SOCIAL SCIENCE RESEARCH COUNCIL

VOLUME 22 . NUMBER 1 . MARCH 1968 230 PARK AVENUE · NEW YORK, N.Y. 10017

LABOR AND LEISURE IN TRADITIONAL AFRICAN SOCIETIES

THE conference on competing demands for the time of labor in traditional African societies, cosponsored by the Joint Committee on African Studies and the Agricultural Development Council on October 19-21, 1967 at Holly Knoll, the Robert R. Moton Memorial Foundation con­ference center, Capahosic, Virginia, was an attempt to encourage interdisciplinary investigations of the nature, value, and cost of activities frequently considered not to be economically productive. Papers prepared for the con­ference were intended to illustrate the kinds of informa­tion available about such activities, to examine ways of measuring their magnitude, and to illuminate the prob­lem of estimating their value. Five papers presented in­formation about particular societies, two reported on sur­veys of the relevant literature for eastern and central Africa, and one concerned the nature and effectiveness of organized work in traditional societies; these papers were distributed in advance and served as the basis for discus­sion. The 22 participants in the conference were mainly anthropologists and economists, but also included repre­sentatives of other social sciences and of the humanities. l

• The author is Director of the Food Research Institute, Stanford Uni· versity, and chainnan of the Joint Committee on African Studies, of the American Council of Learned Societies and the Social Science Research Council. He organized the conference on which he reports here.

1 The participants were: David W. Ames, San Francisco State College; D. G. R. Belshaw, Makerere University College; Elizabeth Colson, University of California, Berkeley; Philip D. Curtin, University of Wis· consin; Walter W. Deshler, University of Maryland; Luther P. Gerlach, University of Minnesota; Philip H. Gulliver, University of London; Peter B. Hammond, Washington, D.C.; Stephen H. Hymer, Robert F. Thompson, and Stanley H. Udy, Jr., Yale University; William O. Jones, Stanford University; Igor Kopytoff, and Robert M. Netting, University of Pennsylvania; Rowland L. Mitchell, Jr., Social Science Research Council; Edgar Raynaud, European Coordination Centre for Research and Documentation in Social Sciences; Priscilla Reining, Catholic University of America; Wo Roder, University of Cincinnati; Roy

by William O. Jones ..

The joint committee's interest in such a conference derived from the assumption in much of the recent writ­ing on economic development that rural societies like the African ones are characterized by extensive unemploy­ment or underemployment of labor which could be used productively either in industry or in agriculture if com­plementary resources were made available. Some writers have argued, however, that rural unemployment in pre­industrial societies may be more apparent than real, and that economists who have thought to demonstrate its magnitude have tended to classify as uneconomic, or "leisure," a variety of activities usually regarded as pro­ductive when performed in industrial economies. These activities include ceremonial, religious, and entertain­ment services as well as the more obviously economic production of shelter, clothing, and ornamentation, and provision of educational, governmental, and personal services. To the extent that leisure time actually is de­voted to performing some of these activities, withdrawal of labor from the rural sector must either reduce the sup­ply of the services and products it has provided, or must reduce employment in agriculture or other rural oc­cupations. Better understanding of the importance of these often overlooked activities appears to depend, first, on improved estimates of the amount of time de­voted to them, and second, on better estimates of the value, economic or social, of the satisfactions they afford. These were the two problems to which participants in the conference were asked to direct their attention. Underlying this approach was the assumption that it should be possible to examine and measure the ways in

Sieber, Indiana University; Wolfgang F. Stolper, University of Michigan; Benjamin E. Thomas, University of California, Los Angeles; Edgar V. Winans, University of Washington.

1

which adults in relatively undisturbed and self-contained small rural societies spend their days, and that such measurement would provide basic information for the more difficult problem of valuation.

Perhaps the most important accomplishment of the conference was to demonstrate the difficulty if not im­possibility of finding such self-contained societies in present-day Africa, and the great complexity of adult activities in the existing societies. However, several papers and the discussions they provoked suggest a more direct approach to the question which gave rise to the conference: What is the real cost of increased inputs of labor in manufacturing and agricultural industries?

