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    /eZ es a fyiVh oru ijLrh D;k D;k Lokax jpk,xh 

     elyh dfy;k¡ ] >qylk xqy'ku] tnZ f[ktk¡ fn[kyk,xh  ;w  jks i ftl og'kr ls vc Hkh lgek lgek jgrk gS [krjk gS og og'kr esjs eqYd esa  vkx yxk;sxh  teZ  u xSldnksa ls vcrd [kwu dh cncw vkrh gS

    va/h oru ijLrh ge dks ml jLrs ys tk;sxh va /s dq,a esa  >w  B dh uko rst pyh Fkh eku fy;k 

     ys fdu ckgj jkS 'ku nq  fu;ka  rqe ls lp cqyok;sxh  uiQjr esa  tks iys c

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    "…By "Revolution" we mean that the present order of things, whichis based on manifest injustice, must change.. A radical change, therefore,is necessary and it is the duty of those who realise it to reorganise societyon the socialistic basis. Unless this thing is done and the exploitation ofman by man and of nations by nations is brought to an end, sufferingand carnage with which humanity is threatened today, cannot beprevented. …

    Revolution is an inalienable right of mankind. Freedom is animperishable birth right of all. Labour is the real sustainer of society.The sovereignty of the people is the ultimate destiny of the workers.

    For these ideals, and for this faith, we shall welcome any sufferingto which we may be condemned... Long Live Revolution!"

    - Shaheed-e-Azam Bhagat Singh

    “On the 26th of January 1950, we are going to enter into a lifeof contradictions. In politics we will have equality and in social andeconomic life we will have inequality. In politics we will be recognizingthe principle of one man one vote and one vote one value. In our socialand economic life, we shall, by reason of our social and economicstructure, continue to deny the principle of one man one value. Howlong shall we continue to live this life of contradictions?”

    "What are we having this liberty for? We are having this libertyin order to reform our social system, which is full of inequality,discrimination and other things which conict with our fundamental

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    JNU Is No ‘Citadel of Divisiveness’

    – That Label Suits the RSS Better

    Kavita Krishnan

    The irony couldn’t be thicker. The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh organ

    Panchjanya recently devoted a cover story to an assault on the Jawaharlal

    Nehru University, claiming that it is a citadel of divisiveness (darar ka garh)

    where anti-national faculty and students seek to rive and destroy India. At the

    same time, the Sangh is unabashedly spreading sectarian hatred.

    Rashtra Dharma, another publication of the RSS, recently produceda special issue with an article promoting Deendayal Upadhyaya’s views

    against “Hindu-Muslim unity” and arguing for the “political defeat of Mus-

    lims”.1 The special edition had all but the ofcial seal of approval of the Modi

    government: it was released in Lucknow by Union Minister Kalraj Mishra and

    the piece spouting Upadhyaya’s views on Muslims was authored by Union

    Minister of Culture Mahesh Chand Sharma. Moreover, the issue had greet-

    ings from a range of Bharatiya Janata Party and RSS brass, including party

    president Amit Shah, LK Advani, Murli Manohar Joshi and Mohan Bhagwat.In the recent past, the RSS attempted to disown responsibility for the Panch-

     janya’s views arguing Vedic sanction for killing of those who slaughter cows,

    and the Modi government shrugged off responsibility for anti-Muslim hate

    speeches, claiming these were made by fringe elements. But how can the

    RSS, BJP and the Modi government distance themselves from this article,

    coming as it does from the pen of a union minister quoting the BJP’s favourite

    ideologue Upadhyaya?

    The article is titled Muslim Samasya: Deendayal Ji Ki Drishti Mein (The

    Muslim Problem: In Deendayal’s View). The Muslim citizen in India, then, is

    a “problem” for Upadhyaya and for India’s culture minister. The article quotes

    Upadhyaya to say that “a person turns an enemy of the nation after becoming

    a Muslim”. Upadhyaya, it says, believed that while a Muslim may be good

    individually he is “bad in a group”, whereas a Hindu who may be bad individually

    is “good as part of a group”.

    This theory explains what prompted the culture minister to say that “de-spite being a Muslim, APJ Abdul Kalam was a great national and humanist”.

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    Subordination of Muslims

    The Rashtra Dharma article says that Upadhyaya advocated the “political

    defeat of the Muslims”, which will require the political defeat of Pakistan –

    “Political defeat will end his [the Muslim’s] aggressive attitude and he will returnto his original Hindu nature”. In this line lies the clue to why BJP president Amit

    Shah made a speech claiming that “recrackers will be burst in Pakistan if BJP

    loses Bihar”. In the BJP-RSS imagination, Pakistanis are politically wedded

    with the Indian Muslims. In effect, Amit Shah was telling the people of Bihar

    that “all Muslims are Pakistanis at heart and that is why they will rejoice if the

    BJP is defeated. Voting for the BJP will mark a ‘political defeat of Muslims/

    Pakistanis”.

     According to Upadhyaya, those who advocate Hindu-Muslim unity rath-er than the defeat of Muslims are Muslimparast  (appeasers of Muslims). In

    Modi-ruled India, our ministers are telling us that Hindu-Muslim unity is divisive

    because it “appeases” Muslims rather than defeating them.

    We must remember that Upadhyaya was less explicit than RSS ideologue

    MS Golwalkar about the subordination of Muslim citizens in India. In We, Or

    Our Nationhood Defned , Golwalkar wrote: “Muslims living in India should be

    second class citizens living on Hindu sufferance, with no rights of any kind…

    may stay in the country wholly subordinated to the Hindu nation claimingnothing, deserving no privileges, far less any preferential treatment, not even

    citizens’ rights.”

    This is the same Golwalkar whose “unambiguousness” Narendra Modi

    admired in a hagiography authored by him in 2008. In that, the Indian prime

    minister, then still the

    chief minister of Gujarat,

    expressed reverence for

    Golwalkar as a formativepolitical influence.2  Not

    surprisingly, the list of

    “great men” of Indian

    history with admirable

    qualities cited by Modi

    contains not a single

    Muslim or Christian.

    Moreover, it refers to Ambedkar as “the mod-

    ern Manu” a phrase that

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    its advocacy of the subordination of Dalits and women. Ambedkar wished

    India’s Constitution to be the very antithesis of the Manusmriti , while the RSS

    wanted Manusmriti  to be the Constitution of independent India (as evidenced

    by the editorial of Organiser, November 30, 1949).

    The subordination not only of Muslims and other religious minorities, but

    of Dalits, other oppressed and backward castes, and women is then central

    to the RSS vision for India – a vision that is espoused wholly by the BJP. This

    is a vision that is divisive and dangerous for India.

    Oppressed Castes and Reservations

    The Panchjanya  cover story on the Jawaharlal Nehru Univer-

    sity is also revealing about what the RSS hates and fears mostabout academics and intellectuals, and what it envisions them to be.

    One article in the Panchjanya’s JNU feature, authored by Ravindra Singh

    Baseda, is titled Den of a Nexus of Crypto-Christians and Neo-Leftists.3 What

    struck me forcefully about it was its aggrieved observation that socialists and

    communists, after the Soviet collapse, embraced the slogan of “caste struggle”

    rather than “class struggle”. This analysis points to the deep and abiding dis-

    comfort of the RSS with caste-based reservations and the social and political

    assertion of the Dalits and backward castes.

