Izdebski Adam Bishops

8/10/2019 Izdebski Adam Bishops

1/18

BISHOPS IN LATE ANTIQUE ITALY:SOCIAL IMPORTANCE VS POLITICAL POWER

Adam Izdebski

introduction

Those who study late antique societyand its religion within the frame-work established by Peter Brown argue that ecclesiastical leaders, thanks to theirsocial power, undertook numerous important social and political roles already inthe fifth century.1 It is possible, however, to disagree with this position and toargue for a different view of local politics, which asserts that the view founded byBrown ignores the diversity of local circumstances and the disparity of evidenceamong regions, and is often based on poor and complicated source materials, acommon concern in the study of late antique Italy.2

Claudia Rapp recently published a study of episcopal leadership in late anti-quity in which she reassesses the historiographic tradition based on Brownswork. She rejects completely the view which concentrates on the episcopal ex-ercise of political and social power and ignores regional differences and the bish-

ops religious duties.3

Instead, Rapp argues that the bishops spiritual authorityand ascetic practices formed the foundation of their secular authority, whichsometimes led to a powerful political position within their communities. Rappfocuses on the sources pertaining to eastern bishops and analyses their politicalactivities in the Levant; however, she refrains from considering the western ev-idence. Thus, there is a need to reassess the western evidence in the light ofher conclusions. In this paper, I will attempt such a reassessment of the Italiancontext.

In order to make the following analyses as precise as possible, I reject thenotion of social power and substitute for it the separate concepts of social im-portance and political power. In my interpretation social importance refers tothe significance of the social roles played by the bishop that could be identifiedas reflecting his prominence within the local community. Presiding over im-

portant religious ceremonies, preaching to the urban community, and caring for

I would like to thank the Foundation for Polish Science (FNP) for its kind support of my research(through the START Program).

1 Literature on the subject is enormously rich: for the most recent important contributions, seeHeinzelmann 1976; Brown 1992: 89103; Maymo i Capdevila 1997; Allen and Mayer 2000; Rapp2000; Liebeschuetz 2001: 137168; Brown 2002.

2 See for instance Steins (1949/1928: 119130, 564622) silence regarding the role of bishopsin Italian society during the entire Gothic period. See also Zanini 1998. In the case of Italy, oneof the key sources informing the opinio communisis contemporary legislation (e.g., Mochi Onory1933; Mor 1979); its application in actual practice, however, has become a controversial issue (e.g.,Wickham 2005: 383384).

3 Rapp 2005: 616.

PHOENIX, VOL. 66 (2012) 12.

158


2/18


3/18

160 PHOENIX

then attacked the city and killed many of its inhabitants.12 While Procopiusstylistic dependence on Thucydides narrative of the siege of Plataeia might makeone doubt how much information about the siege of Naples this account actuallyconveys, Procopius use of the words demos, politai, and plethossuggests that inhis view the only way to force the city to open its gates was to persuade themajority of its inhabitants to accept this decision. It seems, therefore, that in536 a.d.urban politics in this important Italian city still followed the traditional

pattern.13

This conclusion concurs entirely with the history of Roman governmen-tal institutions in Italy, which shows that until the catastrophic period of theGothic war traditional urban life and its institutions continued without muchinterruption.14 Consequently, this paper begins with a presentation of the evi-dence before 535 (the outbreak of the Gothic war), followed by an analysis ofthe sources describing the crucial period of 535604.

before the gothic war

The bishops of RomeIn the fifth century a.d. the bishops of Rome participated in political life

as members of larger delegations sent to emperors or enemies menacing Rome.The first such bishop was Innocentius, who in 409 travelled to Ravenna witha few members of the Senate with the aim of persuading Honorius to acceptAlarics terms.15 In 452 Leo the Great, together with the consular Avienus andthe prefect Trigetius, served as an envoy to Attila. While two sources relatedto the ecclesiastical milieu of Rome (one written just after this event and oneeighty years later), as well as Jordanes copying Priscus, tended to attribute thesuccess of this mission to Leo, it was in fact the Roman military threat thatmade Attila withdraw his exhausted army from Italy.16 Three years later Leohelped to negotiate the surrender of the city to Gaiseric in the chaotic times thatfollowed the escape and murder of emperor Petronius Maximus. 17 In all thesecases the bishop was just one of several envoys, meant to lend his charisma tothe authority of a mission led by members of the local elite.

Some further evidence of the social activity of Roman bishops at this time

is offered by the Liber Pontificalis. Two bishops living at the turn of the sixthcentury, Gelasius (492496) and Symmachus (498514), are described as caring

12 See alsoLib. Pont. Silverius 3.13 Izdebski 2009. For other stylistic comparisons of the two historians, yet without any reference

to political or social history, see Braun 1886 and Bornmann 1974.14 For example, Wickham 2005: 3337.15 Zos. 5.45.5.16 Contemporary account: Prosper Chron. ann. 452; cf. Zecchini 2003. later account: Lib.

Pont. Leo 7; cf. Davis 2000; Carmassi 2002; Geertman 2002a; PriscusFrag. 22. Attila: HydatiusChronicon 153.

17 Prosper Chron. ann. 455; see Stein 1959: 366; Courcelle 1964: 185186.


4/18

BISHOPS IN LATE ANTIQUE ITALY 161

for the afflicted in the city. Both testimonies are short. Gelasius is rememberedas the amator pauperum (one who loved the poor) who saved the city fromfamine.18 Nothing certain is known about this food crisis,19 thus it is impossibleto say what the bishop actually did; he might have simply helped some ofthe citys poor who were in urgent need of food. The scope of Symmachussocial activities is likewise unknown; two mid-sixth-century Epitomai of theLiber Pontificalis (Felicianaand Cononiana) commence his biography with the

words Hic amavit clerum et pauperes(He [this one] loved the clergy and thepoor), possibly borrowed from Gelasius biography in order to create a saintlyimage for Symmachus.20 Apart from this, Symmachus is reported to have aidedin paying ransom and ensuring basic provisions for some Ligurian captives. 21

These passages reflect normal charitable activities of the Roman church whichmight be construed as building a bishops social importance, yet which did nothave much to do with Roman urban politics.