TEMPORARY LABOR MIGRATION

Papers by P. H. Gulliver ("The Case of the Ndendeuli, Shifting Cultivators of Southern Tanzania"), Peter B. Hammond ("Mossi Technology and Time Allocation"), and Igor Kopytoff ("Labor Allocation among the Suku") were concerned with societies in which high proportions of able-bodied men are employed outside the traditional society and thus are absent from their villages for ex­tended periods. Among the Ndendeuli at anyone time approximately one third of the adult males are absent as temporary migrant laborers; a large proportion of the young men among the Mossi of Upper Volta migrate southward to work on the plantations in Ivory Coast and Ghana; and approximately one fourth of the men of the Suku village studied by Kopytoff in the Congo were away working in Leopoldville or on plantations. Is this kind of migration evidence of "slack" in the traditional system? Hammond believes that "such migration is actually quite costly to the Mossi economy, and not an indication of slack at all." Gulliver believes that such absences among the Ndendeuli have not decreased home economic production, the level of general cooperation, or the adequacy of performance of essential social tasks, but that "the major effect . . . was to limit home enterprise in response to new opportunities (new crops, new markets, new techniques, etc.) and therefore to limit increased production rather than to decrease exist­ing levels of production."

Absence of adult males from the village is a ready indicator of a wide variety of changes that have been induced by intervention from outside. The Ndendeuli do little craftwork nowadays. Cooking utensils and tools are obtained from stores, with money obtained by wage labor and from the sale of tobacco, although some wooden utensils, hoe and axe handles, beer strainers, stools and chairs, and drying racks are made by men during the dry season. The Mossi seek money to pay taxes, and "to purchase the growing number of attractive

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goods available in the market." In precolonial times the Suku were in the position of middlemen between the tribes that produced raffia and palm oil to the north and east, and the people of Angola who provided European products and were considered to be wealthy in shell money. With colonial control this trade ended, as did the manufacture of raffia that it had maintained, and weaving for local consumption. The colonial administra­tion also took over many of the service and managerial functions previously performed by the Suku themselves and introduced more efficient (less time-consuming) ad­ministrative, political, and jural mechanisms.

It is difficult to say much about how village communi· ties adjust to such extensive diversion of manpower. Gulliver finds a loss of economic dynamism among the Ndendeuli as a probable consequence; but Kopytoff finds underemployment of the Suku so great, perhaps be­cause of loss of former activities, that even with one fourth of the men absent those who remain suffer from essential boredom. (Women had no idle time; if any­thing, they were overemployed.) He, too, speaks of lack of dynamism among the Suku, but this now results from absence of opportunity.

PROBLEMS OF MEASUREMENT

Discussion at the conference returned repeatedly to the problems of interpreting data on societies so recently altered by external influences, and to the difficulty of applying a static model when the societies being studied are undergoing radical change. The solution appears to lie in continuing studies of how labor time is reallocated in societies that are responding voluntarily to changing economic opportunities. The form of such a study was suggested by Robert M. Netting, who reported a com­parison of average hours devoted to various identifiable activities by a typical Kofyar household still living on the hillsides of the Jos Plateau with those of a similar house­hold that had moved to the plains. The latter household devoted about 17 more hours per person per week to work on field crops, processing, and marketing than did the hill household. This increased input on market­able crops (primarily yams) was made possible by eliminating hunting, fishing, orchard work, animal husbandry, and craftwork, which required an average of 11 hours per person per week in the hill household, and by similarly reducing the time devoted to household and maintenance activities by 6 hours per week.

Inferences about the Kofyars' evaluation of alterna­tive activities should not be drawll from these extremely limited data, but they illustrate an approach that could be expected to yield useful results. A fairly large-scale survey of the use of labor time among the Gungawa on

VOLUME 22. NUMBER 1

the middle Niger River in Nigeria, reported on briefly by Wolf Roder, provided another illustration of the kind of study which, if repeated, might yield more reliable data of the sort called for by Netting. Roder has attempted to account for many but by no means all activities that are too often included in a nonwork category, and he commented, as did others, on the dif­ficulty of distinguishing which activity is economic and which is "social."