    The collapse of communist regimes in Eastern Europe began in 1989,

    culminating in the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991. This was the period

    in India when the Mandal Commission’s recommendations of job reservations

    for other backward classes were implemented, followed by violent anti-Mandal

    agitations on university campuses across north India.

    The Left organisation All India Students Association, born in 1990, defend-

    ed the Mandal recommendations on many north Indian campuses, and the

    1989-1990 Jawaharlal Nehru University Students’ Union, with the independent

     Amit Sengupta as president, resigned as a result of refusing to uphold the

    mandate of a University General Body that passed an anti-Mandal resolution.

    The anti-Mandal agitation was the catalyst that marked the emergence of the

     Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad as JNU’s foremost right-wing organisation,

    eroding the base of non-Left organisations like the Freethinkers.

    In the 1993-94 the JNUSU (then led by AISA) successfully agitated to

    restore the system of “deprivation points” in JNU’s admission system that had

    been scrapped a decade before. This system smoothed the way for larger

    numbers of students from deprived regions and castes besides women toenter university.

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    deant protests to defend civil liberties. From the walls to the library to the

    classrooms to the hostels and dhabas, everything must offend the senses of

    the RSS and frustrate its sensibilities.

    What JNU Stands For

    JNU – its student movement and many of its most illustrious faculty

    members – has always spoken truth to power. It has been a reliable source

    of support for most people’s movements in the country. It has – as the Panch-

     janya resentfully observes – agitated to prevent the entry of Indira Gandhi at

    the height of the Emergency, with many student activists being jailed during

    Emergency. Its protest against a proposed visit by Lal Krishna Advani caused

    the BJP leader to cancel his visit. And its students have shown black ags toManmohan Singh – and been beaten up by both National Students’ Union Of

    India and ABVP for doing so.

    JNU is home to powerful feminist and queer politics and also to students’

    sustained agitations for the rights of JNU’s own contract workers. And yes,

    in JNU, no slogan or political idea is taboo. There, no one is allowed to shut

    down a public meeting or a lm screening or a book reading because the RSS

    declares it to be anti-national.

    When I went to Lucknow University last year to give a talk on women’s

    liberation in India, the ABVP physically disrupted the talk on the grounds that

    the topic was an affront to Indian culture. The ABVP in Delhi University pre-

    vented a lm on Muzaffarnagar riots from being screened – it was screened in

    JNU. The JNU student movement and intellectual atmosphere of scholarship

    prevents ABVP from being able to do the same in JNU.

    The great thing is that none of this has remained unique to JNU. As the

    substantial increase in support for AISA in Delhi University Students’ Union polls

    shows, the students of Delhi University too espouse and welcome progressive

    politics and resent being held captive to NSUI and ABVP.

    Indeed, Jamia Millia Islamia and Ambedkar University in Delhi as well as

    campuses all over the country – from Jadavpur to Puducherry, Indian Institute of

    Technology-Madras to the Film and

    Television Institute of India – have

    been witness to remarkable student

    movements inspired by the very

    same values that the RSS resents

    and JNU cherishes. These valuesare not held unique to JNU – rather

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    I         S         N         

    O        T          T         H         

    I         S        

    O      u    r    

     N      a    t     i      o    n    

    a    

    l      i      s    m    

     

    “Our coming generations will ask

    us for an answer, they will ask us,

    where were you when new social

    forces were being unleashed, where

    were you when people who live and

    die every moment, every day strived

    for their rights, where were you when

    there was an assertion

    of the marginal voicesof the society. They will

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     fo'ofo|ky; cuke ljdkj 

     ljdkj cuke ns'k la  nhi fla  g

    vkf[kj og dkS u lh pht gS tks lÙkk ds loksZ  Pp f'k[kjks a dks ,d fo'ofo|ky; ds f[kykiQ ,drjiQk ;q  ¼ tSlh fLFkfr esa mrkj nsrh gS\ ;fn tokgjyky us g: fo'ofo|ky; dk uke nhun;ky mikè;k; fo'ofo|ky; ;k ';kekçlkn eq[kthZ  fo'ofo|ky; ;k xq# xksyoydj fo'ofo|ky; gks rk D;k rc Hkh Hkktik dk ;gh #[k jgrk\ yEcs le; ls

     dsaæ ljdkjks a dh vk¡  [k dh fdjfdjh cu ldus dh dw  or j[kus okys bl fo'ofo|ky; ij gks jgs geys dk fufgrkFkZ D;k gS\ igyh ckj iwjh lÙkk ij dkfct Hkktik vkS j iwjk^la  ?k&fxjksg* bl Nks Vs ls fo'ofo|ky; ds ihNs D;ksa iM+ x;k gS\ ^ts ,u;w &Vkbi* ;k rFkkdfFkr ^jk"Vª&æksfg;ksa * ds f[kykiQ bruk cM+ k vfHk;ku pykus ds ihNs vkj,l,l dk earO; D;k gS\

     igyh ckr] ts,u;w ij gks jgs geys dks vyx&Fkyx dkV dj ugha ns[kk tkuk pkfg,- ;g ns'k Hkj es a vyx&vyx leqnk;ks a ij c

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     ikus ds vfèkdkj ls vkxs ys tkdj thus ds vfèkdkj ls tks M+ jgk gS tgk¡  iQSfDVª;ksa  ds ;qok etnwj ts yksa esa ugha lM+ k;s tk;sa  xs] tgk¡ Je&dkuwuksa dks iwathifr;ksa  dh 'kg ij [kks [kyk ugha fd;k tk;s xk- bl Hkkjr esa ;qok gljrksa  dks vijkèk ;k ^yo&ftgkn* ugha

     le>k tk;sxk vkSj Fkkfy;ksa esa  ijksls x, Hkks tuksa dk èkeZ vkSj tkfr ugha iwNh tk;sxh- blHkkjr esa ckck lkgs c Hkhejko vEcs Mdj dk lafoèkku detksj ls detks j O;fDr vkS j gj ,d dh çxfr vkSj lEeku dh xkja  Vh djsxk-

     nw  ljk lÙkk dk viuk Hkkjr gS ftldh dks bZ  Hkh vkyks puk ̂ ns 'kHkfDr* ds rjktw  es a  rkS yh tkuh gS- bl Hkkjr dk ̂ v[ka  M uD'kk* ukxiq  j ls ikl gq vk gS vkS j ,d iq  jkus feFkd dks lp lkfcr djrh gq  bZ  bldh tku iw  a  thifr;ks a  ds eq  ukiQk :ih rks rks a  vkS j LVkW  d ,Dlps a  t ds xz kiQks a es a  clrh gS- lÙkk vkS j iw  a  th ds xBtks M+ }kjk ikfyr&iks f"kr ehfM;k fnujkr bldh loks Z  Pprk ds xq  .k xkrs gS a  ftlds f[kykiQ ,d 'kCn Hkh ^ns 'kæks g* gS- nknjh ls ys dj gS njkckn ds Uæh; fo'ofo|ky; rd] mQcM+&[kkcM+ vkfnoklh bykdks a  ls ys dj Hkkjrh; fdlkuh ds leryks a rd] eq  tÝiQjuxj] ea  xks yiq  jh gks rs gq  ,] nkHkks ydj] ia  lkjs vkS j dq  ycq  xhZ  ds e ̀r 'kjhjks a  dks rexks a  dh rjg is 'k djrs gq  bZ  ;gh eq  uknh ct jgh gS- ̂ tks gekjs f[kykiQ gS] oks ns 'kæks gh gS*-

