John F. Kennedy - Israel and the Bomb (Nuke)

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    Kennedy, the Lobby and the BombLAURENT GUYENOTJUNE 8, 20134

    Exactly fifty years ago a crucial episode took place in the history of

    U.S. democracy; an epic struggle whose outcome would influencethe future of the entire world. Guynot Laurent revisits those eventsand recalls what was at stake at that critical historical juncture.

    by Laurent Guynot

    Voltaire Network

    Kennedy and the AIPAC

    In May 1963, the U.S. Senate Committee on Foreign Relations opened an investigation into the

    covert activities of foreign agents on U.S. soil, focusing in particular on the American ZionistCouncil and the Jewish Agency for Israel. [1]The investigation was prompted by a report from the

    Chairman of that standing Committee, Senator J. William Fulbright, written in March 1961 (declassified in

    2010), stating:"In recent years there has been an increasing number of incidents involvingattempts by foreign governments, or their agents, to influence the conduct of American foreign

    policy by techniques outside normal diplomatic channels." By covert activities, including "within

    the United States and elsewhere,"Fulbright was referring to the 1953 "Lavon Affair" [2], where a group

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    of Egyptian Jews was recruited by Israel to carry out bomb attacks against British targets, which were to

    be blamed on the Muslim Brotherhood so as to discredit Nasser in the eyes of the British and Americans.

    The Senate investigation brought to light a money laundering racket through which the Jewish Agency

    (indivisible from the State of Israel and a precursor to the Israeli Government) was channeling tens of

    millions of dollars to the American Zionist Council, the main Israeli lobby in the United States. Following

    this investigation, the Department of Justice, under the authority of Attorney General Robert Kennedy,

    ordered the American Zionist Council to register as "agents of a foreign government," subject to the

    requirements of the Foreign Agents Registration Act of 1938, involving the close monitoring of its

    activities.

    This attempt to counter Israels growing interference in U.S. politics undoubtedly enjoyed the support of

    the President. At the time when he was still a young journalist covering the United Nations inaugural

    conference, John Kennedy was troubled by Israels ability to buy politicians, up to and including the

    President himself. By recognizing the State of Israel on May 15, 1948, (just ten minutes after its official

    proclamation) despite the unanimous disapproval of his government,President Harry Truman notonly gained a place in biblical history ("Trumans historic act of recognition will remain forever

    inscribed in golden letters in the 4000-year history of the Jewish people, declared the Israeliambassador), he also pocketed two million dollars to revitalize his re-election campaign. " Thats

    why our recognition of Israel was rushed through so fast, Kennedy told his friend novelist and

    essayist Gore Vidal [3].

    In 1960, John Kennedy himself received a financial aid offer from the Israeli lobby for his

    presidential campaign. He decoded Abraham Feinbergs proposal for his journalist friend Charles

    Bartlett in the following terms: "We know your campaign is in trouble. Were willing to pay your

    bills if youll let us have control of your Middle East policy." Bartlett recalls Kennedys promise

    that "if he ever did get to be President, he was going to do something about it [4]." Between 1962

    and 1963, he submitted seven campaign finance reform bills but all were defeated by the

    influential groups they sought to restrain.

    All government efforts to stymie the corruption of American democracy by Israeli agents were

    stopped short by Kennedys assassination and his brothers replacement at the Department of

    Justice by Nicholas Katzenbach.The American Zionist Council evaded foreign agent status bydissolving and renaming itself American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC). Ten years later (April

    15, 1973), Fulbright commented on CBS: "Israel controls the U.S. Senate.[...]The great majority of theSenate of the U.S. somewhere around 80 percent are completely in support of Israel; anything Israel

    wants Israel gets." AIPAC continued the same practices, dodging any sanction even when its members

    were caught red-handed in acts of espionage and high treason. In 2005, two AIPAC officials, Steven

    Rosen and Keith Weissman, were acquitted after having received from a member of the Pentagon Office

    of Special Plans, Larry Franklin, documents classified as Secret-Defense which they transmitted to a

    senior Israeli official.