Other bishopsUntil the 470s, when the only known vita of a late antique Italian bishop

(Ennodius Vita Epiphanii) begins, extant sources permit few conclusions aboutthe social importance of bishops in Italian cities. Of some interest are sixsermons by bishop Maximus of Turin (see 8286) referring to an unspecified

barbarian threat. This might have been either Alarics first attack on Italy in401/2, Radagaisus invasion of 405/6, or the passage of the Goths through Italyon their way to Gaul in 411, which is the likeliest date, given the probable datesof Maximus espicopate.22 The main objective of the sermons was to encouragethe citizens of Turin to cooperate in preparing defences and to trust in God.The immediate fate of Turin after these sermons is unknown; most probably, itwas not conquered by the invaders, as there is no mention of such an event inother sermons by Maximus. Importantly, there are no grounds to claim that thebishop did anything more than preach civic values and thus aim to strengthenhis local community.

Another testimony from this early period, included in theLife of St Melania,a wealthy Roman aristocrat famous for her piety, refers to an unknown bishopfrom an island in the Tyrrhenian Sea. When the saint together with her husband

was sailing in 410 from Sicily to Naples, unfavourable winds made them stop onan island recently attacked by barbarians, who were now holding the members of

18 Lib. Pont. Gelasius 2.19The only other relevant source, Gelasius Letter against the Lupercalia, which refers to the

difficulties of transporting food from Sicily to Rome, does not shed any light on the brief acccountof theLiber; cf. Pomares 1959: 18.

20 Mommsen 1898: 120, l. 7; Carmassi 2002.21 Lib. Pont. Symmachus 11.22 See Mutzenbecher 1962: xxxv, n. For Maximus espicopate, see Gennadius De viris illustribus

41, PL LVIII 1081; cf. Gallesio 1975; Pietri and Pietri 19992000 s.v. maximvs12.


5/18

162 PHOENIX

the local elite for ransom. Having learnt that Melania had arrived, a local bishopasked her to pay the ransom, which she did.23 If the story can be consideredfactual, it would be the first attested situation in Italy in which a bishop triedto help his community in a time of trouble.

Much more is known about Epiphanius, the bishop of Ticinum (471498),thanks to a Vita composed by his successor Ennodius. This is an unusual lifeof a saint, as Epiphanius is not shown performing miracles. His extraordinary

skill at persuasion, which he uses to promote reconciliation, is offered as hisonly miraculous attribute. Indeed, the purpose of the text is to argue forreconciliation and cooperation between the various elite groups in OstrogothicItaly, in particular traditional Roman elites as well as leading ecclesiastical figuresand the Gothic king Theodoric.24

As bishop Epiphanius negotiated not only with subsequent political leadersand invaders of Italy but also with the rulers of neighbouring lands as their en-voy. Thus, at the beginning of his episcopate, he mediated between Ricimer andthe new emperor Anthemius,25 and shortly afterwards, between the inhabitantsof Liguria and the emperor Glycerius.26 In 476 he convinced the soldiers ofOdoacer to release captives taken from among the members of Ticinums eliteand obtained fiscal relief from the new ruler for the city. 27 During the ensu-ing war between Odoacer and Theoderic (489493), as Ticinum became the

temporary headquarters of the Gothic king, Epiphanius worked towards ensur-ing the peaceful coexistence of the local population and the invaders.28 Then,after a damaging year-long occupation by a group of Rugian soldiers allied withOdoacer,29 the bishop took part in the reconstruction of the city by encouragingthe influx of new settlers and reconciling Theoderic with Odoacers followers.30

Finally, when peace was settled, Theoderic entrusted him with a mission toransom Italian captives from Burgundy.31

Epiphanius can be seen as a useful diplomatic partner for successive rulers ofItaly. He provided the necessary service of a rhetorician, a professional speakerwhose tasks were to present the interests of his patron in an eloquent way andto ensure the smooth conduct of negotiations. If he became a notable figurein north Italian society it was due not to the political power of his office butto his own particular abilities.32 Yet he is nowhere attested as acting in the

place of any civilian or political authority, as both of these were still functioning

23 V. Mel. 19.24 Cesa 1988b.25 Ennod.V. Ep. 5274.26 Ennod.V. Ep. 79. He served in a diplomatic mission sent by emperor Nepos to king Euric

of the Visigoths (V. Ep.8094).27 Ennod.V. Ep. 95100, 106107.28 Ennod.V. Ep. 111116.29 Ennod.V. Ep. 118119.30 Ennod.V. Ep. 120135.31 Ennod.V. Ep. 136175.32 See Herrmann-Otto 1995.


6/18


during his lifetime. His activities thus offer convincing evidence that already atthis time the talented bishop of an important city could do much for his localcommunity in extreme situations without aspiring to political power.

The paucity of evidence concerning the involvement of bishops in localpoliticsexcept for a few who helped their communities in times of troubledemonstrates that as long as state structures were strong and local political lifewas following traditional patterns, there was little incentive for bishops to play

a continuing role in decision-making processes in their cities.

the gothic war and the lombard invasion

The bishops of RomeAs soon as the army led by Belisarius approached Rome, the unusual wartime

circumstances led the popes to engage in the citys political life. In 536 PopeSylverius, anxious that Rome would suffer the same fate as Naples, encouragedthe populace of Rome to admit Belisarius.33 Soon after, Rome was besiegedby the Goths led by Vitiges and a famine ensued. Worried about the loyaltyof the Romans, Belisarius accused Silverius and some senators of negotiatingclandestinely with the Goths. As a result Silverius was deposed from his officeand exiled.34 While Procopius did not take sides in his version of events, a

passage in the Liber Pontificalis(written at least forty and perhaps even seventyto eighty years later) vigorously defended the pope, claiming that he had beenfalsely accused.35 Some historians even suggest that Justinians religious policieswere behind Belisarius actions.36 Given the involvement of the Senate,37 itcannot be concluded that the bishop played a key political role in these events.