     ns'k fdldk gS\vpjt gks rk gS fd ftl ns 'k es a  vkRegR;k djus okys fdlkuks a ] is V iQq  yk, dq  iks f"kr cPpks a

    vkS j [kw  u dh deh dh f'kdkj vkS jrks a  dh lkykuk&nj c

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    vkS j ljdkjh mis{kk ls iS nk gq  , la  dV ds pyrs Hkw  [kks a  ej jgs] vkRegR;k dj jgs] xk¡  o&ns 'k Nks M+ dj iyk;u djrs vkS j 'kgjks a  es a  nj&nj dh Bks djs a  [kkus dks etcw  j bu fdlkuks a  ds dts Z ekiQ fd;s tk;s a  xs\ oS f'od Lrj ij ekuo fodkl lw  pdka  dks a  ds lcls fupys ik;nkuks a  ij

     [kM+ s bl ns 'k es a  nq  fu;k ds dq  N lcls vehj yks x jgrs gS a  ftuds ikl ns 'k dh 76» lEinkvk pq  dh gS- vkf[kj ;g fdldk ns 'k gS vkS j dS lh mldh ns 'kHkfDr\

     bu ç'uks a dks mBkuk ns 'k dk lPpk ukxfjd gksuk gS- ^gekjs VS Dl ls pyrk gS ts ,u;w * ds uke ij vlgefr ds Loj dk xyk ?kksaV ns us dks vkrqj Vhoh ,adj ;g Hkwy tkrs gSa  fd f'k{kk esa  lfClMh dk vfèkdkj vkSj jktuhfrd jk; j[kus dh vkT+kknh dkvfèkdkj Hkh[k ugha  gS- VSDl ds uke ij Nk=kksa dh vkokt nckus okys D;k okLro esa ns 'k ds èku vkS j VS Dlksa dh pks jh ij cgl ds fy, rS ;kj gSa \

     fo'ofo|ky;ks a ls Mj D;ksa\ fo'ofo|ky; fopkjks a  dh cgq  rk;r vkS j cgl dh txgs a  gS a - ns 'k ds yxHkx gj egRoiw  .kZ

     dS Eil ds va  n:uh elyks a  es a  ckr&ckr es a  viuh ukd ?kq  lkdj ;g ljdkj D;k lkfcr djuk pkgrh gS\ dS Eil es a  gq  , fdlh dk;Z  Øe ds nkS jku ;fn dq  N vkifÙktud gq vk gS rks ts ,u;w  ç'kklu bruk l{ke gS fd mldh tka  p dj dks bZ  dne mBk lds- bles a  ljdkj dk dw  nuk lkfcr djrk gS fd og fdlh [kkl ,ts a  Mk ij dke dj jgh gS-

     fiNys ,d o"kZ es a ftu nks phtks a us Hkktik ljdkj dh Nfo dks lcls T;knk vM+pusa is'k dh gS a] muesa  igyh cq  f¼thfo;ks a&lkfgR;dkjksa dh èkkfeZd&dêðjiu vkSj vlfg".kqrk ds f[kykiQ eq  fge jgh] rks nwljk vkbvkbVh eækl esa vEcsMdj&isfj;kj LVMh lfdZy] ,iQVhvkbZvkbZ esa xtsUæ pkSgku fd fu;qfDr] vkW  dqik;h ;wthlh vkUnksyu] MCywVhvks okil tkvks bR;kfn ls ys dj jks fgr os eqyk dh la  LFkkfud gR;k ds f[kykiQ vHkw  riwoZ rjhds ls mB [kM+k gqvk Nk=k vkUnksyu jgk gS-

     tks ljdkj gdhdr vkSj tehu ij gq, okLrfod dke ds ctk; ?kks"k.kkvksa vkSj mlls Hkh T;knk best ds [ksy ls py jgh gks] mldk i

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     ckj&ckj ç'ukafdr djrs gS a vkSj iwNrs gSa  ns'k fdldk gS\ lÙkk dh utj esa ;gh ts ,u;w dk vijkèk gS-

     fofHkUu fopkjèkkjkvks a  dks  ekuus  okys Nk=kks a  es a  rh[kh cgl ds ckotw  n ts ,u;w  es a 'kk;n gh dHkh fga  lk gks rh gS- Nk=kla  ?k dk pq  uko fcuk èku&ckgq  cy ds Nk=kks a  dh pq  uh gq  bZ Lora  =k pq  uko lfefr djrh gS ftlds fu.kZ  ; lcdks ekU; gks rs gS a - bl iw  js rkus&ckus es a  og ukxfjdrk curh gS a  tks vkèkq  fud Hkkjr fuekZ  rkvks a  dk LoIu Fkh ftls egku nk'kZ  fudks a  vkS j jktuhfrd fpa  rdks a  }kjk ckj&ckj mn~  ?kkfVr fd;k x;k gS- mPp dks fV ds lekt&foKkuh] jktuhfrK] flfoy ls od] i=kdkj] ys [kd] oS Kkfud iS nk djus ds lkFk&lkFk ukxfjdrk dh ;g Vª s fua  x ^ts ,u;w  dk nk;* gS- fo'ofo|ky; dh iz LFkkiuk ds :i es a  tokgjyky

     us g: }kjk nh x;h fo'ofo|ky; ds mís '; dh ifjHkk"kk bu lces a  ,d çdk'k&Lra Hk dh rjg jkLrk fn[kkrh jgrh gS-

     ij bl ek;us es a vkj,l,l dk joS;k cgqr vyx gS- vkSifuos f'kd laj{k.k] èkkfeZd enkUèkrk vkSj tkrh; vfHkeku ds xkjs ls cuh bldh fopkjèkkjk ftl jk"Vª vkS j ftl

     rjg ds lekt dk liuk ysdj vkxs c

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     dk;Z  drkZ  ogka igqaps Fks- mUgks aus bl nkSjku yxs dqN vkifÙktud ukjksa   ls viuhvlgefr trkrs gq, mls ca  n djkus dh

     dksf'k'k dh- ckj&ckj ;g Li"V djus ds  ckn Hkh ftl rjg ls Nk=kla  ?k vè;{k lfgr vU; Nk=kksa  dks fu'kkus ij fy;k x;k gS vkS j mles a ftl rjg ls mej [kkfyn dks fu'kkuk cuk;k x;k mlls  ,chohih] ljdkj] iqfyl vkSj ehfM;k dh ea'kk ij lUnsg gks rk gS- iQkalh dh ltk vkS j mlds pq  fua  nk mi;ksx ij ns 'k ds yksdrkaf=kd gydks a es a dbZ  lokykr gSa- viQT+ky xq  # dh iQkalh ij Hkh cgq  r ls U;k;/h'kks a] dkuw  ufonks a] ekuokf/dkj dk;Z  drkZ vksa vkSj ukxfjd lekt vkfn us  loky mBk;s gS a vkSj ,sls eqn~nksa ij loky

