and loyal towards their compatriots, and they stood firm in their belief in resurrection and eternal life. The narration points up to the greatness of the mother, her determination and her tragedy. The style of the account, not very realistic, from

Adab al-luġa, p. 466. The Fast of Nineveh is observed also nowadays in the Churches of Syro-Mesopotamia. For further details on the fast, see: M. Abdalla, Posty i kuchnia postna u współczesnych Asyryjczyków na Bliskim Wschodzie, Przegląd Orientalistyczny 1991, no. 1/4, pp. 143-152. @17 I. Armala, A - urfa fī ma ū āt Dayr aš-Šarfa, Beirut 1936, p. 218. 18 P. Bedjan (red.), Acta Martyrum et Sanctorum Syriace, vol. III, Leipzig 1892, pp. 682-686. Available courtesy of Neman Ouse, curate of SOCA in Fittja (Sweden).


that time on, became the prevalent style of both Jewish and Christian hagiography. The youths captured together with their mother refuse to eat pork (2 Macc 7). The first son reprimands his torturers: “The torture you inflict on us is useless. We will not violate our ancestors’ Law.” The second one says: “God watches us, He will have mercy on us, raise us from the dead and give us eternal life.” The third son says: “These organs have been given to us by God. You can chop them off but we will recover them.” The fourth and the fifth sons warn the king against God’s punishment. The sixth one blames himself with sins he committed. Finally the king tries to bribe the youngest son, ordering his mother to convince him to eat pork. However she heartens him and encourages him to follow the example of his brave brothers. Before he dies he repeats the words of his brothers and predicts a terrible punishment for the king. The seven sons are killed and their mother watches them die. She encourages them to be martyrs. At the end she also is killed. Having watched the bravery of the youths the king expresses his admiration.

Commentary@ Until the 2nd century B.C. the Bible refers to resurrection and to eternal life in terms of a community rather than an individual, which had its sources in the teaching of the prophets.19 With the onset of the Maccabees crisis the revelation assumes a concrete shape; the fate of an individual endangered with dying for refusal to follow a pagan cult or as a result of taking part in the revolt is at stake. Roughly from that time on the belief in resurrection becomes almost common among Jews. The Pharisees included it into their teachings but they decided that resurrection would not be of material nature.20 Both Books of the Maccabees refer to the same events; however the second book contains some additional information that is not present in the first book. This is true for instance of Eleazar and of the faithful and God-fearing Onias, a figure whose invisible presence dominates the story. The first book is a record of the facts seen with an eye of a by-stander, given briefly without dwelling on their essence. The second book on the other hand is slightly mysterious and has greater theological depth. It bathes the martyrs in glory and its author wants to see the God’s plan coming through the events. The role of Onias through whom God manifests himself becomes evident in it. Onias is a High Priest; first he prays for the temple to be saved, and later for the victory of Judah the Maccabee. We have to do here with an expert in the Law of a new type. The Books do not mention

19 Hos 6:1-2; Isa 26:19. 20 Acts 23:8.@


any prophets at all. Instead, they refer to the elders and experts in the Law. It is they who transfer the tradition, teach and interpret the Law. After the period of the prophets the period of the interpreters ensues. They elucidate the God’s Word, preserve tradition, they are more important than warriors and politicians. Mattathias justifies warfare on the Sabbath day. The text puts stress on the white hair of Eleazar from the line of Aaron, as a symbol of dignity and wisdom acquired through study of the Law (2 Macc 6:18). There is no doubt that persecution was a fact. The description of the martyrdom existed initially as an oral account and was written down only later on. It is worth paying attention to the symbolic number 7 indicating a full time cycle: the seven young martyrs and old Eleazar are in a way a reference to the whole nation. Also conversations of the youths with their executioners and the king should be noted. It seems from the description in the Second Maccabees that the incident took place somewhere in Judea (2 Macc 11:5, 13:1). However another tradition locates the execution in the city of Antioch, where Antiochus was reportedly staying and where the convicts were probably brought. The latter hypothesis is corroborated by an analysis of historical facts.21 There are opinions according to which Antioch was initially mentioned by St. John Chrysostom. In one of his homilies devoted to the Maccabee brothers he was said to have said, that the bodies of Eleazar, Shmuni and her seven sons rested in a temple near Antioch. The information was reportedly confirmed by St. Augustine when stressing that the temple in Antioch had been built by Christians.22 In the 6th century John Malalas reports that Antiochus took Eleazar and the Maccabees near Antioch where he had them killed, adding that Judah the Maccabee managed to attain the consent of Demetrius I, the son of Seleucus IV, for moving the bodies to the city of Antioch. They were buried in the place called Cerateum (Kerateion), where a Jewish synagogue stood. a brief description of this synagogue has been preserved: It “was suspended” on the slope of Mount Silpius, and its undergrounds housed a martyrium with the bodies of Eleazar, Shmuni and her sons.23 The existence of a synagogue in the city of Antioch is confirmed by Arabic

21 S. Gądecki, Wstęp do ksiąg historycznych Starego Testamentu, Gniezno 1992, p. 241, argues that: “after the year 158 King Antiochus appeared neither in Jerusalem nor in Judea, and the decree by which the brothers were reportedly sentenced to death, was issued in Autumn 167. Therefore the event took place not in Jerusalem but in the city of Antioch. (...). However, nothing in the very text suggests such a location (...). Perhaps the presence of Antiochus in the execution scene was just a way to add more drama to the event.” 22 www.paulfeghali.org/text.php?id=1282. The author of the quote, B. al-Feghali, is a Maronite Biblicist having a significant scientific record.@23 John Malalas (ca. 491-ca. 578), a Monophysite historian and rhetor (the Greek version of the nickname “Malalas” derives from an Assyrian participle ܐ meaning “speaker,” “orator”), he is an author of an 18-volume “chronography” written in the


sources from the 10th century. Christianized Jews reportedly turned it into a church.24

وبإنطاآية أیضا آنيسة بولس، وتعرف بأنطاآية بدیر البراغيث وهي مما یلي باب فارس، وبها أیضا آنسية أخرى تدعى أشمونيت، وبها عيد عظيم للنصرانية وآذلك بها آنسية بربارا، وآنيسة مریم وهي آنيسة

وآان الوليد بن عبدالملك بن مروان اقتلع من مدورة، وبنيانها من إحدى عجائب العالم في التشييد والرفعة، هذه الكنيسة عمدا عجيبة من المرمر والرخام لمسجد دمشق حملت في البحر إلى ساحل دمشق، وبقي األآثر

وقد آان لملك من ملوك الروم مع اليهود بأنطاآية خبر عجيب في آنسية . من هذه الكنيسة إلى هذا الوقتمن أنطاآية، وهي في أیدي اليهود، فعوضت اليهود دار الملك بأنطاآية بدال من أشمونيت وآانت خارج السور

آنيسة أشمونيت، وهذه الدار التي آانت دار الملك تعرف في هذا الوقت بدار اليهود، ولليهود حيلة احتالوها .ذلكحين خرجت الكنيسة من أیدیهم حتى قتلوا من النصرانية خلقا عظيما من نشر خشب فيها وغير

“It houses a St. Paul’s church called in the city of Antioch the Convent to the Fleas. It is located behind the Persian Gate. There is also another church called Ashmunit, in which the Christians celebrate a great feast. Further there is St. Barbara’s church, St. Mary’s church with a rotunda form, the artistry and beauty of which make it one of the wonders of the world. It is from this church that Al-Walīd bin ‘Abd al-Malik bin Marwān [an Ummayad caliph 705-715 – M.A.] pulled out the marble columns of captivating beauty and had them transported by sea to a mosque in Damascus. A major part of the church building has been preserved till our times. One of the Roman (Byzantine) kings had a bizarre adventure with the Jews in the city of Antioch who held the Ashmunit church, located outside the city walls, in their possession. In exchange for the Ashmunit church they were given one of the king’s houses in the city of Antioch, which is currently referred to as the Jewish house. When the church ceased to be their property, the Jews in retaliation killed a great number of Christians from among those who were sawing timber (in the church) and were doing other work.”

Mart Shmuni in lost or unpublished Assyrian manuscripts. In volume one of the “catalogs” issued in Aleppo the name of Shmuni appears a few times. 25 In the list of contents (p. 32) of the 370-page manuscript dated 1760

vernacular koiné Greek terminating at the year 565. O. Jurewicz in his Historia literatury bizantyńskiej, Wrocław 1984, pp. 54-56, pp. 111-114, writes about this chronicle: “It had quickly become a model followed by all Byzantine chronicle writers, until the 12th century. In the 8th century it was translated into Latin, ca. 900 it was rendered into Bulgarian , at the turn of the 10th and 11th centuries into Georgian, and in the 11th century it was translated into the Church Slavonic language.” 24 Al-Mas‘ūdī (the 10th c.) in: MurūÑ a - ahab, vol. 2, Beirut 2000, p. 202. 25 Based on three catalogs issued in Aleppo in 1994. Their English title on the left: vol. 1: Catalogue of Syriac Manuscripts in St. Mark’s Monastery; vol. 2: Calalogue of Syriac Manuscripts in Za’faran Monastery; Vol. 3: Catalogue of Syriac Manuscripts in Syrian Churches and Monasteries. By Mar Filiksinos Yohanna Dolabany, Metropolitan of Mardin 1969-1985. Edited and published with introduction by Mar Gregorios Yohanna Ibrahim, Metropolitan of Aleppo. The volumes have serial numbers 8, 9, 10. There is an error in the title as Metropolitan Dolabany lived in the years 1885-1969, and the


being a description of holiday church services, the text of the liturgy devoted to Mart Shmuni occupies 11 pages (pp. 135-145). Another note reading: “The month of October starts with the Feast Day of Shmuni, her seven sons and their teacher, Eleazar” can be found in a manuscript dated 1738 (p. 68), forming a calendar of church feasts written in the Garshuni system. The third mention refers to the ordination in 1445 of a Simeon as archdeacon in Mart Shmuni’s Church in the villages of Romanijje26 and in 1596 of Malak Nuri Qandi (missing village name), as well as ordaining as priest a man named Elijjo on the Good Thursday in 1591 and a man named Stephan in 1599 (missing village names) (pp. 241-242). The latter note is contained in a manuscript dated 1567 and only mentions the Feast of the Maccabean Martyrs (p. 328).

The first mention in volume two (p. 20) refers to a Bible manuscript dated 1212. It was calligraphed on parchment by a “foreign monk and priest from Bē ūdīdo27 in the holy land of Nineveh and Mosul, and serving in the Monastery of the

Mother of God for Foreigners on the holy mount of Edessa.” Chapter 98 of the Bible was entitled: The Book of the Maccabees in Three Parts.28 The three parts of the Book of the Maccabees are also mentioned by another specimen of the Bible dated 1717, quoting also the number of chapters and verses: 1 – 19/512, 2 – 36/529, 3 – 42/536 and a text of Flavius Josephus on Shmuni and her seven sons as Book Four – 52/546 (pp. 179-180).29 Mart Shmuni and her seven sons and their teacher Eleazar were the subject of subsection five of chapter four of another much later manuscript from 1815, entitled The Lives of the Saints (pp. 89-90).30 However

“introduction,” the same in each of the three volumes does not refer to the text, but is devoted to the collector, Dolabany, otherwise a very deserving scholar. Placement of the three initial letters of the alphabet “A,” “B” and “C” on the Arabic- Syriac cover (right) indicates that the volumes form a whole. In order to find anything in this collection of disorderly notes one needs to carefully trace word after word. Notes made by various authors reflect different periods of time in terms of language, style and materials used. 26 I have specified in the footnotes only the locations of the towns and villages known today and listed in the “catalogs.” 27 Current Ba dīda (Qaraqosh), near Mosul. 28 It can be understood that it included the First, Second and Third Book of the Maccabees. 29 Having totalled all verses of all four Books we obtain the number 2123, which disagrees with the number given in other sources. Currently SOCA recognizes only the First and Second Book of Maccabees, treating them as apocrypha. They contain the same number of chapters and verses as the Bible recognized by the Catholic Church: 1 Macc contains 16 chapters (924 verses), 2 Macc: 15 chapters (555 verses). However, Michael the Syrian (op. cit., p. 91) writes that in his times (the 12th c.) 1 Macc had 2000 verses, and 2 Macc 5000 verses. Thus it is not unlikely that Books 3 and 4 derive from Books 1 and 2. Flavius Josephus in his Antiquities of the Jews and The Jewish War makes no mention of martyrdom of Shmuni, her seven sons and Eleazar.@30 The following information from the manuscript is worth noting: “It was purchased from a soldier by our priest and monk, Jacob who in 1914 went to Weranshahr (Iran) to


most frequent is the mention of ordaining priests and archdeacons for churches named after Mart Shmuni. In 1654 two men named Juhanon and Jausef were ordained as archdeacons (missing names of villages). This office in the church in Mardin31 was conferred on the following men: Murad and Girgis at the beginning of October 1726, Hanna in 1735, Abrohom on March, 16th, 1744, Ablahad and Alias in March 1745, Hanna in 1788, Ishoq and Elijjo in 1791, Girgis in 1793. In 1788 the parish’s priests were joined by priest Girgis and archdeacon Mirza, and in 1796 by priest Elijjo and deacon Michojel. The list of clergymen was further extended in 1816 with archdeacon Qurjaqos, and in 1820 with priest Hanna (pp. 302, 304, 309-311, 326, 358, 362). In the years 1745, 1777 and 1780 Abd al-Jalil, Jausef, Gorgis, Wardalla, Abdalla, Jacob and Bozo were ordained as deacons for the church in Qal‘o d-At o32 (pp. 314, 419), while in 1736 Abrohom and Michojel were ordained for the church in the village of Qusur (p. 360). The church in Midyat33 received on March, 5th, 1742 a priest named Gorgis, and his successor from 1791 on was priest Kira (p. 327). Since September, 24, 1852 as archdeacons in this church served Gorgis, Halaf and Hanna (p. 331), since February 1892 the priest there was Afrem (p. 348), and since 1900 - Gabriel (p. 355). In 1899 Abrohom became priest in the village of Baruhijje (p. 352), and on February 21, 1686 Danho and Shabo became archdeacons in the Mart Shmuni’s church in (illegible name of the village), (p. 363).

In volume three of the “catalogs” mention of the Maccabean martyrs including Mart Shmuni, her sons and their teacher Eleazar can be found in many places. The Bible dated 1597 which was kept in the Mart Mariam’s Church in Amid (nowadays Diyarbakir) contained the text of the Third Book of the Maccabees and the note written about the martyrs by Flavius Josephus (p. 26). Till mid 19th century the Book of Gospel from 1152 was in use in the Mart Shmuni’s Church in Midyat (p. 44). The text in the colophon of a historical book from the 14th century was as follows: On the 27th of September 1612 from the hands of Iwannis Jacob, the bishop of Sauro, and by the power of the Holy Spirit, Abdalla was ordained as an archdeacon, who will serve in the church of Mart Shmuni in the village of Romanijje, and the

collect donations for the monastery. That soldier had stolen the manuscript together with two other ones from the adad Church on Mount Izlo (north-east of the ancient city of Nisibis), when the troops set off from Mosul to fight in war.” 31 A city in south-eastern Turkey, on the Syrian border, where no more than 70 Assyrian families are left. 32 A large ancient Assyrian village south of Mardin. During World War I it was taken by the Kurds following a massacre of its Christian population. Its Arabic name is Qal‘at Mara. 33 An Assyrian town situated 60 km north-east of Mardin. Almost 90% of the Assyrian population has fled to Europe due to oppression and persecution. @


deacons Abdelmasī , Abrohom and Tuma became ordained as archdeacons” (pp. 85-86). In the lists of contents of many manuscripts, for instance those kept in the Mor Hanania Monastery and in the village of Qal‘o d-At o there were references to liturgies celebrated on Mart Shmuni feast day (pp. 131, 136, 141, 145, 154, 187). In turn, the Bible which was in 1720 presented as a gift by a Coptic clergyman Elias a‘īdī to Elias of Mardin, the bishop of Edessa, contained the story of the life of Mart Shmuni and her seven sons. It read for instance that upon his arrival to Ahalat Antiochus was afflicted by an illness which was interpreted by some as a punishment for his sins committed against Shmuni and her sons, so he was advised to bring their bodies there, for him to show repentance in their presence. Antiochus agreed to do that and sent his men to fetch the bodies.34 However he died at the time when the messengers were on their way back. On the news of the king’s death the messengers abandoned the coffins in the village of Mlahtho and headed for their countries. The (Jewish) faithful took care of the coffins and erected a huge temple over them (p. 269). What could the name of Shmuni derive from? If the Books of the Maccabees do not mention the martyr’s name, where can one look for its source? With lack of unambiguous indications even in Jewish sources35 the considerations below should be treated only as presumptions. The four following derivations are possible. 1. The male name of Simon. Simon, the son of Mattathias was a Jewish ruler (142-135), who took over the office after his brothers: Judh the Maccabee (166-160) and Jonathan (160-142). Simon, his wife and two sons were secretly killed by Ptolemee, his son-in-law and governor of the district of Jericho. His death was a turning point in the history of the Jewish people, ending the period of struggle for independence and for religious freedom. 2. The name of the Hasmonean dynasty. This name stuck to the descendants of the Maccabees, starting with the rule of John Hyrkanus I (134-104), the third and only living son of Simon. The periods of rule of the next members of the dynasty: Aristobulus I (104-103), Alexander Janneus (103-76), Alexandra Salome (76-67), Aristobulus II (67-63), John Hyrkanus II (63-40) and Antigonus (40-37) in no way 34 Flavius writes that dying Antiochus “confessed, that the miseries had beset him because of the harm he had done to the Jewish people, robbing the temple and showing contempt to God” (translation by Z. Kubiak, J. Radożycki, Antiquities of the Jews, XII 9.1). 35 In these sources the martyr is referred to as Hannah or Miriam bat Tanhum. Z. Borzymińska, R. Żebrowski (ed.), Polski Słownik judaistyczny, vol. 1, Warsaw 2005, p. 558 and Encyclopaedia Judaica, CD-ROM Edition, Version 1.0, Judaica Multimedia (Israel) Ltd., 1997.@


resembled the heroic times of the Maccabees, and with time they softened their attitude towards Hellenism against which their ancestors had been fighting. The name “Hasmonean” in Aramaic could sound like hashmunaia. 3. The name of Salome, the wife of Aristobulus I, a son of John Hyrkanus I. Aristobulus starved his mother to death (as she was to take over power on the request of her dying husband), then he imprisoned his three brothers and killed Antigonus, the fourth one. Following the death of her husband Salome let the prisoners free, she married one of them, Alexander Janneus, and passed the power to him (103-76) and after his death she herself ruled the Jewish state as a queen (76-67). The praiseworthy, though controversial, conduct of the only queen in the Jewish history could have inspired those faithful to the Judeo-Christian tradition to identify her with the nameless female martyr.36 4. The Hebrew word meaning eight as Shmuni was the eighth in turn to become a martyr after her seven sons. With regard to the tradition of Assyrian Christians hypothesis number two seems to be the most likely. While in the tradition of the Orthodox and Uniate Churches in Europe, referring to the same event which preceded the rule of queen Salome by an entire century, hypothesis three may be regarded as more probable. Also it is not impossible that the name Shmuni functioning among the Assyrian Christians was transformed in a Greek version into Salome. In the traditions of both of the Churches both names refer to the same martyr.

Assyrian Mart Shmuni’s convents, monasteries and sanctuaries In Iraq The greatest number of Mart Shmuni’s churches exist in North Iraq, a region inhabited by a relatively big Assyrian Christian community. However due to a constant decline in the size of the Assyrian population there and due to the fact that their land is being taken over by neighboring peoples, the number of churches in the region has not increased for some time now. In a unique book by an Arab author who lived in the 10th century we find a description of a no longer existing “AShmuni” monastery. It was situated in a picturesque village of Qu rabbul north of Baghdad and west of the Tigris river.37 Another example refers to Mosul.

36 The chronology of events mentioned in the above items 1-2-3 has been established based on the work by T. Jelonek, Dzieje Świątyni Jerozolimskiej, Cracow 2004. 37 Aš-Šābuštī, Ad-Diyārāt, Beirut 1986, pp. 46-53. A critical edition by Gorgis ‘Awwād. Aš-Šābuštī writes that the feast celebrated on October, 3rd attracted many people residing in Baghdad, he quotes works by six Arab poets who described the mood of “fun and entertainment” during the celebrations, he also gives questionable information according to which the saint’s grave was located in the monastery. Currently Shmuni’s feast day is celebrated in East Syriac Churches on the first Tuesday of May, while in the West Syriac Churches on the 15th of October. However, within each Church also other celebrations


Among 14 churches existing in this city, which in different periods of time became Muslim property there was also one Mart Shmuni’s church. It was turned into a mosque whose name in a way refers to its former patron: μāmi‘ Umm at-Tis‘a (the Mosque of the Mother of Nine Sons). Based on press articles and materials available on www pages, if possible verified by immigrants from Iraq, the author has managed to make an incomplete list of Mart Shmuni’s churches, chapels and sanctuaries existing in Iraq. Apart from a large and relatively new church in the Ad-Dura district of Baghdad, religious objects named after St. Shmuni are located in the following places in North Iraq:

1. Ba dīda (also called Qaraqōš. An old church surrounded with a solid wall in 2005);

2. Bar ille (the church there was restored in 1807, later destroyed by the Kurds, reconstructed in 1869 and refurbished in 1971. It has an antique baptismal font dated to mid 14th century and a vast collection of manuscripts. On December, 7th 2004 it was a target of a terrorist attack. In July of 2006 the room adjoining the church was a venue for an exhibition of the works by local artists)38 ;

3. Ba‘šīqa; 4. Araden (in apna valley); 5. Dehhi (In this church on September, 29th, 2006 a service was held by

Mar Dinkha IV, the patriarch of the Assyrian Church residing permanently in the USA);

6. Kur-Kfana; 7. ardas; 8. Dayrna; 9. a ārī; 10. Dōre; 11. Mīze; 12. Bauūze; 13. Piūz; 14. Mār Yāqo (There is a conviction among the residents that the church

crypt houses the Saint’s tomb); 15. Alqoš (The chapel there is surrounded with a ruined “foreigners”

cemetery);

dates occur depending on the region. In Arabic sources different versions of the Saints name are found such as Shmuni, AShmuni, AShmunit, UShmuni, Shmuna.@38 In 1980 Shafiq publishing house in Baghdad published a book by Suhel Qasha Al-Qiddīsa Šmūnī wa kanīsatuha fī Qara-Qōš - St. Shmuni and Her Church in Qara-Qosh. Its contents and volume are unknown.@


16. Ba nāya; 17. Bāqūpa; 18. Telkēf (Situated 15 km north of Mosul. Location of two sanctuaries

of Mart Shmuni and of Mart Shmuni’s sons); 19. Bšemyāy (Berwārī region); 20. Bersīvī (A mountain village situated between Zā o and Berwar. Outside the

village there is a mound constructed in honor of St. Shmuni and her sons)39; 21. Šaqlāwa (50 km north-west of Arbil. (A sanctuary on a high mountain in the

form of a grotto cut in the rock); 22. Tellesqopa (a chapel with a dome built at the west side of the village in 1849,

destroyed by the Kurds at the end the 19th century and rebuilt in 1940-1942 in another place, near a monastery ruins, where St. Ephrem’s church was once situated. The chapel was again destroyed in 1979 and rebuilt again in the old location. In 1981 it was threatened with demolition under the pretext of road construction, but it was saved by the villagers, who built a wall surrounding the chapel plot and constructed a grotto named the Virgin Mary’s Grotto within the premises);

23. ‘Ain-Kāwa (A sanctuary and surrounding garden landscaped into a ziggurat shape with the area of 6000 sq m attracts travelers’ attention. The Mart Shmuni Day is one of the most important feasts for the local community and for the pilgrims);

24. A Chapel in the Mōr Mātāy convent (4th century.) near Mosul.40 In Turkey

One may presume that in Turkey, due to the Christian history of this country, there should be roughly as many Mart Shmuni’s churches as in Iraq. The turbulent history of the Christians in this region and poor availability of sources make it impossible to make a complete list of churches once existing in the area. The author managed to establish locations of only four former and five still existing church buildings:

The no longer existing church locations include: 1. The village of Šhārūkhia in Bō ān region (in the Bnāy Shmuni = Sons of

Shmuni Church are buried the earthly remains of Mar Yawsef, IX., a bishop

39 More information on this village can be found in a report by Nicholas al-Jeloo on www.zyworld.com/Assyria/Bersivi.htm 40 The names written down in Arabic are not vocalized and may have a slightly different pronounciation.


descending from the nānīšo line. He died there on his way back from Jerusalem)41;

2. The town of Bitlis42; 3. The village of Bnabil43; 4. The city of Antioch.

The existing churches are located in the following places:

1. The town of Midyat (in the past a vast collection of manuscripts was kept in the church);

2. Harbol (a picturesque mountain village close to the Turkish – Iraqi border)44;

3. The village of μārū iyye (in the vicinity of the town of Diyarbakir. Currently the village is populated by around 30 Assyrian families. The church houses an 18th century grave of the Metropolitan of the Shamdinan region in Hakkari).45

4. The village of Zaz, about 20 kilometers north of Midyat. 5. The village of ’Iwardo, it lies east of the city Midyat. 46

In Syria

41 The Christian population of this village was driven from it by the Kurds and it probably has been renamed, and the church has been turned into a mosque. The 10th bishop from this family has been buried in the village of Balolan (north-western Iran), the 11th bishop died in Kermanshah, Iran during the Assyrian exodus from Hakkari and Urmi, the 12th bishop died in Baghdad in 1977, and that is where his tomb is. For more information on this family see www.betnahrain.org/bbs/index.pl/noframes/ read/6212. 42 In 1640 the population of Bitlis counted over 1000 Assyrian families and it had 30 churches, including one church dedicated in honor of Mart Shmuni and her sons. 43 The village became desolate during World War I following the extermination of its population. Currently it is inhabited by one Assyrian family, and the church closed down. 44 “Stone houses adjoin each other, and the church situated outside of the farm premises, surrounded with the ruins of old buildings and oriented towards the south, has two gates the south one used by men and the north one used by women. The only ornaments are two crosses carved over the gates, and the interior is empty. The population’s living conditions are at risk; in the vicinity there is an intensively exploited coal mine.” B. Poizat, The Sureth-Speaking Villages in Eastern Turkey, Journal of Assyrian Academic Studies 1 (1985-1986), 17-23 (reprinted in: Zinda Magazine, vol. VI, no. 35, January 9, 2001). 45 N. al-Jeloo, Assyrians and Diyarbakir. The Quarterly Magazine of the Assyrian Australian Academic Society TAAAS 2001, 6/2, 9-19. 46 The last two localities, 4 and 5, are added thanks to the help of Basna Beth Yuhanon (Bethzero), a doctoral student at the University of Osnabrück. Basna is dealing with the modern history of the Assyrians and she originates from Tur Abdin, Zaz village. @


All towns and villages with Mart Shmuni’s churches are situated in the north-east province of Al- asake.