    In 2007, John Mearsheimer and Stephen Walt demonstrated in their bookThe Israel Lobby and U.S.Foreign Policythat AIPAC and less prominent pro-Israel lobbies were the main cause of the war in Iraqand, more broadly, the determining factor in the foreign policy of the U.S. in the Middle East. Considering

    that nothing has changed, there is no reason to believe that the government of Benjamin Netanyahu will

    not also obtain from the United States the destruction of Iran that it consistently clamors for.

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    On October 3, 2001,

    Prime Minister Ariel Sharon was reported by Kol Yisrael radio to have said to his Foreign Minister Shimon

    Peres that "We, the Jewish people control America, and the Americans know it." His successor Benjamin

    Netanyahu gave a demonstration of that on May 24, 2011, before the U.S. Congress, when members of

    both houses stood up to cheer him 29 times, in particular after each of the following remarks: "In Judea

    and Samaria, the Jewish people are not foreign occupiers"; "No distortion of history could deny the 4000-

    year-old bond between the Jewish people and the Jewish land"; "Israel will not return to the indefensible

    boundaries of 1967; "Jerusalem must never again be divided. Jerusalem must remain the united capital

    of Israel.

    Kennedy, the bomb and Dimona

    Had Kennedy lived, Israels influence would most certainly have been curbed on yet another front,

    that of nuclear weapons.By the early 1950s, David Ben Gurion, who combined the functions of primeminister and defense minister, had engaged his country in the secret manufacturing of nuclear weapons,

    diverting the Atoms for Peace cooperation program, naively launched by Eisenhower, from its intended

    goals. Briefed by the CIA about the real purpose of the Dimona facility as soon as he moved into the

    White House, Kennedy put heavy pressure on the Israelis not to pursue it. He demanded that Ben Gurion

    open up Dimona for regular inspections, at first in person in New York in 1961, then through formal and

    increasingly insistent letters. In the last one, dated June 15, 1963, Kennedy urged that a first visit should

    take place immediately, followed by regular visits every six months, otherwise "This Governments

    commitment to and support of Israel could be seriously jeopardized[5]." The reaction to this message

    was astonishing: Ben Gurion resigned on June 16, thus avoiding receipt of the letter. As soon as the new

    Prime Minister Levi Eshkol took office, Kennedy sent him a similar letter, dated July 5, 1963.

    Kennedys intention was not to deprive Israel of a power which was reserved to the United States and its

    NATO allies. The Presidents approach was part of a much more ambitious project, which he had

    announced on September 25, 1961, nine months after taking office, before the General Assembly of the

    United Nations:"Today, every inhabitant of this planet must contemplate the day when this planetmay no longer be inhabitable. Every man, woman and child lives under a nuclear sword of

    Damocles, hanging by the slenderest of threads, capable of being cut at any moment by accident

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    or miscalculation or by madness. The weapons of war must be abolished before they abolish

    us.[...]It is therefore our intention to challenge the Soviet Union, not to an arms race, but to apeace race to advance together step by step, stage by stage, until general and complete

    disarmament has been achieved[6]."The message was well received by Nikita Khrushchev, whoresponded favorably in a 26-page confidential letter dated September 29, 1961, delivered through secret

    channels. After the October 1962 Cuban missile crisis, the nuclear war that was narrowly avoided thanks

    to their composure brought the two heads of State even closer to the awareness of their shared

    responsibility to liberate humanity from the nuclear threat. Khrushchev sent Kennedy a second private

    letter in which he expressed the hope that at the end of Kennedys eight years of presidency, "we could

    create good conditions for peaceful coexistence on earth and this would be highly appreciated by the

    peoples of our country as well as by all other peoples [7]." Despite other crises, Kennedy and Khrushchev

    continued this secret correspondence, now declassified, comprising a total of 21 letters in which the

    intention to abolish nuclear weapons was a prominent concern.