     [kM+ k djuk u rks xSjdkuw  uh gS vkSj u gh iz frca  f/r gS- rfeyukMq fo/kulHkk us ns'k ds iz/kuea=kh jktho xka/h ds gR;kjksa  dh ltk eki+Q djokus ds fy, iz Lrko ikl fd;k gS- ;gka  rd fd gky gh es a mu yksxksa  dks fjgk djus dh Hkh fliQkfj'k dh gS- D;k rfeyukMq dh lkjh ikfVZ  ;ka ns'knzksgh gSa \ cfYdHkktik rks bu nyksa ds lkFk xBca/u ds fy, csrkc gS- iatkc esa Hkktik ds lg;ks xhvdkyh ny dh ljdkj vkS j mlds eq  [;ea  =kh vkra  dokn ds nks"kh jktksvkuk vkS j HkqYyj dh iQkalh dh ltk jn~  n djokus ds fy, dbZ  ckj xqgkj yxk pqds gS a- Hkktik us viuh

     lk>k ljdkj ds lg;ksxh dks dHkh ns 'knz ks gh ?kksf"kr ugha  fd;k] rks fiQj mudks viQT+ky xq  # dh iQkalh ij cgl Hkh djus ek=k ls rdyhiQ D;ksa gksrh gS\ tEew &d'ehj es a ljdkj pyk jgh Hkktik ds lg;ks xh laxBu ihMhih us vkt rd bl ij viuh vkifÙk cjdjkj j[kh gS- eqÝrh eksgEen lbZn us viQT+ky dh gR;k dks ^vifo=k tYnckth* crkrs gq, bls d'ehj ds ^nnZ  Hkjs* bfrgkl ij ,d udkjkRed lUnHkZ dgk Fkk- ij Hkktik dks ihMhih ds lkFk ljdkj pykus esa dksbZ fnDdr ugha gS- Hkktik us eqÝrh dks ^ns'kæksgh* ugha dgk- ;g dS lk nksgjk ekina  M gS\

     ts,u;w  ij bruk cM+k geyk D;ksa %

    Courtesy : Jyothidaas KV, Free Students

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     fur u, ̂ nq'eu* (other) [kM+s fd;s cxS j ugha jg ldrk- igys ,uthvks] yo&ftgknh] fiQj xkS&eka  l [kkus okys] fiQj fofHkUu f'k{k.k&la  LFkku vkS j muesa  dke djus okys la  xBu] jksfgr tSls Nk=k vkSj fiQj ̂ ns'k&æks fg;ks a* dh u;h tekr vkSj tkfgj gS ts ,u;w mudk x

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     dh t;* ds ukjs dks MaMs ds tksj ls ns'kHkfDr dk iSekuk cukus dh dksf'k'k djrs gS a rks os Hk; vkS j vkra  d ds tfj;s viuh ns'k fojks/h dkjxqtkfj;ksa ij inkZ Mkyus ds iz;kl esa gksrs gSa - turk dh esgur dh dekbZ  dks gtkjksa djksM+ dk pw  uk yxkdj ns'k Nks M+us okys fot; ekY;k us Hkh vius dks jk"Vªoknh crk;k- ns'k:ih eka dks ywVus okyks a ds f[kykiQ^Hkkjrekrk dh t;* Nki Nn~  e jk"Vª okfn;ks a ds eq  ag ls cksy ugha iQwVrk-

     ckr ysfdu blls Hkh xa Hkhj gS- tks yks x ,d rji+Q ^Hkkjrekrk dh t;dkj* dj jgs gSa ogh yksx nwljh rji+Q ns'k ds ty taxy tehu dks ns lh fons'kh iw  athifr;ksa }kjk ywV dh [kq  yh Nw  V ns jgs gSa- xksjs vaxjs t pys x, ys fdu Hkwjs va  xjst }kjk ns'k dh vueksy laink dh ywV tkjh gS- Hkkjrekrk ds fy, iQkalh p jgs Fks- blhfy, xksjs va  xjstksa ds lkFk Hkwjs va  xjstksa ls Hkh Hkkjr dks eqDr djkus ds fy, mUgks aus ^bao+Qykc ftankckn* dk ukjk fn;k ftlesa  eka  :ih ns'k dh egt iwtk vpZ  uk ugha] cfYd mldh laizHkqrk vkSj mlds ukxfjdks a dh gj rjg ds 'kks"k.k ls eqfDr dh ckr dgh xbZ  gS-

    Hkkjr ekrk dkSu gS\

     la?k dh Hkkjrekrk dh Nfo esa lks uh lks jh tS lh vkfnoklh efgyk,a 'kkfey ugha gksrh- blfy, mudk psgjk Hkh tyk fn;k tkrk gS- tgjhys dkysiu vkSj nnZ  esa fyiVk

    Courtesy : R Prasad, ET

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    Hkkjrh;ksa dh ml vVw  V laLdf̀r dk >a  Mk mBk;s gq  , gS a ftldh ija  ijk oSfnd ;qx ds blèkjrh ij iSj j[kus ds gtkjks a o"kZ igys rd tkrh gS-

     ls uk jk"Vªokn dh dlkS Vh ugha lcls igys ;g ns[kuk cgqr t:jh gS fd tks yksx ls uk ds uke ij vaèk&jk"Vªokn iQS yk jgs gSa ogh lsuk ds tokuksa  dh ekS r ds fy, Hkh ftEesnkj gS a- vktknh ds brus n'kd xq  tjus ds ckn Hkh ge vkt rd vius iM+ ks fl;ksa ls lEcUèk D;ks a ugha lqèkkj lds gSa\ lhek ds nksuksa  rjiQ ruko ls fdldks iQk;nk gks rk gS\ vke fdlku ifjokjks a ls vk;s gq, ukStokuks a ls cuh nksuksa eqYdksa dh lsuk dks vkil esa yM+ okrk dkSu gS\ 'kghn lS fudksa dh yk'k ij jktuhfrd mYyw lkèkus ds ckn mUgsa D;ksa  Hkq  yk fn;k tkrk gS\ jk"Vª okn ds uke ij vkf[kj ge dc rd vius lSfudksa  dks rkcw  rks a esa  ?kj okil vkrk ns [ksa  xs\ dkS u pkgrk gS fd nksuks a eqYdksa  ds chp v'kkafr cuh jgs\

     cgq  r nq HkkZ  X;iw.kZ  vkS j 'kkfrjkuk

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     lsuk vkS j jk"Vªokn dks ,d eku ysuk drbZ  lgh ugha gS- lPpkbZ ;g gS fd Hkkjr tS ls ns'k es a fdlh dk ls uk esa  HkrhZ gks tkuk fdlh fo'ks "kkfèkdkj ls de ugha gS- bldkvanktk lsuk dh HkfrZ  ;ksa  es a meM+us okyh HkhM+ ls yxk;k tk ldrk gS ftuesa  vfèkdka'k