1. The town of Ra’s al-‘Ayn (In Christian antiquity known by its famous Assyrian name Riš-‘Ayna, next to the Turkish border);

2. The town of Al-Mālikiyye (Earlier called Dērīk. The church here is part of a larger buildings complex in the town centre housing a private junior high school and the premises of the St. Ephrem’s association. The church of clay and wood construction has been modified and extended using easily available basalt slabs);

3. The village of Tel μum‘a (The largest Assyrian village on the Khabur river, with the population of a few thousand. The cornerstone for the foundation of the church was laid on May, 2nd, 2005 by an Assyrian bishop);

4. Tel Tamer. In other Middle East countries

1. Egyptian Alexandria (In the 19th century it was inhabited by 4025 Assyrian families. They had 3 churches, including one church of St. Shmuni and her sons and their teacher, Eleazar)47;

2. The Lebanese town of Šadra (district ‘Akār).48

Conclusion

The Author’s intention was to present the accounts of the Fathers of the Assyrian (Syriac) Church of Mesopotamia on the Maccabean martyrs and to give an outlay of the circumstances under which they were included into the ranks of the Saints. These martyrs were treated as pre-Christian saints. Their rank is reflected by a multitude of old and new religious buildings to which they are patrons in the northern Iraqi provinces and in villages of Tur Abdin. In all probability, introduction of the cult of the Maccabean martyrs is associated with the period of brutal persecutions against Christians in this part of Mesopotamia by Shapur I in the 4th century where a determined conduct in defense of the faith could be of special significance. Regardless

47 Almost all Assyrians who once lived in Egypt were Latinized. For more details see: I. Armala, Assuriān fī al-qu r al-ma rī – ba tārī ī - The Assyrians in Egypt – A Historical Research, Beirut 1925, pp. 76. 48 Ph. De Tarrazi, A daq mā kān ‘an tārī Lubnān wa af a min a bār as-Suriān, Beirut 1948, vol. 1, 266; vol. 2, 108-111, maintains, that this and other villages in northern Lebanon were founded by Assyrian immigrants from Mesopotamia. The farmers were Monophysites named Dagher, but with time they became known as Sadrawi. In the mid 16th century a would-be bishop was born there. The history of the family is often given as a counter argument to the thesis that this part of Lebanon was inhabited only by the representatives of the Maronite Church.@


of whether the discussed event with the nine martyrs in the centre was of authentic or symbolic nature, and who was the first to come up with the idea to name the mother of the executed boys Shmuni, the tradition that arose from that event is an example of individual interpretation of the common Jewish and Christian history. It is exactly the Upper Mesopotamia that was a region of a wide-ranging cultural exchange between the Israelites, the Judeans, and the Assyrians taking place in antiquity. The latter had become ardent preachers of Christianity since the time of its rise. This exchange lasted for over two and a half millennia till the middle of the previous century, which is reflected in the fact of the Iraqi Jews speaking the east Syriac variety of the Aramaic language in the Israel of today.49 In the distant times in history both Jews and Christians had suffered similar fate, dying for their belief in the same God. The cult of the Maccabean martyrs proves a strong attachment to the tradition among the Assyrian Christians in Mesopotamia. Despite the fact that the Books of the Maccabees had been classified as apocrypha the cult of Mart Shmuni is still very much alive. In general the cult of this martyr is not associated with the Jews. The history of antiquity knows many examples where foreign gods and legendary heroes had been included into a nation’s pantheon and treated as its own gods and heroes. Apart from the clergy and a narrow ring of the initiates an average Mesopotamian Christian is unaware that popular St. Shmuni was a follower of Judaism and that her death was inflicted in the times preceding the beginnings of Christianity by one and a half century. It is even unclear to some clergymen whether she was an Old Testament character or a Christian martyr of unknown descent by the name of Shmuni.50 Her cult is constantly strengthened and colored by accounts from the Assyrian town of Bakhdida in Iraq. Participants of the service held annually on the day of the Maccabean martyrs in the local church maintain that during the liturgy eight human shadows appear on the church wall. The witnesses speak of one tall shadow and seven small shadows of human creatures holding hands in which they see Shmuni and her seven sons who have been worshipped by their ancestors for centuries. 51

49 A. Nakano, Conversational Texts in Eastern Neo-Aramaic (Gizra Dialect), Study of Languages and Culture of Asia and Africa 4, Tokyo 1973. 50 Such doubt was expressed for instance by Jusef Babana, bishop of Zakho and Nuhadra in north Iraq. In his book Alqoš ‘abra at-tārī (Alqoš throughout History), Baghdad 1979, he tries to prove that this town was a place where prophet Nahum was born and where he died. His mausoleum still exists, and till 1950 it was the main pilgrimage site for Iraqi Jews, pp. 19-38. 51 Information given with consent of Munir Barbara, former priest in the Mart Shmuni’s Church in Bakhdida, and currently curate in one of the Assyrian parishes in Stockholm.

40

Cuisine and Customs of the Kurds and their Neighbors*

Mirella Galletti Ph.D. Seconda Università degli Studi di Napoli

We can trace political events in Kurdistan1 through changes in food

production and eating habits. I first traveled to the region in 1973, 1974 and 1977. When I returned in 1992 and 1994, traditional Iraqi Kurdish society had not changed in a very significant way. When I went back again in 2005 and 2006, I found that the society had undergone profound changes. It is thus extremely important to keep alive the memory of traditional uses, customs and daily life because in a very short period of time they are going to be eradicated. It is precisely for this reason that my latest book2 is about how cooking traditions are tied to nutrition in Kurdistan.

This study aims to put together my direct experience and knowledge of the topic and the scarce materials available on customs and traditions reflecting Kurdish culinary heritage especially that of Iraqi Kurds based in the Kirkuk region. Generally speaking, the few texts available dealing with Kurdish and Iraqi culinary arts were published in Iraq and are meant to be teaching tools, offering general notions on the nutritional properties of ingredients (milk, fruit, protein, carbohydrates and so on). They also provide instructions on how to set the table. One can also find general cook books of a more international nature containing recipes that include pizza, pasta and Syrian cutlets. What is missing, however, is a book that investigates the connection between food, territory and population.3

* I deeply thank Prof. Joyce Blau and Prof. Arianne Ishaya for their help and suggestions. 1 It is impossible to determine the exact boundaries of Kurdistan. They partly overlap with High Mesopotamia, South-East Anatolia, Armenia, Assyria, Western Azerbaijan, and Media. Kurdistan is politically divided between Turkey (with the cities of Jazira Ibn Omar/Cizre, Amida/Diyarbakir, Harran, Mardin, Edessa/Urfa), Syria (the region of Jazira), Iraq (Amadiya, Dehok, Arbela/Erbil, Zakho, Sulaimaniya) and Iran (Sinna/Sanandaj, Salamas/Salmâs, Urmia). 2 Mirella Galletti, Fuad Rahman, Kurdistan. Cucina e tradizioni del popolo curdo (Kurdistan. Cuisine and Traditions of the Kurdish People), Torino, Ananke, 2008, pp. 111. 3 ‘Eqîla Rwanduzî, Xwardemenî kurdî (Kurdish Nourishment), Sulaimaniya, 2005, pp. 200; Hoshyar Qaftân, ‘Abd al-Rahman Raouf al-Sarrâf, Xorak u hunerî chêshtlenan u îshî hewîr (Food, Cooking, Pastry), Sulaimaniya, 2001, pp. 182; Nazîha Adîb, Firdûs al-Mukhtâr, Dalîl al-tabkh wa al-taghdhîyya (A Handbook to Cooking and Food), n.p., n.d., pp. 424; Sadûf Kamâl, Sîmâ ‘Uthmân, Alef bâ al-tabkh al-sharqî (The ABC’s of Oriental Cuisine), Beirut, 1999, pp. 195.

Cuisine and Customs of the Kurds and their Neighbors 41

My goal is to provide the reader with broader knowledge of Kurdish cuisine, its relation to the surrounding populations as well as with its own culture. Too often, including in the past, the Kurdish people have been considered only a reflection of the dominant groups that control their institutions. It is, therefore, important to approach the topic of the traditional Kurdish diet in its current, rapidly evolving socio-economic context. It is interesting to note that the foods described by the Dominican priest Giuseppe Campanile4 (1762-1835), who lived among Christians, Kurds and the various other communities in a mission in Mosul from 1802 to 1815, are the same as the ones that make up traditional Kurdish cooking today. Food and Territory

“In spring mutton, in fall grapes, and in winter me.”5 This Kurdish saying summarizes women’s opinion of pleasure as well as the people’s relationship with seasonal food production. According to another saying, “…fast fortune: vineyards and mutton” which means in good years, vine growing and shepherding can lead to great profits. From the Neolithic period until today, the regional economy and diet have been based on sheepherding and vine growing.

Kurds live in an area from the Zagros Mountains to the Syrian Desert plateau. At the end of the 19th century many were still nomadic or semi-nomadic, but then their lifestyle underwent great changes. Today Kurds live mostly in cities and villages and engage in agriculture and sheepherding. In the traditional economy, men took care of animal breeding and sheep-shearing while women did all the milking of both sheep and cows, and were also in charge of all stages of the production of butter and cheese.

Kurds interact with non Kurdish populations living in Kurdistan such as the Armenians, Assyro-Chaldeans, Turkomans (and in the past also the Jews), and reciprocal influences have great impact on society, culture and cuisine as well. Kurdish foods are very similar to those found in Arab, Persian, Assyrian, and Turkish cuisine, and often the different gastronomic traditions undergo 4 Giuseppe Campanile, Storia delle regione del Kurdistan e delle sette di religione ivi esistenti, Napoli, stamperia de' fratelli Fernandes, 1818, 213 p.; French trans. Histoire du Kurdistan. Traduit de l'italien par le R.P. Thomas Bois, O.P., Paris, Fondation Institut Kurde de Paris -L'Harmattan, 2004, pp. 140. See also: Mirella Galletti, “The Italian Contribution to Kurdology (13th to 20th century),” The Journal of Kurdish Studies (Louvain), Peeters Press, vol. I, 1995, pp. 97-112; Mirella Galletti, “Curdi e Kurdistan in opere italiane dal XIII al XX secolo,” in Eadem, Le relazioni tra Italia e Kurdistan, [Roma], Istituto per l'Oriente C.A. Nallino, 2001, pp. 1-108 (”Quaderni di Oriente Moderno,” XX [LXXXI], n.s., 3). 5 Joyce Blau, Mémoire du Kurdistan, Paris, Findakly, 1984, p. 22. According to another proverb “In the springtime, animals and fatness; in the summertime, gardens and trees; in the wintertime, the fire and me,” Kurdish Proverbs. Collected by Abdul-Kader Amin. Translated by Abdul-Kader Amin and Dr. Charles Hoffman, New York, The Kurdish Program, 1989, p. 11.


distinctive and original revisions. Kurdish foods, while having the same name in the different areas of Kurdistan, differ from each other in cooking methods and ingredients used. Some dishes are linked to specific places or festivities.

Attempts at cultural assimilation of the Kurdish people (whether violent or not), on the part of Iraq and Turkey in particular, are the most important factors currently affecting Kurdish society and, by extension, their diet. The destruction of the agricultural and sheepherding economy in the 1980s caused a decrease in knowledge, and sometimes an outright loss of traditional technologies. Origins of Kurdish Cuisine

Going back to the Kurdish saying “In springtime mutton, in fall grapes and in winter me,” we can say that this truly applied for the Neolithic period well. Foods that are basic for Kurdish cuisine today were in fact already present in the diet of the people living in those areas since the most ancient of times.

Kurdistan is known to have been inhabited since the dawn of time as part of the Fertile Crescent6 that was the cradle of an exceptional cultural acceleration between the Paleolithic and Neolithic periods. Archeologists and anthropologists have sought to explain the fundamental shift in lifestyle that led from hunting gathering societies to agriculture and animal husbandry.

This geographical area was one of the earliest ones to experience the Neolithic Revolution. In 1948, Robert Braidwood suggested that agriculture began in the hilly flanks of the Taurus and Zagros mountains, where the climate was not so dry, and where fertile land supported a variety of plants and animals amenable to domestication and gave rise to the first known Neolithic farming settlements (referred to as Pre-Pottery Neolithic A (PPNA), which date to around 9,000 B.C. It was the first agricultural revolution.

This transition into the Neolithic period seems associated with a change from a largely nomadic hunter-gatherer way of life to a more settled, agrarian-based one, with the adoption of early farming techniques, crop cultivation, and the domestication of animals. As a result, the Fertile Crescent has an impressive record of past human activity and is most famous for its sites related to the origins of agriculture.

By cultivating plants and domesticating animals, human beings brought about an extraordinary revolution. From that time on, unparalleled possibilities were opened up by human beings’ ability to achieve food surpluses consisting of vegetable species and “domestic” animals which could be increased and renewed by human initiative in response to needs, as well as increases in techniques of food preservation. Most of the botanical and zoological species that human beings domesticated in the Neolithic period were present in the Fertile Crescent, such as cereals (barley and wild rye, two species of wheat – einkorn and emmer

6 Fertile Crescent is a region of the Middle East arching across the northern part of the Syrian Desert along the Mediterranean coast and extending to the Tigris and Euphrates rivers until the Persian Gulf. The region broadly corresponds to present-day Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Israel, Palestine, Jordan, south-eastern Turkey, and south-western Iran.


wheat), Leguminosae (pea, wild lentil, broad lean, bitter vetch and chick pea), various animal species (goat, mutton (sheep), urus (wild cattle), and wild boar) which were modified during the domestication process and have been at the base of our meat diet ever since.7

Zawi Chemi Shanidar is the most ancient site where remains of sheep that were presumably under human control, if not exactly domesticated, were found. 8 This site lies northwest of Rawanduz, dates from the transition from the 10th to the 9th millennium B.C. and is classified as pre-pottery. It testifies that these early people had gone beyond the foraging and hunting-gathering mode of production to the domestication of plants and animals.

Evidence concerning the beginnings of agriculture, animal domestication, and the establishment of settled village communities was found in Jarmo, between Kirkuk and Sulaimaniya. Actually, the Jericho site in Palestine is earlier than Jarmo. The Jarmo site is situated in one of those pleasant, well-watered valleys scattered along the hilly flanks of the “Fertile Crescent.” Such valleys as that of Chemchemal, wherein Jarmo lies, would have been favorable for early experiments in agriculture and animal domestication.

Digs in Jarmo exposed a pre-pottery village stage. Inhabitants lived in mud-walled houses that were provided with ovens completed with chimneys. Grains and animal bones that were recovered, tools used for the farming and preparation of cereal, as well as foods found in the site proved that they had reached a level of efficient farming economy. They also proved that the ancient populations living there had achieved sufficient leisure from purely food-getting pursuits, as implied by the rest of the technology found there.9 Jarmo yielded two varieties of wheat, one of barley, certain legumes (peas and lentils), goats, sheep, dogs and pigs. Traces were found of pistachios, nuts and acorns, as well as the bones of

7 Jacques Cauvin, Nascita delle divinità, nascita dell’agricoltura. La Rivoluzione dei simboli nel Neolitico, Milano, Jaca Book, 1997, pp. 9, 23. 8 Juliet Clutton-Brock, Storia naturale della domesticazione dei mammiferi, Torino, Bollati Boringhieri, 2001, p. 94. 9 Robert John Braidwood, “A preliminary note on prehistoric excavations in Iraqi Kurdistan, 1950-1951,” Sumer, VII, n. 2, 1951, p. 103. The Jarmo site has an extensive literature due to the efforts of a US archeological couple, John Braidwood (1907-2003) and his wife Linda S. Braidwood (1909-2003) who dug there in the 1950s. Robert John Braidwood, Bruce Howe, et al., Prehistoric Investigations in Iraqi Kurdistan, Chicago, The Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago, Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization, n. 31, 1961, pp. 9-17. See also: Robert John Braidwood,“The world’s first farming villages: more light on the 6500-year-old village of Jarmo and other communities of the Fertile Crescent,” The Illustrated London News, vol. 228, n. 6099, 28 April 1956, pp. 410-411; Robert J. Braidwood, Linda Braidwood, “Jarmo: a village of early farmers in Iraq,” Antiquity, vol. XXIV, n. 96, 1950, pp. 189-195; ID., “The Earliest Village Communities of Southwestern Asia,” Cahiers d’histoire mondiale, vol. I, n. 2, Octobre 1953, pp. 278-310.


some animals that were certainly wild.10 Pig bones found at the Jarmo site reveal the transition from wild species to

domesticated ones. It is likely that the first sedentary farmers started to raise wild pigs at the same time as they started raising sheep and goats.11

The Palegawra, Karim Shahir and Jarmo sites show evidence of cultural change from the time at the end of the cave-dwelling stage to that of fully established village life. In Karim Shahir human beings were probably making their first tentative experiments with agriculture, animal domestication and village life.12 There was an acceleration in technological experimentation and advance which was unparalleled again until our own times.

Since 1964, the digs at Çayönü, forty kilometers away from Diyarbakır in Turkey inhabited heavily by the Kurds, constitute the culmination of the Braidwoods' long and distinguished investigation into the origins of agriculture and animal husbandry in the ancient Near East. Among the more spectacular results are the discovery of early copper metallurgy and terracing technology, the use of advanced bio-technology to recover blood crystals13 from stone tools, and the recent identification of the earliest textiles. He discovered a semi-fossilized fragment of cloth that was woven at about 7000 B.C. The find provided evidence that flax had been domesticated by that time in that area. 10Robert John Braidwood, “The Earliest Village Communities of Southwestern Asia Reconsidered,” in Atti del VI Congresso internazionale delle Scienze Preistoriche e Protostoriche, Roma 29 agosto-3 settembre 1962. Vol. I. Relazioni generali, Firenze, Sansoni, 1962, pp. 122-123. 11 Juliet Clutton-Brock, op. cit., pp. 114-115. See also Marvin Harris, Good to eat: riddles about food and culture, London, Allen & Unwin, 1986; It. trans. Buono da mangiare. Enigmi del gusto e consuetudini alimentari, Torino, Einaudi, 1990, pp. 68-69. 12 Robert John Braidwood, “A preliminary note on prehistoric excavations in Iraqi Kurdistan, 1950-1951,” Sumer, VII, n. 2, 1951, p. 104. 13 Blood from the slab is dated with an advanced technique called accelerator mass spectroscopy radiocarbon dating. This method for removing blood from stone was conducted at the village of Çayönü Tepesi, and marks the first time researchers have removed, stored and undertaken preliminary analysis of blood in the field. This capability offers a great advantage when labs are far away and artifacts cannot be taken out of their country of origin. Thomas H. Loy’s technique involves locating suspected blood residue with a low-power microscope, then analyzing it with a coated paper strip sensitive to hemoglobin. Confirmed blood deposits are scraped off and crystallized. The size and shape of hemoglobin crystals differ among animal species, allowing researchers to match a sample with a particular species. Initial work at the slab identified human and sheep blood, as well as the blood of an unknown, nonhuman species. The team later obtained blood from bone fragments of an extinct cattle species unearthed at the site and found that its hemoglobin crystals matched those of the unknown species taken from the slab. This is the first identification of the blood of an extinct species. See Thomas H. Loy and Andrée R. Wood, “Blood Residue Analysis at Çayönü Tepesi, Turkey,” Journal of Field Archaeology, 1989, 16:451-460; Thomas H. Loy, “The Artifact as Site: An Example of the Biomolecular Analysis of Organic Residues on Prehistoric Tools,” World Archaeology, 1993, 25:44-63.


The Çayönü settlement had been inhabited from 7200 to 6000 B.C. Lentils and bitter vetch which were initially the predominant cultivations were gradually replaced by wheat and emmer wheat. In the site, archeologists also found clay figurines often representing bulls, horned animals and dogs. More than seventy human skulls were found in a large building allocated for cultural use.14

In the sixth and fifth millennia, fully Neolithic cultures expanded towards high Mesopotamia and the northern plateau. They created pottery (including very refined pieces) and built artificial irrigation systems to grow barley and wheat. The places that gave the name to the great Neolithic pottery civilizations are Jarmo, then Hassuna, Pelegawra, Arpachiya, Nineveh and Tell Halaf. The last one, in Jazira (Syria) is the leading place of a large cultural koinè covering the upper Tigris to the plateau south of Lake Urmia. Although there is no hard data that enable us to identify these civilizations as the ancestors of today’s Kurds, one cannot but be struck by the cultural uniformity found in the area which substantially overlaps with Kurdistan.

Grapes were probably first grown in this area. Wine residue was found at the bottom of a pottery jar dating from 5400-5000 BC in the Neolithic site of Haji Firuz Tepe, not far from Urmia (North-Western Iran). These six nine-liter jars were embedded in the floor of a mud brick building. The vessels contained not only residue that was consistent with grape juice but also resin deposits. Resin from the Terebinth tree, which grew wild in the region, was widely used as a preservative in ancient wines because of its bacteria killing properties.

We don’t know if the resined wine found in Haji Firuz was produced with domestic grape vines (Vitis vinifera vinifera) or wild ones (Vitis vinifera sylvestris). Wild grape vines still grow in the region. These discoveries have shown that wine was as important as barley beer in the early stages of the Mesopotamian civilization and that it was often mixed with beer, honey, herbs and spices as in many other civilizations of the ancient world.15

Archaeological, linguistic, botanical and other data increasingly point to Eastern Turkey as the area where the first permanent human settlements based on domestication of the Neolithic founder crops occurred. A DNA study of emmer wheat traced the origins of this cereal up to the Karacadağ area of Taurus (Southeastern Turkey), and it is believed that both the chick pea and bitter vetch were domesticated in this region, which reaches up north to Mount Ararat and the sources of the Tigris and Euphrates rivers. The dominant forms of pre-historic animal husbandry and agriculture persisted in the later historical civilizations of the Assyrians, Urartians and Scythians.

In 1947 in Ziwiye, near Saqqez (province of Kurdistan, Iran) archeologists found the image of a deer with long, twisted horns engraved in a golden plaque. This find was part of a treasure made of gold, silver and ivory of the 9th century

14 Jacques Cauvin, op. cit., pp. 120-127. 15 Patrick E. McGovern, Ancient wine: the search for the origins of viniculture, Princeton – Oxford, Princeton University Press, 2003, XVI, 365 p.; It. trans. L’archeologo e l’uva: vite e vino dal Neolitico alla Grecia arcaica, Roma, Carocci, 2004, pp. 82-84, 294-296.


BC contained in a sarcophagus belonging to a Scythian king burial site.16 Numerous objects were also found on a hill in the city of Ziwiye and in the vicinities, including a red terracotta vase with a duck shaped beak and a painted terracotta vase in the shape of a duck.17

The archeological site of Hasanlu, south of Lake Urmia and contemporary to the Ziwiye site, yielded a famous solid gold cup with an engraving of a scene of two servants driving some rams.18

Food is a basic element of the Kurdish people’s foundation myth. The tyrant Zahhâk Tazi (Arab) forcibly removed from power Jamshîd, fifth king of the mythical Pishdad dynasty of Persia. Zahhâk, however, was afflicted with two growths on his shoulders, in the shape of snakes. Satan itself intervened and to alleviate his malady recommended that every day the brains of a young person be applied to each shoulder to feed the snakes. Thus, a great number of young people were sacrificed until, one day; the cook was moved to spare innocent lives and to replace human brains with those of sheep. Both male and female survivors took shelter in the mountains, and in the course of time intermarried with the local inhabitants, becoming the ancestors of the Kurds. They remained in the mountains and devoted themselves to farming and animal husbandry. Zahhâk was later defeated by Fereidûn, and like Prometheus was chained to the top of Mount Demavend where he died. At least, so goes the legend related by Firdusî in his Shâhnâma or “History of the Kings of Persia.”19

The Near East has been saturated with Persian and Hellenistic culture since antiquity. Culinary mixes between Arabs, Persians and Byzantines have accentuated this complex cultural humus that has served as a substratum for Islamic culinary culture after the establishment of Islam. The new Arab-Persian elite cultivated the art of good living,20 a taste for refinement and lavish banquets. Thus the Islamic world, which includes Kurdish society, appropriated an elaborate and complex cuisine, which preserved very few elements of Bedouin tradition, as can be seen in the recipes codified in Baghdad in the 9th century, where Arab and Persian tastes coexisted.

Luxury and refinement later spread from Baghdad to all Islamic territories to the farthest western reaches: the Bilâd al-Andalus, which was the ‘Umayyad Spain where new Oriental fashions were introduced by Ziryâb, a musician of Kurdish origin.

16 André Godard, Le trésor de Ziwiyè (Kurdistan), Publications du Service Archéologique de l’Iran, Haarlem, Joh. Enschedé en zonen, 1950, pp. 5-11. 17 Ibidem, p. 65. 18 Sexo Sasunî, “Hasanlu, site archéologique majeur du Kurdistan (II),” L’Appel du Kurdistan, n. 27, Décembre 2000, pp. 14-15. 19 Thomas Bois, The Kurds, Beirut, Khayats, 1966, pp. 7-8. 20 William Montgomery Watt, L’Islam e l’Europa medioevale, Milano, A. Mondadori, 1991, p. 40.


Ziryâb (ca 790-852), pseudonym of Abu al-‘Alî ibn Nâfi, born in Mosul,21 was a famous musician and arbiter of good taste. He was introduced to Hârûn al-Rashîd (786-809) who was greatly impressed by the young musician that had been forced to leave Baghdad. Several years later in 822 he was in Cordoba where he very successfully served at the court of ‘Abd al-Rahmân, who treated him with the greatest consideration. Being well versed in poetry, history, astronomy and geography, Ziryâb was considered the perfect boon companion.22 To quote Montgomery Watt: He was enticed to Cordova by the ‘Umayyad rulers and given lavish presents. He was not merely responsible for raising the level of playing and singing, but became an arbiter of fashion and taste in general, of the caliber of Petronius and Beau Brummell. Thus he is said to have introduced a specific order in which different dishes were to be served at a banquet. In fact, it seems very likely that the order of courses we ourselves follow today on the most formal occasions goes back to Ziryâb. He was also concerned with the preparation of the different dishes and brought many recipes from the East. He showed people that fine glassware could be more elegant than gold and silver goblets. He paid attention to hairdressing and other forms of beauty culture.23

Ziryâb conquered the court with his elegance, good manners and inclination for refined cuisine. He brought ‘Abbasid cookery to Andalusia and reproduced the taste of dishes he ate in banquets given by the Caliph of Baghdad. He is given recognition for innovations in the art of table setting: he introduced the use of small, low to the ground tables, table cloths made of thin leather, glass goblets, and a definite order in which the entrees were to be served, in contrast with the custom of serving everything together at the same time. A meal would start with the soups, followed by meat dishes and finally dessert.24 He introduced new dishes, oriental recipes based on rice, sugar and spices, preserves, marzipan and hazelnuts. In this field the West learned from the Orient, with Spain acting as intermediary.25 21 According to Thomas Bois, Ziryâb was a Kurd (op. cit., p. 61). See also Manuel Martorell, Los Kurdos. Historia de una resistencia, Madrid, Espasa Calpe, 1991, pp. 29-30; Javier Iriarte, “Ziryab, un kurdo en la corte de Cordoba,” Kurdistan report, n. 1, 1995, pp. 30-32. 22 H. G. Farmer [E. Neubauer], “Ziryâb,” The Encyclopaedia of Islam, Leiden, Brill, 2002, vol. XI, pp. 516- 517. 23 William Montgomery Watt, The Influence of Islam on Medieval Europe, Edinburgh, University Press, 1972, p. 24. 24 Lucie Bolens, La cuisine andalouse, un art de vivre. XIe-XIIIe siècle, Paris, Albin Michel, 1990, pp. 28-31; Lucie Bolens, L’Andalousie du quotidien au sacré XIe-XIIIe siècles, Aldershot (UK), Variorum, 1990, p. XII, 64; Farouk Mardam-Bey, La Cuisine de Ziryâb, Arles, Actes Sud, 1998, p. 8. Mardam-Bey edited a cooking column using the pseudonym Ziryâb. The volume has little connection with the musician. 25 Maurice Lombard, L’Islam dans sa première grandeur (VIIIe-XIe siècle), Paris, Flammarion, 1971, p. 98.


The great Arab-Persian tradition contributed in a decisive manner to the foundation of the new European cuisine that was developed in the Norman court in Sicily. The great dishes of the Iranian tradition, which had been integrated by the Arabs and had spread to the vast territories they controlled, were at the core of the borrowed elements.26 As is well known, rice became widely used in Italy as a result of the Arab domination,27 and it was the Arabs who introduced sugar in Sicily and Spain. Sugar originated in the Orient, was refined in India and Iran and imported to Europe from Egypt, Syria and Northern Africa.28 Coffee was the next product to be imported. Coffee originated in the Red Sea regions, probably Ethiopia and Moka in Yemen, was introduced in the Mediterranean areas in the 16th century, and from there spread all over Europe.