Silverius successor Vigilius himself became embroiled in religious controver-sies and was ordered to travel to Constantinople. According to a passage fromthe Liber Pontificalis, written long after the event, as Pope Vigilius was beingtaken away by Justinians soldiers, the people of Rome began shouting at him,claiming that he was responsible for the famine in the city.38 This mysteri-ous reproach was recorded at least three generations later, and most probablyreflects the fact that Vigilius and Pelagius, both associated with Justinians re-ligious policies, were disliked by many in Rome. This animosity might have

influenced sources that were used by the author of the Liberbut are no longerextant. Procopius, however, records a story about Vigilius sending a transportof food from Sicily to Rome while on his way to Constantinople.39 Sea com-

33 Proc. Bell. 5.14.4.34 Proc. Bell. 5.25.131735 Vogel 1975; Lib. Pont. Silverius 69.36 Leppin 2006.37 Cass. Var. 10.13; 11.13; Proc. Bell. 5.14.46, 5.20.520. Cf. the ruin of the whole senatorial

group in the 540s: Proc. Bell. 7.21.17.38 Lib. Pont.Vigilius 4.39 Proc. Bell. 7.15.914.


7/18

164 PHOENIX

munication in the vicinity of Naples was interrupted by the Goths at this timeand the popes ships were captured.40

During Totilas siege (546547) the archdeacon Pelagius acted as the headof the Church due to the absence of Vigilius and is said by Procopius to havespent both ecclesiastical and his personal monies on those in need.41 Moreover,he negotiated with Totila on behalf of the populace of Rome and begged theking to offer generous terms to the city.42 Pelagius himself, however, is most

probably responsible for this particular account in Procopius work. The historianwrote the account in Constantinople, where the archdeacon had acquired manysympathisers during his time as regular papal representative (apocrisiarius) at theimperial court.43 In addition, Pelagius himself could have contacted Procopiuswhen he was in Constantinople as Totilas envoy in 547.44 Therefore one cannotbe sure if Procopius description of the archdeacon as the sole person leadingand caring for the city is accurate, especially when compared with the rathermodest deeds of his predecessors.

With Gregory the Great, who presided over the church of Rome during theLombard wars in Italy at the end of the sixth century, the papacy saw a shifttoward greater political engagement. Gregory too had to cope with famine, asin the winter of 589/590 the whole of Italy suffered huge floods and the grainstored in Roman granaries was lost.45 The new pope responded with vigorous

action: as soon as he was consecrated in September 590, he sent his envoy toSicily with orders to organise grain transports to Rome46 and in 591 he askedthe same envoy to reorganise farming on the papacys Sicilian estates and toprepare additional transports of grain for Rome.47

More could be inferred from Gregorys correspondence with members ofimperial administration of Sicily. In February 599 he asked one such official toassist papal agents in collecting grain to be sent by the proconsul Leontius, anextraordinary imperial envoy controlling the state of affairs in Sicily.48 At thesame time Gregory wrote to Cyridanus, who had been entrusted by the emperorto manage the grain stock in Sicily in both the imperial and the ecclesiasticalgranaries.49 In his correspondence the pope argued for keeping the existing

40 Proc. Bell. 7.13.57.

41 Proc. Bell. 7.16.68.42 Proc. Bell. 7.20.2225, 7.21.1217.43 Buchberger 1936: 6566.44 Proc. Bell. 7.21.1825.45 Gr. Tur. Libr. hist. 3.1.46 Gr. Magn. Ep. 1.2.47Ep. 1.42. For an extensive analysis of papal estates at the end of late antiquity and an

estimation of crop production, see Markus 1997: 112124. In a letter sent in August Gregoryasked for preparations of emergency dispatches for February (Ep. 1.70). Moreover, he bought grainfrom Sardinia on at least one occasion (Ep. 9.2).

48 Pietri and Pietri 19992000 s.v. leontius18.49Ep. 9.31


8/18


rules of papal-imperial cooperation in Sicily, which allowed him to administerhis reserves independently and to use them for the relief of the poor in Rome.50

When all of this evidence is weighed, a picture emerges of a pope playing animportant role in providing food for the lower stratum of the urban population;yet we cannot conclude that he was the only one responsible for the food supplyof Rome.51 There is no positive evidence for the disappearance of imperial orpublic administration of grain, and it is an exaggeration to argue from Gregorys

letters, a source with a strong ecclesiastical bias, that the pope took control ofeverything. The situation could be said to resemble the events of the 540s, whencharitable activities undertaken by the pope gained special importance in a timeof crisis.52

Gregorys predecessor, Pelagius ii, undertook some modest diplomatic effortsaimed at ensuring the security of Rome against the Lombards. He first had toconfront them in 579, when they besieged Rome,53 and some time later he wrotea letter to a Gallic bishop Aunarius asking him to persuade the Franks to defendthe Christians in Italy against the pagan attackers.54 Moreover, in October 584he asked his representative in Constantinople to convince the emperor Mauriceto establish a regular garrison in Rome.55 Gregory seems to have done muchmore, but it is also true that we know much more about Gregory simply becausean abundant body of his letters has been preserved. What is most striking in

this context is his involvement in influencing the course of fighting in centralItaly. Thus, in September 591, when Rome was threatened by an aggressiveLombard warlord Ariulf from Spoleto,56 Gregory begged a Roman commanderto attack Ariulf from the rear.57 He asked once more in July 592,58 whilealso informing the imperial army about Ariulfs moves in Tuscany.59 At thesame time the pope also paid attention to Naples, advising its garrison, whichwas likewise threatened by Ariulf.60 Apart from advice and encouragement,the letter to Naples contains one astonishing sentence: we have appointedConstantius the tribune to lead the defence of the city. 61 This could meanthat in the climactic moment of war, when the Roman army was powerless,Gregory tried to help organise resistance on his own. However, in a letter

50Ep. 9.115.