Identification of the nature of activities is frequently of critical importance, and it goes beyond categorization as social or economic. The problem was presented vividly by David W. Ames in a paper about patterns of work among the musicians of Zazzau, Northern Nigeria. In this elaborately evolved medieval city-state, where economic life is highly market-oriented, music making is a recog­nized professional occupation, and musicians derive most of their income from payment for their services. Ames presented a 9-day work record of a professional singer and his band in November - December, a time of rest for farmers who have no subsidiary occupation: "During this period he performed in the night (often past midnight) at 4 naming ceremony feasts, 2 wedding feasts, and 3 youth association plays. During the day he did not perform but he typically begged at naming cere­monies and marriage rites, and greeted present or po­tential patrons to keep them 'on the string' or in the expectation of receiving a small gift. He also spent some time making purchases in the market, praying, resting, and chatting and exchanging useful professional informa­tion with other musicians." The intermingling of activi­ties essential to his profession with religious, social, per­sonal, and maintenance activities suggests something of the problems faced in any attempt at quantification.

Similarly, Gulliver says of the Ndendeuli that "A man is seldom, perhaps never, just visiting or giving hospi­tality for pleasure or time-killing alone, though overtly this may seem to be the case, both to participant and ob­server. And in effect and often in conscious interest, moreover, he is seldom joining in a ritual performance, jural negotiations or a beer-drink, only with the im­mediate purpose in mind." The problem of identifica­tion of activities is closely related to that of their evalua­tion, or at least to that of identifying their function. Gulliver, while arguing against the temptation to per­ceive a social system "as a balanced, integrated whole, an equilibrium, in which there is little or no room for adjustment without revolutionary change," stresses the importance of the system of cooperation among the Ndendeuli and their extensive kinship network in com­pensating for the absence of such a large proportion of the men. And many of the activities named above are directed in part at least to maintenance of this coopera-

MAllCH 1968

tion. Hammond goes much further and asserts that be­cause the Mossi's "adjustment to their environment is so fragile," the individual cannot risk reallocating the time he now spends so wisely with friends in maintaining his position "within an extreme system of redistributive and reciprocal obligations."

The multiplicity of activities confounds the difficulties of measurement when, as among the Mossi, as many as 12 to 15 quite different activities may be pursued in the course of a day. Of a more fundamental nature is the problem presented by choice of a measure. This can be expressed, as it was by Edgar Raynaud (in "The Time Concept in Valuation of Rural Underemployment and Leisure Time Activities"), in terms of concepts of time and the rhythm of time. He contrasts the "natural" rhythms of time in more traditional societies with the "artificial" rhythms in the West, and argues that what matters to workers in such societies is that the task is being carried out. The time needed to complete it is not a consideration, nor are such workers "task-oriented" in the sense that their primary objective is completion of the task. The distinction between work and leisure is considerably blurred, and the "porosity" of work is a general characteristic. Further information on this mat­ter is furnished by farm management surveys conducted in East Africa, as reported by D. G. R. Belshaw, to provide better data for agricultural extension workers and for planners, and essential background material for agricultural research and for selection of areas for invest­ment. In these surveys of various types, data have been collected on the whole farm; on the interrelation be­tween agricultural and nonagricultural activity; input­output in specific farm enterprises; labor productivity; ways in which the wife's roles as household worker and as farm worker affect each other; and the reasons for acceptance or rejection of particular innovations.

WORK PERIODS

A major conclusion which can be drawn from the sur­veys is that the more intensive the work effort, the shorter the daily work period. The peasant cultivator has his own microscale of time associated with the hours of the day, related to conditions of light, temperature, and moisture, which influence, on the one hand, the physical discom­fort of the laborer and, on the other, the amount and kind of work permitted by the condition of the fields. This suggests that the measure used by such farmers may be some concept of effort that yields allocations quite different from those that result when the measure is time.