The Turkomans, who came from the steppes of Turkistan, began penetrating the Abbasid Empire in the middle of the 10th century and contributed acidic-sour tastes to Middle-Eastern cooking. In 1055, the Seljuk Turks occupied Baghdad and became the third ethnic element of Medieval Islam. They settled at the center of the Caliphate, replacing both the Arabs and the Iranians and taking on the function of leading people in Eastern Islam. 29

The great Arab-Persian culinary tradition was increasingly exposed to influences from the East. The eating habits of the nomads from the steppes are similar to those of the Arab nomadic people as far as the importance of milk and its derivates in their diet and the simplicity of their cuisine is concerned. Iraq was the place of symbiosis between nomadic, rural and urban cultures per excellence. It was a meeting place for the city, the desert and the steppes, for the harmonious melding of sweetness and roughness, the refined and barbaric.” 30

It seems that culinary literature was born in Baghdad around the beginning of the 9th century and was very prolific until the 13th century. The richness of this literature is testified by the works of Muhammad ibn al-Hasan ibn Muhammad ibn al-Karîm al-Kâtib al-Baghdâdî, author of Kitâb al-tabîkh (“Book of dishes”), a recipe book written in Baghdad in the year 1226 and testifying to the

26 Anna Martellotti, Il Liber de ferculis di Giambonino da Cremona. La gastronomia araba in Occidente nella trattatistica dietetica, Fasano (BR), Schena Editore, 2001, pp. 98, 109, 111. 27 Ibidem, p. 121. 28 Bernard Lewis, The Muslim Discovery of Europe, New York, Norton & Company, 1982; It. trans., Europa barbara e infedele. I musulmani alla scoperta dell’Europa, Milano, Arnoldo Mondadori Editore, 1983, p. 196. 29 Francesco Gabrieli, Gli arabi, Firenze, Sansoni, 1975, p. 119.@30 Lilia Zaouali, L’Islam a tavola. Dal Medioevo a oggi, Roma-Bari, Editori Laterza, 2004, p. 6 (English trans. Medieval Cuisine of the Islamic World. A Concise History with 174 Recipes, Translator M. B. DeBevoise; Foreword Charles Perry, Berkeley, University of California Press, 2007, pp. 266); Maxime Rodinson, “Recherches sur les documents arabes relatifs à la cuisine,” Revue des Études Islamiques, n. 17, 1948, pp. 95-165; Maxime Rodinson, «Ghidhâ’»(Feeling and food), The Encyclopaedia of Islam, Leiden: Brill, London: Luzac & Co., 1965, vol. II, pp. 1057-1072.


culminating stage of the great gastronomic Arab-Persian tradition.31 The cuisine of the courts is over-laden with ingredients and aromas, while the

cuisine of the popular classes includes simple dishes with legumes, boiled grains without the addition of meats.

Recipe books written in this period also contain “ethnic” dishes and drinks such as “Indian wine,” “Kurdish dish with pistachios,” “Turkoman recipe,” “Basra recipe,” and so on which are evidence of the integration of different cultures in Islamic society. Eating habits were an identification factor revealing the degree of cohesion of the ethnic, religious and social groups.32 In addition, in Islamic society, Christians and Jews were important communities with different dietary norms who also followed the gastronomic trends of the times.

Culinary arts in every region of Kurdistan evolved according to different trends and preferences. Culinary models circulated with wars and seasonal migrations of nomadic populations seeking new pastures.

Nomadic life was the predominant one for the Kurds. The accounts of life and banquets of Kurdish emirs of the XVI and XVII centuries were handed down by the poets, in particular by Ahmedê Khanî (1651-1707) who in his long masnawi poem Mem u Zîn (Mem and Zin)33 sang of life in the Botan court and described the banquets and foods of the emirs: Cupbearer! Pour wine in this goblet Cupbearer! In this sky-colored goblet, pour A wine similar to everlasting spirit. So that for a moment my mind may quench its thirst, With a wine that cultivates the soul. Cupbearer! In your adorned goblet pour A wine that makes hearts clairvoyant, Saddened hearts rejoice, And madmen inebriated. […] 34

There were also reciprocal influences between Kurdish culture and the civilizations with which it came into contact, such as Arab Mesopotamia, 31 Muhammad ibn al-Hasan ibn Muhammad ibn al-Karîm al-Kâtib al-Baghdâdî, Kitâb al-tabîkh. Translated and introduced by A.J. Arberry, in Maxime Rodinson, Arthur J. Arberry, Charles Perry, Medieval Arab Cookery: essays and translations, Totnes, Prospect Books, 2001, p. 19-89; Muhammad al Baghdâdî, Il cuoco di Baghdad. Un antichissimo ricettario arabo, edited by Mario Casari, Milano, Guido Tommasi Editore, 2004, pp. XLVII, 172. 32 Lilia Zaouali, op. cit., p. 15. 33 Ahmadî Khani, Mem û Zîn/Mam i Zin (Mam and Zin), edited and translated into Russian by Margarita Borisovna Rudenko, Pamiatniki Literatury Narodov Vostoka, Teksty, Malaia Seriia, Moscow, IVL; Ehmedê Xanî, Mem u Zîn, edited by Hejar, Paris, Institut Kurde de Paris, 1989. 34 Ahmedê Khanî, Mem et Zîn. Traduit et annoté par Sandrine Alexie et Akif Hasan, Paris, L'Harmattan, 2001, p. 51.


Sassanid Persia, Byzantine Syria with its Hellenistic heritage, and Ottoman Turkey.

Kurdish traditional recipes reflect the most important aspects of society; represent valuable sources for culinary history and most of all, for the social and economic history of the Kurdish people. Kurdish literature (poetry, prose and proverbs) and Western travel literature are full of anecdotes relating to gastronomy, detailed descriptions of banquets, dishes and meals, rules for good manners at the table, and so on. Traditional Kurdish Foods

There are very tall mountains forming majestic, fertile valleys laden with fruit, rice, sesame, sumac, tobacco and good pasture land. Great quantities of oak-galls35 are gathered from these mountains and transported to Europe. A great number of roe deer, wild boars, badgers, porcupines, wild goat species with extremely large horns, bears, tigers, wolves, foxes and a number of very pretty bird species including a great number of partridges including the Greek variety. It seems that these mountains yield nothing else but medicinal plants. In many places you can find the plant Baaras, which they call Ghiabanok [giyabanok] in their language, as well as another small plant that smells a little like Aloe called Sciabò [chebo] in the local parlance.36

This quotation is found in the Dominican priest Giuseppe Campanile description of the flora and fauna of The Hakkari Mountains.

The Kurdish historian, Prince of Bitlis, wrote the first book devoted exclusively to the Hakkari region where he analyzed the socio-political, economic and religious structures of the indigenous peoples: Kurds, Assyrians, Jews… This work was published in Italy37 He often mentions apples, pistachios, cotton, cucumbers, grapes and raisins, medicinal plants, garlic, legumes, madder, wheat, pumpkins, almonds, nuts, zibibbo grapes, dried figs, pomegranates, quinces, prunes, peaches and cherries.

His description of traditional foods is placed in an economic and cultural context that allows a more accurate analysis of the Kurdistani diet. The deeply

35 Oak-galls are used to make ink and tanning materials. 36 Giuseppe Campanile, op. cit., p. 2. 37 The great Kurdish historian, prince of Bitlis, Sharaf Khân Bidlîsî (1543-1604) narrated Kurdish history in his text Sharaf-nâmah written in Persian language and finished in 1596. It is the first text on Kurdish history as a whole and is extremely important as a historical source. Its original version was published for the first time in the second half of the 19th century. Cfr. Cheref-Khan, Cheref-nameh, with notes by Veliaminov-Zernov, Saint-Petersbourg, 1860-75, 4 vols. There is a French translation: Cheref-Khan, Cheref-nameh ou Fastes de la Nation kurde, translation and notes by F. B. Chamoy, Saint-Petersbourg, 1868-75, 2 voll. The last edition is: Prince Sharaf al-Dîn Bidlîsî, The Sharafnâma. Or the History of the Kurdish Nation – 1597. Book One, English translation and commentaries by M. R. Izady, Costa Mesa (Ca), Mazda Publishers, 2005, pp. XXXV, 272.


rooted wit of a peasant society is revealed, for example, by their use of similes based on agricultural products to identify the shortcomings and virtues of people. A person who is amorphous is described as being “like a walnut, he has no positions,” or “He looks like a lentil, you can’t tell his front from his backside.” A fool is said to “… bring water in a sieve!!!,” or “…can’t tell a carrot and a pea apart.” Someone who is hyperactive is described as “...it seems someone put pepper in his butt.” Someone who is lucky “… even if he were to sow salt he would get grass.” To point out that people should practice a trade they are familiar with: “leave bread to the baker and meat to the butcher.” A loving couple “...looks like an apple that has been cut in two.” Peasant wisdom yields also the following: “You can’t collect flour that has been poured under a thorny plant.” and “You can’t tell what it is like until you try it.” not to mention “You can’t lift two melons with the same hand.” Or, someone who is trying to accomplish too much, is said to be “holding two watermelons in one hand.” These proverbs are widely shared among the local inhabitants and are found in different languages.

Peasants, Kurds or non-Kurds, grow mostly wheat, barley, rice and also corn and millet. Legumes and vegetables are also grown in great numbers: lentils, chickpeas, beans, string beans, peas, tomatoes, eggplant, wild cabbages, carrots, turnips, spinach, onions, radishes and cucumbers. The green bamiye, a vegetable popularly known as “lady fingers,” is very popular (“lady fingers” are either small or medium, up to 5 cm). The little ones from Kirkuk are known for their creamy taste. Sometimes the little ones are strung together as a necklace and dried out to be eaten in the winter. Some Kurds grow this plant in the country where they have migrated so they can continue cooking their delicacies. Among fruits apples, pears, peaches, figs, apricots, mulberries, pomegranates, grapes, watermelons, melons, pistachios, plums, and dried fruits are widely used.

Kurds are expert vine-growers. They grow and harvest excellent grapes of at least twenty varieties, according to the French Kurdologist Thomas Bois (1900-1975). These, of course, are eaten fresh, but they are also dried to make raisins, a very good food for the winter; grape jam cakes are also made. Only the Christians make wine, using raisins for the purpose, from which they also distil aquavit or arrack.38

In the spring, women pick varieties of wild herbs and plants, high in vitamin content, in the mountains and then dry them or use them fresh to add taste to their food. The Assyrians call them “shimkha,” “Kangar,” etc.

Olive trees and sesame plants are grown to make oil. For climatic reasons olive trees are seldom cultivated in the high mountainous regions, but the famous large, green olives from Afrin, in the Kurdish region of Syria, are preserved in a water and salt mixture and are eaten uncooked.39

38 Thomas Bois, op. cit., p. 24. 39 Florence Ollivry, Les secrets d’Alep. Une grande ville arabe révélée par sa cuisine, Arles, Sindbad/ Actes Sud. 2006, pp. 130-132.


The most commonly eaten meats are mutton, beef, turkey and chicken. Partridges are also eaten. The thigh and the ribs are the most sought after cuts of meat. Mutton and turkey are served grilled or boiled, with rice on the side. Rabbit and game are rarely eaten.

Milk products such as yogurt, butter and cheese are the mainstay of the Kurdish diet. The most common vegetables and grains are rice and flour, lentils, chick peas, beans, eggplant, onions, radishes and cucumbers.

The most common Kurdish dish is soup (shorbe), made with legumes such as beans or chick peas, or dried cereals such as wheat or barley that have been ground, boiled and served with butter.

Rice (birinc) and drained rice (pilaw) are common all over Asia and several varieties are grown in Kurdistan. In Iraqi Kurdistan they use basmati rice, and the bazian variety that has larger grains and is grown in the Bazian area between Sulaimaniya and Kirkuk; anbar rice is fragrant. Rice of the ribe variety is used in stewed dishes and dolma, a popular Mediterranean dish made with grape leaves or vegetables such as zucchini or eggplant stuffed with meat and rice and sautéed in oil or butter.

Kurdish bread (nan) has also a type called lavash (with oil). The bread consists of circular pancakes, as thin as paper, about 50 cm. in diameter, crisp when recently made and very soft later, as to almost resemble washed leather. Families bake their own supply of bread two or three times a week, according to different local tastes. The dough (hewîr) is prepared with wheat flour, water and salt, contains no yeast but can have anise seed, sesame or saffron added to it. The dough is rolled out with a thin rolling pin. The “sheet” is thrown repeatedly into the air, then spread on the baking-stool by means of the rolling pin, and gets increasingly thinner each time. When the sheet of dough is of the size of a dish it would be carried on the wooden rolling pin to a baking-cushion. Women’s bread making skill is evinced by how thinly they can roll out the dough. Finally, the bread baked is laid in a flat basket.40 As summed up in a proverb, “Everyone loves bread but not as much as the shepherd, who keeps it on his heart.”

The art of cooking, or rather that of putting together a meal that is both tasty and inexpensive, is handed down from mother to daughter. For the lower classes, in fact, the problem is not that of not knowing how to cook but rather how to get the ingredients needed for meals. 41

The well to do and the lower classes draw from the same food supply, but obviously cost determines consumption. For the well to do rice is the mainstay, while wheat (sawer) is the staple of lower classes. The use of meat is what draws

40 Henny Harald Hansen, The Kurdish Woman's life. Field Research in a Muslim Society, Iraq, Kobenhavn, Nationalmuseet, 1961, pp. 44-45. See also another work by the same Danish anthropologist, Daughters of Allah. Among Moslem Women in Kurdistan, London, George Allen & Unwin, 1960, pp. 82-84. 41Orazio Bagnasco (editor), Catalogo del fondo italiano e latino delle opere di gastronomia sec. XIV-XIX, Sorengo (Canton Ticino, Ch), Edizioni B.IN.G., 1994, vol. I, p.7.


the line between the classes; and whether rice or wheat is used, is a class marker. The higher classes’ table exhibits more elaborate foods and abundant meat. Stuffed lamb and stuffed eggplant (a dish known as shêx mehshî) are considered foods for the wealthy. Probably the word shêx in Kurdish and shaykh in Arabic, which is the title of doctor of Islamic law, comes from the green stem of the eggplant; a color symbolizing Islam. Another exclusive dish is kuzi, a dish made of mutton and rice in a tomato and vegetable sauce.

Meat is missing from the table of the poor, is scarce in the middle classes and is shown off among the privileged. Wealth is measured by the variety of meats the host can lavish on his/her guests. In the 1970s, I was the guest of a library director and the serving dish for rice was decorated with a morsel of meat. In June 1988, I was a guest of Kurdish families in Syrian Jazira and the only time I ate meat was at the house of a doctor who served platefuls of grilled meats which were “stormed” by the guests.

In 1991, after a failed Kurdish revolt and the return of 2 million refugees who had sought shelter from Saddam Hussein’s chemical weapons on the border with Iran and Turkey, the Kurdish population lived on a meager subsistence. In 1992, while in Sulaimaniya, I was a guest of Nejat, a teacher and widow of a general who lived with her son, a physician. Two Kurdish deputies were invited to lunch in my honor. We were offered meat. Later I discovered that the lady of the house returned the meat we didn’t eat to her neighbor, who had “lent” it to her.

Kurds went through so many difficult years, and it is difficult to talk about them with the younger generations who have not known hunger and cannot understand that “a hungry man is not free,” that “food doesn’t grow on the road” and that “hunger is the root of violence.” One year, as I was visiting the museum of ethnology in Sulaimanya, it became obvious to me that the personnel were in a dire economic situation. I donated 10 dollars and was told, “With that money our families can eat meat for one week.” About a dozen years later, I met a university professor who still remembered me and the meat that she had been able to buy at that time, as she had been one of the officials at that museum. It was the years in which many Iraqi Kurds were able to survive because of remittances from exiles. A Kurdish artist who lives in Florence, was able to feed about 20 family members in Iraq thanks to the money he made selling his paintings on the street. The most indigent families used to take turns eating, so only one or two members could eat something in a whole day.

The lower classes eat mostly vegetables, yogurt, lentils and wheat. The Polish anthropologist Leszek Dziegiel (1931-2005) writes in 1977 that in Iraqi Kurdistan: “Rice is becoming more popular as a dish and is eaten by the town-dwellers. In the Kurdish villages it is still regarded as a luxury food, served on feast-days, either on its own or with meat.” 42

42 Leszek Dziegiel, Rural Community of Contemporary Iraqi Kurdistan facing Modernization, Krakow, Agricultural Academy in Krakow - The Institute of tropical and subtropical agriculture and forestry, 1981, p. 85.


In the cities, rotisseries sell split-roasted chickens. A common dish is grilled liver sold primarily during the early morning hours to male customers on their way to work.

Vegetables are available in great quantities and variety, and economic conditions permitting, meat is added to them. Legumes, eggplants or tomatoes are eaten according to season, sometimes with morsels of mutton or chicken if a guest is invited. The most popular fruits are grapes, dried apricots and melons cut into small pieces. The wide use of eggplant in Arab cuisine, as well as raisins is also commonly found in Kurdish cooking.

Drinks consist of water, very sweet tea, and primarily mastaw/do [known as “doogh” in Persian, and “dawi” in Assyrian], which is very refreshing and is based on sheep milk yogurt (mast) heavily diluted with water and salt. Shops specializing in freshly squeezed fruit juices are very common and one can order grape, apricot, pomegranate juice and, in the Iranian Kurdistan, even cherry juice.

Fish is not a frequently eaten food staple on the Kurdish table. The sea is far away and there is no tradition of preserving or distributing fish. Sweet water fish are caught and eaten in the areas along rivers and lakes. In Iraqi Kurdistan there is a fish that resembles a carp. It serves as a base for a fish dish called masî be xiluz. Fish is not considered an everyday dish, and thus is deemed unimportant from a culinary point of view.

Bell peppers and cucumbers pickled in wine or apple vinegar are very common, whereas turnips, beets and cabbage are salt cured and eaten during the winter.

There are three meals43 in a day: breakfast (nanucha), lunch (nanî nîwero) and dinner (nanî shêw).

At breakfast, they serve tea; buffalo milk cream, honey, butter and even soup. Fig and quince jams (in Iran cherry jam too) are homemade. Sheets of bread folded into small cones are used as spoons when eating the mâst. Cucumber is eaten thinly-sliced in mâst and also alone, split into small ‘boats’ strewn with salt. Yogurt, tea, bread, fresh cheese and olives are the most common fruits, eggs fried (hêlke) in butter are less frequently eaten. White cheese is salted, flavored with various aromatic herbs, and when it has quite solidified, it is put into cheese cloth and compressed by weights.

Lunch is eaten at noon and dinner around 6:00 PM. Lunch is the lighter meal and the warm foods served at each meal do not differ very much. The entrees consist of starters made of cucumbers, tomatoes, green onions, local onion and soup (shorbe), followed by a single dish made of rice, vegetables and meat, or by bread, chicken and tomato, or by kebâb and bread. In restaurants sweets are served upon request.

The color of entrees is very important and shows its characteristics. Yellow is the prevailing color and often foods are decorated with slices of lemon. During

43 See also Newin, “Le nombre des repas chez les Kurdes,” Hawar, I, No. 13, 1932, pp. 8-10.


Naurûz44 the set tables are decorated with daffodils (nêrgis), a flower that blooms in the spring. This yellow flower has become the national symbol. During the New Year holiday children sell little bouquets of daffodils along the streets.

Leftovers can be kept for the following meal, but leftovers from the evening meal are consumed the next morning only as an exception, if there is no refrigerator. In the afternoon, black tea and cookies are served, and when it is hot, small slices of watermelon.

Both sexes eat the same foods, but it seems that women prefer the taste of dolma whereas men are partial to lamb heads, which they eat in the morning before going to work, maybe together with lentil soup.

The day before leaving for a trip, the Kurds prepare foods to be eaten en route. Generally these are rolls with boiled eggs and tomato, kofte and shifte (meatballs with onions, parsley and herbs). Lunch Sequence

During meals Kurds follow a series of protocols that do not differ from those of their neighboring Arab, Persian, Turkish, Assyrian, Chaldean, Armenian and Turkoman populations. Tradition-minded peasants and city dwellers eat sitting on a mat.

Following customs from their past, meals are served on a low, wooden table or directly on a table cloth laid on the carpet. All cooked dishes are served together at the same time, whether warm or cold, main dishes, entrees and sauces. Warm dishes containing lamb or beef, chicken, fish, etc., are served together with vegetables. Sweets are served at the end of lunch.

Kurds sit cross-legged on cushions or carpets around the low table or tablecloth set on the carpet. Rice is served on a flat dish accompanied by the meat and vegetable sauce. As a rule, two bowls with various contents are brought in on a large circular metal tray, and placed straight on the floor. Then, eaters pick a suitable amount of damp rice with the fingers on their right hand, roll it in the palm of the same hand, and push it into their mouth. They pick only the food that is placed in front of them.

Using one’s hands to eat is customary. Preferably you are supposed to eat with the right hand, as the left is considered impure according to Islamic principles. The use of forks and knives is rare; spoons are the most commonly used eating implement. In addition to eating it as a part of the meal, Kurds use pieces of bread to pick up the food in the plates. This traditional way of eating with everyone at the table sitting around collective plates from which each takes or receives his/her part is still largely used for family meals. If there are guests, it

44 Newroz (new day) is the traditional Iranian (and Kurdish) New Year. It is celebrated every 21st March with bonfires in the mountains during the night and with dancing, music and picnics along the streams during the daytime.


has become increasingly customary to replace the collective entree dish with individual dishes where each person places his or her own food.

Over the past few decades Western customs based on individualism have been adopted and thus it is more common to see individual table settings, including plates, glasses and silver-ware.

As far as grilled meats are concerned, if important guests have been invited, the thigh and the shoulder are the choicest cuts that are offered first. Everyone takes from the common plate according to their taste. But the meaning of the rituals remains a collective and communal one, as is the custom to serve oneself taking from the numerous serving plates set on the table, almost buffet style.

During meals water and mastaw are served and diners drink either from glasses or a bowl that is passed to everyone at the table.

Family members eat together. If male guests are present, women eat in the kitchen and guests are served by the young men of the hosting family. Female guests, on the other hand, eat together with the whole family.

All conversation ceases during the meal. I have always been surprised by the speed with which people eat, in silence, making food a means of sustenance rather than a way of socializing.

Hands are washed before and after the meal, at the same time water is reserved for cleaning and rinsing the mouth, according to Islamic rules. It’s not considered polite to leave the table before tea is served, and conversation resumes once that is done.

At home, men are served all meals on the floor despite the fact that there are chairs and tables, and the parquet floor has to be thoroughly dried afterwards.45

In daily life meal preparation is very simple and informal; tools are few and not elaborate. On the other hand, during special occasions decorations and meals become quite elaborate and luxurious and even food presentation can become a work of art. Culinary arts can be seen as a message speaking a language of its own. During banquets, the combination and order of entrees may vary. Thus, for example sour tasting dishes are followed by simple ones and vice-versa.

In banquets men and the young eat first, served by women. Then it’s the turn of women and children. The following description goes back two hundred years ago: The wife stands in front of her husband, as well as sons and daughters in the presence of their father. Women never eat with men or in front of them. The husband is served at the table by his wife and the leftovers from his meal are what she eats. The women are regarded as slaves by their husbands because they are supposed to bring them food and drink, their pipe, their coffee and whatever else they need.46

Generosity with food is very common but wasting food is not. The culture of binging is limited to very few sectors of society. I never personally experienced class barriers during meals that are practiced in the West. In October 1992 I had 45 Henny Harald Hansen, op. cit., 1961, p. 52. 46 Giuseppe Campanile, op. cit., p. 106.


lunch with Mam Rostam, a long time peshmerga (Kurdish fighter), who was considered the hero of Kirkuk because the year before he had freed the city, and was later elected representative to the Kurdish Parliament. A physician and his chauffeur were also at the table. The latter participated very actively in the discussion and this greatly surprised me because it would have been hard to find a similar situation in democratic Europe.

In the family, only women cook, whereas in restaurants personnel are only male, both in food preparation and for serving at the tables. In addition, in the Islamic world, restaurants and other food serving facilities have two separate sections, one for men only and the other for families, or rather, for women accompanied by males.

I personally recall that in May 1977 I took a taxi from Sulaimaniya to Kirkuk. The other passengers were a Kurdish woman and three Arab soldiers. The Kurdish taxi driver was curious to know what my nationality was and why I was in Kurdistan, given that at the time Kurdish villages were being destroyed and there was a fierce repression ordered by Saddam Hussein.

We made the rest break in a chaxane (tea shop). The three soldiers went to the male section of the cafeteria whereas the taxi driver accompanied me and the other lady to the section reserved for families in order to protect us, as it is customary in the Kurdish society. There I tried to answer their questions in Arabic. When we resumed the trip, the two Kurds continued speaking in their language and the three Arab soldiers in theirs. For the Kurds this was a form of resistance to what they considered to be an Arab occupation of their land.

Customs however, have been changing in Iraqi Kurdistan since the 1990s. The separate sections are not so evident in restaurants, but problems may arise when fundamentalist Muslims are around, generally Iranian ones. In October 1992, I was in Erbil, staying at the hotel Mivan, which was owned by an Assyrian. Some Parliament representatives were lodging there as well and we became friends. One evening the owner, obviously very embarrassed, asked me to have dinner in my room: “You know we have Iranian guests. Generally when they come to Kurdistan they drink too much, get drunk and may harass women who are alone. I wouldn’t want you to have any problems.”

I reassured him and went to eat in the kitchen, next to the dishes that were drying on the table. The kitchen was immaculate and very well set up. The cook was an old man and spoiled me by offering me the choicest food.

Eating facilities are divided according to the type of food they offer: chêshtxane (restaurant), kebâbxane (kebab grill), serupêxane (an eatery where lamb heads are served), chaxane (cafeteria where tea and coffee are served) and peklawexane (pastry shop where you can eat sweets or buy them as take out). Food and Health “Eat little and avoid the doctor.” In Kurdistan diet plays a basic role in traditional medicine and during illness. Diet is often an accompaniment to medicine and even today certain diets or specific dishes are recommended during


an illness. Some of these preparations are between medicine and gastronomy and may have more than one function.

This close relationship between medical prescriptions and cooking is very evident when a doctor recommends the cuts of meat, fats, sauces and additives. “When you are tired you don’t need a pillow, and when you are hungry you don’t need spices.” Spices are used for their recognized therapeutic function because they can balance the characteristics of different foods.

The analgesic properties of honey were praised by the famous Kurdish prose writer Ereb Shemo in his novel The Castle of Dimdim: “I brought her honey to take before eating: many doctors say that honey soothes pains and that nothing else can heal her.” In another page he urges a sick man to visit the tomb of Sheik and mullah Kasmi because this pilgrimage can cause an immediate healing. 47

According to Islamic custom, if a child is cured, it is the mother who fulfills the vow to thank God. In such cases a lamb is sacrificed and offered to the poor (nadhr).48

In Zakho, the tomb of Dominican missionary Father Poldo (Leopoldo Soldini, who died in 1779) is pilgrimage site for the sick who are seeking his intercession to be healed. Parents bring their sick child there, a piece of unleavened bread, an onion, a bit of salt and leave it as an offering to the “saint.” They also bring a clay jug of water to wash the sick child, and they break it on the saint’s sepulcher after washing him/her.49 In Northern Iraq there are holy Christian places where Muslim Kurds go in pilgrimage.

“Bread and gratitude are eaten together.” The deeper meaning of bread emerges in some circumstances. If a person has a special dream, when he/she wakes up they will prepare a bit of bread with some oil as an offering to the neighbors.