51 Markus 1997: 123124.52 It is also worth remembering that apart from organising food, he also participated in ransomingcaptives: Ep. 2.45.6, 4.17, 8.2.

53 Lib. Pont. Pelagius 2.1, repeated by Paul. Diac. Hist. Long. 3220.54 PL LXXII 705.55 Gr. Magn. Ep. App. 2.56 Paul. Diac.Hist. Long. 4.16.57Ep. 2.7.58Ep. 2.32.59Ep. 2.33.60Ep. 2.45.5.61 Gr. Magn. Ep. 2.34: virum Constantium tribunum custodiae civitatis deputavimus praeesse.


9/18

166 PHOENIX

written two years later to his representative in Constantinople he claimed hehad never wanted to take over any sort of military command.62 Nonetheless,he continued concerning himself with matters of defence, asking Maurentiusin Campania to allow the monks to stop keeping guard at night on city wallsof an unidentified town63 and advising bishop Januarius of Caralis to persistin carefully watching Lombard activities and to be ready to oppose an attackat any time.64 In addition, Gregory increased diplomatic efforts, continuing

the strategy already employed by his predecessor. Initially, he attempted tofacilitate contacts between the Lombards and the exarch, begging his fellowbishops from Ravenna and Milan (exiled to Genoa) to influence the exarch65

and to extend Gregorys offer of mediation to Agilulf, the Lombard king. 66 Healso engaged in autonomous parleys with Lombard leaders. A few of his lettersinclude extensive information on Lombard eagerness to conclude peace67 andthere is one explicit mention of a formal agreement with the enemy.68 Finallyhe sent letters expressing his gratitude to king Agilulf69 and queen Teodolinda70

when the peace was concluded in the autumn of 598. This level of politicalengagement by a pope in late antique Italy is unprecedented.

Yet definite conclusions about Gregorys relative significance and the extentof his political power within Rome cannot be proposed due to the bias of thesources. From the one extant source, the popes own letters, there are insufficient

grounds to claim that from the beginning of his pontificate Gregory was, orstrove to be, a civic leader.71 At the same time the letters clearly show hissense of personal responsibility and his commitment to saving the communityin his pastoral care.

The entire history of papal activity during the last two centuries of RomanItaly shows a growing need for charitable intervention as a consequence of thegradual decline of traditional elites, social institutions, and power structures inItaly. However, with the exception of Gregory, active involvement by bishopsin local politics is not recorded. Yet had Gregorys letters been lost, we wouldonly know that during his pontificate Rome suffered famine and was threatenedby Lombard attacks; his role in these events would be completely unknown.

Other bishops

With the outbreak of the Gothic war, several bishops are recorded as havingplayed an important role in their local communities. Datius, the bishop of Mi-

62Ep. 5.6.2.63Ep. 9.162; cf. Gregorys worries about the size of Romes garrison (Ep. 9.240).64Ep. 9.195.65July 592 (Ep. 2.45.3); April 596 (Ep. 5.63).66 September 593 (Ep. 4.2.3).67Ep. 5.34.2, 5.36.2, 9.44.2.68This probably refers to an armistice with Ariulf in the autumn of 592 (Ep. 5.36.5).69Ep. 9.66.70Ep. 9.67.71 Liebeschuetz 2001: 157158.


10/18


lan, cooperated with civilian authorities during the great famine of 537, whenthe prefect Cassiorodus asked him to administer (with the help of civilian offi-cers) grain transports from Ticinum and Dertona.72 This is the only attested sit-uation during the whole period in which a high-ranking civilian officer formallyasked a bishop for assistance in fulfilling his duties. A year later Datius was amember of a delegation from Milan which was sent to Rome to offer Belisariusthe citys submission.73 The bishop did not then return with a detachment of

Belisarius army, but stayed in Rome, leaving it unclear whether he went theresimply as one of the envoys or if he also hoped to obtain food for his starvingcity. Nevertheless, it is worth remembering that Milan was not an ordinaryItalian city. It was a large urban centre and a former imperial capital with adistinguished Christian tradition; thus the role its bishop played in overcomingthe catastrophes of the late 530s might be at least partially attributed to hisunusual position among north Italian bishops.

In the 540s a few bishops of small towns in central Italy were killed dur-ing military operations. Herculanus of Perusia (Perugia), as related by a laterhagiographic tradition preserved in the Gregorian Dialogues, was murdered bythe order of king Totila just after the town had been sacked. 74 According toProcopius, another bishop, from the town of Tibur, also died together withother inhabitants of his town during the final assault by the Gothic besiegers.75

TheDialogueshas two other bishops greet the ruler on his arrival to their towns:Cassius of Narnia76 and Fulgentius of Utriculum.77 There may be a link be-tween the fact that two bishops greeted the king (one of them, Fulgentius, hadeven prepared gifts for him) and that two other bishops were killed during thefinal assaults on a town. TheDialoguesemphasise that bishop Herculanus didnot leave his town as did many of its other inhabitants but stayed until thevery end of the siege. He may have been planning to do the same service forhis local community as Cassius and Fulgentius did for theirs: greet the winner,either in the capacity of the towns sole representative (as the Dialogueswouldhave the bishops do) or as a member of a delegation of the local elite (whichseems more probable). These deaths suggest that social prominence was some-times detrimental to individual bishops, as in instances when a king wantedto punish a town and made an example of its representatives, in particular its

bishop.There is no direct evidence that any bishops took over local leadership in

this time of turmoil. In this context, Justinians post-war regulations concerningbishops, which made them judges alongside local elites,78 should not be seen as

72 Cass. Var. 12.25 and 12.27.2; Lib. Pont. Silverius 5.73 Proc. Bell. 6.7.3536.74 Dial. 3.13.13 and Vita Floridi5.75 Proc. Bell. 7.10.22.76 Dial. 3.6.1; his epitaph: CILXI 4164.77 Dial. 3.12.2.78 Constitutio pragmatica, App. Novellae App. 7.12 (Schoell and Kroll 1959: 3.800801).