     ek;wl gks ?kj ykSV tkrs gSa- tks yksx HkrhZ gks tkrs gS a mues a ls dbZ guqeuFkIik dh fu;fr dks izkIr gksrs gSa vkS j lRrk muds cfynkuks a dks rexs lk Vkaxdj ^ns'kHkDr* cu tkrh gS- vkf[kj guqeuFkIik vkSj muds lkfFk;ksa  dh ekS r dk ftEek fdldk gS\ D;ksa  mUgsa igys ugha fudkyk tk ldk\ blds fy, dkS u ftEesnkj gS\

     ts,u;w [kqn dks lgh lkfcr djs xk ;s xnZ&xqckj cS Bsxh vkS j ,d fnu [kjk lp lkeus vk,xk- [kkl ckr ;g gS fd

     ts ,u;w  pq  i cS Bus okyk fo'ofo|ky; ugha  gS- laHkor% Hkktik ljdkj ds [kS j[okgksa vkSj lykg ns us okyks a esa  ls dqN viuh ljdkj ls dkiQh ukjkt py jgs gSa  vkS j mUgksa  us ljdkj dks eèkqefD[k;ksa ds NÙks es a gkFk Mkyus ds fy, mdlk fn;k gS- vglefr dk ;g mn~?kks"k yEck f[a  kpus okyk gS vkS j fnYyh esa  2016 dk ;g clar yky jgs xk-

    [Sandeep Singh is a former JNUSU President ]

    Courtesy: drambedkarbooks com

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    From an IPS officer in J&K

    Dear Arnab Goswami, JNU, my alma mater, deserves your

    tax money

    Basant Rath

    Partial disclosure: I studied sociology in JNU for six years.

    I voted for the All India Students Association candidates in the JNUSU

    elections. Every time. All the time. Trust me, I’m not anti-national. My university

    deserves to be nurtured. I don’t hold a brief for my alma mater. That is not me

    and I don’t do that. Facts are more important than feelings. My university taughtme. A university that deserves to be owned and supported. By the state, the

    government, the market and civil society. Here is why. Here are the reasons.

    One, JNU has never been a waste of this nation’s limited resources. It

    has been a value-for-money endeavour right from the beginning. No riders.

    No ifs and buts. Yes, preparing for the civil services examination is a priority

    for a sizeable percentage of students who get admission there. Yes, most stu-

    dents spend a considerable part of their waking hours participating in political

    activities. Yes, there is too much sloganeering out there.But, Arnab, my dear friend, what do you expect a university to be? A

    money-making enterprise? Like the business projects nanced by NPA-laden

    public-sector banks and promoted by the likes of Vijay Mallya? JNU has always

    been one of the top two universities in the social sciences and one of the top

    ve in the physical sciences in India. Both in the private and public sectors.

    Regarding its standing amongst world universities, the issue is not lack of

    quality in academic research in JNU. The issue is much bigger.

    What is the quality of India’s R&D? What is the number of patents reg-istered in the names of the stalwarts of India’s Brahman-Shravana research

    establishment in the private and public sectors? You know the answers.

    What is the contribution of the university to India’s nation-building, you

    ask. Immense. Period. A university is not a parade ground. It is an incubation

    bowl. It is not about the bottom-line. It is about the aspiration-horizon. It is not

    worried about the market. It is concerned about the political economy of the

    project of state-building. State-building, I say. Not mere government-running.

    Two, JNU has never been a platform for anti-India student leaders andtheir followers to hijack the educational space to promote their divisive agenda.

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    and the Northeast. True, some student organisations are sympathetic to the

    causes of groups that are at war with the government of the day.

    But Arnab, are we supposed to hold the entire university responsible for the

    activities of a few students who celebrate the deaths of policemen? Doesn’t yournews channel differentiate between the death of an army soldier and that of a

    policeman? How many policemen got decorated with medals when they died

    undertaking rescue operations during natural disasters in the last ve years?

    Year after year, the issues of J&K and the Northeast have been close to

    the hearts of the JNU student community. Students with diametrically opposite

    ideas and ideologies. With unbelievable energy and unshakeable intentions.

    Does this fact make them anti-national as a matter of denition? As a matter of

    rst principle? As a matter of divine imputation? No, Arnab, no. Name a placewhere an Indian prime minister goes to address a public rally and says that

    his government will do everything possible “insaniyat ke dayre mein” to wipe

    people’s tears. Atal Bihari Vajpayee said that to the masses in Srinagar. This

    phrase has changed the political discourse of our times. People are suffering

    in Kashmir, Arnab. They are suffering in the Northeast. When it comes to the

    causes behind their suffering of generations, and the broad policymaking

    contours of what the governments of the day should do, the students may not

    agree with you. Does the very act of highlighting the issues of J&K and theNortheast make the students and their leaders anti-national?

    Three, JNU is not a communist bastion. Not a breeding ground for leftist

    organisations that do not believe in the idea of India. JNU has always been

    a home for all shades of ideas. The student community is as diverse as the

    subcontinent. Their ideologies are diverse. Their political plumage as colourful.

    The Brahman-Shravana RSS shakhas have been active in the university since

    the 1980s. You need to visit the campus to see how energetic they are. Not long

    ago, in 2001, the JNUSU had a president who belonged to the rightwing ABVP.The students in JNU are as worried about India’s future as you and I. No

    leftist group has ever wanted the state to go away. They have been having

    problems with the governments of the day. That is a different point. From the

    leftist point of view, the legitimacy of the “ideological state apparatus” is always

    to be interrogated. Some groups take public positions about wresting power

    from the ruling elite. But nothing like overthrowing Parliament.

    Remember Comrade Chandrashekhar? He was our president when I was

    a student there. He was voted in twice as our leader. Of Aisa. Of Siwan. Ofold-world idealism. A beautiful human being. A sweetheart. The most innocent

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     Arnab, my dear friend, some students allegedly shouted anti-India slogans.

     Allegedly. This is the operative part. There is the law and there is the criminal

     justice system. The police, the evidence and the court. Why waste so many

    working days of so many sane people to blacken the name of my university?Nationalism is not a marketing tool. To be used by news channels chasing

    TRPs. To be used by political parties to prove their worth. To be used by some

    retired army generals who nd every perceived slight as a nail to be banged

    on its head by an attractive and all-knowing hammer called patriotism.

    Full disclosure: I’m not a communist. Never have been. I love my Nusrat

    Sa’ab. I love my Steve Jobs. I love my perfume bottles.

    My university is yours too. It is ours. It is a part of the idea of India as anation. A beautiful part. But a part apart. And a part apart. Arnab, my friend, it

    hurts. Please don’t speak ill of JNU. Don’t think ill of JNU. It hurts immensely.

    Comrade Chandrashekhar was Chandu for me. I was so privileged. Please

    don’t take away this privilege. Don’t hurt his memories. God bless you and

    your news channel and your co-investors.

