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Jenny CookANTH 520Kurlanska

11/8/09Response Paper 3:

Social NetworksEl Salvadoran Immigrants

InFragmented Ties, Cecilia Menjvar argues that Salvadoran immigrants have a

unique experience in the United States. Focusing on the break down of social ties and

networks, Menjvar proposes that the hostile context of reception (Menjvar, 236) faced

by Salvadoran immigrants upon arrival to the United States puts this group in a

particularly disadvantaged position amongst other Latin American immigrants.

According to the author, many early studies did not differentiate among the various

nationalities of Central American immigrants (Menjvar, 8), a pattern which overlooks

important social and cultural differences (Menjvar, 8) amongst the different cases. In

my own research with migrant farm workers in Connecticut, I found myself falling into

this pattern, and was ignorant of the impact of the unique historical, political, and

economic background of Salvadoran migration.

But one major difference between Salvadoran and other Central American

immigrants is clear just by looking at a mapSalvadoran immigrants simply have a

much longer distance to travel in order to reach the United States. The most difficult part

of the journey, according to many of Menjvars informants, is passing through Mexico

without proper documentation. Strict immigration laws in the country combine with

corrupt officials, exploitative coyotes, and a hostile natural environment to make the

experience life-threatening. One interviewee noted that this was unique to Central

Americans, in that for Mexicans its no big deal to be deported; they can come back in

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no time. But we [Salvadorans] come from farther away. For us, it can cost us our lives

(Menjvar, 85). During the journey, Salvadoran immigrants report that they are prey to

common criminals; this vulnerable group is exposed to robberies, assaults, rapes, murder,

death from dehydration, and the like (Menjvar, 68).

Additionally, the trip constitutes an extreme economic burden. According to the

authors research, migrants spent on average $1700 to get from El Salvador to San

Franciscowhereas an airplane ticket sold for about $550 round-trip (Menjvar, 66).

These costs, often covered by loans from relatives in the States, often cause a great deal

of tension and hardship for the migrants, because their continued marginalization upon

arrival to the States makes the debt almost impossible to repay (Menjvar, 76).

Salvadoran migration to the United States started en masse in the 1980s, at least

in part due to the countrys 12-year civil war, in which the US government was heavily

involved. But despite the fact that many Salvadoran immigrants to the US came fleeing

political violence and persecution, the United States government has treated them as

economic migrants. This means they must apply for visas in order to enter the country

legally, a task which is virtually impossible for a large proportion of Salvadoran

immigrants.

Once they arrive, they are not eligible for refugee status or any of the associated

aid, and throughout the numerous amendments to the US immigration law, including the

IRCA of 1986, the TPS, NACARA and DED asylum systems, and others, very few

Salvadorans have been able to achieve any form of legal resident or political asylum

status in the States. As a result, more than one-half of the Salvadoran population in the

United States is still either undocumented or in a legal limbo (Menjvar, 86), and at risk

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of exploitation and deportation. Salvadorans (along with Guatemalans) have been

depicted as constituting perhaps the most vulnerable national-origin group in the United

States because they are among the most undocumentedTheir claim to refugee status

has never been recognized; and they are about to lose what temporary protection against

deportation they had (Menjvar, 84) through the TPS system.

Vulnerabilities that plague illegal immigrants in the United States are well

documented; they face wage exploitation and discrimination in the work place, lack

access to quality health care and education, and often are afraid to protest human rights

violations for fear of arrest. Several of Menjvars informants reveal multiple instances in

which employers simply decided not to pay (Menjvar, 98), but they could do nothing

about it. While it is true that other migrant groups (most notably Mexicans) also

experience the exploitation associated with illegality, it seems from Menjvars analysis

that Salvadorans experience illegality more acutely than others. Psychological trauma

from the war at home, combined with dismal economic resources and a discriminatory

reception environment make them particularly vulnerable and marginalized.

While immigrants coming from different countries within the region of Central

America undoubtedly share some characteristics, Menjvar makes it clear that this group

of immigrants should be studied via individual national-origin groups (ie. Salvadorans,

Nicaraguans, etc) rather than as a conglomerate. In bringing the level of analysis down to

the nation-state, much more can be learned about the experiences of immigrants in the

United States, and perhaps some more effective immigration policies can be put in place.

In another study, Menjvar found that Salvadorans shared undocumented status with

Mexicans, refugee characteristics with Vietnamese, and employment instability with both

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groups, but only the Salvadorans faced all three unfavorable conditions (Menjvar, 236).

Whether these discriminatory policies were implemented intentionally or not, Menjvar

makes a convincing argument that Salvadoran immigrants are a significantly

disadvantaged population, even amongst their immigrant peers.