Finally, here is a brief discussion of the health status of foods grown in Kurdistan. They are completely organic because chemical fertilizers or other chemical products are not used in agriculture, as they are foreign to traditional peasant methods and they cost too much. Only in the second half of the 1970’s did mineral fertilizers appear in the Kurdish villages of Iraq, advertised by the state agricultural extension service and retailed by the co-operative trading centers.50

47 Ereb Shamilov, Il castello di Dimdim. Epopea curda, Repubblica di San Marino, AIEP Editore, 1999, p.130. 48 J. Pedersen, “Nadhr” (vow), The Encyclopaedia of Islam, Leiden, Brill, 1986, vol. VII, pp. 846-847. 49 Jean Maurice Fiey O.P., Assyrie Chrétienne, Beirut, Imprimerie Catholique, 1965, vol. II, p. 522. Recently the remains of Italian missionary, Father Poldo were transferred to the courtyard of a Syrian church in the Christian quarter, as I saw during my visit in October 2005. 50 Leszek Dziegiel, op. cit., p. 57.


Kurdish Foods Compared To Foods Eaten By Other Communities In Kurdistan Such As Armenians, Assyro-Chaldeans And Jews

Kurdistan is a unique mixture of different cultures and ethnic groups: Muslim Kurds, Yezidi Kurds, Muslim Turkomans, Armenians, Aramaic-speaking Christian Assyro-Chaldeans, and Aramaic-speaking Jews. Traditional Christian cooking is not substantially different from the Kurdish one. For example, animals are butchered according to Islamic principles. Christians, however, do eat pork meat which is imported or comes from hunting boar in the mountains. In addition, Christians claim as their own the traditional kulîche sweets which are served for Christmas and on important occasions, common in the whole area.

Muhammad did not object to Muslims, Jews and Christians eating together. As a result, a practicing Muslim may shop for food in a shop owned by a Christian or a Jew. If a name of a divinity different than Allah has been pronounced on the animal as it is being butchered, Muslims must refrain from eating its meat, but if no name of God has been invoked, Muslims can do so when they start eating.

The presence of the Assyro-Chaldean Christian community and the Jewish community has contributed to preserving the tradition of alcoholic beverages in Kurdistan. Islamic law forbids the consumption of alcohol, but its production and sale are ensured by Christians and Jews. Alcohol consumption was more or less tolerated by the government in power and was more accepted by non Arab people. For example the Seljuq Turks drank wine, a beverage that is still very common in Iraqi Kurdistan.

Urban drinkers generally prefer beer or arrack, an alcoholic drink distilled from anise. Diluted with water, arrack is served with starters in eateries specialized in these foods which are frequented by non observing Muslims.

Bastirme, fat beef sausages with plenty of garlic in them, are commonly sold in the areas of Zakho, Dohok and Kirkuk. It seems that this food is an Armenian specialty,51 and its regional preparation has similarities to both Arabic and Turkish cooking.52

The first Jews were probably deported from Samaria by the Assyrians in the 8th century B.C. Jewish communities lived in isolation in Kurdish mountains, primarily in the areas between Dohok, Amadiya and Zakho. They built synagogues and followed rabbinic law. Inside their communities they spoke a neo-Aramaic dialect but they kept close relations with Christian communities that also spoke neo-Aramaic dialects and with Kurdish Muslims. They paid a tax to

51 Ibidem, p. 89. 52 Florence Ollivry, op, cit., p. 36. For Jazira see the excellent contribution by Michael Abdalla: Michael Abdalla, “Wild growing plants in the cuisine of modern Assyrians in the Eastern Syrian-Turkish borderland,” Journal of Assyrian Academic Studies, vol. 18, n. 2, 2004, pp. 50-58; Michael Abdalla, “Pages from the History of the Assyrian Agriculture in Al-Jazîra, Syria (1940’s to 1970’s),” Journal of Assyrian Academic Studies, vol. 19, n. 2, 2005, pp. 53-85.


Kurdish tribal leaders who protected them. They devoted themselves to agriculture, trade and different crafts. Given that they lived in close contact with nomadic Kurdish shepherds and sedentary Kurdish or Christian peasants, Jews enjoyed the advantages of two subsistence economies. “Standing between the nomadic Kurd and the agricultural Kurd or Christian, he enjoys the advantage offered by both forms of economic subsistence.” 53

The villages Jews usually eat fresh meat only twice a year, and are content at other times with preserved meat, of which they lay in great quantities. A food that is common among Israelites is salt cured beef (qawürma), a method used by the Kurds as well.54 Mutton is the most common meat, while in Senna, in Kurdish Iran, they prefer beef. The most highly prized of all the meats is chicken. Cold chicken cut into small pieces is served as maza, the Kurdish hors d’oeuvre, with which all feasts begin. Another fowl that is considered very palatable is qoqwana or qoqwanta, a kind of partridge. These birds are caught alive by the Kurds and sold to the Jews, who keep them in cages and rear them like domestic fowl, for these birds please them on account of their singing. Indeed, some of the Kurdish Jews are so fond of their qoqwanta that when they immigrated to Palestine in 1951-52, they brought their qoqwanta along.

Fresh milk is little used, being reserved only for children and patients, as is the custom among Kurds.

Fish, though abundant in the waters of Kurdistan, is hardly ever eaten by the Kurds and only in moderate quantities by the Jews who are accustomed to eating it at Purim. 55

Kurdish Jews are looked upon as expert vine growers. Only a small portion of the grapes is eaten fresh. Most of them are converted into grape syrup, which is an important substitute for sugar, or into raisins. Raisins have considerable commercial value and are one of the principal export items of Kurdistan. According to the Jewish tradition, one-tenth of the raisins are kept for distribution among the poor, one-tenth goes to the government, and a portion is given to the synagogue.56

Raisins were prepared by boiling the grapes in water mixed with ash and afterwards dried in the sun for two weeks. They were then immersed in water overnight and a special blessing was pronounced over them.57

53 Erich Brauer, completed and edited by Raphael Patai, The Jews of Kurdistan, Detroit, Wayne State University Press, 1993, p. 92 54 Brauer affirms: “Qawürma is unknown to the Kurds” (Erich Brauer, op. cit., p. 96), but according to the Kirkuki Kurdish cook Fuad Rahman this system is used also by the Kurds. 55 Ibidem, pp. 92-105. 56 Ibidem, pp. 209-211. 57 Ora Shwartz-Be'eri, The Jews of Kurdistan. Daily Life, Customs, Arts and Crafts. Historical Introduction by Professor Yona Sabar, Jerusalem, Israel Museum, 2000, p. 45.


Kurdish Cuisine Today: How Eating Habits Have Changed in Kurdistan at the End of the 20th Century

Due to political factors and globalization, cooking and nutrition have undergone deep changes in Kurdistan since the end of the 20th century.

The Kurdish food production and consumption system has taken on a strongly urban character, especially in Iraq and Turkey, where government policy of destroying Kurdish villages and the rural economy has led to a high degree of urbanization, with a constant increase in the number of people living in cities.

In Iraqi Kurdistan, the food supply was forced to adapt to what the market could offer. In the 1970s mutton and beef were highly priced and were rarely seen on the table, poultry was not very common either.

The Anfâl 58 policies led to huge losses of cattle and agriculture, thus greatly affecting the availability of food. After the destruction of four thousand villages, a million and a half Kurds were forcibly interned in mujâma‘ât (collective villages built along the main roads) or forced to join the urban homeless in the big cities, without jobs or housing. Fifteen million landmines were scattered over Kurdish lands to make them unsuitable for agriculture and sheepherding.59 This policy destroyed the Kurdish traditional economy, and subsistence food had to be imported from abroad.

Established in 1992, the Kurdistan regional government (KRG) provided incentives for the difficult process of resettling the villagers by supplying every family with two sheep and two chickens. Poultry farming was stimulated in order to feed the population. At the beginning of the 21st century, chicken was much

58 Anfâl, “the Spoils,” is the name of the eighth Sura of the Koran, a revelation to the Prophet Muhammad in the wake of the first great battle of the then-new Muslim faith at Badr (624 A.D.). The term Anfâl refers to the plunder or spoils of the infidel, and was used by the Iraqi regime to provide a religious justification for its attacks against the Kurds of Iraq, although they too are Muslim. The military actions lasted from February 23 until September 6, 1988. While it is impossible to understand the Anfâl campaign without reference to the final phase of the 1980-1988 Iran-Iraq War, Anfâl was not merely a function of that war. The Anfâl campaign was planned differently from earlier ones against the Kurds. One difference was that the Baghdad regime planned for the rural Kurds – the ones who managed to survive – to never return to their lands. In keeping with this strategic goal, the Anfâl campaign devoted astonishing resources to the destruction and removal of the remnants of the saboteurs and their premises. In practice, this meant that the army destroyed whole villages down to their foundations. Middle East Watch & Physicians for Human Rights, The Anfal campaign in Iraqi Kurdistan. The Destruction of Koreme, New York: Human Rights Watch, 1993, 71; Middle East Watch, Genocide in Iraq. The Anfal campaign against the Kurds, New York: Human Rights Watch, 1993, 3; Human Rights Watch/ Middle East, Iraq's crime of genocide. The Anfal campaign against the Kurds, New Haven and London: Yale University Press - Human Rights Watch Books, 1995. 59 Kendal Nezan, “Quand ‘notre’ ami Saddam gazait ses Kurdes,” Le Monde Diplomatique, n. 528, mars 1998, pp. 18-19.


more available than in the past and has by now become a common food. But in 2006 the avian flu scare caused a reduction in the use of this meat in Kurdistan.

Due to difficulties in distributing domestically grown food products, much food is imported from abroad such as honey from Turkey and Iran, and dates from Iran. Grape production was reduced during the Iraq-Iran war and during the Anfâl period most vineyards (about ten million vines) were destroyed. Now, however, they have been replanted and replaced with good quality vines.

With the end of the Anfâl campaign and the return of the Kurds to their villages, in the 1990s agriculture experienced a rebirth. Not many know that grapes, including numerous excellent varietals, are the number one agricultural product in Iraq, followed by watermelon and dates. The latter two, however, are produced mostly in the central and southern sections of the country, whereas grapes are a typical product of Kurdistan. In the past two decades, farmers have been greatly affected by the political turmoil and war in their country and grape production has fallen drastically. Iraq had about 43 million vines in 1977, compared with only 35 million date palms. War with Iran and the Anfâl attacks destroyed nearly 10 million plants.

There has been a great leap in grape production. The current policy is to rebuild the crop now that Iraq has the ability to produce different varieties of grapes.

A U.S. agency has set up three privately owned grape nurseries in each of three Kurdish provinces, which have produced 1.2 million vine cuttings at a cost to the United States of 28,000 dollars. These nurseries will produce seedlings which will be sold to farmers in the entire country, who in turn can plant them in their vineyards and raise new crops based on new systems. The modernization of Kurdistan's vineyards is good for business, and is aimed to produce grapes to be used in non-alcoholic grape juice, confectionery and as fruit to be served at the table.60

As far as food is concerned, the last decade was characterized by the introduction of an urban nutritional model and the spreading of imported industrial/processed food. New western lifestyle models have changed the traditional customs, affecting Kurdish cuisine as well.

Traditional cooking required that women spend many hours a day in the kitchen. Over the past decades an increasing number of women are working outside the home and, thus, urban nutritional models are becoming prevalent, as well the leveling of taste due to processed food consumption. A more uniform and standardized system for producing and consuming food is becoming the rule; it is increasingly divorced from local food production. In the cities, for example, it is easy to find pizzerias and restaurants serving pasta, a non traditional Kurdish food.

The new pace of life has changed a great number of the old customs causing a deep sense of cultural disorientation. For example, women working in the 60 Jay Deshmukh, “Free from Saddam’s yoke, Kurdish vineyards bear fruit once more,” Agence France Press, August 15, 2006.


government ministries prefer to eat pre-cooked and packaged German foods as snacks at work; but revert to consumption of local products at home.

Because consumers have been largely separated from the processes of production, the cultural dimension of food and its local character are at risk of getting lost in a sea of international, interregional and even local markets. The Kurdish Diaspora and Food in Host Countries

Since the 1970’s and mostly the 1980’s, the Kurdish Diaspora, unleashed by a host of political and economic reasons, is relocated in Europe and North America. The number of diasporic Kurds has been set to one million, coming from all areas of Kurdistan. The main host countries are Germany (600,000), France (100,000), Sweden (25,000), United States (20,000—30,000) and Canada (40,000).

As a result of this mass migration, Kurds have integrated themselves in the restaurant sector, thus opening Kurdish and Middle Eastern restaurants in different nations. In the Paris area there are over three thousand Kurdish-owned restaurants and pizzerias. In the San Francisco Bay Area, many Kurds work in pizzerias and are thought to be Italians.

Many Kurdish restaurants appeal to a working class clientele, have low prices and a Spartan décor. Often in Paris, London, and Berlin you can find restaurants with names such as “Ararat,” “Mesopotamia” or with Kurdish city names, owned by Kurds. Other restaurants are more refined, both in their décor and cuisine, such as “Dîlan” which was opened by a Kurdish nationalist from Turkey in Paris in 1986; the “Kirkuk Kaffé,” which was opened in Turin in January 1996, and the hotel complex “Dwór w Tomaszowicach” near Krakow, owned by an Iraqi Kurd who had studied in the former Soviet Union and was very successful in Poland in the 1990s. These restaurants appeal primarily to a European clientele, and their recipes must therefore, adapt to the taste parameters and culinary customs of the European traditions. Thus one can see the processes of adaptation undergone by Kurdish dishes as far as ingredients are concerned, sauces and flavors, as well as adaptations to cooking processes that are rooted in the West. Some of these recipes may have moved away from Kurdish cooking, and as they have became popular, they have changed and are now integrated into a new nutritional and gastronomic system.

64

Deep Waters: Life and Death in the Perkins Family, 1834-1852§

Gordon Taylor *

Like snow upon the desert’s dusty face…

--Fitzgerald: The Rubaiyat of Omar Khayyam

In a letter dated 29 January 1849, Justin Perkins, senior missionary at the American Mission in Urmia, made one of his regular reports to the American Board in Boston.1 Among other things, he discussed the recent conquest of Hakkari, central Kurdistan, by Turkish forces. Perkins exulted in the Turks’ defeat of Nurullah, the last independent Kurdish Mir of Hakkari. Calling Nurullah a “monster,” Perkins said of his downfall, “The right hand of the Most High has at length put a ‘hook’ in the nose of this modern ‘Assyrian.’” Besides this interesting choice of label, Perkins’s 29 January letter contained news of a more personal nature. His youngest child, Fidelia, he revealed, had died only six days earlier. This meant one more heartbreak for Perkins and his wife, Charlotte. Fidelia, aged eleven months at her death, was the fifth child that they had buried in Persia. Charlotte’s previous child, Jonathan, born just three years earlier, had lasted only two months. The remaining Perkins children, Henry, age five, and Judith, soon to be nine, continued to thrive. But the fact was, these were only two out of seven.2

For Justin and Charlotte Perkins, trouble began at the dock before their missionary careers had even started. Perkins, deathly ill and having almost missed his embarkation, had to be carried aboard in a litter on the day, 21 September 1833, that their ship sailed from Boston. To add further insult, immediately out of port the ship was hit by storms. Still, after a rapid passage and a winter in Istanbul, by June 1834 Justin and Charlotte Perkins (aged 29 and 25

§Author’s note: Readers of JAAS need no introduction to Justin Perkins (1805–1869), pioneer missionary in Urmia, scholar, translator of the Old and New Testaments into modern Syriac, and instigator of a literary revolution for modern Syriac-speaking Christians. These great labors, difficult enough for Perkins, were made even more arduous by another, lesser-known story: his own Job-like sufferings as a parent and husband. This article introduces that story and with it Perkins’ wife Charlotte and their seven children, all of whom were born in Iran, six of whom remain there to this day. * Gordon Taylor (B.A., Lawrence University) first became interested in the Assyrian ashirets of Hakkari as a teacher in Turkey. He also taught in West Africa and the United States before settling in Seattle, Washington. In addition to two novels, he is the author of Fever & Thirst: An American Doctor Among the Tribes of Kurdistan, 1835-1844 (Academy Chicago, 2005). 1 Missionary Herald, June 1849. Vol. XLV, No. 6. 2 List of graves at Seir cemetery by George Moradkhan of Urmia, 1957. Letter to author by Mary Cochran Moulton, 14 February 2003.

Deep Waters: Life and Death in the Perkins Family, 1834-1852 65

respectively) were aboard caravan horses riding from Trebizond to Tabriz, by way of Erzurum.3

News of murders by the Jelali Kurds, raiding along the caravan route west of Ararat, led to a detour into Russian-held Georgia and Armenia. This detour, projected to last six days, stretched to four weeks as Russian officials did everything they could to harass, rob, and delay the unfortunate newlyweds. Charlotte spent her twenty-sixth birthday (August 2) in quarantine with her husband, listening to travelers being flogged by the Russian police just a few feet from their tent. For the rest of his life Justin Perkins would contrast the behavior of this “Christian” power with that of the Turks, whose kindness and hospitality he always appreciated.4

August 14 found the two stranded again, without passports and in a new quarantine, by the banks of the river Aras (Araxes). Two hundred feet of rapidly moving water separated them from Persian territory. Daytime temperatures reached 110 degrees F. outside their flea-ridden tent. In desperation Perkins wrote an appeal to the British Ambassador, in residence with the Persian Court at Tabriz, and gave it to a Persian courier who was crossing the river. That night, to their surprise, the Russians returned their passports. By the end of the next day they had been ferried across the Araxes, and soon help came in the form of a letter from Sir John Campbell, H.M. Ambassador to Persia. They had traveled but a short distance when the Embassy’s physician, Dr. William Riach, arrived on horseback to assist them. By August 23 the Perkinses were ensconced in the British Embassy, Tabriz, where Campbell told the Americans, “My house is open to you.”

Charlotte Perkins, however, had by then fallen gravely ill. Only three days later, without any previous hints (e.g., ‘expectant,’ ‘delicate condition’) from Perkins to alert the reader, he announces (in A Residence of Eight Years in Persia) that she was delivered of a baby daughter. Prostrate with convulsions, vomiting, and fever, Charlotte was not aware that she had given birth until three days later. Thus was born their first Persian child, Charlotte Nisbet Perkins.5

Baby Charlotte died within months, and she was buried in Tabriz. According to Justin Perkins, his wife never really recovered from the accompanying sickness. By 14 April 1836, when Charlotte Perkins gave birth to her first son (named William Riach, after the physician who rode to their rescue on the Araxes), the missionaries had set up permanent quarters in Urmia, on the western shore of the lake. Dr. Asahel Grant and his wife Judith arrived in 1835, and they were followed by William Stocking, Albert Holladay, and their wives.

Here began the great labors, and here too came the unending bouts of illness. Accounts by Perkins and Dr. Grant make it clear that, during those first years, the

3 Justin Perkins. A Residence of Eight Years in Persia. Andover, 1843. 4 A Residence of Eight Years in Persia, p. 108; pp. 111-112; p. 122. 5 Named not only for her mother but for Charlotte Nisbet, wife of an English army officer, who cared for the baby during her mother’s long convalescence.


Americans were never truly in good health. In January 1839, Judith Grant, wife of the good doctor, became the first to succumb. She left behind three children. On July 23 of the same year, Charlotte Perkins’ second son, Justin Humphrey, eleven months, expired as well. The year 1840 began with the Children’s Holocaust. First, one after the other, went the twin daughters of Judith and Asahel Grant, seventeen months old; then, on January 31, Charles Stocking, eighteen months; on February 2, Catharine Holladay, nineteen months; and finally, on February 7, William Riach Perkins, aged three years ten months, went to his grave.

Faced by this loss the mission lay “desolate,” as Perkins wrote, and once again Charlotte Perkins found herself childless. But she was also pregnant, and on 8 August 1840 she gave birth yet again, to a daughter named Judith Grant Perkins, named not only after Dr. Grant’s wife but also after her maternal grandmother. By this time, however, the body and spirit of Charlotte Perkins had begun to crumble. In early 1840, Justin Perkins wrote to the American Board informing them of his wife’s condition:

“Probably few, if any, have left America with health and constitutions more perfect than Mrs. P. possessed when we came to this country. And few, you are aware, have been subjected to exposures and trials to surpass hers, particularly in the early part of our missionary experience. The result is that her originally fine constitution is broken down, and an alarming disease seems to be settling upon her. You may recollect the sufferings which Mrs. P. encountered on our way to Persia, and the very severe sickness she experienced immediately after our arrival at Tabreez. Recovery from that sickness seemed entirely beyond the reach of hope for some time; nor did she ever fully recover from the effects of it. Though she has since enjoyed tolerable health much of the time, still, to one previously acquainted with her, it has always been obvious that her constitution was irreparably injured by her sickness at Tabreez. The climate of Oroomia has affected her seriously. Often has she suffered severe attacks of fever; and she has been so much afflicted with ophthalmy, during a considerable part of our residence here, as to be unable to read and write. Mrs. P.’s repeated bereavements, in the death of our three children, have also borne heavily upon her already impaired constitution. Each has been more severe than the previous, in proportion to the increased age of the loved object removed, and has given to her system a correspondingly more serious shock.”

Perkins now goes on to deliver the most alarming news of all:

“The result of these sicknesses and trials is that for the last two years and a half, Mrs. P. has had symptoms of epilepsy, and within the last two months she has had two severe attacks of that disease. The last occurred a few days ago, since the death of William, our only child. The symptoms


have appeared when her system has become febrile, which is very often the case with us all, in thisclimate.”6 [Author’s emphasis.]@

In this context “epilepsy” probably means “fits” and little else. It’s hard to know what to think of this diagnosis, which must have been made by Asahel Grant. Grant was an early nineteenth-century physician, which is to say that he basically knew nothing. Grant himself suffered from almost daily vomiting caused by an overdose of calomel (mercurous chloride) which he had taken while stricken with cholera.7 Another clue is the word “febrile,” which refers to the malaria that was endemic to Urmia, and which affected all the missionaries. Severe malaria can produce effects beyond fever, including delirium, coma, convulsions, and, of course, death. On the other hand, it may not have been malaria at all. Perkins may have found a medical word, epilepsy, to disguise reality; namely, that under the hammer blows of disease, birth, and bereavement his wife was simply going mad.

In any case, Perkins knew that he had to get Charlotte out of the country if he was going to save her life. Dr. Grant, feeling the same way about his only remaining child, a son, left the mission on 7 May 1840 to carry the boy to safety in America. For neither man was it an easy decision. Justin Perkins, as senior missionary and chief of the Biblical translation effort, felt keenly the pangs of guilt. When he left America, he declared, he had intended never to return, barring a “calamity.” On 17 November 1840 the other members of the mission wrote to relieve him of his guilt. In a jointly signed letter the four ordained missionaries plus Edward Breath, their newly-arrived printer, urged him to take “our dear afflicted sister” back to America “by the first safe opportunity.” That opportunity did not come until 5 July 1841.

Nothing yet had come easily to Justin and Charlotte Perkins, and the journey back to the United States proved as troublesome as anything they had so far endured. Stolen horses; rough roads; fleas and vermin; the return of Mrs. P.’s illness as they crossed the Black Sea mountains; all these were bad enough: but the voyage from Smyrna in the brig Magoun laden with 15,000 drums of figs set new records for futility. A passage estimated at sixty-five days maximum by their captain, twice the normal eastbound speed, stretched out to one-hundred and nine days before they reached New York, as storm after storm barred their way west. At last, on 11 January 1842, Justin and Charlotte Perkins, their bouncing toddler Judith, and Mar Yohannan of Gavilan, Perkins’ great friend and associate, arrived at dockside in New York and “sallied forth into Broadway.”8

By 21 December 1844, when her third son, Henry Martyn Perkins, was born, Charlotte Perkins had lived more than four years without giving birth or seeing the death of a child. It was the longest such period in eleven years of married life. By then the Perkins family had returned to Urmia, where the myriad tasks of

6 A Residence of Eight Years in Persia, p. 461-2. 7 See Taylor, Fever and Thirst, p. 79-80@8 A Residence of Eight Years in Persia, p. 491.


mission administration, translation, and preaching once more took over Justin Perkins’s life. But this time their situation was different.

After Judith Grant’s death in 1839, in the face of continuing deaths and disease, the Americans determined to build a ‘health retreat’ somewhere near Urmia. They chose Seir, a low mountain just west of the city. Seir had what they needed: proximity, altitude, and separation from the alleged ‘miasma’ below. A Kurdish village existed nearby, as did a powerful spring of clear water. (The latter, though they didn’t know it, was surely the healthiest thing about the place.) In the first months of 1841, before their departure for America, Justin Perkins spent nearly every day supervising the construction of the mission buildings at Seir. As one who had spent the first eighteen years of his life on a farm in Massachusetts, he knew how to work, and he knew how to build. The result—missionary residences plus a boys’ seminary for the training of native preachers—would be home for himself and his family during their remaining years in Persia.9

These were years that saw an explosion of activity at the mission. Edward Breath and his press had begun operations, eventually turning out not only religious tracts but books on mathematics, geography, and natural sciences, translated into modern Syriac. Fidelia Fisk arrived, and with her the expansion of girls’ education. Perkins’s Biblical translations were published, the New Testament in 1846 and the Old Testament in 1852, and David Tappan Stoddard brought out his Grammar of the Modern Syriac Language (1855). At regular intervals religious fervor gripped the schools, while from 1844-45 the family of Mar Shimun (Auraham XVII), seeing their power threatened, began a campaign of threats and violence against the missionaries and their supporters.

Through all this, in accounts of the mission’s work, Charlotte Perkins remained invisible, which is to be expected. We have already seen, in A Residence of Eight Years in Persia, the extreme reticence with which Justin Perkins treated his wife’s existence, particularly regarding the baby which miraculously emerged when they reached Tabriz. And Charlotte was, after all, a nineteenth-century missionary wife, little given to notoriety. But Charlotte is still there in the grim statistics of child mortality, giving birth and watching as more of her progeny find an early grave: Jonathan Edwards Perkins, 22 January 1846 to 14 March 1846; Fidelia Fisk Perkins, 8 February 1848 to 23 January 1849. Which brings us once again to that grim statistic: five out of seven.

But two of her children, Judith and Henry, continued to prosper and defy the odds. Judith, who turned ten in 1850, was the special light of her parents’ eyes. This was the little girl who had learned to walk on the deck of the fig-laden Magoun, as the brig fought its way westward in the autumn of 1841. To her, at the end of A Residence of Eight Years in Persia, her father devoted an entire paragraph, the only one of his children to receive the honor.10 She was, he said, “contented and happy to the last” on the ship, skipping about even in gales. Now 9 A Residence of Eight Years in Persia, p. 421. Entry for June 21.@10 A Residence of Eight Years in Persia, p. 491.


growing up rapidly, the model of youthful good looks, intelligence, and politeness, she was becoming the child they had always dreamed of, and simply because I have singled her out for attention the reader will know that she is doomed.

Her story is told in The Persian Flower: A Memoir of Judith Grant Perkins, written and compiled by Joseph G. Cochran (the first of that distinguished family to serve in Persia) and published in Boston in 1853. Modern readers find the book a hard slog, as long accounts of someone’s goodness and perfection, overladen with Victorian religiosity and a style which belabors the obvious, do not make for lively reading. Yet beneath its surface lies a story that deserves retelling. And Judith’s story is, without doubt, the climactic event of the Perkins family tragedy.

In early September 1852, immediately after the events related in The Persian Flower, Justin Perkins sat down and wrote a letter to the American Board.11 Across the top, in a hand which appears to be that of Perkins, someone has written “Job 19:21.” The word ‘Job’ is not a good omen, and indeed the verse cited reads, “Have pity upon me, have pity upon me, O ye my friends; for the hand of God hath touched me.” What follows is surely one of the most painful letters that any parent has been forced to write.