    [The writer, a 2000-batch IPS ocer, is a DIG in J&K.

    Courtesy: Indian Express Feb 29, 2016]

    Courtesy: sanitarypanels com

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    With Due Respect

    Objection, your honour: Even as Delhi HC grants bail to JNUSU

    president, its order could shrink the space for free speech

    (Editorial, Indian Express, 4 March 2016)

    That JNUSU president Kanhaiya Kumar, arrested for sedition, has got bail, brings a

    heartening moment in a dispiriting saga. Even as Kanhaiya walks out of jail, however, there

    are intimations of the wearying battle that still lies ahead — not just for Kanhaiya, but for

    all those who have stakes in protecting and extending the citizen’s freedom of expression.

    The Delhi HC order can be divided into two parts — that which pertains to the letter

    of the law on sedition and bail, and observations on the case. A careful reading of the rst

    part suggests that there are thin grounds to keep Kanhaiya in jail. By all accounts, he was

    present at the protest in which allegedly anti-national slogans were raised, but claims that he

    actively participated in the activities are controversial. Serious questions have been raised

    about the veracity of the video that the FIR depends on. And Kanhaiya’s own speech after

    the event, showcasing his repeated assertions of faith in India’s constitutional framework, is

    hardly the stuff of sedition. There are fundamental questions, too, about the interpretation,

    applicability and relevance of the law of sedition. Among other things, these have to do with

    the degrees of separation that lie between discussion, advocacy and incitement.

    The second part of the same order, however, raises concerns about the commit-

    ment of the judiciary to the protection of the individual citizen’s rights and freedoms from

    encroachment by the state, notwithstanding the Delhi HC’s decision to grant bail to Kan-

    haiya Kumar. These freedoms, the court suggests here, are assured by the “armed and

    paramilitary forces” that are “protecting our frontiers in the most difcult terrain”.

    The slogan-shouting students “may not be even able to withstand those conditions

    for an hour even,” it says. While there is no disputing the role of the armed forces in

    guarding the country’s integrity, just why does the court deem it necessary to mention it

    in an order concerning the freedom of speech? In its praise of the military as guarantorof individual freedoms, is the court abdicating its own responsibility to uphold them? It is

    disturbing also that the court should liken “thoughts reected in the slogans” to “a kind of

    infection” which “needs to be controlled/ cured before it becomes an epidemic”. Its talk

    of “gangrene”, “antibiotics”, “surgical intervention” and “amputation” is deeply troubling.

    Further, the court asks Kanhaiya to furnish an undertaking that he will not participate

    “actively or passively” in any activity “which may be termed as anti-national”, disregarding

    the fact that this case has provoked a debate on what is anti-national. It asks that a mem-

    ber of the faculty should assure the court “not only with respect to appearance before thecourt, but also to ensure that his thoughts and energy are channelised in a constructive

    ” Th i i i i bl E it t b il t th JNUSU id t

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    A Song or Two…

    (For the cognisance of Justice Pratibha Rani)

    1. Setting an unusual precedence, Justice Pratibha Rani starts her bail

    order on Kanhaiya Kumar with a Hindi lm song "Mere desh ki dharti sona

    ugle.." (My country’s land brims over with gold and pearls). The fact is that

    the Government of the day are inviting crony corporates and MNCs to loot

    the country’s land, its gold, its minerals, its

    forests, and the country’s police and armed

    forces are unleashed to massacre and mur-

    der those peasants and adivasis who defend

    the country’s land and resources! It would be

    interesting to know whether our honourable

     judge consider this corporate plunder of our

    ‘desh ki dharti’ and State repression that

    facilitates that plunder, to be ‘nationalist’?

     And also does she think that the State which

    brands defenders of land and resources

    against such plunder as ‘anti-national’?

    2. In the bail order, Justice Pratibha

    Rani also makes emotional references of the

    soldiers who give up their lives on our bor-

    ders. Professor Nivedita Menon, in contrast,

    refreshes our

    memory with a

    poignant Hindi

    film song by

    M a k h d o o mM o h i u d d i n

    which evokes

    a haun t ing

    narrative of a

    soldier part-

    ing to fight a

    war. Menon

    reminds “Therefrain of the

     tkus okys flikgh ls iw  Nks oks dgka tk jgk gS

     b'd gS dkfry&,&ftanxkuh  [kw  u ls rj gS mldh tokuh  gk; eklwe cpiu dh ;knsa  gk; nks jkst dh ukStokuh 

     tkus okys--- dS ls lges gq, gSa uT+kkjs

     dS ls Mj Mj ds pyrs gSa  rkjs D;k tokuh dk [kwu gks jgk gS

     lq[kZ gaS vapykas ds fdukjs

     tkus okys--- dkS u nqf[k;k gS tks xk jgh gSHk[ks cPpksa dks cgyk jgh gS

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    talks about death and destruction, of weeping women and hungry children. This

    song about the futility of war also goes out to all those who say it is insulting to

    the armed forces to raise our voices against widespread militarization of the

    Indian subcontinent. Would we all be safer, including our soldiers, if the elitesof neighbouring countries and a global military industrial complex did not have

    immense stakes in keeping

    tensions running high? “1

    3. Justice Pratibha Rani

    preambles her bail order by

    a Hindi film song to remind

    students of their patriotic duties.

    In response, noted lawyer

    Sanjay Hegde (in a television

    discussion) reminded her of

    another popular patriotic Hindi

    film song "Insaaf ki dagar

     pe..." that she could’ve drawn

    inspiration from.

    Kanhaiya Kumar Bail Order

    When the court seems imprisoned by a sense of majoritarian rhetoric

    The order has collectively punished and stigmatised one of India’s best

    universies, eecvely turning it into an open jail or a place for Kanhaiya’s

    rehabilitaon.

    Sanjay Hegde

    The Delhi High Court order granting bail in Kanhaiya Kumar’s writ petition

    is an exercise in judicial niggardliness. Far from being “a sentinel on the qui

    vie” in the defence of a citizen’s fundamental rights, the court seems to be

    imprisoned by a sense of majoritarian rhetoric. The order is only a recognition

    that the prosecution did not appear to have any material evidence against the

    accused that appears to have impelled the court to grant bail.

    Grant of bail is subject to some badly crafted conditions, which are suf-

    ciently vague to warrant a withdrawal of the concessions, as and when any

     bUlkiQ dh Mxj is] cPpks fn[kkvks py ds ;s ns'k gS rq  Egkjk] usrk rqEk gh gks dy ds

     nqfu;k ds jat lguk vkS j dqN uk eq¡g ls dguk  lPpkbZ;ksa  ds cy is] vkxs dks c

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    Kumar effectively turns the Jawaharlal Nehru University campus into an open

     jail or a place for his rehabilitation, and turns his faculty into prison wardens,

    charged with ensuring the inmate’s good conduct.

    Multiple Assumptions

     After narrating the history of the case and recording even the prosecu-

    tion’s concession that there is currently no video evidence of Kanhaiya Kumar

    actually raising objectionable slogans, the court sets out in detail the slogans

    alleged to have been raised by some protestors. It also incorporates photo-

    graphs of students and protesters holding posters that it deems anti-national.