This concept of the differing unpleasantness of various jobs is not new in economics, but the wide variation in energy output and physical discomfort among the tasks

8

performed in a rural household is often overlooked. It is not surprising, therefore, that the time devoted continu­ously to each task should vary inversely with effort and discomfort, and the East African data confirm this. On 9 farms in Lango, Uganda, for example, farmers engaged in breaking the land for cotton with a hand hoe typically spent only about 2Y2 hours per day at this task. The normal daily period for picking cotton by hand, however, was about 5 hours. Hired labor is paid by the task; if two tasks are performed in one day the laborer receives double wages. Certainly there is need for further investi­gation in order to refine our understanding of criteria for labor allocation in such societies and of the ways in which labor inputs may be altered by changing the economic environment.

Related to the intensity of effort expended in rural tasks are the amount of time necessary for rest and re­freshment and the amount of time lost through illness. Toupouri farmers in North Cameroon who were studied over a period of three years spent about 165 days a year in "rest" and were ill 8 to 14 days a year. A study of two villages in the Central African Republic found that rest and sleep accounted for from 11 to 14% hours, or 46 to 60 per cent of the day. Presumably these figures include mealtimes. Hammond directs attention to the time lost through illness: "Another thing the Mossi are doing when they are apparently just sitting and lying around is suffering from the painful and debilitating effects of Guinea worm, bilharzia, filaria, yaws, and a variety of other, often chronic, diseases." This time is not likely to be recorded as "illness," but it may account for relatively high figures in the sleep and rest category; certainly it is not time available for productive pursuits. Any study of how adults spend their time obviously requires some evaluation of their general health and of the debilitating effects of endemic disease and parasites, as well as some sort of standard physiological allowance for rest even for healthy adults.

Raynaud (following J. Guillard) allowed a minimum of approximately 100 days a year "to carry out necessary religious and social duties and for rest from work." But Gulliver, Kopytoff, Colson, and others have observed that the time required to perform certain ceremonial, admin­istrative, jural, and legislative functions tends to equal the time available for them. Most, but not all, of the con­ference participants subscribed to Gulliver's statement that "there is good reason for likening these 'nonproduc­tive: essential activities to a gas: i.e., they expand to fill the space available for them. Certainly the time available for them could be reduced in some degree without dele­terious effects. But what that degree is cannot be defined with any accuracy." It is to be hoped that the kinds of comparative studies over time that were suggested may

4

permit more accurate assessment of just how much this Parkinsonian gas might be compressed without danger.

Several surveys indicated the importance of activities frequently classed as "leisure time" when the leisure­labor dichotomy is employed in its purest form. Raynaud calculated "visible" underemployment for four com­munities, first on the basis of agricultural work only and then on the basis of "all work," and found visible under­employment essentially eliminated in two instances and reduced by more than half in the other two. He argued forcefully for finer analysis and "statistical standardiza­tion" of activities of the visibly underemployed, citing as illustration a breakdown of "nonwork" in villages of the Central African Republic, where "nonworking activi­ty" averaged about 2Y2 hours a day, made up principally of dancing and games, visiting, and illness.

There was little detailed discussion of the value or nature of social functions in the wide range of "noneco­nomic" activities. Participants generally agreed that a social function was often served, but disagreed about the relationship between functional adequacy of activities and the amount of time devoted to them. The paper by Ames described the major social functions of Hausa music in relation to recreation, ceremonies, education, affirmation of status, regulation and social control, ac­companiment of work, commercial advertisement, and political activity. In his words, "It is senseless, of course, to describe musical activity in the narrowest of economic terms as 'nonproductive; 'unessential; or wasteful of labor resources. Music and dance are universal aspects of human cultures and everywhere man receives some of his deepest satisfactions from them."

POTENTIAL SOURCES OF LABOR

Some very general and somewhat tentative conclusions may be derived from the conference papers and discus­sions. There appear to be four rather different potential sources of labor for new production in societies like those reported on: (1) labor idle because of lack of op­portunity, (2) labor employed to yield products and ser­vices of low value, (3) labor employed inefficiently, and (4) labor unemployed because of illness. We exclude a possible fifth category, labor voluntarily unemployed, on the ground that this is not a possible source of increased labor input except by coercion; or it could be argued that such idleness is in fact yielding a product that is of high value to the idle laborer.