    In 1963, negotiations led to the first limited test ban treaty prohibiting nuclear weapon tests in the

    atmosphere, outer space and underwater, which was signed on August 5, 1963, by the Soviet Union, the

    United States and the United Kingdom. Six weeks later, on September 20, 1963, Kennedy manifested his

    pride and hope before the United Nations:"Two years ago I told this body that the United States hadproposed and was willing to sign a limited test ban treaty. Today that treaty has been signed. It

    will not put an end to war. It will not remove basic conflicts. It will not secure freedom for all. But it

    can be a lever, and Archimedes, in explaining the principles of the lever, was said to have

    declared to his friends: Give me a place where I can stand and I shall move the world. My fellow

    inhabitants of this planet, let us take our stand here in this Assembly of nations. And let us see if,

    in our own time, we can move the world to a just and lasting peace [8]."In his last letter to Kennedy,handed to U.S. Ambassador Roy Kohler but which was never forwarded to the addressee, Khrushchev

    also took pride in this first historic treaty that "has injected a fresh spirit into the international atmosphere."

    He formulated other proposals, borrowing Kennedys words: "Their implementation would clear the road

    to general and complete disarmament and, consequently, to the delivering of the peoples from the threat

    of war[9].

    For Kennedy, the nuclear weapon was the negation of all historical efforts

    to civilize war by sparing civilians. He said to his friend and assistant Kenneth ODonnell during his

    campaign for the Test Ban Treaty, "I keep thinking of the children, not my kids or yours, but the children

    all over the world. In his televised speech on July 26, 1963, he reiterated: "This treaty is for all of us. It is

    particularly for our children and our grandchildren, and they have no lobby here in Washington [10].

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    In the sixties, nuclear disarmament was a realistic goal. Only four countries had a nuclear weapon. There

    was a historic opportunity to be seized, and Kennedy was determined not to pass it up."I am hauntedby the feeling that by 1970, unless we are successful, there may be ten nuclear powers instead of

    four, and by 1975, fifteen or twenty[11],"he uttered prophetically during his press conference of March21, 1963. While all NATO member states and countries of the communist bloc were following the example

    of the USA and the USSR and taking a first step towards nuclear disarmament, Israel was acting secretly

    on its own, and Kennedy was determined to prevent it.

    Kennedys death a few months later eased the pressure on Israel. Johnson chose to turn a blind eye on

    the activities at Dimona. John McCone, the CIA director appointed by Kennedy, resigned in 1965,

    complaining of Johnsons lack of interest in the subject. Israel acquired its first bomb around 1967, without

    ever admitting it. Nixon was just as unconcerned as Johnson, while his National Security Adviser Henry

    Kissinger privately expressed his satisfaction at the idea of having friendly Israel as a nuclear ally. Nixon,

    who ushered the deep state into the White House so to speak, played a double game: at the same time

    as he publicly supported the 1968 Non-Proliferation Treaty (which was not a U.S. initiative), he sent a

    contradictory top-secret National Security Decision Memorandum (NSDM-6) saying:"There should beno efforts by the United States government to pressure other nations[...]to follow suit.The

    government, in its public posture, should reflect a tone of optimism that other countries will signor ratify, while clearly disassociating from any plan to bring pressure on these countries to sign

    or ratify[12]."

    According to 2011 figures from SIPRI (Stockholm International Peace Research Institute), there are today

    across the world about 20,000 nuclear bombs with an average power 30 times that of Hiroshima, which

    equals 600,000 times Hiroshima. Of these, 1,800 nuclear warheads are on alert, i.e. ready to be launched

    in only a few minutes. With less than 8 million people, Israel is the worlds sixth nuclear power.

    If the President had his way, therewould be a nuclear war each week [13], Kissinger was reported to have said. In the 1950s, Nixon had

    recommended to Eisenhower the use of the atomic bomb in Indochina and Korea.