11/18

168 PHOENIX

marking a shift in the balance of power in Italian society. 79 Similar regulationswere implemented in other parts of the empire, so this particular constitutionalchange referring to Italy cannot be considered a reaction to a change of localrealities; it was rather the realisation of a general policy. Outside of Rome, theactivities carried out by bishops in the period of the Lombard invasions do notdiffer from what we have seen at the time of the Gothic war. There is oneimprecise testimony of a bishop greeting a Lombard king (Felix of Tarvisium

welcoming Alboin),80

and a story of two bishops paying ransom for a bour-gadecaptured by the Franks (who fought with the Lombards).81 One of thosebishops, Agnellus of Trent, later travelled to Frankish lands in order to liberateprisoners from Liguria,82 and in a letter Gregory suggests that other bishopscollected money for ransom payments and cared for captives as well.83

other evidence of the social importance of italian bishops

Episcopal residences and resourcesThe most notable change in the structure of late antique Italian cities was

probably the appearance of episcopeia, complexes of episcopal churches andresidences.84 Yet, however convincing these episcopal palaces might be asevidence for the growing importance of the bishop within a city, there remainnumerous problems, first in identifying the actual structures of such complexes,and second, in interpreting the ways in which any given complex reflected abishops power.85 Five such complexes have been carefully excavated and stud-ied in Italy over the last two decades, three in the north (Aquileia, Milan, andParenzo-Porec) and two in the south (Canosa and San Giusto).86 The complexin Aquileia is the oldest among the important urban centres of Italy and of thewest. Its development reflects the strength and significance of this flourishingChristian community in the post-Constantinian period. From the middle ofthe fourth century it comprised a basilica with an identifiable bishops residence.Both were destroyed and rebuilt a century later in a more elaborate form, withanother basilica added to them. The episcopal residence was splendidly adornedwith mosaic floors similar to those that embellished the basilicas, making asharp contrast to the impoverishment of other buildings in Aquileia in the pe-

riod after 450. Almost at the same time, a similar set of buildings reflectingremarkable wealth was constructed in the centre of Milan, and was repeatedlyrestored over the following centuries. The third north Italian episcopal complex,

79As Sotinel 1998b would suggest.80 Paul. Diac.Hist. Long. 2.12.81 Paul. Diac.Hist.Long. 3.31.2637. Certainly not a relic of Justinianic regulations, as proposed

by Capo (1992: 487488), but a normal charitable activity.82 Paul. Diac.Hist. Long. 4.1.83Ep. 7.13.84 Ellis 2007a: 20.85 Uvtterhoeven 2007.86 For a complete bibliography, see Ellis 2007b.


12/18


Parenzo-Porec (Parentium in Istria), was built later, probably in the middle ofthe fifth century, during a period of relative prosperity in this particular region.It includes several notable basilicas and a prestigious episcopal residence, andresembles other episcopal residences and palaces which are attributed to secularauthorities further to the east and south in the Balkans.87

The next two sites, urban Canosa/Canusium and rural San Giusto, were ex-cavated in the regions of Apulia and Calabria as part of a broader research pro-

gram which concentrated on the transitional period ofa.d.

400600. Canusiumwas the administrative and economic hub of the region, and although severalbishops from this city are recorded in various synod acts before a.d. 500, anotable episcopal complex was built as late as the first half of the sixth centuryand included a cathedral, a residence, a ceremonial atrium, and a few otherbuildings which might have housed industrial activities such as pottery produc-tion. Volpe (2007) interprets this impressive ecclesiastical complex, a verita-ble bishops palace which became the towns focal point, as the imposition ofChristian topography on the city. However, apart from medieval hagiographicalnarratives, nothing is known about the activities of the bishops from Canusium,so there is no basis to claim that the possession of the opulent residence madethem loom larger in local politics. Moreover, it is certain that after the periodof the Lombard invasion the town was deprived of a bishop and did not play

an important role in the region. San Giusto is an even more elusive example.Originally a Roman villa with a small church built in the early phase of lateantique Christianity, it was enlarged with a second church and a complex ofbuildings which might have been somehow related to the church, and becamethe seat of a rural bishop (episcopus Carmeianensis), according to Volpe, at theturn of the sixth century. It lost its splendour and significance a century later.88

These impressive episcopal complexes can be interpreted as evidence of thelargesse of wealthy aristocrats towards local churches, rather than manifestationsof the power of local bishops. The supposed importance of these residenceswithin Italian cities is poorly reflected in written sources. In fact, only one textincludes a story in which such a site played a key role, a story told by Ennodius:during the sack of Ticinium in the war between Odoacer and Orestes (RomulusAugustulus father) in 476, the soldiers of Odoacer overran the house of the

bishop Epiphanius in expectation of finding great riches. Coming away empty-handed, they then took captives from among the citizens of Ticinum, whomthe saint/bishop later liberated using his skills of persuasion.89

Such complexes, as Rapp has pointed out, were rather modest when comparedto governors palaces and private aristocratic residences.90 While they did becomeimportant features in many Italian cities, they did not share any uniform planand do not seem to reflect special civic and political functions of the episcopal

87 Marano 2007.88 Volpe 2007.89 Ennod.V. Ep.97.90 Rapp 2005: 208211; Miller 2000: 1653.


13/18

170 PHOENIX

office in the way, for example, that early medieval episcopal palaces in Italydo.91 Nor can the construction of numerous churches associated with localbishops, recorded in homilies and inscriptions,92 be considered an argument forthe political power of a bishop. All these new Christian buildings might wellhave been possible thanks to the generosity of prosperous benefactors from localaristocracies and do not necessarily imply the existence of vast resources readilyavailable to the head of the local church.93 Many archaeologists excavating late

antique cities in Italy adopt the opinio communis about bishops becoming localpolitical leaders because they hold it to be an obvious fact based on an assumedabundance of written sources,94 whereas the archaeological evidence interpretedby itself does not support such conclusions.