Judith Perkins, aged twelve in August, embraced the summer of 1852 with all the enthusiasm a child can summon. A new teacher, Miss Martha Ann Harris,12 had come out from the United States to establish a school for the mission children. These now numbered seventeen, eleven of whom were old enough to go to school. So excited was Judith at news of her teacher’s arrival that she was allowed to ride to Khoi, several days away, with a welcoming party to escort her into Urmia. To Judith’s delight, for seven weeks thereafter she enjoyed the privilege of attending school with a real professional teacher. In the middle of August the Perkins family received distinguished foreign visitors, members of a military commission sent to determine the true line of the Persian-Ottoman border. These included Col. Fenwick Williams, R.A., who only a few years later, during the Crimean War, would earn fame as Williams Pasha, commander of Turkish forces during the Siege of Kars.13

Toward the end of August word came that three members of the mission, returning from America, had arrived in Trebizond (Trabzon) on the Black Sea and would be making their way toward Persia. It was customary for the Americans to send a party to meet their associates along the caravan route, and

11 Papers of the ABCFM (microfilm). Research Publications: Woodbridge, Conn., 1982-85. Reel 555, Item no. 199. 12 Martha Harris latter married Rev. Samuel Audley Rhea, d. 1865. In 1856, in the company of her husband, she became the first Western female to visit the Assyrian ashirets of Hakkari. She is buried in Memikan, Gawar (near Yuksekova), where she died in 1857.@13 See, among many sources: Humphry Sandwith, M.D. A Narrative of the Siege of Kars. London, 1856.


since no one else was available Justin Perkins agreed to undertake the journey. He was reluctant, having ridden the same “weary” route so many times before, and being then in the midst of printing the Old Testament in the dual-column Peshitta Syriac/modern Syriac translation. Also, cholera had been present that summer in Urmia, and he felt misgivings about leaving the health retreat at Seir. He agreed to go on condition that he could take his family, “for the benefit of Mrs. Perkins’s health.” Judith, of course, was ecstatic at the prospect of an adventure.

Leaving Seir on 30 August 1852, the Perkins family proceeded northward in short stages. By September 2 they were camped outside the city walls of Khoi, where, despite news that there was cholera present, they sent an attendant inside to replenish their supplies of water. I write “despite the news” because now, of course, we know that cholera resides in impure water. In 1852 they knew no such thing. (Robert Koch, future discoverer of the cholera bacterium, was then only nine years old.) Instead, they saw pestilence in “the slight haze of the cholera atmosphere,” in the phrase of Fidelia Fisk.14 At sunrise the next morning, the family moved on.

The ascent from Khoi was some ten miles long, and very gradual. Justin Perkins had already described the pass in A Residence of Eight Years in Persia, when in 1841 he, Charlotte, and the baby Judith had ridden up the mountain while enroute to America. The route taken by the Perkins family is now a forgotten track through an area where the peaks rise over 3000 meters. A newer motor road lies somewhat to the east. In the present political climate no one would venture where the Perkins family rode unless he planned to cross the mountains illegally into Turkey. In 1852, however, it was the standard way from Urmia to the main Trebizond-Tabriz caravan route, which it joined south of Mt. Ararat.

All was happiness as the four Americans made the gentle ascent of the pass. Just before the summit, Perkins reported meeting two French leech merchants, entering Persia in search of that commodity, by then hunted to near-extinction in Europe. In his account of the journey Justin Perkins remembers everything—meals, food, scenery, villages, people, and above all Judith’s reactions to all she experienced. At the summit there was a view to the north, where Judith was overjoyed at the sight of Ararat in the glow of a rising sun. Some two hours after that, on the rocky downhill ride, the ordeal began.

Several miles after a mid-morning stop for refreshment, Judith, gone deathly pale, announced that she felt ill. Within seconds she had jumped from her pony and doubled over with vomiting. The spasms, repeated over and over, left the girl barely able to stand. Justin and Charlotte, frightened, managed to get Judith back on her horse, and soon they were in pursuit of their muleteers, who were some 3-4 miles ahead at the village of Zurabad (which they called “Zorava”) with the group’s tent and supplies. After an anxious ride, Perkins carried his daughter into the hastily-pitched tent and set to work. 14 Persian Flower, p. 117.@


Justin Perkins was a literate, observant man, and probably no better account exists of Asian cholera, experienced in all its nineteenth-century horrors. By then the disease had only been known for a few decades, having spread from its home in northeast India through the opening of trade routes and increased pilgrimage. Cholera spread its particular terror because of the power of its symptoms and the swiftness with which they overcame the victim. Vomiting and watery diarrhea, so severe that over a pint of fluid per hour may be lost, take hold of the patient and squeeze him dry. Unless the fluids are replaced, the patient soon goes into shock and dies of dehydration.

Zurabad lies on the banks of the Aq Chai, a stream flowing from nearby mountains which mark the Turkish frontier. There, quite literally in the middle of nowhere, Perkins attempted to treat his daughter. At his command were potions no better than a peddler’s snake oil, yet sanctified by the fact that physicians used them regularly. He gave Judith laudanum, then camphor, and she continued to purge. Calomel, a purgative—surely the last thing needed—came next. Diarrhea, which Perkins called “evacuations,” shook her repeatedly. By this time Justin knew that the disease must be cholera, yet Charlotte continued in denial. At one point, in his frenzy Perkins dropped the vial of laudanum. Frantic searching ensued, but it was lost in the jumble and turmoil of the tent. Perkins gave her paregoric (camphor and tincture of opium) instead. Most helpfully, he gave her as much soda water as she could take, but the convulsions continued. “The disease,” he wrote, “moved on like a giant, with irresistible force.” Holding up a cross, Perkins directed his daughter to fix her eyes on it. “Yes, Poppa, I will try,” she told him in a hoarse, raw voice.

Morning gave way to afternoon and then to evening. Their attendants and muleteers grew restless. Cholera carried a powerful curse, with which no one wanted to be associated. In Zurabad news of the sickness had spread, and panicked villagers, refusing to sell them either food or fodder, ordered the travelers to move on. At one point Perkins found a villager willing to take a message to Urmia, but the others in Zurabad, fearing any association with the diseased girl, refused to let him go.15@

As light lengthened on the peaks, Perkins remained “almost crushed with anxiety,” yet he worked on. Judith’s system had gone into shock. The purgings came less often, as there was little left to purge. Eight-year-old Henry had remained outside, frightened and alone, during the worst of the crisis. When he came inside the tent a wrenching scene ensued, as the boy found it hard to accept his older sister’s possible death and wished, as did all of them, that the trip had never happened. Other such scenes marked the coming hours: weeping; professions of faith; further attempts to revive and comfort Judith; a spreading numbness in her limbs; admonitions to goodness and faithfulness; farewells; prayers for miracles and forgiveness; even a terrifying symbolism, as night fell and a wild beast (a bear or wild boar: they never knew which) prowled the darkness just outside their tent. 15 In the end he did leave the following morning.@


At three A.M. Saturday, 4 September 1852, Judith Perkins took her last breath. It had been seventeen hours since the onset of symptoms. Justin and Charlotte, sobbing and exhausted, fell asleep beside the wreckage of their daughter.

At daylight Charlotte rose to wash Judith’s body and dress her for burial. Late in the night, Judith, in a whispered request, had asked to be interred beside her little sister Fidelia. Despite the distance—and the summer heat—her parents never considered anywhere else but Seir. So Judith returned home on the back of a mule, wrapped inside a thick felt shepherd’s cloak that was lashed tight with willow whips. An extortionate muleteer had to be paid off, and a mob of villagers, threatening to stone them, had to be kept at bay; but at last, about ten o’clock, the procession set out for Urmia.

Not until the morning of the sixth did Austen Wright, the mission doctor, receive the note. “We are in deep waters,” Perkins had written. “Our precious Judith is just gone of the cholera.” Consternation erupted, but the missionaries, riding quickly to meet them, held out hope. A longer note confirming the girl’s death arrived as they made their way northward. The terrible caravan arrived in Urmia the next morning. On Tuesday afternoon, September 7, Judith was laid in her grave on the slopes of Mt. Seir.

The aftermath can only be imagined. “My pen refuses to tell the desolation of our home,” Perkins wrote to Boston in his letter. It was the ultimate blow. He added, “Arrived at such an age, she had become as our right hand, as well as the joy of our hearts.” He at least would have duties to busy himself, as the Old Testament translation was still making its way through the printer. With Charlotte it was different. Out of seven children she had one left. She was forty-four years old, and would never have another. Five years later, which seems an eternity under the circumstances, she left Persia “enfeebled” by bad health, her missionary life finished at last. Henry accompanied her. Justin followed in 1858.

But for Justin Perkins, missionary life was not finished. After an interlude in America, and a round-trip by steamer to England, during which he lectured at Oxford, he set out again for Persia in 1862. Not until 1 June 1869 did he leave Urmia for the last time. He left Persia as he had left America in 1833: very ill and not knowing if he would live or die. But this time the transport was different. After the overland trip to Trebizond, it was steam all the way: to Istanbul, Smyrna, and Marseilles; by train to Paris and the Channel; and finally, by steamship from Liverpool to New York. And when he arrived in Brooklyn, by now deathly ill, who should be there to nurse him but his wife, Charlotte. With Charlotte at his side, Justin Perkins died in Chicopee, Massachusetts, on 8 December 1869.16 The last chapter in the life of Charlotte Perkins seems almost impossible. But it is there on page 113 of the Missionary Herald, March 1898 (Vol. XCIV, No. III). Under “Deaths” it reads: “December 15, 1897, at Woolwich, Maine, 16 Henry Martyn Perkins. The Life of Justin Perkins, D.D., Pioneer Missionary to Persia. Chicago, 1887.


Mrs. Charlotte Bass Perkins, widow of the Rev. Justin Perkins, D.D.” Born in 1808 in Stowe, Vermont, residing with her son, Rev. Henry Martyn Perkins and his family, in Woolwich, Maine, “in the ninetieth year of her age, she passed to the heavenly home.” Charlotte had outlasted them all. Despite a torrent of sorrow and disease, born during the Presidency of Thomas Jefferson and died in that of William McKinley, she had almost spanned the century. And it is not too much to hope—indeed, it seems likely—that during her final days she was blessed with the presence of Henry’s oldest child, an eighteen-year-old girl named Judith Grant Perkins.

74

A Poem about the Murder of Mar Benyamin Shimon@by a Contemporary*

Eden Naby, Ph.D.

The murder of the Patriarch of the Church of the East on March 3, 1918 marks a critical point in the history of Assyrian survival in the Middle East. The village of Kohnehshahr, where the Patriarch was attacked, following negotiations, is located west of the town of Salmas/Salmast/Salamas (previously called Dilimon then Shapur), in northwest Iran. The struggle for survival continues into the present as Assyrians worldwide (approx. 3-4 million) face the prospect that their numbers will be larger outside the Middle East than inside it.1 In important respects, it is the impunity with which this crime of murder was committed – impunity meaning without fear of justice being meted out – that has marked the social and legal context in which Assyrians have lived since then.2 The mass flight from Urmiah that resulted from the murder, and subsequent reentry of Ottoman forces and Kurdish irregulars, has led to the decline of Assyrian life in their most culturally advanced center up to that point in their modern history. The illegal way in which the Iranian government treated the Assyrian right of return tie much of modern Assyrian history to northwest Iran and that crucial year 1918. Poetry inspired by the life of Mar Benyamin Shimom (1887-1918), the murdered patriarch at the heart of events in 1918, is being written even today by Assyrians.3 But the life of this man, who came to be the political leader of

* The author would like to thank Prof. Robert R. Labaree of Boston, Ma for lending to her his family copies of Mary Fleming Labaree’s book of poems as well as the unpublished A Chronicle of the Labaree Family. She also thanks Michael E. Hopper (Harvard University) with help in the broader research. 1 Already by 1918 Assyrian populations in their homeland, stretching from Adana eastward to Urmiah along the mountains of southern Turkey and into Iran, had declined. Due to the frequent attacks on the community, well documented from the mid-19th century, the numbers in the primary diaspora in the Middle East had increased in such places as Jerusalem, Bethlehem, Baghdad, Kirkuk, Tehran, Damascus and Kamishli. A very limited amount of documentation on the primary diaspora exists. See Eden Naby, “Les Assyriens d'Union soviétique,” Cahiers du Monde Russe (16/3-4 (1975) http://monderusse.revues.org/document210.html, more recently Sergey G. Osipov’s study of the Assyrians in Georgia, Alberto M. Fernandez, “Dawn at Tel Tamir: The Assyrian Christian Survival on the Khabur River,” Journal of Assyrian Academic Studies (JAAS), (12/ 1, 1998), and the Assyrian Star issue on education (LVIII/3). Studies of Assyrians in Beirut, Kamishli, Hamadan, Kermanshah, Bethlehem and so forth are still to come. 2 Eden Naby, “Ishtar: Documenting the Crisis in the Assyrian Iranian Community,” MERIA, (10/4) December 2006. http://meria.idc.ac.il/journal/2006/issue4/jv10no4a6.html 3 W. Gabriel Dinkha, “Sahda Mar Benyamin Shomon,” a poem published on the internet on June 15, 2007. http://www.betnahrain.org/bbs/index.pl/noframes/read/18175

A Poem about the Murder of Mar Benyamin Shimon by a contemporary 75@

Assyrians huddled in the Urmiah/Salamas plain after fleeing Ottoman areas in 1915, is no longer commemorated by non-Assyrians. However, in his lifetime, his non-Assyrian contemporaries regarded him highly – one poet devoted a heartfelt poem to his murder. She was an American matron, a teaching missionary at Fiske Seminary, who married into the Labaree family of missionaries active among Assyrians. Here we will briefly review the life of Mary Fleming Labaree (1880-1941) in the Assyrian context, her achievements in the arts, and her relationship with Assyrians before examining her poem called “A Lament for the Patriarch.” The Labaree Family Among Assyrians Mary F. Labaree published her slim book of poems in 1920.4 She left Urmiah in 1914 for Tabriz and in 1915 departed with her three children, via Russia, for the United States. She never returned to Iran and her husband, Robert, eventually joined her in Philadelphia in 1920. Robert Labaree (1867-1952) spent the years between 1914 and 1920 administering relief to refugee Assyrian and Armenian families located in Tiflis, Tabriz, and Urmiah. Persian Pictures is composed of four sections of short poems: village life, in Tabriz, war time, and caravan songs. With the exception of a poem about Tabriz, the Mar Shimon eulogy is the longest poem in the book. In general, the poems are highly descriptive of life at the start of the twentieth century in Urmiah with a strong bent toward the anthropological. She includes a glossary of terms that would be needed by non-Assyrians to understand phrases like “Kheltu sota – Old Auntie” and “Kaloo – bride, daughter-in-law.” The poems, especially about village life, remind the reader of compositions by the contemporary Assyrian poet and painter, Hannibal Alkhas.5 @ This book of poems, together with her many letters to family and friends, a musical score (unperformed to date and unpublished) as well as the exhibit at Lincoln University related to her collection of materials, appear to be what remains of Mary Labaree’s Urmiah experiences. Her poetry book was published at a prominent press of the time, now called Revell Books, which also published the first biography of Dr. Joseph Cochran.6 The rampage of Kurds and local Turks against Assyrian villages during the summer and fall of 1914 led to what Urmiah Assyrians term the first flight (raqa qamaya). Tsarist troops prepared to withdraw from Urmiah in late 1914 to engage the Ottoman army in eastern Anatolia, meeting them at the Battle of Sarikamish. The branch of the Caucasian Army stationed in and around Urmiah, Salmas and Tabriz withdrew in early January (2-5) 1915. This occurred prior to the arrival of the armed remains of the Assyrian tribal militia from the Hakkari 4 Persian Pictures, New York, Fleming H. Revell Company, 1920. 5 See especially the CD called Urmie (www.hannibal-alkhas.org). 6 Robert E. Speer, "The Hakim Sahib", The Foreign Doctor. A biography of Joseph Plumb Cochran, M.D., of Persia, Illustrated (Fleming H. Revell Company, New York, 1911). http://www.archive.org/details/thehakimsahibfor00speeiala


mountains. The unarmed and already terrorized Assyrians on the Urmiah plain turned to the American and French missionary compounds (darat d-sahabi) for security and shelter. America continued to remain neutral in WWI until 1917, and the American flag was regarded as a symbol of safety.7 Rather than risk the disease and lack of food in the missions, from 25 to 50 thousand Assyrians, fled toward Tsarist controlled regions, swelling the ranks of Assyrians in Tiflis in particular.8 Other Assyrian families fled to Tabriz for safety.9 Many who tried to cross the northern border to safety were turned back when cholera appeared among the refugees. They camped on the banks of the Aras River and many died.10 The Cochrans, the Shedds, the Packards, the Mullers and other American missionary families remained in Urmiah in 1915, confined to the American compound.11 Mary Labaree, with her three young children, their uncle already having been killed by Kurds (see below), departed for the safety of Tabriz. Many of these families had served in Urmiah for several generations. All the children grew up speaking the vernacular of the Assyrians. Later, if they entered the mission field in Urmiah, they were required to pass a test in the written language. William Shedd (1865-1918) was born in Seiri, the American Mission summer retreat (and their historic cemetery).12 The Labarees too invested two generations among the Assyrians: Benjamin Labaree (1834-1906) had arrived in

7 Eye-witness accounts of this six-month period exist, including one by Rev. William Shedd (http://www.atour.com/~history/1900/20000718a.html) and second hand reports by Assyrians living in the US. Abrahiam Yohannan’s The death of a nation; or, The ever persecuted Nestorians or Assyrian Christians, (New York ; London : G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1916). Persian accounts from the governor of Urmiah may be found in Mu5ammad !ādiq Mīrzā Mu‘izz al-Dawlah, Nāmah´hā-yi Urūmiyah : asnād va mukātabāt-i Mu5ammad !ādiq Mīrzā Mu‘izz al-Dawlah az 5ukūmat-i Urūmiyah, Shavvāl 1333 tā Rabī‘ al-avval 1334-i H. Q. (collected and selected by Kávah Bayát (Tehran : Farzān, 1378 [1999]. 8 Frederick A. Aprim, following Yohannan, among others, deals in detail with this period. Assyrians: from Bedr Khan to Saddam Hussein: driving into extinction the last Aramaic speakers, [United States] : F.A. Aprim, 2006. pp. 62-65. 9 Dr. John Yohannan, with his clinic in Salamas, sent his family to Tabriz from where they returned in 1916. Youel Baaba, (ed). An Assyrian odyssey : covering the journey of Kasha Yacoub Yauvre and his wife Mourassa from Urmia to the court of Queen Victoria 1879-1881 and the exodus of Assyrians from their ancestral home 1918. (Alamo, CA : Youel A Baaba Library, 1998). 10 Information conveyed to the author by her mother, Lillie Yohannan (Naby) (1906-1992) of Digala whose family did not get into Russia due to cholera and so made the second flight south to Hamadan in 1918. They recovered from the cholera but lost members as a result of the second flight. 11 Mary Lewis Shedd’s, The Measure of a Man provides an excellent description of this tragic period from a missionary perspective. 12 For the gravestone names, see http://feverandthirst.com/graves.php


Urmiah in 1860. His son Robert McEven Labaree (1867-1952) was born and married in Urmiah. His and Mary Fleming’s three children also were born in Urmiah. The family’s origins go back to France, then Massachusetts.13 Before their Urmiah service and afterwards, the family engaged in the fields of education and Protestant ministry. Benjamin Labaree (1801-1883) served as the president of Middlebury College for twenty-five years. The sons of the last Labaree to serve in Urmiah have taught at Lincoln University, a historically black college in Pennsylvania, and the grandsons have served similarly at Yale University and the New England Conservatory, among other prestigious institutions in New England. The family observes a strong abolitionist, then civil rights, ethic.14@ Unlike many brides who wed just before their departure for the mission field at the side of their husbands, Mary Fleming was already in Urmiah when she met and later married Robert McEwen Labaree. The circumstances of her training prior to becoming a teacher at Fiske Seminary in 1904 remain to be explored. But she has left reams of letters, an unpublished musical composition and the published book of poetry, Persian Pictures, now under discussion. The three Labaree men who served in Urmiah, held responsibility for both the printing press, and possibly for continuing the publication of Zahrira d-Bahra (Rays of Light), the oldest running periodical published in Iran (1849-1918) before World War I. The first generation of Labaree children to be born in Urmiah had been brought to the United States, during one of their parents’ furloughs, to be educated. Ben, the eldest, eventually returned to Urmiah to engage in ministry and work with the printing office that the American mission had established in 1843.15 He was of the same generation as the second generation of Cochran children, one of whom, Dr. Joseph Cochran (1885-1905), established the first medical college and hospital in Iran, Westminster Hospital, in Urmiah in 1879.16 His work as a genuinely trained physician (the first Mr. Labaree had some medical training but was not a physician) gained him favor with Iranian officials

13 Elizabeth Labaree & Mary S. Labaree, Eds. A Chronicle of the Labaree Family (unpublished but bound family record). @14 It cannot be ascertained that the Labarees influenced Abraham Lincoln’s ‘Emancipation Proclamation’ to be published in Assyrian neo-Aramaic on the pages of Zahrira d-bahra in 1865, but it is possible. See Assyrian Star (LVII/4) 2005, p. 34. 15 For a review and bibliography of the volumes produced by this press, see David G. Malick, “The American Mission Press: A Preliminary Bibliography” JAAS Vol. 21, No. 2, 2007 and David G. Malick, The American Mission Press: A Preliminary Bibliography, (Chicago, Atour Publications, 2008). 16 See especially the website of the Urmia University of Medical Sciences, Urmia, Iran, http://www.ams.ac.ir/AIM/0252/0252127.htm; Hannibal Givargiz, Tarikhcheh Daneshkadeh Pezeshki Urumieh (The History of Urumiah Medical School), (Tehran, University of Tehran Press, 2005). @


in Urmiah and the ire of a particular Kurdish “Said” who plotted his murder.17 Instead of Dr. Cochran, the Said’s gang mistakenly killed Benjamin Labaree, in March 1904 on the road from Urmiah to Khoi.18 It took the father and Benjamin’s widow, May, two years to have the government bring the culprits to Iranian government justice. Within months, the other Labaree son, Robert, decided to give up his successful post as pastor in Doylestown, Pa, to replace his murdered brother in Urmiah. He arrived in late 1904 to find his widowed father being cared for in part by Mary Fleming. She had arrived in Urmiah with Mary Lewis, eventually the second Mrs. Shedd. By 1906 when he left to return his ailing father to the US, Robert was engaged to Mary Fleming. They married in July upon his return to Urmiah. They were both older than many who married then- she was twenty-six years old, almost beyond the age of marriage in that period of time, and he was thirty-nine. As the wife of one of the most active missionaries in Urmiah at a time of great political turmoil (the Iranian Constitutional Revolution period - 1906-1908) Mary Labaree spent much time with women from all the ethnic groups of the town: “Assyrians, Armenians, Jewesses, Muslims,” as she puts it in one of her letters. Willing to go to great lengths to work with the Persian administration, she offered music lessons to Abu Turan (?) Khan, son of the governor.19 The years between 1912 and 1915 were full of uncertainty in her life: a return to the US for health reasons, back to Urmiah in 1913, flight to Tabriz in 1914, back to the US with her children in September 1915 via Russia, Sweden, Norway. She never returned to Iran. Yet she has produced sixty-four pages of poems that center on Assyrians in the Urmiah plain, especially on village life and the effects of WWI. The poem on the murder of Mar Shimon is among these. Unlike some popularly held beliefs in various Assyrian circles, American missionaries like the Labarees proved crucial to the emergence of modern Assyrian culture.20 Western Assyrians, centered in Tur Abdin, with the patriarchal See at Deir Az-Zaafaron, avoided missionaries and consequently have low rates of literacy in any Aramaic language while they have a high rate of adoption of the languages of neighboring cultures like Armenian and Turkish for

17 Much more is needed about who this man was and especially whether he too, like Simko is being made a hero in the Kurdish community. 18 A Chronicle of the Labaree Family, pp. 166-174. 19 A Chronicle of the Labaree Family, p. 219. 20 The usual murmurings against missionaries argue their presence brought divisions in the oriental churches. The Armenian Apostolic Church hierarchy pushed these arguments so far that they would actually turn in Protestants (separate after 1846) to the Ottoman government on various charges. The revival of the modern history and language of the Assyrians in Urmiah, imperfect though the language may be, owes its standardization to missionary efforts. See in particular, John Pierre Ameer’s Harvard dissertation, Yankees and Assyrians : the establishment of schools among the Nestorians, 1834-1845 (1992).


writing purposes.21 By the late twentieth century, despite its many travails, it was the Church of the East and its Protestant off-shoots that actively maintained the vernacular Aramaic of the modern Assyrians. The patriarch of the Church of the East however, welcomed the American, and later British missions to his people. Periods of animosity are recognized by the missionaries, in particular after the Americans succumbed to the pressure from Assyrians who wanted to start their own Protestant church outside of the Church of the East. This process of separate Protestant denominations formed from the original oriental churches was already well underway in Ottoman areas such as Beirut and Istanbul. In fact, in the Ottoman Empire, by 1840s the Protestants also petitioned the Sublime Porte to pay their taxes directly through an Ottoman [Muslim] official, rather than through the various patriarchs and bishops.22 In Urmiah, to compensate for the fact that family law, for Protestants, could no longer be adjudicated by the hierarchy of the Church of the East, an independent legal body was established. It, however, also followed the laws of the Church of the East in matters of inheritance and such matters that relate to family law.23 For many Assyrians raised in the Middle East during the twentieth century in a period of politically and religiously inspired anti-Western propaganda, these anti-Christian attitudes inform their view of missionaries, The latent anti-Western atmosphere present in Middle Eastern school systems is hard to overcome, even in diaspora. Some of this animosity is also fed by the real fact that the British government used, then discarded, Assyrians without supporting with any vigor their right to return to homes in Hakkari or even in Urmiah.24 @ Of course, prior to the presence of American or British missions, Roman Catholic missions, French or Italian usually, had worked to establish, then nurture, the papal branches of these ancient patriarchates.25 They continue to do

21 Until the 1960s, the Syriac Orthodox Church refused to allow the vernacular Aramaic to be written. As a result, a number of men gained the rudiments of classical Syriac in church schools but few women became literate. 22 John Joseph, Muslim-Christian relations and inter-Christian rivalries in the Middle East : the case of the Jacobites in an age of transition, Albany : State University of New York Press, 1983. 23 Chronicle reference in passing, p. 50. 24 The British Betrayal of the Assyrians, penned by one of the most effective Assyrian leaders of the interwar years, Yusef Malek, stands out as an example of the argument against the British. 25 The Chaldean Catholic church – a Syriac language rite patriarchate – emerged out of much chaos in the 16th century – in 1552 from the Church of the East. It takes its name, according to the Catholic Encyclopedia, from the language designation for classical Syriac at that time which was “Chaldean.” The following century (17th) the Syrian Catholic Church patriarchate became established that broke out of what is now called the Syriac (Assyrian) Orthodox Church. By the 17th century the term “Syriac” had replaced “Chaldean” as the name for the language in scholarly circles.