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    It was not until 1986, with the publication in theSunday Timesof

    photographs taken by Israeli technician Mordechai Vanunu inside Dimona, that the world discovered thatIsrael had secretly developed the atomic bomb. After being kidnapped by the Israeli secret services,

    Vanunu was convicted of the charge of "betraying state secrets." He spent 18 years in prison, including

    11 in complete isolation. Since his release in 2004, he is prohibited from leaving Israel and

    communicating with foreign countries.

    Johnson and the USS Liberty

    Kennedy would not be remembered in Tel Aviv

    as a friend of Israel. In addition to his attacks against the outrageous lobbying activities of Israel and its

    nuclear power ambitions, Kennedy defended the right of return of the 800,000 Palestinian refugees

    expelled from their neighborhoods and villages in 1947-48. On November 20, 1963, his delegation to the

    United Nations called for the implementation of Resolution 194 crafted for this purpose. Kennedy probably

    never got the chance to read Israels hysterical reactions in the newspapers: two days later, he was

    dead.Johnsons rise to power was greeted with relief in Israel: " There is no doubt that, with theaccession of Lyndon Johnson, we shall have more opportunity to approach the President directly

    if we should feel that U.S. policy militates against our vital interests," considered Israeli

    newspaperYedio Ahoronot.Far from reproaching Israel for its ethnic cleansing, Johnson fullyembraced the myth of "a land without people for a people without a land", even going so far as to

    compare in front of a Jewish audience, "Jewish pioneers building a house in the desert" with his own

    ancestors colonizing the New World which, in fact, unintentionally underscored the equivalence

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    between Israels denial of its ethnic cleansing of Palestine, and the denial by the Americans of their own

    genocide history.

    While Kennedy had cut down aid to Israel, Johnson increased it from 40 million to 71 million and

    to 130 million the following year. While the Kennedy administration had authorized the sale of a limited

    number of defensive missile batteries to Israel, under Johnson more than 70% of the aid was earmarked

    for military equipment, including 250 tanks and 48Sykhawkoffensive aircraft. Military aid to Israelreached 92 million in 1966, more than the total of all previous years combined. Conversely, by denying

    them U.S. aid, Johnson forced Egypt and Algeria to turn to the Soviet Union to maintain and upgrade their

    defense systems. In June 1967, Johnson gave Israel a "yellow light" for its so-called "preventive" war

    against Egypt, by a letter dated 3 June, when he assured Israeli Prime Minister Levi Eshkol of his

    determination to "protect the territorial integrity of Israel[...]and provide as effective American support aspossible to preserve the peace and freedom of your nation and the area."

    Kennedys death deeply affected the Arab world, where his portrait graced many homes. "Now, De Gaulle

    is the only Western head of state on whose friendship the Arabs can rely," said Gamal Abdul Nasser.

    While reducing aid to Israel, Kennedy had generously provided grain to Egypt as part of the Food for

    Peace program. For that country, the short-lived presidency of John F. Kennedy will have been anenchanted interlude, a dream shattered all too soon. In 1954, under Eisenhower, Egypt had been the

    target of false flag terrorist acts perpetrated by Israel in order to "break the Wests confidence in the

    existing Egyptian regime[and]to prevent economic and military aim from the West to Egypt[14],"according to the very words of the head of military Intelligence (Aman) Benjamin Givli in a secret, today

    declassified, telegram. The accidental ignition of an explosive device led to the exposure of the

    conspiracy, sparking the scandal which became known as the Lavon Affair" after defense minister

    Pinhas Lavon, a scandal which was quickly stifled by Israel and the United States. Prime Minister Moshe

    Sharett, who advocated a moderate brand of Zionism, respectful of international rules, acknowledged at

    that time (but only in private) the irresistible rise of extremists, among which he included future President

    Shimon Peres, who "wants to frighten the West into supporting Israels aims"and that "raises terrorism to

    the level of a sacred principle [15].