Finally, a few other aspects of bishops social resources should be mentioned.Firstly, Italian bishops in the fifth century did not yet have a substantial ad-ministrative apparatus which would have allowed them to intervene in the lifeof their local communities, especially in smaller cities.95 Moreover, their socialcapital, as determined by their social origin and education, was not significant inthis period. According to prosopographical research conducted by Sotinel, Ital-ian bishops in late antiquity came from educated but not aristocratic families.96

The same data led her later to conclude that Italian bishops in late antiquitydid not form a separate social group: there were no episcopal dynasties even

though many bishops were married and had children.97

However, in the caseof the bigger sees such as Rome, Milan, and Ravenna, one factor may haveenhanced the position of bishops in their local societies towards the end of thesixth century: the possession of large estates in Sicily which would have allowedthem, as we have seen with Gregory the Great (above, 164165), to providesome part of the food supply for the poor in their cities.98

Episcopal ethosepitaphsFurther light can be shed on the question of whether the Italian bishops

aspired to leadership in their local communities, or were perceived as having such

91 Miller 2000: 8385.92 Homilies and inscriptions: Cantino Walaghin 2006; Perrin 1998. See, for instance, the texts

related to the reconstruction of Milanese churches after Attilas invasion: CILV p. 617,2. Ps.-Max.

Taur.Serm. 94, PL LVII 472.93 See Sodini 2003. It should be said, however, that Sodini (37) believes that the development

of episcopal residences in late antiquity is in fact evidence for the rise of episcopal power.94 For example, Cantino Walaghin 2006: 302; Marano 2007: 98.95 Exceptions to this are Rome, probably Ravenna, Milan, and Aquileia; see Sotinel 1998a.96 Sotinel 1997. This is contrary to Gaul, where many bishops came from among the aristocracy

already in the sixth century (Wickham 2005: 168209).97 Sotinel 2006.98 Pietri 1978. Sicily, unaffected by military operations, saw a rapid development of its agriculture

at this time, and was probably becoming increasingly important in feeding the population of Italy,especially the larger centres: see Banaji 2001: 622; Brubaker and Haldon 2011: 490493; Prigent2006.


14/18


ambitions, by analysing their epitaphs.99 Using the Prosopographie chr etienne duBas-Empireit is possible to analyse thirty epitaphs of bishops (fourteen datingto the fifth century and the rest to the sixth) from all over Italy except Rome,where a distinct papal ethos developed. The majority of these epitaphs servesolely to identify the deceased. Two express faith in the resurrection of the deadand four describe strictly religious virtues. Only three offer some clues aboutthe social activities of the interred bishop:

Glycerivs 1 (attested 431, died 15 September 440; Milan); content: pastoral virtues andbenignity praised (Ennodius Carmen II 82, MGH AA VII, p. 164165). It includesthe sentence haec dedit auxilium Hesperiis Libiaeque petenti, which Ferrua (1964: 3233)interpreted as a memory of generous help to the inhabitants of places destroyed byinvaders or natural catastrophes. Hesperiiswould mean either those living West of Milanor West of the Alps, in Gaul or on the Iberian Peninsula (CIL V, p. 620 # 5).

Ivstinianvs 1 (attested 451; Vercellae); content: a praise of pastoral virtues containingwordsiustitiae cultor (cultivator of justice, CIL V 6724).

Andreas 4 (attested 529; Formiae); content: similar to Ivstinianvs 1 (CILX 6218).

By contrast, in both late antique Gaul and Spain relatively numerous descriptiveepitaphs of bishops were erected. For the Iberian Peninsula, Pere Maymo iCapdevila (2001) analysed in total nine such inscriptions which included ref-

erences to the social activities of the commemorated bishop (e.g., Isidorus ofTarraco: gerens cura pauper(um) (managing the care of the poor); Sergius ofTarragona: hunc pauperes patrem, hunc tutorem habere pupilli, uidus solamen,captibis pretium, / esuriens repperit alimentum) (In him the poor had theirfather, and the orphans their protector. He obtained consolation for widows,support for prisoners [or: ransom for those in captivity], and food to the hun-gry); several similar epitaphs were also composed in late antique Gaul.100 ThusItaly stands apart from Gaul and Spain as a region in which the epigraphic habitof commemorating bishops and praising their Christian social virtues did notdevelop in late antiquity.

This difference might be explained by the fact that the Italian bishops werenot members of local elites. As has been pointed out by Mark Handley (2003:3465), in Gaul and Spain many members of the elite, both laymen and eccle-siastics, were honoured with elaborate funeral epigrams. Thus, the fact that theItalian bishops, with the exception of those from the most notable sees, did notenjoy such commemoration supports the view already argued by Sotinel101 thatthey did not become incorporated into the local elite in late antiquity. Secondly,the fact that there existed no incentives for honouring individual bishops meantthat their social importance, as attested in the written evidence, should rather be

99 For similar research on Visigothic Spain, see Maymo i Capdevila 2001.100 Heinzelmann 1976: 61178.101 Sotinel 1997; 2006.


15/18

172 PHOENIX

attributed to the role that Christianity in general played in social life rather thanto the power of the office itself, or of the individual who held it. In antiquity, bycontrast, the development of distinctive epigraphic habits can in itself be con-sidered a form of self-representation and an expression of social aspirations.102

The lack of such epigraphic evidence in the case of Italian bishops suggests theabsence of social aspirations. This observation reinforces the argument that theconstruction of churches and episcopal palaces in this period was due to the

involvement of elites, including the senatorial families, in the Christianisationof the urban space, rather than a manifestation of the economic and politicalpower of the Italian bishops.

conclusion

It is not suprising that the social importance and the actual political power ofItalian bishops was different from that of their counterparts in Gaul or Spain,given that political developments in late antique Italy followed a distinct path.While the ascent of Christianity undoubtedly led to a higher social profile forbishops, the available evidence, meagre as it is, suggests that there was no suchphenomenon as a significant rise in the political power of Italian bishops, atleast not until the very last years of the sixth century, and then seemingly onlyin Rome.