so today. Protestant Western support – material and even moral - has ceased to Assyrian churches.26 @ In her brief foreword to the book of poems, Mary Fleming speaks of “the uprooting in the fertile little plain of Urmiah.” And later, “ I cannot blot from my memory the painful tales poured into my ears from haggard refugees.” From her selected letters available, there is little indication that she wrote poetry. The materials in her poems – about abducted Assyrian girls, murdered men, and mourning women – come from the ten years prior to her departing Urmiah as well as from refugees. The years between 1904 and 1914 when Assyrians in Urmiah published four periodicals, ran schools, and conducted medical work from Maragha to Khoi are often regarded as a relatively successful period.27 But in her letters and in this book of poetry we are struck by the constant fear of and actual Kurdish raids on roads, travelers, and villages. Thefts of livestock, flight to missionary compounds, abduction of girls and women, and forced conversion to Islam did not begin in 1914. These abuses against the local Christians were regular occurrences witnessed and remarked upon by missionaries, the most constant outside presence among Assyrians. Muslim sources – from Kasravi to Anzali – take the persecution of Christians as an acceptable part of socio-political life in Azarbaijan.28

Mar Benyamin Shimon and the Assyrians of Iran Mar Benyamin Shimon arrived on Iranian territory as part of the exodus of Assyrian tribes from Hakkari to the Urmiah-Salmas plain in 1915. Kurdish tribes, operating along the loosely demarcated Iranian-Turkish border had stepped up the ravaging of Assyrian villages beginning in the summer of 1914. In particular, attacks on dozens of villages in the Gawar (now Turkish Yuksova) district, an important station in the transit between Assyrians on the plains in Iran and the Assyrians in mountainous Ottoman areas, had reduced security for the passage of the refugees. Several accounts by those who experienced or helped the refugees once they reached Urmiah have lent to images of bravery against great odds, the terrible losses along the way of families and fighters, and the inadequate supplies or housing for the refugees once they reached the already jittery and under-supplied, though once, rich Urmiah area.29 26 1960 decision taken by the Presbyterian Church.@27 Eden Naby, ''The Assyrians of Iran: Reunification of a 'Millet, 1906_1914,'' International. Journal of Middle East Studies 8 (1977): 237_49, 248. 28 George V. Yana (Bebla) discusses Ahmad Kasravi’s aggressively anti-Assyrian stance in JAAS Vol. 13, no.1 (1999), (http://www.aina.org/articles/shedd.pdf). On Hassan Anzali, an Urmiah author and publisher, see the Assyrian Star review of his book (vol. LIV/3), pp. 45-46. 29 Accounts include missionary writings on the typhoid and cholera that ravaged refugees and villagers alike in that period of general famine in Iran due to climate and poor distribution of food. Artistic renditions of this tribal refugee flight include the massive painting by Andre Givalevich (http://www.zindamagazine.com/andre/index.html), and


A major portion of the Assyrian tribes in southeast Turkey fled to Urmiah for safety as had the Mar Shimon family. Thus Urmiah and Salamas became the places of refuge from the savagery of the “year of the sword.”30 That is how Mar Shimon, with his See in Qudchanis, together with the tribal Assyrians, happened to be located in Iran in 1918 and attempting to negotiate with a Kurdish leader. The murder of the man, who came to be regarded as the temporal and spiritual leader of the Assyrians, left them with a divided leadership. Their second flight for safety scattered them as they had not been scattered by the various massacres from Bedr Khan’s 1842, to the 1880s in northern Iraq, to the 1894-6 period in Diyarbeker and other Ottoman areas, and even to 1914-15 when so many died or fled north to Tsarist Russia. Thus the significance of the murder of Mar Benyamin Shimon cannot be emphasized enough as the critical issue that scars twentieth century Assyrian history. Whether the perpetrator of this murder understood the significance of what he was doing is not clear. But what is becoming ever clearer is the role and purpose of the instigators of the crime – a political rather than a personal crime – from which the main beneficiary was not Agha Isma’il Simko. The documentary evidence needed to prove the involvement of the office of the Qajar Crown Prince in Tabriz, and thus the Iranian government, has not emerged, and is likely being suppressed still by the Iranian government. But the period from 1914 through to the heavily controlled return of some Assyrians to their homes in Urmiah in the late 1920s is marked by heavy tension between the Assyrian community and Tehran.31 Twentieth century Iranian historians have seen the murder of Mar Benyamin Shimon as a political assassination that helped to purge the area of Christians.32 These authors do not praise Simko for the act, nor condemn him.33 But for the newly establishing Kurdish historians, Simko is numbered among the heroes who tried to establish Kurdish independence.34@ Thus one could argue that the murder of Mar Benyamin Shimon presents an important historical turning point not just for the Assyrians, but also for the Kurds: through this murder, Simko and the clans he rallied under the Shakkak

the novel Mount Semele by Ivan Kakovitch (2002). Most writings in Persian present a highly negative view of Assyrians, starting with the 1920s publications of Ahmad Kasravi.,History of the Iranian constitutional revolution (tr. from Persian by Evan Siegel).(Costa Mesa, Calif. : Mazda Publishers, 2006). 30 “Seyfo’ in the western dialect, meaning sword. 31 Iran’s secretive holding of the “Assyrian Mission Archives” first in Urmiah from 1918 to 2006, then at the Ministry of Interior in Tehran, a forbidding location quite unlike the national archives, speaks to the still hidden modern history of Assyrians in Urmiah. 32 Anzali in particular praises the purging of Christians from the area. (see ft.#26) 33 Kasravi has no love for Simko but does not condemn him. 34 Amir Hassanpour, Nationalism and language in Kurdistan, 1918-1985 /, San Francisco : Mellen Research University Press, 1992.


tribe, gained ascendancy in western Azarbaijan and succeeded in replacing the retreating Ottoman army in 1918 as the leading military force, dominant over all local Persian and Azari Turkish populations.

This is the part of the Simko story that Kurdish nationalists regard as his successful rebellion: he ruled, from Urmiah, the entire region from Saujbulak (Mahabad) in the south to Khoi in the north, until he was dislodged by the Iranian army. While in Urmiah, he published a newspaper (at which confiscated press is not documented yet – perhaps it was the American missionary press where Assyrian neo-Aramaic works had been printed). When Urmiah again came within the political sphere of Tehran, Simko wandered in the border area as a bandit, was hunted by both the Turkish and Persian governments, and his body was finally hung, symbolically in Urmiah/Rezaiyeh.35 The Historical Event A few contemporary Assyrian sources remain for the murder of Mar Benyamin. It is widely reported that of the 150 armed guard that accompanied him to the negotiations with Simko, only about thirty survived after the surprise attack. Some oral history exists from among these Assyrian eye witnesses.36 There appear to be no Kurdish or Persian eye witness accounts.37 In terms of the ethnic cleansing that took place from 1914-1918, the prevention of Assyrians from returning to their villages, and the legal maneuvers adopted to reduce the propagation of Assyrian culture, Iran in the twentieth century lays the pattern for Iraq since 2003.38 The outline for the few days around the murder of Mar Benyamin appears in the recording of the eye witness account of Daniel d-Malik Ismail, one of his guards.39 Briefly these are the key parts of the event:

• The Assyrian Council in Urmiah decides to accept the Kurdish invitation from Simko for discussions.

• March 2, at his base in Khosrawa, Mar Benyamin receives an unexpected invitation from the Iranian representative in Dilmon (center of Salamas district) for a meeting the next day. Mar Benyamin agrees.

35 Eden Naby, “The First Kurdish Periodical In Iran,” International Journal of Kurdish Studies (2006) (http://www.aina.org/reports/fkpir.pdf). 36 Daniel d-Malik Ismail as reported in Yacoub Bar Malik Ismael of UpperTyar, Aturayi w-tre plashi tvilayi (Assyrians and Two World Wars), (Tehran: Sita sapreta d-alaymi aturayi, 1964). 37 All Persian and Kurdish materials are probably second hand. News of the surfacing of the Assyrian Mission Archives in Tehran, held in Urmiah since 1918, may eventually lead to other eye-witness sources. 38 Rosie Malik-Yonan Congressional Testimony June 30, 2006 (Assyrian Star, VolLVIII/2) 2006, pp. 46-48.@39 See Daniel d-Malik Ismail (http://www.aina.org/articles/marbsh.pdf)


• March 3, he goes to the meeting with a guard of 100 mounted men headed by General (Rab Khaila Khamshima – head of 500) David d-Mar Shimon.

• On his way home, Mar Shimon receives an invitation from Agha Ismail to hold the meeting discussed before in Urmiah that very day – Saturday, March 3.

• Many in the Assyrian Council of Salamas advise against a hastily arranged meeting. But the American and British advisors agree that the meeting should take place as does the Patriarch. A guard of 150 men attends the Patriarch.

• At the end of the meeting, just before dark, the Patriarch emerges and begins to enter the carriage. He is shot. His guard is decimated in the ambush.

• Later that night, a group of Assyrian men return and take the body to Khosrawa.

Mary Labaree’s “A Lament for the Patriarch” In the vigor of his manhood, Our Patriarch is gone! In the prime of a ripening wisdom, Who knew no fear is gone! In the old days of peace, he sat At the head of his judgment hall, To mete out a kindly justice To our men from Dizza to Chal. In the vigor of his manhood, The Head of our House is gone! In the prime of a ripening wisdom, The Pillar of our House is gone! They climbed by pass and precipice, By canyon and foaming ford, To bring their tithes and wrongs to him, Their Father in the Lord. In the vigor of his manhood, Our noble Judge is gone! In the prime of a ripening wisdom, Who righted our wrongs is gone! And when the Turk and Kurd ringed in


His flock with rifle and gun, He dared the bitter bloody way To the plains of the Lion and Sun. In the vigor of his manhood, Our Captain and Chief is gone! In the prime of a ripening wisdom, Our fearless Leader is gone! After long months of hunger, Nakedness, fever and strife, A pact was made – a pact of peace – Were we again to know life? In the vigor of his manhood, Our tireless Shepherd is gone! In the prime of a ripening wisdom, With his martyred flocks he is gone! The pact was made, - and he was guest Of a chieftain with honeyed breath, Who, brotherly, gave him a solemn kiss, Then – gave the signal of death. In the vigor of his manhood, The Head of our Nation is gone! In the prime of a ripening wisdom, With his bodyguard, he is gone! In the vigor of his manhood, Our Patriarch is gone! In the prime of a ripening wisdom, He whom we loved is gone! The poem touches on the role of the Patriarch in the life of the Assyrian people, the effect his murder had on them, and the promise he held for the Assyrians. What is surprising is the use of the term “Our” which associates in no uncertain terms, the poet with the Assyrian people. It would be too facile to assume that, like W.A. Wigram, Our Smallest Ally: a brief account of the Assyrian nation in the Great War, Mary Labaree saw the Assyrians simply as


American war allies.40 Wigram was British, a member of a protagonist nation, whereas she was American. The answer to Mary Labaree’s clear sympathy and association with Assyrians lies in the nature of the American mission to the Assyrians since its start in 1834. Initially they used the term “Nestorian” as was the case in the 19th century usage when referring to the Church of the East just as the sister Miophysite (formerly Monophysite) church was called “Jacobite.” Perhaps unique in the annals of the great American missionary movement of the 19th century, the mission that focused on the Assyrians, by a quirk of fate or heavenly hands, worked among a people regarded in such contempt by local Muslims in Iran, that stealing from them, abducting them, over-taxing them and all such forms of abuse occurred regularly as matter of routine treatment of non-Muslims. Functionally, Iranian laws did not protect Assyrians and most Christians or non-Muslims except in special circumstances where they were favored in particular as were the Armenians in New Julfa during the reign of Shah Abbas (1571-1629). It was, however, in the reign of this same monarch that the oppressive Shi’ite Iranian law giving all family property to a non-Muslim who converts to Islam was adopted.41 The uniqueness of the American missionary presence among Assyrians stems from the fact that they focused on a very small group of people, who in Iran at least, had no protector. The Americans saw themselves as protectors of the Assyrians. Nuanced though this relationship became from its beginnings, nonetheless Americans like Robert M. Labaree and his wife Mary, regarded themselves as standing between the predations of the inept and corrupt local Iranian government and the Assyrians. @ Mary Labaree and her fellow missionaries spent much of their time networking (socializing) with local officials, and minority community leaders. They built ties by giving time to educate Muslims too, if they could convince them to attend the Sardari school for Muslim boys.42 The hospital and medical school further enhanced the ability of the American missionaries to influence Iranian institutions in favor of Assyrians. Gradually the relationship of superior Westerner, as seen in the expression “sahabi” [masters], was giving way to a more equal standing. This may be seen in such small details as the fact that Prof. Abraham Yohannan (1853-1925) once boarded with a missionary family in Cleveland, Ohio while a student. Also, by the early 1900s some leading Assyrian

40 W.A. Wigram, Our Smallest Ally: a brief account of the Assyrian nation in the Great War (Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge; New York: The Macmillan Company, 1920). This small book of 57 pages has been published in “Syriac”, Arabic, Turkish, and Swedish translation. It is also available on line at http://lcweb2.loc.gov/service/gdc/scd0001/1998/19981218001ou/19981218001ou.pdf 41 Annibale Bugnini, La Chiesa in Iran, reviewed by Gladys Warda in JAAS, Vol. 12, no.2 (1998), http://www.urmi.org/english/documents/churchhistorymgrbugnini.pdf 42 This school is mentioned in the correspondence of the Labaree Chronicle but further details would be useful.


families, often of physicians, joined in the councils of local government.43 As intermediaries between the oppressed Christians and the Muslim government, the missionary role changed substantively with the arrival of Russian troops and then of Mar Benyamin Shimon. Consultative bodies in Urmiah included heads of consulates – but after the autumn of 1915 – the Assyrians functioned under the authority of the Assyrian Patriarch. More information is needed to assess the extent to which Mar Benyamin Shimon became the de facto head of all the Christians in the area west of Lake Urmiah. Nonetheless, his murder affected the missionaries as well. Although many left for Tabriz, others returned to be with the several hundred Assyrian survivors who had not fled. The Shedd family (whose children were in the US) decided to ride with the fleeing refugees going southward in the hope that a prominently displayed American flag would deter attack. While some argue that the British were conducting a war with the Assyrians as pawns, the American missionary presence cannot be so described. Turning back to Mary Labaree, her little book of poems contains a special poem of six stanzas called “The Castle of Ismail Agha.” In this she alludes to the rapacious nature of the chieftain ever on the lookout for travelers and caravans to waylay. But in the poem commemorating the murder of Mar Benyamin Shimon, the emphasis is on the loss of a leader, a Father, a Judge – all preceded by the pronoun that ties American missionaries to the Assyrians they tried to guard – the pronoun “Our.”

43 Personal communication, corroborated by many photographs showing Assyrian physicians and some female family members, at events with high government officials.

87

John Pierre Ameer, Assyrians in Yonkers: Reminiscences of a Community. Tigris: Gorgias Press, Piscataway, N.J. (2008), 253 p. Reviewed by Francis Sarguis

John Pierre Ameer’s book, Assyrians in Yonkers: Reminiscences of a Community, may be viewed partially as an autobiography. And as the title more directly suggests, it can also be seen as a history of the Assyrian immigrants who began settling in Yonkers, New York more than a century ago. The narrative moves through time guided by the choice of six words, and one number. The six words, each of them a chapter of the book, are: “Saturdays,” “Flight,” “Church,” “Chai,” “The Block,” and “Trips.” The number is “1946”; it refers to a selected particular calendar year. The year 1946 is the backdrop device to give some focus in the telling of the story of this particular community. While the story that is told is not strictly chronological, reading the narrative is akin to turning the pages of an album. The Assyrian population1 continues to dwindle in “the homeland,” largely due to continued emigration. Ameer’s narrative enables us to appreciate the Assyrian American saga in more ways than one. In recent decades, the vast majority of Assyrian émigrés abandoning their homeland are from Iraq. While many of these have found their way to settlement in Western lands, unfortunately tens of thousands currently find themselves living the life of destitute refugees in such way stations as Syria and Jordan. These countries consider them persona non grata, and not surprisingly they are eager to be rid of them. However, Ameer’s account reminds us that Assyrians have been abandoning their traditional Middle East homes for far longer than a century, and that furthermore today’s emigrations bear only some resemblance to the earlier ones. It may come as a surprise to some that the Western migration in the early decades consisted mostly of Assyrians from Iran, not Iraq.2 In many instances, the home of these early settlers may have been the highlands of southeast Turkey, but more often than not they had relocated from Turkey to Iran. Indeed, when Professor Ameer refers to the community of his youth in Yonkers, N.Y., he describes it as “The Assyrian people, Christian refugees from Iran and Turkey, the ones who had survived the slaughter that characterized the First World War in the Middle East [and] found refuge and respite in this country.” (Preface xi). Personally to this reviewer, such a characterization strikes a familiar chord. When this reviewer arrived in Turlock as a youngster in the late 1940s, the Assyrian community there must have been 90% or better from Iran. The tens of

1 In this review, the term “Assyrian” includes adherents to all three of the religious denominations mentioned: Church of the East, Chaldean Catholic Church, and Assyrian Presbyterian Church. 2 This however will not be a surprise to most Assyrians. Assyrians from Iran as the vanguard of future emigration waves is validated in a number of accounts, including Prof. Arianne Ishaya’s works attesting to such settlements in Saskatechwan, Canada, and Turlock, California.


thousands of Iraqi Assyrians who have reached the diaspora since that period are a vivid reminder that Assyrian youngsters in America in the 1940’s had a far different understanding – geographic and demographic – of the concept of “homeland.” Ameer deftly addresses a blend of topics. He telescopes his examination on the year 1947, and purportedly limits his remarks to that portion of Yonkers where the early Assyrians settled. These are useful parameters, but they cannot be honored inflexibly. The author has much to say about his family history; the history of these relatives necessarily transcends any one year or a single location. There are abundant references to the culture of Assyrians and the customs they practiced in their native Iran, and later in the diaspora. Ameer’s book is also larded with meditation on urban sociology, social justice, and other redeeming concepts. He reveals a largesse of spirit when he speaks of the underprivileged in American society. In its incipient phase, which well preceded the exodus and slaughter of W.W.I., Assyrian émigrés – predominantly from the Urmia region of Iran – traveled to the West for advanced education or to build up a stake. As Ameer himself has written elsewhere,3 these early “pioneers” came with the intention of returning home, and in fact a few of them did just that. But for the most part they were loath to relinquish their new-found land of opportunity and security for the difficult life awaiting them back home. Under an expansive definition of the nominative “Assyrian,” it is possible (though not certain) that today there are still more of us still living “in the homeland” than in the diaspora. However, the term “diaspora” is itself ambiguous. Does it refer purely and without exception to any Assyrian who has forsaken his/her traditional land and moved to another country? Or does it refer only to those among the previous group who continue to identify themselves as Assyrian? This is not a mere quibble, but a real distinction, because there are innumerable “lapsed” Assyrians who for all practical purposes no longer identify their heritage as such. Narrow in its scope, Ameer’s book is still of value on several counts, not the least of which is to provide a case study on the cultural disappearance of a minority population within a generation or two following their arrival to foreign shores. Regardless of the Western country where Assyrians have settled, their fate resembles that of ink spilled on a blotter. The immigrants themselves generally display tenacious allegiance to their culture, religion, and traditions. But beginning with the first generation born in the new country, and even including young children who have emigrated with their parents, the process of identity erosion is palpable. With very rare exception, this process of cultural evaporation appears unstoppable.

3 See especially John Pierre Ameer’s informative doctoral dissertation, Yankees and Nestorians: The Establishment of American Schools Among the Nestorians of Iran and Turkey: 1834-1850). Harvard University, 1997.

Book Review: Assyrians in Yonkers: Reminiscences of a Community 89@

To read John Pierre Ameer’s memoir, and his unequivocal enthusiasm for his heritage, the reader might mistakenly suppose that the state of “Assyrian identity” is assured even in exile. Such an assumption has serious problems. One can point to the author himself as Exhibit A. Ameer endlessly extols his Assyrian upbringing and the virtues of his extended Assyrian entourage. He dabbles in Assyrian vocabulary, he relishes his mother’s native cooking, and his father’s story-telling, and he shares his nostalgia for all things Assyrian in his young life (from church Sunday school to picnics). These are all attributes all loyal Assyrians will applaud. Yet being born and raised in Yonkers, New York, he inevitably plays in the neighborhood with mostly non-Assyrians, studies in a very non-Assyrian setting (from the local public schools all the way to Yale University), marries first a Danish woman, and then his current spouse who is of Puerto Rican heritage. No matter how close he may be to his two children (from his first marriage), chances are high that neither of them knows much about the language of their father’s lineage, nor many of its traditions. The author’s personal life, commendable on many levels, hardly makes the case for the future well-being of “Assyrian identity.” Indeed, the chances are great that writings such as the present work are the closing “Assyrian” chapter about Ameer’s personal heritage. The author himself may disagree somewhat with this conclusion. Remarking on marriage across ethnic lines, Ameer explains: “One cause of potential unhappiness was from parents’ assumption that children resulting from the union would very likely have little or no attachment to or interest in the Assyrian identity. This, too, was part of the survivalist anxiety. The evidence, however, indicates that these parents were only partially correct. Many offspring of these unions have demonstrated as much interest in their Assyrian heritage as do children both of whose parents are Assyrian. I have noticed that many of these bi-ethnic young people often have more interest in the Assyrian historical tradition than do some full-blooded Assyrian offspring” (p.128). Of course, the key in the foregoing quote is “interest.” Yes, it is true that in the best-case scenario such offspring have “an interest,” but this should not be confused with the serious sense of belonging within a culture staring at extinction. The author draws a familiar picture: As with other ethnic groups, “the social life for most Assyrians was with other Assyrians,” because of the comfort level” (p.196). And Ameer continues: “For my parents’ generation …the melting pot was limited to the work place and to living proximity.” But not so for Ameer himself or his friends, who made “the melting pot very real,” by playing with children across ethnic lines, freely visiting each others’ homes (whether on the block or at school), and eventually being grounded in the American experience at two pillars of its educational system: first Yale, then Harvard. In no way does this minimize the welcome contribution brought to us by Ameer’s book, nor to deprecate his accomplishments. Precious little has been written of the lives of Western-born Assyrians, and the gyrations involved in planting a foot each in wildly opposite worlds. For this reason, this reviewer


would have welcomed more discussion of the angst and schizophrenia experienced by growing youngsters who, on the one hand, are deeply steeped in Assyrian culture by their parents, while on the other hand they are inexorably drawn to the new culture which surrounds them. The brevity of such contemplation may be somewhat excused by the fact that Ameer’s biography purports to zero in on just one year of his life. In his Preface (p.xii), he notes that “for convenience and manageability, I have selected one year, 1946, as the canvas on which to daub the several strokes that will portray this community.” As a mere ten-year old in 1946, he was no doubt still too young to experience the conflicting social pressures felt more acutely in the teenage years and after. As we already noted, hundreds of thousands have left the Middle East over the past century, yet a minuscule fraction of them (or their survivors) still cling to their heritage. Like the author of this book, this reviewer was born of Assyrian parents in the diaspora. My parents lived in France where I was born and lived a part of my adolescence with a single parent (my father having passed away early in my life). In my early teens, we settled in Turlock, California, drawn especially by the presence of a modest Assyrian population. As the author mentions, in those days it was commonly known by the Assyrians that most of the ones in America lived in such places as Chicago and Turlock, but also in Flint (Michigan), Gary (Indiana), New Britain (Connecticut), Elizabeth (New Jersey), and Yonkers (New York). My late mother always pronounced this latter “Yonkriss,” and so did most first-generation Assyrian immigrants. And except for Turlock, which was a magnet for those pining to live in a moral rural environment bearing loose resemblance to the countryside of the Urmia region, Assyrians were attracted to these other venues not only because they offered employment opportunities, but because by word of mouth they judged them a way to alleviate the loneliness of dislocation. Ameer’s parents settled in Yonkers due to their desire to be near other Assyrians. My mother settled in Turlock for much the same reason. But just one immigrant generation removed, that motivation diminishes greatly, and it is only thanks to the arrival of subsequent immigrant waves that a sense of cultural solidarity has been sustained. The Assyrian diaspora not only scatters to the four corners of the world, but within any of these new lands they soon disperse ad infinitum. One can see vivid proof of this among the earlier emigrants who landed in such disparate places as the U.S., Canada, Brazil, and France. Yonkers today, with its threadbare Assyrian presence, portends the unpleasant example of ethnic vitality succumbing to the daunting magnet of the melting pot. John Ameer’s book – akin to a personal diary – is clearly something more and also something less than the story of a ten-year old boy. The book does not merely address the midsized American town of his youth, but it also muses at some length on the bankrupt state of urban renewal in the ensuing six decades. In greater part, one of the five chapters, titled “Flight” is not about Yonkers in 1946, but it involves the retelling of the horrific massacres of Christians committed by Turks, Kurds and Persians in the time of the Great War and


following. Typical of Assyrians of his era, Ameer’s parents are not very interested in any politicization based on their heritage. In fact, he recalls his father’s derision of those who spoke of Assyrian activism. His parents were devoted above all to their Assyrian church, and while they also participated in the Assyrian social club, they considered this secondary in importance. As Ameer explains of his parents: “Being an Assyrian meant …being an active member of an Assyrian church” (p.135). Even the Assyrian club in the community is a distant second, and of interest only to his father, not his mother. As for the cries we hear today from those considering themselves ardent nationalists, Ameer takes us back to a time when it was quite different: “A [homeland] was neither a cause nor an aspiration for the families from Urmia who came here after World War I. They viewed their part of Iran as a home, not a homeland. They simply resided in Iran —they were not of it” (p.129). He respectfully draws a contrast between those from Urmia and the ones from the Hakkari tribes. The lack of any demand by the Urmijnayi was “…unlike the durayi, who considered their part of Turkish Kurdistan as a homeland.”4 Both of Ameer’s parents were from Urmia, yet Ameer recalls that even in his youth his parents always preferred speaking English to him (p.142). What he learned of his mother tongue was thanks to his great grandmother. For any current Assyrian who considers himself an activist of any kind, the diaspora Assyrians of the 1940’s appear a rather self-satisfied and tranquil group, preoccupied with their religious lives rather than any issue of “nationalism.” It cannot be said that Ameer provides any new insights or clarifications on the issue of modern Assyrian “identity,” or on the issue of the “Assyrian language.” About the latter, for example, he notes: “The Assyrian people speak Syriac, a dialect of the Aramaic language that, in turn, is one of [the] languages within the large group of Semitic tongues… [T]here is not a consensus about the name of our language. Some people prefer the designation ‘Neo-Aramaic,’ others use ‘East Syrian,’ and still others use ‘Neo-Syriac’ The language is often called, by the Assyrians themselves, as “Assyrian.’ This is inaccurate. The language of the ancient Assyrians was Akkadian. ‘Syriac’ is clearly the most accurate name; the Church of the East uses the classical version of Syriac as the liturgical language, while in everyday conversation and in recent literature and journals, Assyrians use the modern or vernacular version” (Preface p.xix).

4 The concept of “Assyrian homeland” has proved to be a moving one. The first inklings of “homeland” appear to have been those uttered by the Assyrian tribes in the Hakkaris, following their forced escape from hostile Kurdish and Turkish fighters. As well recorded in various sources, “we want to return to our homeland” was for a long time a call to return to the Hakkari highlands. Among many others, a work recently reviewed in this publication , Claire W. Yacoub’s Surma the Asssyro-Chaldean (JAAS 21:2, 2007) corroborates this point. Thus, the current idea of imbedding an autonomous enclave in north Iraq is an idea which has evolved from political necessity.