    Kennedys death gave free rein to this Machiavellian terrorism which Israel has developed into an

    art form.Two days before the end of the Six Day War, the Israeli army launched against theUSSLibertythe most famous and disastrous of its false flag attacks. On the sunny day of June 8, 1967, threeunmarked Mirage bombers and three torpedo boats flying an Israeli flag bombed, strafed and torpedoed

    for 75 minutes this NSA (National Security Agency) ship -unarmed, floating in international waters and

    easily recognizable with the obvious intention of leaving no survivors, machine-gunning even the

    lifeboats. They only stopped at the approach of a Soviet ship, after killing 34 crew members, mostly

    engineers, technicians and translators. It is assumed that if they had succeeded in sinking the ship

    without witnesses, the Israelis would have attributed the crime to Egypt, so as to drag the United States

    into war on the side of Israel.

    According to Peter Hounam, author ofOperation Cyanide: Why the Bombing of the USS LibertyNearly Caused World War III(2003), the attack on theLibertywas secretly authorized by the WhiteHouse as part of the project labeled Frontlet 615, "a secret political arrangement in 1966 by which

    Israel and the U.S. had vowed to destroy (Egypts Gamal Abdel Nasser)." The orders issued by the

    White House that day, which delayed the rescue mission by several hours, suggest that Johnson

    not only covered up the Israelispost-facto, but also conspired with them. Oliver Kirby, the NSADirector for Operations at the time, reported to journalist John Crewdson of the Chicago

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    Tribune(October 2, 2007) that the communications transcripts from the Israeli planes interceptedby the NSA and sent to Washington immediately, left no doubt as to the identity of the attackers,

    and about the fact that they were aware it was a U.S. target before the attack: " Im willing to swear

    on a stack of Bibles that we knew they knew [that it was a U.S. ship]." Unmasked, Israel claimed it

    was a case of mistaken identity and offered its apology, which Lyndon Johnson meekly accepted

    on the grounds that "I will not embarrass our ally." When, in January 1968, Johnson received

    Israeli Prime Minister Levi Eshkol to Washington and then invited him to his Texas ranch,

    relations were cozy.

    Israel will have drawn a lesson of impunity whose influence on its future behavior should not be

    underestimated:the price for failure in a false-flag operation against the United States is zero. In fact,failure is impossible, since the Americans will themselves step in to cover up Israels crimes. Better yet,

    Johnson rewarded Israel by lifting any restriction on military equipment: weapons and U.S. aircraft

    immediately flocked to Tel Aviv, soon turning Israel into the top customer of the U.S. military industry.

    Translation

    Gaia Edwards

    End Notes:

    [1]The Senate Foreign Relations Committee Investigates the Israel Lobby.

    [2]Declassified Preliminary Report: Senate Investigates Foreign Agents 1961 1963.

    [3] Quoted by Gore Vidal in his foreword to Israel Shahaks bookJewish History, Jewish Religion,1994.

    [4] Quoted by Seymour M. Hersh in The Samson Option.

    [5] Quoted by Seymour M. Hersh,op.cit.

    [6] Quoted by James Douglass inJFK and the Unspeakable.

    [7] Quoted by James Douglass,op.cit.

    [8] Quoted by James Douglass,op.cit.

    [9] Quoted by James Douglass,op.cit.

    [10] Quoted by James Douglass,op.cit.

    [11] Quoted by James Douglass,op.cit.

    [12] Quoted by Seymour M. Hersh,op.cit.

    [13] Quoted by Anthony Summers inThe Arrogance of Power.

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    [14] Quoted by Livia Rokach,Israels Sacred Terrorism, 1980.

    [15] Quoted by Livia Rokach,op.cit.

    Also see

    The Kennedys vs Israels Lobby

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    About the author: Laurent GuyenotView all posts byLaurent Guyenot

    Laurent Guynot: Engineer (National School of Advanced Technology, 1982) and medievalist (PhD in Medieval Studies at Paris IV-

    Sorbonne, 2009). He has authored numerous books on the subject. He has dedicated the past three years to studying the behind-the-scenes

    history of the United States, where he lived for five years.

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