Institute of History

Polish Academy of Sciences

Rynek St. Miasta 29/31

01-031 Warsaw

Poland

bibliography

Allen, P. and W. Mayer. 2000. Through a Bishops Eyes: Towards a Definition ofPastoral Care in Late Antiquity,Augustinianum 40: 345397.

Banaji, J. 2001. AgrarianChange in Late Antiquity: Gold, Labourand Aristocratic Dominance.Oxford.

Blockley, R. C. 1983. The Fragmentary Classicising Historians. Liverpool.Bornmann, F. 1974. Motivi tucididei in Procopio,Atene e Roma19: 138150.Braun, H. 1886. Procopius Caesariensis quatenus imitatus sit Thucydidem,Acta Sem-

inarii Philologici Erlangensis4: 161221.Brown, P. 1992. Power and persuasion in Late Antiquity: Towards a Christian Empire.

Madison. 2002. Poverty and Leadership in the Later Roman Empire. Hanover and London.Brubaker, L. and J. Haldon. 2011. Byzantium in the Iconoclast Era (c. 680850): A History.

Cambridge.

102 Mouritsen 2005.


16/18


Buchberger, M. ed. 1936. Lexikon f ur Theologie und Kirche8. Freiburg.Capo, L. ed. 1992. Paulus Diaconus: Historia Longobardorum. Milan.Carmassi, P. 2002. La prima redazione del Liber Pontificalisnel quadro delle fonti

contemporanee. Osservazioni in margine allavitadi Simmaco, in Geertman 2002:235266.

Cesa, M. ed. 1988. Ennodius, Vita Epiphanii (Vita del beatissimo Epifanio vescovo dellachiesa pavese). Como.

Courcelle, P. 1964. Histoire litteraire des grandes invasions germaniques. Paris.

Davis, R. ed. 2000. The Book of Pontiffs (Liber Pontificalis): The Ancient Biographies of theFirst Ninety Roman Bishops to A.D.715. Liverpool.

Duchesne, L. ed. 1886. Liber Pontificalis1. Paris.Ellis, S. 2007a. Late Antique Housing and the Uses of Residential Buildings: An

Overview, in Lavan, Ozgenel, and Sarantis 2007: 122. 2007b. Housing in Late Antiquity: Regional Perspectives, in Lavan, Ozgenel,

and Sarantis 2007: 6793.Ewald, P. and L. Hartmann (eds.). 1957. Gregorii I Papae registrum epistolarum. MGH

Epistolae12. Berlin.Ferrua, A. 1964. Glicerio, vescovo di Milano,La Civilt a cattolica115: 3037.Garuti, G. ed. 1979. Cl. Claudiani De bello gothico. Bologna.Gallesio, F. tr. 1975. S. Massimo di Torino:Sermoni. Turin. 1114.Geertman, H. ed. 2002. Atti del colloquio internazionale: il Liber Pontificalis e la storia

materiale (Roma, 2122 febbraio 2002). Mededelingen van het Nederlands Instituut te

RomeAntiquity 6061. Rome. 2002a. Documenti, redattori e la formazione del testo del Liber Pontificalis, in

Geertman 2002: 267284.Gorece, D. ed. 1962. Gerontius: Vita Melaniae. Sources Chretiennes 90. Paris.Handley, M. A. 2003. Death, Society and Culture: Inscriptions and Epitaphs in Gaul. BAR

International Series 1135. Oxford.Hansen, G. C. ed. 2004. Sozomenos: Historia ecclesiastica. Fontes Christiani 73/34.

Turnhout.Haury, J. and G. Wirth (eds.). 19621963. De bellis libri (Procopii Caesariensis opera

omnia 12). Leipzig.Heinzelmann, M. 1976. Bischofsherrschaft in Gallien: zur Kontinuit at r omischer F uhrungs-

schichten vom 4. bis zum 7. Jahrhundert: soziale, prosopographische und bildungsgeschichtlicheAspekte. Munich.

Herrmann-Otto, E. 1995. Der spatantike Bischof zwischen Politik und Kirche: das

exemplarische Wirken des Epiphanius von Pavia,R omischeQuartalschriftfur christlischeAlterumskunde und f ur Kirchengeschichte90: 198214.

Izdebski, A. 2009. Spoecznosc Neapolu wobec wojsk Belizariusza w 536 rokuklasyczna polityka miejska czy literacka stylizacja Prokopiusza? [The Communityof Naples and the Army of Belisarius in a.d. 536Classical Municipal Politics orProcopiuss Literary Stylization?], U schyku staro zytnosci. Studia zr odoznawcze [Late

Antiquity. Studies in Source Criticism]8: 3350.Lavan, L., L. Ozgenel, and A. Sarantis (eds.). 2007. Housing in Late Antiquity: From

Palaces to Shops. Late Antique Archaeology 3.2. Leiden.


17/18

174 PHOENIX

Leppin, H. 2006. Zu den Anfangen der Kirchenpolitik Justinians, in H. U. Wiemer(ed.), Staatlichkeit und politisches Handeln in der r omischen Kaiserzeit. MillenniumStudien 10. Berlin. 187208.

Liebeschuetz, J. H. W. G. 2001. The Decline and Fall of the Roman City. Oxford.Marano, Y. A. 2007. Domus in Qua Manebat Episcopus: Episcopal Residences in

Northern Italy during Late Antiquity (4th to 6th centuries a.d.), in Lavan, Ozgenel,and Sarantis 2007: 97129.

Markus, R. 1997. Gregory the Great and His World. Cambridge.

Maymo i Capdevila, P. 1997. El obispo como autoridad ciudadana y las irrupcionesgermanicas en el Occidente latino durante el siglo V, in Vescovi e pastori in epocateodosiana2. Rome. 551558.

2001. Actuacion social e ideario episcopal en los carmina Latina epigraphica hispanos: una propuesta de analisis,Cassiodorus 67: 215229.