Ameer’s parents were most involved in the Assyrian Presbyterian Church. This also happened to be the church of preference for this reviewer’s mother, although most of her siblings and their families worshipped at either the Church of the East, or the Chaldean Catholic Church. In his Chapter 3, titled “Church”, Ameer offers a description of the Assyrian Presbyterian Church which I confess is new to me: “The Church of the East had divided into two communions – the historical church and a newer Reformed Nestorian Church with connections to Presbyterianism and Congregationalism…. Many Assyrians, including a majority of the Urmia group, left the historical church to join reformed Protestantism” (p.118). But along this line, the author more than once stresses the point that the Assyrians who joined the “Reformed” church (i.e., Presbyterianism) did so without any encouragement from the American Presbyterian missionaries (p.120). Indeed, Ameer draws a strong distinction between the various Western missionaries plying their faith in the traditional homelands. As Ameer explains it, the Presbyterians sought to modernize the customs of the Church of the East, and to preserve that Church, not to supplant it (p.121). When Assyrians first began to switch to Presbyterianism, the American missionaries were actually trying to discourage this. Thus Ameer notes: “Between 1834 and 1850, the missionaries refused to establish a reformed Nestorian congregation or even to recognize that development as a possibility” (p.120). Ameer’s views on the motives of the Catholic missionaries is not so generous, as reflected at several points in his book. The Chapter on “Church” meanders to Ameer’s recollection of the pecking order of preference when it came to marriages in the Assyrian community. Someone who came from an Assyrian Presbyterian family would hopefully marry another person from that church. If not, then the hope was for a spouse from the Assyrian Nestorian Church. Otherwise, it would be an Assyrian from one of the other Syriac churches, such as Syrian Orthodox. But what about marriage to an Assyrian Catholic? Ameer explains that in his youth, for Presbyterians and Nestorians, an Assyrian Catholic “fell outside the accepted hierarchy” (p.125). Why so? “[B]ecause they recalled the history of Catholic contact with the Church of the East as an unrelenting attempt to end the independence of the Church of the East, and [to] fold it into the Roman communion.” In fact, in his doctoral dissertation about the missionary schools established in Iran and Turkey,5 Ameer offers the observation of Justin Perkins (a 19th century missionary) to typify the American Protestant missionary point of view. They referred to their two adversaries, Islam and Roman Catholicism by the twin sobriquets, “The False Prophet” (Muhammad) and “the man of sin” (the Pope). After the first three preferred categories for finding a mate, there were further possibilities in the selection of a spouse. For example, one might marry an Armenian (p.127). This apparently was seen as preferable to marrying a “Chaldean.” After all, most Armenians were not Catholics! And a final pool of

5 Ameer, op.cit., p.7@


possibilities for finding a spouse would be a Middle Easterner who was not Assyrian or Armenian, but who was Protestant. Lest the reader conclude otherwise, Ameer’s observations about the primacy of Presbyterians and Nestorians would certainly find an equally intense inversed order of biases running from Chaldeans towards the other Assyrian groups. For many readers, this imagined pecking order appears incredibly rigid, and quite fanciful. On the other hand, Ameer describes scenes which may not be altogether novel even in 2008, such as the family tension or confrontation which would occur when there was just a date, even a very casual date, with a non-Assyrian. This tendency offends Ameer: “This degree of concern was frustrating, if not infuriating. It is the one aspect of the social life of our community that I most resent” (p.134). Notwithstanding that last statement, Ameer is also upset in other ways. One of his more biting comments still stays with me: Unfortunately, “the experience of having been excluded did not exclude practicing exclusion” (p.131). This is in reference to the prejudice of his people towards Catholics and Jews, and the even greater prejudice towards Latinos and blacks. The author wants to attribute this kind of prejudice not to the Assyrians, but to the system they found when they came to the West. According to Ameer, “Assyrians are not prejudiced by tradition,” and they just learned that naughty habit once they settled in the host country. In other words, there was a prevailing prejudice when the Assyrians arrived, and it was simply “accepted” (pp.197-8). The system which prevailed, according to Ameer, placed the Anglo-Saxons at the apex of privilege, followed by other Western Europeans, then Southern and Eastern Europeans, then Middle Easterners and finally, “in a conflated group, African, Asian, and Latino-Americans.” This reviewer does not question the social stratification which faced immigrants then (and even awaits them now), but Ameer’s rationalization is too facile. The prejudice of the less privileged towards those perceived to be at the bottom of the heap deserves more sober analysis and a harsher judgment. This is a prejudice which is palpable among many ethnic immigrant groups, not only the Assyrians. And many of the prejudices existed in the old country, where one found them second nature, and they were transported to the West along with other baggage. Of course, with the election of Barack Obama as U.S. President last November, we are left to speculate on the progress made in combating the virus of racial prejudice in America. But even then, we have no evidence to tell us about the persistence of prejudices among minority groups, including our own. As much as we welcome this memoir, it is not without flaws, particularly when the author slips into overbroad declarations, and his fondness for pontificating on urban sociology. But no book is perfect. Ameer’s marginalia may well try the patience of some, but in the end this is clearly outweighed by his assiduously traced recollections. This book is replete with interesting observations, from the importance of Assyrian picnics to the crucial role played by American films he viewed regularly at the local cinema. As to the latter, he notes, the films of the 1940’s


were a moral inspiration and a positive influence in his upbringing. This is indeed a statement of nostalgia, and of times past. For who today can suggest that a steady dose of viewing contemporary films might edify us morally?

95

Gordon Taylor, Fever & Thirst: An American Doctor Among the Tribes of Kurdistan 1835-1844. Chicago: Academy Chicago Publishers, 2008, 2nd Edition, 324 pp. Reviewed by Dr. Arianne Ishaya The “White man’s Burden” was the ideological package that accompanied European colonial intrusion in the rest of the world. It was the self righteous belief that Europeans were the most civilized nations on earth; thus it was their responsibility or burden to “uplift” the colonized people. The package included missionaries whose motives were to “teach the unlettered, preach the gospel, and heal the sick” at a time when poverty was rampant in Europe and the European poor themselves were suffering from poor health and illiteracy. The tragedy is that some of the missionaries bought into this delusion and became victims as they victimized the very people they intended to help. Gordon Taylor’s Fever and Thirst is a masterful exposition of “White man’s Burden” as it was executed upon the Christian Nestorians (Assyrians) of the Hakkari Mountains during a politically volatile period in the history of Ottoman Empire in the 19th century. The book is not what it seems to be: a detailed biography of the life-story and character of the American physician, Asahel Grant. Rather in this well-researched, clinically objective study, Gordon Taylor presents a panoramic view of the European and American missionary intervention in the Middle East. The importance of the American Doctor, Asahel Grant in this panorama is that as the author puts it, he “personifies the menace of Europe” (P. 317) even in the remotest recesses of Hakkari Mountains. Taylor writes with authenticity about the region as he has been among those rugged cliffs himself (P. 148; also see the photos). The picture on the cover page and the subtitle “An American Doctor Among the Tribes of Kurdistan” are both misleading. First, the word “Kurdistan” does not appear on the map that is inserted in the book to familiarize the reader with the region. The region is identified as Hakkari in this 19th century map. The costumes in the picture and the word “Kurdistan” on the title might lead the reader to think that the book is about Kurdish Tribes. In fact the American doctor had no intention of working or living among the Kurds. The picture shows him among the Christian Nestorians (Assyrians) among whom he did intend to live and work. Thus at the very outset, we are confronted with an irony or contradiction in the missionary activities. Indeed the book should have been about the Kurds. Why carry the “Good News” to Christians when there were plenty of “unsaved souls” among the Kurds? Granted, on the Persian side of the border, the government had forbidden the missionaries from proselytizing among Muslims. But that was not the case among the Kurds. To begin with, the Sultan had no political or military control over his Kurdish tribal subjects. Furthermore, the most powerful Kurdish tribal


leader, Nurullah, who the doctor had cured of a disease, repeatedly pleaded with Asahel Grant to settle down in his village (P. 29, 236,246). Why not take advantage of such an opportunity to save souls through good works? Taylor does not address this question. But thorough as he is, the answer is in the facts he presents. It appears that the American doctor’s motives were more personal and mundane than to “establish the Kingdom of God and Jesus Christ on earth” (P.11). Dr. Grant persuaded the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions (ABCFM) to transfer him from his post as the associate physician under missionary Perkins in Urmia, in order to work among the Nestorian Assyrians of Hakkari first, because of his health. The Urmia climate caused chronic sickness while the mountain air agreed with him (P. 22). Second, he preferred the village of Asheeta in the Nestorian territory to Julmarek in Nurullah’s domain because Asheeta was closer to Mosul, the missionary supply point (P.229). Third, and actually the foremost reason, he was concerned that if the Americans did not win over the Nestorians, the “papists” (Roman Catholics) would (P. 18, 183). Also aggravating to Dr. Grant was Mr. Ainsworth of the English Episcopal Church. He considered Mr. Ainsworth’s visit to Mar Shimun, the Nestorian Patriarch, as “an encroachment upon his [Grant’s] territory” (P. 126). While condemning the endemic feuds and raids among both Assyrian and Kurdish tribes, the missionaries were guilty of the same. This is one of the major themes in Taylor’s work. To the Anglicans like Austen Layard, the pope was “the “Antichrist,” (P.184); to Rev. G. Percy Badger the representative of the Church of England, the American Protestant’s theology was “heathen” (P.253). Taylor likens the monopoly that the American Episcopal Church had established among the Syrian Orthodox (Jacobite) Christians, to “a conquistador planting his flag on a beach…” (256). This is very much in line with the colonial spirit: staking out territories in other peoples’ homes. Another major theme that Taylor develops skillfully is that politics and religion have been the two sides of the same coin in the Middle East. As much as Grant insisted that he was apolitical, and tried to take a “neutral” position, his very presence said otherwise. The local Kurds, aware of the intrusion of the British, Russians, and the French in the affairs of the Ottoman government, were highly suspicious of the missionaries. The local Christians welcomed them as liberators. Quoting a Kurdish chief addressing a missionary, Taylor writes “You are the fore-runners of those who come to take control of the country.” To this statement Taylor adds, “...and by 1843 no one in the mountains would have disagreed (P.265). Grant’s ambitious project to build a large mission station in the Nestorian village Asheeta, raised the envy and suspicion of Nurrullah and his subjects, who actually saw it as a military stronghold, a “castle.” The upshot of Grant’s Hakkari mission was the massacre and annihilation of Nestorians of Hakkari by the joint forces of Nurrullah and another Kurdish Chief, Bedr Khan, in 1843. And what about Dr. Grant as a person? Although Taylor says of Dr. Grant, “His entire life was an attempt to embody

Book Review: Fever & Thirst: An American Doctor Among the Tribes of Kurdistan 97@

goodness, to broadcast that goodness to the four winds, to create harmony where it had never existed before…” (P.316), the picture is not convincing. To the reader the American missionary appears at best, enigmatic and at worst, a pathetic figure. We find him first in 1835 abandoning his two children (under the age of 6) to foster care, four years after their mother dies, and embarking with a new wife on a journey to Urmia as a missionary physician; forgetting that God prefers obedience to sacrifice. He repeats this act in 1839 when his second wife dies, this time abandoning three babies (one toddler and a set of twin babies) in order to establish the Hakkari Mission. His motives for this move, “to reach the Assyrian highlanders before the Papists do,” are in direct opposition to scriptural admonitions against religious strife. Despite his religious platitudes, he was self-righteously deciding how to serve the Lord instead of staying at home, fathering his children, and caring for the sick in his own country. Taylor’s book is a must read. It is a powerful expose of Christian Missions gone astray.

98

Nicholas Awde, Nineb Lamassu, Nicholas Al-Jeloo, Modern Aramaic (Assyrian/Syriac): Dictionary and Phrasebook. New York: Hippocrene Books Inc., 2007, 300 pp. Reviewed by: Philimon Darmo, Sydney Australia.

Introduction According to Encyclopedia Wikipedia, Nicholas Awde is a British writer, artist and singer-songwriter based in London. He was raised in Nigeria, the Sudan and Kenya before being sent to school in the UK. In addition to his achievements in the fields of music, plays and fiction, he has edited or written more than 40 books on non-European languages and cultures, including dictionaries and phrasebooks (with romanized transliteration) in Chechen, Georgian, Arabic, Farsi, Western Armenian, Eastern Armenian and Turkish languages. In 2004 he expressed the wish to bring out an Assyrian-English/English-Assyrian dictionary and phrasebook by publishing the following message in the 1 March 2004 edition of the Assyrian online magazine ZINDA:

“I am looking for Assyrian-speaking contributors (preferably anyone with journalistic/broadcasting background) to help supply the romanized translations for the English part of a small phrasebook/dictionary. I'd like to include standard Swadaya as well as /uroyo if possible. Full credit given, not much money. I have produced similar books for the rest of the Middle East but feel I have saved the best for last!”

It appears that Mr Awde and the publishers, Hippocrene Books Inc New York, were interested in publishing such a small phrasebook/dictionary following the worldwide publicity generated for the Aramaic language by Mel Gibson’s film “The Passion of the Christ.” Nicholas Al-Jeloo contacted Awde after reading the message in ZINDA. Nineb Lamassu, who is based in London, was contacted by Nicholas Awde about the proposed project. The three of them joined together to produce this useful and easy-to-use dictionary and phrasebook. Lamassu and Al-Jeloo completed the Assyrian section, while Mr Awde attended to the English section as well as the final formatting of the book. Nineb Lamassu is currently studying Assyriology at the University of London’s School of Oriental and African Studies and teaches Modern Assyrian at Cambridge on a part-time basis. Nicholas Al-Jeloo who is based in Sydney Australia, has completed an Arts degree at the University of Sydney and an MA degree in Eastern Christianity at the University of Leiden in Holland. He is currently in the process of completing a PhD degree at the University of Sydney on “Reconstructing the Assyrian History and Heritage of the Urmia Region through Inscriptions.” The two young men are fluent in both dialects of the Assyrian/Syriac language presented in this book and are proficient in Assyrian grammar and syntax and all aspects of the Assyrian nation’s history and culture. They form part of a growing network of dynamic young Assyrians who have

Book Review: Modern Aramaic (Assyrian/Syriac): Dictionary and Phrasebook 99@

taken upon themselves the sacred task of carrying the torch for the revival and survival of the Assyrian cultural identity and heritage in the post twentieth century era.

The Book’s Title The title of the book is somewhat cumbersome and likely to be confusing to the average reader. On the front cover we have the title Modern Aramaic highlighted in big letters. Underneath that we have Assyrian/Syriac in smaller fonts and placed in brackets, followed, in the centre, by the words Dictionary & Phrasebook. Further down the front cover we have Modern Aramaic-English, English-Modern Aramaic. The bottom of the front cover is also adorned with the words Swadaya and /uroyo written in the Eastern and Western scripts of the Assyrian language. However, on the inside cover we simply have Aramaic without the adjective Modern, and in place of Modern Aramaic-English, English-Modern Aramaic we have Swadaya-English, /uroyo-English, English-Swadaya-/uroyo. The word Swadaya literally means the spoken vernacular or colloquial or conversational language of a people. In this book Swadaya is generally used to denote the Modern Assyrian language which was used by Assyrian communities originally residing in the regions that fell to the east of the river Tigris. The Modern Assyrian language, although closely related to the Classical Syriac, has its own fully developed grammar and syntax. On the other hand, /uroyo is used to denote the Modern West Syriac language traditionally used by members of the Syriac Orthodox Church whose traditional homeland formed part of modern day eastern Turkey and north-eastern Syria. In fact, the word /uroyo (which comes from /uro meaning ‘mountain’) is the traditional Swadaya or spoken vernacular of members of the Syriac Orthodox Church. Today, most speakers of /uroyo use the Classical Syriac for their literature and for ecclesiastical purposes, using the Serto script. In my opinion, a more appropriate title for the book would have been: Modern Assyrian/Syriac. The publishers appear to have insisted on giving prominence to the word Aramaic in the title of the book to make it more appealing to the non-Assyrian/Syriac speaking readership, following the worldwide publicity which Mel Gibson’s film ‘The Passion of the Christ’ generated for the Aramaic language. The Book’s Contents The 300 page book is divided into four major parts:

• The first 33 pages include an introduction to the background of Assyrians, a very basic introduction to the grammar of modern Assyrian language, a pronunciation guide and the alphabet in its three script styles which are: Estrangela (the oldest and classical form of the alphabet; the name is derived from the Greek description στρογγυλη, strongylē, which


means 'rounded' which is often used in scholarly publications, in titles and inscriptions), Serto (Western script) and the Eastern script (some linguists refer to the Eastern script as Nestorian).

• The next 46 pages comprise the short dictionary part which is divided into three sections: Swadaya-English, /uroyo-English and English-Swadaya-/uroyo.

• The third part is the phrasebook and covers 34 topics ranging from accommodation to vital verbs. It occupies close to 200 pages which form more than half the size of the book.

• The last four pages show a number of maps which highlight the traditional homelands of the Assyrian people in the Middle East.

• All Assyrian words and phrases are transliterated in roman lettering.

The cumbersomeness of the book’s title does not take away from its usefulness, especially for the new generation of young Assyrians who are growing up in the English speaking West, far away from their traditional homelands, and eager to learn their lishana d’yimma (mother’s tongue). Pronunciation Guide The authors have used an easy-to-follow transliteration system throughout the book. For sounds that are not available in the roman letters of the alphabet, they have used distinctive letters and symbols such as:

• c for the letter Ê

• q for the letter Ö • s (with a dot underneath it) for the letter ú • t (with a dot underneath it) for the letter Â

The Dictionary Part The dictionary part of the book includes only a limited selection of words. The Swadaya-English section contains about 2000 words, whereas the /uroyo -English section has about 2500 words. Close to 2000 words make up the English-Swadaya-/uroyo section. A good feature of the dictionary is that there appears to be a linkage of words used in the Assyrian/Syriac section and the English-Swadaya-/uroyo section. For example:

• Swadaya-English arkhe = mill • /uroyo -English rahyo = mill • English-Swadaya-/uroyo mill = s: arkhe t: rahyo


The /uroyo -English section appears to have a few foreign words in it. Examples that I was able to pick up in the first page of this section include:

/uroyo English • aclam (Arabic) = media • aghlabiye (Arabic) = majority • algham (Arabic) = mines • alkohol (English) = alcohol • aqalliye (Arabic) = minority

These foreign words will not be found in the Swadaya-English section, even though most speakers of Swadaya who were born and brought up in the Arabic speaking regions of their homelands would at times be inclined to use them in their day-to-day conversations. However, it is pleasing to note that, when you look up the Assyrian/Syriac meanings of the English words in the English-Swadaya-/uroyo section, you will find that a more acceptable native meaning is provided in addition to the foreign word. Using the words in the above sample we have (the more acceptable native /uroyo words have been highlighted in boldface):

English Swadaya (s) /uroyo (t) • media = yudaca u-yudoco; an-aclam • majority = sagiyuta yatirutho; aghlabiye • mines = paquce fetqe; algham • alcohol = shakhra shakhro; alcohol • minority = qaliluta hsirutho; qualilutho; aqalliye

Also, it is pleasing to find that, in addition to the foreign words, their equivalent but more preferable native words are listed elsewhere in the body of the /uroyo -English section. For example, using the words in the above sample:

/uroyo English • yodoco = media • yatirutho = majority • fetqe = mines • shakhro = alcohol • hsirutho = minority

This makes the use of the foreign words completely unnecessary and redundant.@ Gender (masculine and feminine) and number (singular and plural) are two of the quite distinctive characteristics of the Assyrian/Syriac language. To indicate the gender and number of every noun and adjective listed in the dictionary and to provide the opposite gender of every noun and adjective listed would significantly add to its size. One would expect that the more keen and interested reader will go to more conventional Assyrian/Syriac dictionaries to determine that kind of information, but it is essential for the authors to maintain


uniformity and consistency throughout the book when it comes to feminine gender and number. For example, the authors have provided the feminine of some of the nouns and adjectives but have not been uniformly consistent in this respect throughout the book. By way of illustration, in the first page of the Swadaya-English section we have:

Swadaya English • akara (m)/akarta (f) = farmer • amirkaya (m)/amirkayta (f) = American • ardikhla (m)/ardiklayta (f) = architect • aremnaya (m)/aremnayta (f) = Armenian • aturaya (m)/aturayta (f) = Assyrian • ayrrishnaya (m)/ayrishnayta (f) = Irish

but no feminine gender form is provided for: • amnaara = artist • asira = prisoner • asya = doctor

However, in the /uroyo -English section, all of the above names have the feminine form with the exception asira. Also, when you look up the above three English words in the English-Swadaya-/uroyo section, you will find the feminine gender form is missing for the Swadaya word but is provided for the /uroyo script:

English Swadaya /uroyo • Artist = amnaara amono/amonto; fannan/fannana • doctor = asya osio/osito; doktor/doktora

With regard to plurals, I could find very few plural forms in the whole of the dictionary part of the book. The few that caught my eyes included:

Swadaya-English: Swadaya English

• aqla (sing) aqle (pl) (foot/feet) • cayna (sing) caynate (pl) (eye/eyes) • galuya (sing) galuye (pl) (refugee/refugees)

/uroyo -English:

/uroyo English • gawsono (sing) gawsone (pl) (refugee/refugees) • mshanyo (sing) mshanye (pl) (displaced) • nosho (sing) noshe (pl) (person/people) • qrabthono (sing) qrabthone (pl) (soldier/troops)

In a book of this kind, where all words are presented in a romanized form, I do not think that listing of names of countries and other foreign words, where


they are spelt and pronounced more or less in the same way in both Assyrian/Syriac and English, would be of any benefit and help to the reader. Here I am referring to words such as:

Swadaya-English: Swadaya English

• HIV HIV • hoki hockey • Ireland Ireland • pager pager • Pakistan Pakistan • penisilin penicillin • shampoo shampoo • sim-kart simcard • Scotland Scotland • Sweden Sweden • skwash squash

/uroyo -English: /uroyo English

• Australya Australia • Azarbayjan Azerbaijan • Iran Iran • Japan Japan • Pakistan Pakistan • Qanada Canada

The Phrasebook The phrasebook occupies close to 200 pages and covers the following 34 topics: etiquette, quick reference, introductions, language, bureaucracy, travel, accommodation, food and drink, directions, shopping, what’s to see, finance, communications, the office, the conference, education, agriculture, animals, countryside, weather, camping, emergency, healthcare, relief fund, war politics, tools, the car, sports, the body, time and dates, numbers, vital verbs, opposites. Some of the topics are similar to those commonly found in guides for tourists and travelers, but all of them are meant to encourage conversation in both dialects of the Assyrian language. In the phrasebook part of the book, as in the dictionary part, the feminine gender form and the plural form cannot be completely ignored. In the Assyrian language, just as in other languages such as Arabic and German, large sections of our community use the plural form not only when referring to and/or addressing more than one individual, but also as a form of expressing politeness and respect when we are addressing singular individuals who are not children, close friends, relatives or members of one’s family.


The authors appear to have covered the gender aspect adequately in this part of the book, but the plural form has not been adequately covered, especially when considering the politeness aspect. At the start of the first topic ETIQUETTE, the plural form is covered, but it is missing from the last two entries of the topic and from the rest of the phrasebook section.

Recommendations for Future Editions Judging from the number of results that one gets when one googles for the

names of one of the three authors, the book has received wide-spread publicity across the globe. One would hope that the publishers and/or the authors would receive a large number of responses from the readers which would prove useful when considering publishing the next edition. I firmly believe that the book has filled a great need, especially for Assyrian/Syriac speaking people, and hope that the following suggestions will enhance the usefulness of future editions:

• Add the Eastern and Serto scripts for the Swadaya and /uroyo words listed in the first two sections of the dictionary part. This will not only be of benefit to the Assyrian speaking users of the book, but also to non-native students of the language.

• Delete foreign words that are also represented by equivalent native words.

• Delete names of countries and other foreign words, where they are spelt and pronounced more or less in the same manner in both Assyrian and English, as they would not be of any benefit and help to the reader.

• Be uniform and consistent providing the feminine and plural forms. In the notes included in the A VERY BASIC GRAMMAR, pages 16 and 17, the authors have provided brief and useful notes on gender and plural forms. However, it is important that the authors are consistent with providing the feminine and the plural forms for all adjectives and nouns listed in the dictionary part.

• Where appropriate, add the plural form to all phrases that are aimed at the second person.

@ 76

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George V. Yana, Ancient and Modern Assyrians: A Scientific Analysis, second edition, (Bloomington, Indiana: Xlibris Corporation, 2008), softcover, 161 pages. http://mysite.verizon.net/res12a49p/@ @

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12@Assyrian transcription of the following sentence as pronounced by an Asian/Indian:@@ “This is the Central Line please mind the gap.”

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Nuro, Tawldotho or Syriac Neologisms Principles- Criteria and Examples, Aleppo, 1997.

@ 72

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@ 70

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ëŠrđy@cĆëô…Ł„@ÝđÇ@čÏëòþa‰@ú…aŠÏ@ìÔßŁč‘…d@Üjfl’Ûëh@ìß…Łşëòčz‘ŁÚ@†mòÇđ†i@òfli@đÓoqŠ@ŞúëˆÏþëa…@dĆãŁčòßcN@İflßÝĆîčß@ò@ëô@Üm…ó@óĆ‘ fl‘@dŽíìčÌß49čîđà’fli@d@

čîđß@dčíčò’fliëşÀ@d@Oa‰óđã@čòäđç…cN@@

č×@dčíëa…@dŽãóŁčÅß@đ‘ŠmĆaA@ì‘@dčà×ŁoÜčß@dŽzči@ìßča@côa…@dčÓþa‰@@@dč’nrÛ…óÜží@ìíŁdčäÓ50@cóčÛđa…@@čÜnÔëh@a‰…flói51@…Iìjčyþ‰@Hdčíbđç_52@

43 @aŠč…~@@ذاآرة ،memory . @44 @ë‹čaþčÛh@~Œčy@þëčÓd~@@راحل ،مسافر ،traveler. 45 @đyčäč’d~@@ حزین@@Lsad. 46 @čäčØ’flyd~@@مكفهر، مظلم ،dark. 47 @č’y‰d@…ãđ†i@òmaóĆj‰óđi@@aëđjßđÜi@ÁfljÜÜîh~@@حباحب، یراعة ، firefly, glowworm@48 @ûfljÜđiõčãd@@@~úìßŁčãčòyd~@@ئ متألل، مضي ،shining. glittering @49 @ÔnàđÇd~@@رة متجذ، متوغلة ، deep rooted, inveterate @50 @cčñ‰Łëú@@@~ ،صورة 51 @ì‘Łčzqd@@~ŠÔflya~@@وقار، جالل، مجد ، glory, dignity 52 @ßdčzjđ’@@~aÔy~@@ وقور جليل، مجيد ، ،glorious. exalted@


òčäîđi@či…@dčàđÇİå@číë@dŽàÜ¡Ü†@ìçŁaĆ y30@òžãđaë@čÛh@ñflìží@@hčÛađÐÛaaŠ31@dčíô‰32đi@ëónßòŁčñc33@

flÈÛ@dčàčíŠfli…@dÐđÜiÝ@O@čÜčÈÜđÇh34@@dčämačÜÈnÓÄd35ìÓ…@Ł†fli@dčàčí@čÏoyò@čznã@dčznã@d@đ‘ fl‘îðó@O@ìßë@dčàfliŁa‰@@@dčŠÏĆ‰č°‹ë‰ë@dčyûÏ…@dõÝđÇ@c@ì¤òßŁč’đy…@cčòàđí…@cčñdN@

@

ìíbđÏ@dčíŁcčñ36ač†äflÇ…@37@čÌnä‘d38@čİčzäflid39óÜží@@ŞČúač†Çë…@dčª@O@ŞúčÛôh40@ìßfl……ŁÚ@ìÔčíþač…@ ‘fljÚìÜÔ@|ÏflŠÏ‰…@čaèß@cñëñ@dŽãì@ìŁŽäčÐÛ†mòÇđ……@d@ìßúþčydN@

ìÔßŁóčÜží@cčò‘fl…@aŠÐč…@cčòÈčÏ@ìyñþñ@ëûčÓþcčòÛ41@@čçì@ë‹ŁŞú…@dčzčíaĆ Ï@aŠÐđ‘…N42@@

30 @ÜnrçčÅŠy@mrčÅ~@@مشوهو الخلق . مفردها مسخ . وخالمس ، monster, transformed.@31 @o–đàčç@~@ربان السفينة ،shipmasterN@32 @đçì’ŁÓd~@ینظر ،to look (at)@33 @ëß…Łčñc@~cčñŁìjnvčÇ~@@@اندهاش ،.astonishment. 34 @ìič…ŠčçŁÛh~@@@زوبعة ،whirlwind.@@.lilies، زنابق@ 3536 @ì‘ŁŠÏaN@ بهاء، جمال ، glory. brilliance.@@.nightingale ، )رطائ( ، عندليب@ 3738 @ìßŁflydčj~ìzčß@þ‹c~@عاشق، lover, adorer.@39 @čÐčİäflid@@~ûäfliõčÛ@hN@یسيل، یقطر ، dribble, flow drop by drop. 40 @čòßô‰ôc@~@@صهيل ،neighing, whinnying.@@.guillotine ، مقصلة@ 4142 @óèčãc@~čòßđ†îđÓ@c~@@@الفجر ،dawn.@

dŽänÓ@dĆçˆđß@67@

ÝØi@čãč†flÇd…@ÝØi@ž†đy@ë…Łč×d@æfl‰ì†đß@ñžìží@òîĆji@Žäčnãd@NNNaŠßflŒi@đ…îaĆ@@

čçì@đòčß…@dĆäčß đ×æ@čòn’ãc@æfl‰ì†đß@ñžìží@dŽjibi22ûy…@õač…@čçì@čÜÔđy@ÅčÛì…@dčÏìŁa‰@æfl‰ì†đß@ñžìží@lIìŠđßþ@Ýmbča čäčí†đyd@Hôòčqč rđyë@@åđnã23@NNNĆjč‘d24NNN@áÛbč’nqđaë25.@NN@ìíčònÛñŁ‘…@cčñë†đyë@cčòíčòŁìië@cčñŁčàčd@@@N@

@

şëòčänÔiŁÚ@aĆ nß…@ñflìží@dčÔčr’fli@ìzfl‘Ł‰…@dč’ß‰…@còčí‡p†Ó@ì‘Łcòčîč§

ÝđÇ@ìßŁač†nÜç…@dčzčİ‘@‹číôd@žμ‹flŠiëþæ@şëòčÐflŁÚ@NNN@ú@cëôčÇ…dčqŠ26óĆäØ‘@@cŽŒ¡27ëŠÌđÏ…@ŁÚ@ìčäßhčÛ28@

òžãđaë@čß…@dčÇ‰đòÛ@dčÐčÜèfliač†čÛì@úëŁëŠčÏ…@cčñ‰þčÓdN@čãđß@dčíŠčzàđÜi@d29@@dčznã…@aĆ‰ë†äđØß@ñflìží@ìçŁìã…@cčñ…Ła‰@ÝđÇ@đÓŠđÓÐčÅì…@Ła‰@č‘ŠÓ…d@₣ûčß…@dčäčßñ@čÇñfl†r@čçì@_dčÔnÐ@dčÈnq‰@cžôa…@@

22 @ŽãëĆô@dIdŽãč†flÇHč…ûfly…@a~@@@مواسم الحصاد ، harvest, harvest seasonN@23 @ëô@åđnãŁĆßdN@24 @ìyþčjč‘dëô@Łž…Œflß‰N@25 @đač’nqčí@áÛbÑflìN@26 @Šđi@Ldčmčò‘fl…c~@@@الصحراء ،desert .@27 @cş₣ŒčÇŒfli@~@ ،مسامات الجسمpores of the skin. 28 @dčÈmŠß@@~hčÜmìã~@@،مریض، سقيمsick, ill .