    It then goes on to say:

    “Today I nd myself standing on a crossroad. The FIR in question has been regis-

    tered only on 11th February, 2016. Investigation is at the initial stage. The petitioner

    is the President of Jawaharlal Nehru University Students Union. His presence at the

    spot on 9th February, 2016 has been claimed on the basis of raw video footing of

    that day i.e. 9th February, 2016. The petitioner at present is in judicial custody. The

    question is, in view of the nature of serious allegations against him, the anti-national

    attitude which can be gathered from the material relied upon by the State should be

    a ground to keep him in Jail.

     As President of Jawaharlal Nehru University Students Union, the petitioner wasexpected to be responsible and accountable for any anti-national event organised

    in the campus. Freedom of speech guaranteed to the citizens of this country under

    the Constitution of India has enough room for every citizen to follow his own ideology

    or political afliation within the framework of our Constitution. While dealing with the

    bail application of the petitioner, it has to be kept in mind by all concerned that they

    are enjoying this freedom only because our borders are guarded by our armed and

    paramilitary forces. Our forces are protecting our frontiers in the most difcult terrain

    in the world i.e. Siachen Glacier or Rann of Kutch. It is a case of raising anti-national

    slogans which do have the effect of threatening national integrity”

    In these paragraphs, the court has made several assumptions. Firstly, that

    the protests were “anti-national”, which is a judgment on politics and not on law.

    There is no crime in Indian law which is dened or punished as “anti-national”.

    Secondly, it puts on the elected president of the JNU students’ union the

    responsibility of regulating and preventing “anti-national” activity. It like making

    the president of the Patiala House Bar Association responsible for the conduct

    of lawyers on the court premises.

    Thirdly, it draws a false binary between soldiers defending the country’sborder and the fundamental rights of the citizenry so defended. It cannot be

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    Breathtaking Diatribe

    The judgment then makes a stunning descent into anti-intellectualism:

    “The petitioner belongs to an intellectual class pursuing Ph.d. from International

    School of Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, which is considered as hub ofintellectuals. He may have any political afliation or ideology. He has every right to

    pursue that but it can be only within the framework of our Constitution. India is a living

    example of unity in diversity. Freedom of expression enjoyed by every citizen can

    be subjected to reasonable restrictions under Article 19(2) of our Constitution. The

    feelings or the protest reected in the slogans needs introspection by the student

    community whose photographs are available on record holding posters carrying

    photographs of Afzal Guru and Maqbool Bhatt.

    The faculty of JNU also has to play its role in guiding them to the right path so that

    they can contribute to the growth of the nation and to achieve the object and visionfor which Jawaharlal Nehru University was established.

    The reason behind anti-national views in the mind of students who raised slogans on

    the death anniversary of Afzal Guru, who was convicted for attack on our Parliament,

    which led to this situation have not only to be found by them but remedial steps are

    also required to be taken in this regard by those managing the affairs of the JNU so

    that there is no recurrence of such incident

    The thoughts reected in the slogans raised by some of the students of JNU who

    organised and participated in that programme cannot be claimed to be protected as

    fundamental right to freedom of speech and expression. I consider this as a kind ofinfection from which such students are suffering which needs to be controlled/cured

    before it becomes an epidemic.”

    Coming from a “learned” profession, this breathtaking diatribe against

    intellectuals raises some disturbing questions. Does the law approve only of

    intellect which does not dissent? The paragraphs turn JNU into an open air

    prison, with the faculty playing prison wardens. While celebrating the lives of

     Afzal Guru and Maqbool Bhat may be reprehensible, it might be reasonable

    to ask whether a Godse Divas would invite the same judicial censure?

    The judgment’s understanding of freedom of speech seems to rely more

    upon the power to restrict than on protecting the freedom to speak. All in all, the

     judgment proceeds on the belief that bail is a gift to be bestowed upon the worthy,

    and not a mechanism to protect the freedom of an accused pending his trial.

    Undeserved Liberty

    The infection metaphor is allowed to develop into full gangrene in the

    latter part where it notes:“Whenever some infection is spread in a limb, effort is made to cure the same by giv-

    i tibi ti ll d if th t d t k b f ll i d li f t t t

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    circumstances, I am inclined to release the petitioner on interim bail for a period of

    six months.

    The time is ripe that while giving some concession to the petitioner on monetary aspect

    for purpose of furnishing the bond, he can be required to furnish an undertaking to

    the effect that he will not participate actively or passively in any activity which may

    be termed as anti-national. Apart from that, as President of JNU Students Union, he

    will make all efforts within his power to control anti-national activities in the campus.

    His surety should also be either a member of the Faculty or a person related to the

    petitioner in a manner that he can exercise control on the petitioner not only with

    respect to appearance before the Court but also to ensure that his thoughts and

    energy are channelized in a constructive manner.”

    Effectively, Kanhaiya Kumar and his comrades of the students’ union are

    being told that their liberty is being ensured by a court that considers them

    to be undeserving of it. Kumar is being set at liberty only to ensure that hisinfected intellect can be cured by the supervision of his faculty, in environs

    whose safety has been secured by the sacrice of soldiers. His continued

    liberty is made contingent upon good personal behaviour and by ensuring

    obedience among his compatriots.

    The order has collectively punished and stigmatised one of India’s best

    universities. More importantly it has underlined for the rest of us, the fragility of

    our freedoms, when judges fail to protect them. Our defenders and expounders

    of the Constitution, as revealed by this order, can be pitiful men (and women),dressed in a little brief authority.

    (Courtesy : Scroll.in, hp://scroll.in/arcle/804667/kanhaiya-kumar-bail-order-im-

    prisoned-by-a-sense-of-majoritarian-rhetoric)

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    An Open Letter to Hon’ble HRD Minister Smriti

    Irani by Former JNUSU Vice President Anant

    Prakash Narayan, Charged with ‘Sedition’

     lsok es a] Jherh Le` fr bZ  jkuh th^jk"VªHkDr* ekuo lalkèku ,oa  fodkl ea=kh]Hkkjr ljdkj

     laln esa fn, x, vkids Hkk"k.k dks lquk- blls igys fd eSa  viuh ckr j[kw¡ ] ;g Li"V dj nwa dh ;g i=k fdlh ̂ cPps* dk fdlh ^eerke;h* ea  =kh ds uke ugha gS cfYd ;g i=k ,d [kkl fopkjèkkjk dh jktuhfr djus okys O;fDr dk i=k nwljs jktuS frd O;fDr dks gS- lcls igys eS a ;g Li"V dj nwa fd eS a fdlh Hkh O;fDr dh ;ksX;rk dkvkdyu mldh 'kS{kf.kd ;ks X;rk ds vkèkkj ij ugha djrk gw  ¡ cfYd lkiQ lkiQ dgw  a rks eSa ^;ksX;rk* (esfjV) ds iwjs dkals IV dks [kkfjt djrk gw¡-