Miller, M. C. 2000. The Bishops Palace?: Architecture and Authority in Medieval Italy.Ithaca.

Mochi Onory, S. 1933. Vescovi e citt a (Secoli IVVI). Bologna.Mommsen, T. ed. 1892. Chronica minore saec. IV, V, VI, VII. MGH AA 9. Berlin. ed. 1894. Chronica minore saec. IV, V, VI, VII. MGH AA 11. Berlin. ed. 1898. Liber Pontificalis. MGH, Scriptores, Gesta Pontificum Romanorum.

Berlin. ed. 1905. Codex Theodosianus. Berlin.Mor, C. G. 1979. Sui poteri civili dei vescovi dal IV al secolo VIII, inI poteri temporali

dei vescovi in Italia e in Germania nel Medioevo. Bologna. 733.Mouritsen, H. 2005. Freedmen and Decurions: Epitaphs and Social History in Imperial

Italy,JRS95: 3863.Nauerth, C. ed. 1996. Andreas Agnellus: Liber Pontificalis Ecclesiae Ravennatis. Fontes

Christiani 21/12. Freiburg.Mutzenbecher, A. ed. 1962. Maximusepiscopus Taurinensis,Sermones. CC Series Latina

23. Turnhout.Paschoud, F. ed. 19711989. Zosime: Histoire nouvelle. Paris.Perrin, M.-Y. 1998. Le nouveau style missionaire: la conquete de lespace et du temps,

in L. Pietri (ed.), Histoire du Christianisme3: Les Eglises dOrient et dOccident. Paris.585621.

Pietri, C. 1978. Evergetisme et richesses ecclesiastique dans lItalie du iv e au vie siecle,Ktema3: 317337.

and L. Pietri (eds.). 19992000. Prosopographie chr etienne du Bas-Empire2: Italie

313604. Rome.Pomares, G. ed. 1959. Gelase I: Lettre contre les Lupercales et dix-huit messes du

Sacramentaire leonien. Sources Chretiennes 65. Paris.Prigent, V. 2006. Le role des provinces dOccident dans lapprovisonnement de Con-

stantinople (618717): Temoignages numismatique et sigillographique, MEFRM118: 269299.

Rapp, C. 2000. The Elite Status of Bishops in Late Antiquity in Ecclesiastical, Spiritual,and Social Contexts,Arethusa33: 379399.

2005. Holy Bishops in Late Antiquity: The Nature of Christian Leadership in the Age ofTransition. Berkeley.


18/18


Schoell, R. and G. Kroll (eds.). 1959 [=1895]. Corpus Iuris Civilis3: Novellae. Berlin.Sodini, J.-P. 2003. Archaeology and Late Antique Social Structures, in L. Lavan and

W. Bowden (eds.), Theory and Practice in Late Antique Archaeology. Leiden. 2556.Sotinel, C. 1997. Le recrutement des eveques en Italie aux ive et ve siecles: essai

denquete prosopographique, inVescovi e pastoriin epoca teodosiana1. Rome. 193204. 1998a. Le personnel episcopal: enquete sur la puissance de leveque dans la cite,

in E. Rebillard, C. Sotinel (eds.),L evequedanslacite auIVeetVesi ecles. Rome. 105126. 1998b. LItalie: les eglises et la reconquista Byzantine, in L. Pietri (ed.),Histoire

du Christianisme des origines à nos jours 3: Les eglises dOrient et dOccident. Paris.719736.

2006. Les eveques Italiens dans la societe de lantiquite tardive: lemergence dunenouvelle elite?, in R. Lizzi Testa (ed.), Le trasformazioni delleelites in et a tardoantica.

Atti del convegno internazionale, Perugia, 1516 marzo 2004. Rome. 377404.Spitzbart, G. and W. Maaz (eds.). 1988. Vita Floridi. Analecta Bollandiana 106:

415450.Stein, E. 1949. Histoire du Bas-Empire2: De la disparition de lEmpire dOccidentà la mort

de Justinien (476565). Paris (original edition: Vienna 1928). 1959. Histoire du Bas-Empire 1: De lEtat Romain à lEtat Byzantin (284476).

Paris.Thiel, A. ed. 1974. Epistolae Romanorum pontificum genuinae a s. Hilario usque ad Pelagium

1. New York.Uvtterhoeven, I. 2007. Housing in Late Antiquity: Thematic Perspectives, in Lavan,

Ozgenel, and Sarantis 2007: 2366.Vogel, C. 1975. LeLiber Pontificalis dans ledition de Louis Duchesne. Etat de la

question, in Monseigneur Duchesne et son temps. Actes du Colloque organis e par lEcolefrancaise de Rome (Palais Farn èse, 2325 mai 1973). Collection de lEcole francaise de

Rome 23. Rome. 99127.Vogue, A. de. ed. 19781980. Gregoire le Grand: Dialogues. Sources Chretiennes 251,

260, and 265. Paris.Volpe, G. 2007. Architecture and Church Power in Late Antiquity: Canosa and San

Giusto (Apulia), in Lavan, Ozgenel, and 2007: 131168.Cantino Walaghin, G. 2006. Architecture and Power: Churches in Northern Italy from

the 4th to the 6th C., in W. Bowden, A. Gutteridge, C. Machado (eds.), Social andPolitical Life in Late Antiquity. Late Antique Archaeology 3.1. Leiden. 287309.

Wickham, C. 2005. Framingthe EarlyMiddle Ages: Europeand the Mediterranean 400800.Oxford.

Zanini, E. 1998. Le Italie bizantine: territorio, insediamenti ed economia nella provinciabizantina dItalia (VIVIII secolo). Bari.

Zecchini, G. 2003. Jerome, Orosius and the Western Chronicles, in G. Marasco (ed.),

Greek and Roman historiography in Late Antiquity. Leiden. 338341.

Izdebski Adam Bishops

Documents

Transcript of Izdebski Adam Bishops