29 @úŠÏa@~ìÓŁĆß…d~@@@اليوم التالي، غدال ،tomorrowN@


Ð‘nìÜ‚ŁÚ@ì…@dčjÜi@dčäčîÜflçŁčònËc@‰ômìÜÔŁÚ9@ìÓŁđÔi@dč‘č…ì’ßđ…@dčØäŁčòyc@ìßŁìÛ†flàÇŁÚ@Ü½h@a‰óđäi@ë……ŁaŠčß ìiŁìÜfl‰ŁÚ@cŽŒny†đy…@dčÏ‰10nä‘@Žèd11čç@dčîčz@ì@ìãŁa‰@@

ìàčËòÐiŁÚ@@dčznr‘@aŠčİÔfli@ñžìží@ìäçþ@dŽîÜđ…@dčãŠimĆa@ŞŒid12ì…@Łčîč×d13@čÜč’zflih@ñflìží@O@čaëñÃd@čÜnÜ×h@dčàđí…14@dč‚’näßë15@ìÓëŁğičÜh16@ëòđßëĆiŁñflìží@d@”ĆŠi ’tìİÛë‘@nÜyčÅÜđ×@čÅaŠčÔma…@17@@ìq†đßëŁeč†mbi@dÓ@dčÔÛfl…18ëô…@Łčíč…d19@ô…cčñŠčØđi@dčíë20Ć¶@‹bëa…@cčòÛŁčòßcN

aàÇ@dčí@đ‡@dĆ’Ëfl i@dÔnÓ…Ž’čiđ…d@čçì@şëñč†maŁÚ@ôĆŠfl’Ï@cŽónßñ@×aŠčä@O@ìz‘ŁĆäfl‡…@cčòãd21@

9 @Ð‘nÜ‚„ŁìN@تبسك، spilled .@

10 @ìiŁÛìjŁÛLh@@بالبل ، nightingales. 11 @Ć’čÇÕN@متيم،عاشق ،lover. adorer .@12 @‹‰ôaĆ m@~@@أشعة ، rays .@13 @Ćôoq@~@مرتجى، أمل ، hope, expectation .@14 @čänàđíd@~@نوع من األزهار، نیاسمي ، Jasmine. 15 @dč’÷đäči@~@نوع من األزهار ، بنفسج ،violet. @daisy, oxeye، نوع من األزهار ، أقحوان@ 1617 @ìÜč×þŠÔfly…@a~@@عروس المجد ،glory’s brideN@18 @dčËŠ‘@@@@~ ،مصباحlight, torch. 19 @cčñŁìäčí…óß@@@~ ،هدى، ارشادguidance. 20 @îčß†đÓčÅ@@@~@@ي الطليعة ف ، رائدة، pioneer.@21 @òčänÓc@~Ž‹ëô@c@~@@تراتيل، لحانأ ،anthems, hymns N@

@ 65

Ćç đß@dŽänÓd@dĆßŁëô@Ýíbnãč…@âč…ča@~oã†fl@ZÛ‰òþëadčn§@

Ćç đßd@ŽänÓd@ñóčqđa…c@ČčòčÈnq‡c1aĆ rđ…@@flyëŽäčàÜd@ìiŁ”@aĆ nÐđ‘@ìiŁ”@Žäčànd@@Odčznyđ…2òčã…@‰@O@ÜÓđah@đÜđß…×hdN@

ìzčß@dčíþa‰@‰‹…móÜÈ@điôŽjd3Ć‡ë@č°Ćä@d@ÝđÇ@ìÐ‘þÛh@Žäčîđ@dĆÈnÓ‡…d@

aŠčÓŒfli@ñflìží@ÝđÇ@čãčÛìh4@ìÇ@dč’àfl‘…Łcčòčîşã@aŠİflß…@@ëbiŁìy‰ŁÚ@čÓìíô‹…@cčòäđç@dŁčñc5@

ñflìží@dčîčäèfli@ìİÛŁa‰@ëŒfly…c@ëò’đßŁñflìží@dĆí@ìy…@dčßŠđ×Łì‘ë@dčiŁaŠÏ@aŠrđë@đidčnŠ6@čänÓ…Äd7ûi@ìªŁú…@cčñaŠÏ@

ëŠđßëŁñflìží@dĆí@dčİàđÇ8aŠİflÈi@dčîÜÛ…@@a‰óđi…@

§@č…@ìy…@dčä‘Ł@aŠčÔmaë@dči@čÓ@ìzčß@dþa‰@@čÜčÜđßë@cóàđ’ßh@a‰č……@žåmŠflÇ…@oi‰@Šqđaôâ@@Ü‘îìàþæ@ĆänİđÓdN@

1 @ĆiŽãëŒfly@òîd@@~@ë…ŁŽäč×dđ…@čòÛđbčİßc@~@@مرابع، play grounds.@@2 @ŠÐđÇđ…@ačÔnÓd~@غبار، dust @3 @aŽ…‰ë@@N@ورود. أزهار، flowers @4 @ì×Łč‘d@~ëŠč×dčþ~@نول الحياآة ، loom @5 @‘ŁìčŠÏa@~@سناء، بهاء ، splendor. beauty @6 @Šİflßđ…@ačòÔnÓc~@@@رذاذ ، drizzle. light rain @7 @Ž‹ëôc@@~@ألحان ، tunes. melodies 8 @čØ’flyd@@~@المظ ، darkness @


@†đ¡@pÇ…@æaë@OdŽäčßìčí@~@‰ŁìãđòÛ@dčãč†ÓŁìí@oÛ@ðñđ†rčÇï@ïŠčça@ÝđÇ…@hčÜrđy@ëča@

@óÜđÇ…@d×æþëžμ@ðòđîđß…@dŽ‘ŁìrÛ@ðòđzİč‘N@

oÛ@†nÔ@AčÜÓđa@ÝđÇ@dčîÜ×@dčãča@†đ×òp@şïčñìčÛúđ…@hčÜčÓ@óĆÈč@hčÛëdč’ß‰@æč†flÈi@N@

oÜrn@AŠflÇ†đßðpñŁëŠrđ‘…@cčñŁë†đy@fčÛ@@@ï‚čäÔÛ@aŠčÇ…@oy‰Łëbi@dčãča@†đ×@

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@ 63

oàflí@dčÓ@cčñŠđça@‰ŁëñĆàčîäfli@òîĆi…@†mëč…@Ýíbnãč…@†đîi@dčàčç1@

dĆíŁìäzđß2@æflìí@@OdčàzđÛ@ëčòÛŁìbĆßc@@oàflí…@ë@OčÅ’đîèđß3Åč‚n×đ‡@ečñč†şmbi@şpñëòčÏ…@N@

@şoîđy…@dŽäčßìčí@ðóîđÜ×@åÜÓŠđÈßđ…@ ĆÈči@‰…ú@ÝđÇ@ač…ŁìÜđí@†đy…@aŠßŁìÈie~@

oÛ@ònß@æa…@ðfi@oÜzč‘…@dčß@åÐ‚čã@òfli4fl…@ßčäşîđÇ…@dŽÈoÜđÇ@fN@

oàflí@Adčßìčí@†đy@pÇ…@æa@~@dčÐİÈđß@oÛ@…ŁìrÇ5@aĆ ßòÛ6ï‚čäşîđÇ…@@

@oß đç@æþëžμ@ïđčØßë@şïčòčjÔflÇ…@cčñŁìîđ†i@óÛ@†nàÇđ…@hčÜflèiN@

‰ŁìaëðïčòčíúŁëûi@şpñč†ma@æþëžμ@@@dčİnÜÏ@ač†flç@†đ¡@ëča@Oï‰…Łì…@hÛŁìÐ‘@

Šđj×7fl’îčÏ…@dč‘…ŁìÔß@å@ï‚čjÛ…@dÔßŁìÈÛ@ İčß…@oÛ@c₣ûß@æaN@

@

1 @@@dčàčç‰Łëñ@O@@@@@a‰þìÀßča…@čÅyŁìÀ’ßI@ŠĆÈÀč‘@H@@@@@@@“Àmëë‰đ…@…ŁìÀßóđß@cóàÀđ’ß@dčîčänİÀđÜčöZ من .الى أمي، للشاعـر الفلسطينى محمود درویش: قصيدة

@ longing with affectionأحن، @ 23 čÅÐđ’Ðđ‘@~ ،لمس@touching 4 @pŠču@~ ،تنهمر@shed @@5 @dčÏŠđ‘@~ ،وشاح@scarf @@6 dÐÛñ@~ ،أهداب@@eye lashes 7 @oØÜđi@~dčßþìÓ~ ،لعل وعسى@possibly @


čnŁëadÓčˆÓŠ‘đ…@cčñčˆnß‹đ…@hčÜč×Łìë@dŽjčiô…@dŽà’flã…@d26flÇë@aŽ†äN27@

@@ŠÀÀđjÛ@OdÀÀŽãč…ŁìçâbÀÀčÓ…@@~îĆi@ÝÀÀđÇÀÀčàd…@@dÀÀŽíþëñča@cñč†ÀÀÛëčñ@~@cĆŒÀÀy@oÀÀÛ@@@@dčãòđy@ƒíđa@aŠÏŁì’Ûë@@dč’÷đäÛIdčyþë‰@Hđa@@ë@čÅÜđ×@ƒí@@@@@@@@dÀčîÜÛ@ƒÀíđa@fÀčÜ×@cčñŁìÀîđy

cčñŁìãčòÜîđy…N28

26 @aĆ îđ…@dč‘…ča@†đy@~aĆ‡ìyë@dÓþìë@dŽänÓ@ôĆ đÏ@@~ ،شقراقthrush. 27 @hÛŁìjÛŁìi@@@~ ،بالبلnightingale. 28@@@@@cčñŁìäčàÜ’đß@ñŁìÐÛIcčñŁìäčîÐđß@Hìß…dŽäčàÜfl‘Ł@N@ÀčîÜÛd@flÇ…@@@@čÈrÀđ‘ë@pŠÀd@@ÀčyŠđí…@d@@ač†ÀÀčß‰…@æIdÀÀčßëõúH~@ÀÀčäčîÜflçdčîčß†ÀÀđÓ@dÀÀÛú@óÀÀÛ@hìÀÀÛ@†ÀÀđàčzđß@ñ@N@fÀÀčÜí@cčñÀÀßaë@@ŽäčÜÈđß…@@dčíč…ŠđÏ…d@@@@o’îčÏ@d×¤òÏd@ôčbi@c@Û@čîÜd@@@čñŁìÀÈči@Ý×ë@c@O@đa@óÀčÛ@ëča@c@O@@amĆ†đçŒ†đàđzđß@ô~@@dčîİčß@†flič‘Ć‰@†đydñìÛ@cóčÛđa@N @

†mòÇđ…@ÝđÇ@cčñŠčîy@ač†y@61@@@@cĆŒy@@@aĆ rđ@oÛ@dŽîđä‘@şïènÜÏ14@@ač…ûy@Ûþë‰ŒdŽ’flãë@čÅÇ@@dÀčäčÈ@đÇÜ@ÀčÜÀÄd15@ë@aŠčß‹čÅčîËŁì16@cčñŁëŒmë‰ë@cčñŁë†đ¡@dİÏŁìªN17@

@@cĆŒyoÛcčbnä@fč‘ŁìrÛ@ôòÐÜyŁìß@dčrÔfläÛ@18dŽäđ‘Łì‘…@hčÜnÜØđi@@@óĆàđÇë@†đyaŠčàč×@cõú‰þëòß@@OdÏˆđ@đ‡ÇĆ†a…@adŽäčÜmN@@ĆŒy@@@čÅ‚n‰@cčñŁìíëčü@oÛ@c19@@Àčäîđi@@@ò@@@cčòÀčíˆflië@dÀč’ččãŠđi@~@dÀÏđ‡ë@@Àîđ…@@aĆˆˆđÏë@čqŠÔfli@čÅčîãþìyd@a@cčñŁìäîđ’i@óÛ@@hÜíđa…@dÔÏë@dč‚čÏô@òmbčÜnñ20@lþëú@dčÏđñ21dşÀčnß…@@N@@@@@@@@hčÛë@cčñŁìÔnä@oÛ@cĆŒy@hčÛë@oÛ@y@cčñŁìÈnÐ‘22@@@Šmòđí@OdčäčÔãŁì@~

@@cčñŁìíìđ‘ë@cčñŁìyđa@hčÛa@N@@@@@dčîÀča@†đy@oÛ@cĆŒy@hčÛ@~@ðfÀi@@†ÀđzÜ×…@@@dčîÀča@cëžóÀm@@@ôòčí…@@@flãë@óĆÇ†đß@ñŁëŠmòđí…@čÅÜflÈióĆäčîN@@@@@dčãóč×@†đy@oÛ@cĆŒy@hčÜÏčaë@~@@ÝÀİflßañ…‰@@@@@dči‰@dčãóč×@cëžô@ñìm@čÅîč’čãa@cčñ@N@@@@@cĆŒÀy@hÀčÛë@@@@@aŠËbĆäÀ@†Àđy@oÀÛ@~@@ÝÀİflß

@@@@@@dÀčäm…@òîĆi@ÑčÜy@ðóíđòčäîđi@óÜànÓ@dčäčî×@@hÛŁìÌÀđß23@@@@cčñŁìÀ»‰…@dÀŽàčîÓ@ìíëčaëcčñŁN@@@ĆŒÀy@cŠđi…@oÀÀÛ@Àni@dÀÀč’čãčÇč†cëô@d@óÀÀÜm…@dÀÀčÏb×@…@čÅÀmë‹…@ÀÀfličÅčíˆ@~ô@dÀÀč…

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13 @dĆÇ Ï@~dŽãìÈđÏ@@@~ ،اغصانbranches. .middle ageآهول، @ 1415 @hÛŁëúóđß@@~@المحاصيل، , االغمارyield. @@.songs~@@@ترانيم@ 16 .joyمسرة، @ 17 . unseemly مشوهة، @ 1819 @cčñŁìíŁìÔi@čÅnÜ×@@~ ،مستحكمة، راسخة firm. 20 @ñča‰Łì @@@~ ،واثقةwith trust. 21 @čÅnÔč‘@@@~ ،غدیرpool. 22 @cčñŁìíŠÏ@@~dčîãŁë…ëõ‹@@@~ ،آثرة، وفرة above what suffices. .recording، یسجل@ 23 .smallnessئر، صغا@ 24 .little things ،دنایا@ 25

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3 @òmač…ìB@ač†ãfl‹@BëčaB@ač†äm‹B@@~ ،شرارةspark.


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خزعل الماجدي : انجيل بابل

زینة عازار وميشال أبي فاضل: ترجمة: مارغریت روثن: تاریخ بابل

راق احثين ـ ): 1ج (حضارة الع ن الب ة م أليف نخب داد ت االت (1975 بغ اد واألحتف د . د: األعي فاضل عب

)الواحد علي

برهان الدین دلو : حضارة مصر والعراق

.نهاد خياطة: ترجمة: هوك. هـ. س: دیانة بابل وآشور

خالد اسعد عيسى و احمد غسان سبانو: ترجمة: هاري ساغز: عظمة آشور

مد غسان سبانوخالد اسعد عيسى و اح: ترجمة : هاري ساغز : عظمة بابل


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torch , flambeau@المصابيح والمشاعل،@@119 idol, image, lordصنم، بعل، , مالك، سيد@@120 words of divine inspiration آلمات الوحي اإللهي، 121 guide, lead یقودون، یرشدون، 122 bed, bed-room منام، محل الرقاد، 123 to lie with a womanضاجع، وطئ، 124125 LcČčñŁìÈ‘،شمعة candle, wax candle

126@@dčÈnº@dč’ä×~، الجمهور المحتشد @crowd , gathering


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@@ĆîÀčÏë@aĆ†Óþìß|118@@@@@@@@Ć‰ë@dčànÀđi@aŠÀİflÇ@ðóÀîđäflß@cëô@@Àč°@@čbÀnãô@dc@~@@dÀŽ’čàđ‘ë‰čò’flÇ…@pëô@ëëô@dčzčÐã@ìčç@‹ßŠŁëđ‡@ðóíčàÈflãÄčîÜđy@dÄşnÓë@dčäÄčÏŁëûđã@dÄdN@ßÀÀč’@ÀÀč‘@dÀÀŽzčíŁëŒi@dŽäčÏñìŠ@@@dÀÀŽäčßìčí@cČčòÀÀčÛñ…@dčyòÀÀ½@dÀÀčßđñ@ëëô@pI@dÀÀčßìčí

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@cčò’ni…IîđyčÜÀìÃdđ…@’cČčòčàčíñ‘HN@

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flowring@@مزهرة ، طالعة النبت،@@116 incense@:عطر ، بخور، رائحة زآية 117 to emanate@:تفوح ، تنتشر أو تسطع الرائحة @118


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@gathered, assembledتجمع، @@110 obligatory@واجب، إلزامي،@@111@فاضل عبد الواحد علي . د ،217حضارة العراق ـ الجزء األول ص @@112@ multi storey palaceالقصر ذو الطوابق، @@113@shipsسفن، مراآب، @@114115@@@čÜm@hčÛ@@@@čÇ@dÀčß@cčòÈm†í@f@ÀĆj@@@ìÀ‘ča@cëô@†þ@@@@@@þëòÀn×đa@òÀîĆi@ìÀčç@‰@~@@@₣ûÀčß@hÀčÛa@@@|ĆÇ†Àčí…@@ÖŁìr‘…O@@@Š×…þìÀÀß…@aŠyŁìÀÀÐÛ@ôñŁìäÀÀč‘Ć‰@óÀÀÛ~@óÀÀĆ‘čñŁì×@smzäÀÀđ@cëô@aĆŠÀÀđ‘@@@@@@@dŽäÀfl‘@ñìîđy@ÝđjÓŁìÛ’@cČčòÀčàčíñ‘@I د اسعد عيسى ة، خال أليف هاري ساغز، ترجم عظمة آشور، ت )305و ص وأحمد غسان سبان

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solidityالحالة الصلبة، 10 liquidityالحالة السائلة، السيولة، 11 gaseousالحالة الغازیة، 12 discous, disc-likeقرصي، على هيئة قرص، 1314@hčÛþìÜç@aŠđa~ ،اطار مستدیرround frame؛@ primordial watersالمياه البدئية، @@15 cave, cavern, cavity@المغارات والحفر والكهوف،@@16

@ 25

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ččäčîäflß…dčÅÜèß@côča…@dčíŠčya@Z19 “Can the Assyrians in Diaspora keep the legacy described below?@Thirty years ago, the distinguished scholar Rudolf Macuch, in his book “Geshishte der spat- and neusyrichen Literatur, Berlin (1976), VI (History of late Classical Syriac and Modern Assyrian Literature), described his assessment of the literary Achievement of the Assyrian people as:

“Even with their tragic history, their internal divisions, And their lamented dispersal to the four corners of The world, it would be difficult to find another small Nation with literary productivity to compare to the Assyrians””@

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čÅíŠÐfl@cčñŁìämóđ×@fčÛ@čîßč…@čÅädĆíč‡þëñča…@ðþμ@BN@

19 Journal of Assyrian Academic Studies Vol. 22 No. 2, 2008 – The Maintenance of

Modern Syriac in Iran, After the Flight from Urmi, 1918 to 2007 (page 31)


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14 @Grammar of The Dialects of Vernacular Syriac, page 74 @Maclean, Arthur,


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13 @closed syllable

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@@@@@…@aĆ mô‹@ëô…@hÛë@hčÛa@O@@@@Åčz’đy…@dč‘…ča@côča…@čÅzđÜÐđß@âž†čÓ@~@|đz’đß@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@ÅmòÀđy@dÀčíëóđÛ@hÀÜiþìÔß@dÀčäí@dÀĆ’nÏ…@dÀŽîčnÌnÛþìßþìa@dŽaòđ‘@áđÇ@æþëžμ

@@hčÛ…@@@†đ§@|đİàč‘@O@dŽaòđ‘@dĆãđa@N@@@@@@@@dĆîčÏþëúˆÀđÏ@oäčîÇfl ÀÛ@åflióÀčí…@ ĆÈči@dčbđÛ

10@@@@@@@@@@@@@čÅžäÀĆ’i@oÀß‰Łëa…@čÅžäm†Ààđi@čÅmŠÏ@fčÜ’nÏ@čÅîčß†đÓ@čÅyČČúđa1905@Në@@@@čÅnÀäčí‰ñ@čÅÀyČČúđa@@čÅžäÀÀÀĆ’i1911@@čÅžäÀÀÀĆ’ië1982@@†ÀÀÀđîi@čÅîÀÀÀčãčñ‰Łëú@čÅÀÀÀyúđacčñŁë…ŠÀÀÀđßë@dčäÀÀÀč’Û…@čÅÀÀÀ‘‰†đß@@@þìèčØn‘…@čÅžäm†àđi@dĆíč‡þëñča…æbčîÛìčÏ@ñŠfliþë‰@dčîča…@cčñŁìãŠiđ†àđiN

11@@@@Arthur J. Maclean’s, Grammar of The Dialects Of Vernacular Syriac, University @@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@ Press, Cambridge, 1895 page 16.

12 @@Vocabulary @


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dčîčçŁëô…@aĆ İÓ@ÝđÇ@dĆäčîÇfl‡@dčí‰þëñča@dčäč’Û…@cčñŁìã‰ìčİß@ÝđÇ@dĆ‘č‡Łë…ë@11@@Rev D. T. Stoddard@@dčîč×Ćßča@@@cčòžäĆ‘1855@@Theodor Noldeke@@dčîčäč½ča@@cčòžäĆ‘1868@@Albert Socin@@@dčíŠnr@@cčòžäĆ‘1882@@Rubens Duval@@@čîčãŠöd@Ć‘@cčòžä1883@@Arthur J Maclean@@dčîčÜèãa@@@cčòžäĆ‘1895@

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• čßŁë…þëa@dčßŁëañ@ðŠ@Z’dčíč…ì@dčäč’Û…@oÔnİč¾Šç~@oß‰Łëa@1911‘@• ìíþdĆ‘Łìß@åčäđyZ@@’dčíč…ì@dčîčí‰Łì@dčäč’Û…@čÅčÔnşčÏ~@oß‰Łëa@1912‘@• flã@@@fli@”fl‰Łì×ë@þìãþìàn@…þëŠàĆàčîä@~’@@@dčäÀč’Û…@hÀčÜÜàđßú‰Łëñ@@dÀčí‰þëñča@@

dčíč…ì‘@~@čÅîčß†đÓ@čÅyČČČČúđañô@æ‰1969N@• @@þìãþìànÀ@…þëŠàflã@~’@ÀÜflßčÅ@@@@@@eŁìÇˆÀÏë@dčíč…ìÀ@dÀčí‰þëñča@dčäÀč’Û…@‘ñ@æ‰ô@

1974N@@@@@aĆ‰Łì‘@cčñ†đy@dčäč’Üi@čÅqčò×@@@@@@@@@@ŠÀđÈđ‘ñđ…@a‰č……@dÀčäčí‰ñ@dèÀÜÐi@dčíŠÏ@fčÛ

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American Bible Society@@@čÅžäĆ’i1856N@cžóèífiaĆ‰Łì‘@@@đÐÀ@dčİčÜÏ@æþëžμŠŽäq‹d@dĆ’mˆÏ@~Üi@ðóîđÜ×ÈõŒdčîčnß‰Łëa@cN@ëëóm@cŽóàđ’ß@”Łìi@oãčaZ9@

• ’‹‰óđi…@aŠm‰ôa‘@~1850@~čmŠÏd@l@American Presbyterian Mission@• ’a‰Š‘…@hčÜčÓ‘~@1896@~čmŠÏd@†đîi@Roman Catholic Mission • ’čÅîÀÀč×þë…þëñ‰þëa@oÀÀß‰Łëa‘~ŠÏ@@†ÀÀđîi@čÅÀÀmRussian Mission@dčí‰ŁìÀÀ’i@

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@Reunification of a Millat 1906-1944” @@@ìÀčç@dÀčmŠÏ@óÜÀ’nÏ…@@@@čÅÀÜđÌß@International @Journal of Middle East Studies – 1977


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Journal of Assyrian Academic Studies Vol. 23, no. 1, 2009 ...jaas.org/edocs/v23n1/Full Issue 23-1...

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Transcript of Journal of Assyrian Academic Studies Vol. 23, no. 1, 2009 ...jaas.org/edocs/v23n1/Full Issue 23-1...