     ekuo lalkèku ea=kky; dk in Hkkj ysus ds lkFk gh ;g vis{kk dh tkrh gS fdvki bl ns 'k ds ds aæh; fo'ofo|ky;ksa es a mudh vkW  Vks ukseh dk lEeku djrs gq, mlds fy, mÙkjnk;h gksa  xh- jksfgr oseqyk ds ekeys esa  vkius D;k fd;k ;g lcds lkeus gS fd fdl rjg ls ogk¡ ds ç'kklu ij vkius ncko Mkyk ftldk urhtk jksfgr dsinstitutional eMZ  j ds :i esa gekjs lkeus vk;k- ys fdu eSa bu lkjh phtks a ij vHkh

     ckr ugha djuk pkgrk- vki ckj ckj viuh vkSjr gksus dh igpku (vkbMs afVVh) dksassert djrha gSa  vkSj bldks djuk Hkh pkfg, D;w  afd ukjh tkfr mu q  dkrs gq, mlds lkFk ugha [kM+k gksuk pkfg, Fkk\ gk¡ ] eS a jksfgr dh ek¡ ds ckjs es a ckr dj jgk gw  ¡- tks efgyk bl czkÞe.koknh o firl̀ÙkkRed lekt ls tw> jgh Fkh] vius cPpksa  dks viuh igpku

     ls tksM+ jgh Fkh] ml efgyk dks vki o vkidh ljdkj mlds ifr dh igpku ls D;w¡tksM jgs Fks\ vkidks Hkh vPNk yxrk gksxk dh vkidh viuh ,d Lora=k igpku gS

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     ds ckjs esa vkius loky iwNk vkSj vkidk Hkk"k.k [kRe gksus ds igys gh yksxks a us vkidh tkfr fudky nh- eS a vkidh tkfr ds ckjs esa dksbZ fnypLih ugha  j[krk gw  ¡ vkSj eSa  ;g fcydqy ugha ekurk gw¡ dh vxj vki mPp tkfr ds gksrs gS a rks vki tkfroknh gh

     gksa  xs ysfdu vkids foHkkx@ea  =kky; ds rjiQ ls tks fpfêò ;k¡ fy[kh xbZ  mles jksfgr vkSj mlds lkfFk;ksa dks tkfroknh@casteist crk;k- eS Me D;k vki casteism vkS j casteassertion dk vUrj le>rh gSa \ eS le>rk gw¡ dh vki ;s vUrj Hkyh&Hkk¡  fr le>rh gSa D;wafd vkj,l,l tks vkidh ljdkj vkSj ea=kky; dks pykrk gS] og o.kZ O;oLFkk ds uke ij tkfr O;oLFkk dks Hkkjrh; lekt dh vkRek le>rk gS vkS j vkj,l,l ds ,tsaMs dks ykxw  djokus dh jktuhfrd dV~Vjrk geus le; le; ij vki es a ns[kh gS a-

     eq>s mEehn gS  fd vkius euqLe ̀fr i

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     cukuk pkgrs gSa - igys IIT eækl]  FTII] fiQjHCU] AU] vkSj vc  JNU- gekjs ekeys es avkius laln esa  tkap dfeVh dk gokyk fn;k]

     ysfdu D;k vkidks ;g ;kn ugha gS fd vkidh fpfêò ;k¡ tks gS njkckn tk jgha Fkha og ogk¡  dh tkap dfeVh ds gh fu.kZ; dks cnyus dk ncko Mky jgh Fkha\ gekjs ekeys esa  D;k gqvk\ fcuk gekjh ckr lqus gh gesa debar dj fn;k tkrk gS- ys fdu D;k vkidks  uspq  jy tfLVl dk ;s  fl¼kUr ugha  ekyw  e gS fd la  ca  f/r O;fDr dh ckr lqus fcuk vki fu.kZ  ; ugha ys ldrs gSa - D;k laln esa gekjk uke inkjh gS vkidh- vkids fglkc ls vxj lks pk tk, rks bldk eryc ;g gS fd vxj dks bZ etnwj fdlh dkj[kkus esa  dke dj jgk gS vkS j ogk¡  ls og osru ys jgk gS rks mlds çfr gksus okys 'kks"k.k o vU;k; ds f[kykiQ og ugha cks ys xk- eSa  bl rdZ  dks ,d fljs ls [kkfjt djrk gw¡] es jk ekuuk ;g gS fd fdlh Hkh laLFkk dks csgrj cukus ds fy, ;g T+k:jh gS fd mlds nks"kks a@ deh@ detksfj;ksa  ij fueZerk ls cgl fd;k tk, vkSj mls lqèkkj dj vkSj cs grj cuk;k tk,-

     blds flok Hkh vkius vkS j Hkh cgq  r ckrsa dh- bu lHkh ckrksa  dks lq  uus ds ckn D;k

    vkidks lp es a uknku eku fy;k tk,\ ;k ckr dqN vkS j gh gS\ ge lc ;g tkursgSa fd vkidh ekStnk ljdkj dks bl le; ns'k esa lcls T;knk pukSrh Nk=kksa fdlkuksa

    Courtesy : Sandip Luis

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     leFkZ  u feyk gq vk gS] ds ,tsaMs dks ykxw  djus ds fy, iw  jh rjg çfrc¼ gS- vkS j mlds fy, ;g T+k:jh gS fd lekt ls lkspus vkSj rdZ  djus dh {kerk dks [kRe dj fn;k tk;- pw  ¡fd fo'ofo|ky; rdZ  vkSj oSKkfudrk dh txg gks rs gS] blhfy, LokHkkfod

     fu'kkus ij ge vk,- vki vkj,l,l ds czkã.koknh fganqRo jk"Vª okn ,oa dkWiksZjsV ,tsa  Ms dks ykxw djus esa  bruk e'kxw  y gks pqdh gS a fd vkius fdlh Hkh fo'ofo|ky; dks cus jgus ds tks ewY; gksrs gSa mudks cckZ  n djus dh dle [kk yh gS- vki viuh jktuSfrd fopkjèkkjk ds çfr tks fd cgqla  Ld`frokn esa fo'okl ugha j[krh gS] ds lkFk [kM+h gS avkS j ge cgq  laLd` frokn ds lkFk [kM+ s gSa ] ge vkils fdlh Hkh jge dh mEehn ugha djrs gS a vkS j ftruk rs Tk gks lds çgkj dhft;s ge Hkh viuh rkoQr cVksj dj ds iw  js gkSlys ls vkidk lkeuk djsaxs-

    vafre ckr dg djds viuh ckr [kRe d:¡  xk] ,d ckj dHkh fdlh us vkids ?kj ds ckgj çksVs LV fd;k Fkk rks vki dS ejs ds vkxs vkdj jks us dh dksf'k'k dj jghaFkh vkSj vius cPpksa  ds Mj dk gokyk ns jgha Fkha] ysfdu esjh ek¡ ugha  jks jgh gS] clFkks M+h fpfUrr gS ysfdu fiQj Hkh cks ys tk jgh gS fd eksnh ls yM+rs jguk] Mjuk er-

    vkids }kjk cuk;k x;k ^ns 'kæksgh*vuUr çdk'k ukjk;.k 

    Ex- Vice President, JNUSU

    Courtesy : R Prasad, ET

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