Clear unemployment, labor idle because of lack of opportunity, appears to have characterized the Suku when Kopytoff studied them, and Gulliver found it also among the Ndendeuli, although a large number of men in each society found employment elsewhere. Presum-

VOLUME 22, NUMBER 1

ably, men idle for this reason are either seeking work or would work for an economic return if they could-but not for any wage. In the discussion Kopytoff said that the unemployed Suku undoubtedly would not have worked for 2 francs (4 U.S. cents) a day, but that they probably would have worked for 15 francs a day, the minimum earned by craftworkers among the Suku. Even here, then, we do not have a labor pool that can be tapped at any price; the disutility of work appears to have a mini­mum cost that must be overcome.

Raynaud believes that any attempt to apply to rural African societies concepts of underemployment like those of the International Labor Organization that are derived from wage employment in the industrial nations is full of pitfalls and not worth pursuing, but the generally accepted meaning of unemployed does seem to fit the Suku villagers. The question that probably must remain unresolved is whether circumstances can arise in truly local societies to prevent men from finding useful work when they seek it, or whether such circumstances are primarily a result of the social and economic changes provoked when more or less isolated rural communities begin to be incorporated into the national and interna­tional economy. This must remain a serious problem for the student of social change, although it is probably of little importance for the planner. It should not be diffi­cult to obtain the services of the fully unemployed if their minimal demand for wages can be met.

There is a fair presumption that labor can be attracted away from the production of less highly valued goods when it is presented with an opportunity to produce things more highly prized or to earn money to buy such goods. It also seems possible, and African experience seems to confirm, that this result may not depend on an equating of marginal rates of return per hour or per day of labor, although those who wish to do so can postulate such an equality and derive subjective values for the products that are consistent with it. The eco­nomic history of tropical Africa offers many examples like Hammond's and Kopytoff's of the substitution of articles of foreign manufacture for the products of local craftsmen, that is, of transfer of labor from craft manu­facture to new activities yielding cash with which to purchase imported products. But there is also a demand for money with which to buy products that are com­pletely exotic and have no near substitutes in traditional manufactures. The labor required to earn these rewards may come from anywhere in the system, but it seems safe to infer that it is drawn from activities that resulted in something less prized than the new product: it could come from craft manufactures, personal or household ser­vices, production of food, or any of the political, ad­ministrative, social, educational, or religious services.

MneH 1968

LOSSES THROUGH REALLOCATION OF TIME

Calculation of the value lost because of the reduction of inputs of labor into these less favored activities is com­pl.ex .. If the products foregone are objects of exchange ~Ithm the VIllage, some approximate value may be as­SIgned to them on that basis, or if they are bought and sold in nearby communities, the price there may be taken as a surrogate. Thus H. J. J. Reynders in an estimate of "Geographical Income in the Bantu Areas of South Africa" derived a value for services such as haircuts, funerals, entertainment, medical and personal services by adjusting the money value of similar services in th; white community for differences in quality and average r~te of re~unera~on.2 It may be found that in the par­tIcular SOCIety bemg studied payment is made occasion­ally for services not usually considered transferable, and the amount so paid may be used as a very inadequate measure of value. For example, L. P. Gerlach reported that among the Digo of East Africa, where much time must be ~pent on ritual designed to maintain the fertility of the. soIl, ~rosperous members of the community may sometImes hIre others to perform the rituals so that their own time can be freed for commercial activities. Some notion of the difficulties involved, however, is given by Ames's account of how the Hausa determine whether music making is a productive or a leisure-time activity: "Music performed by professionals is a traditional craft and is a kind of 'product' requiring payment like the goods sold by a leatherworker or a blacksmith; however, music s~ng by a nonprofessional-e.g., shantu songs sung by marrIed women after the evening meal for the enjoy­ment of the household-is regarded as a pleasurable leisure-time activity."

The ordinal value of products and services lost could also be approximated if enough comparative studies of societies where this kind of transfer had taken place were available. More directly, but probably less accurately, the cost of government services substituted for services previously performed locally might be used as an esti­mate, although this leads into the trap-about which Stolper cautioned the conference-of equating cost with value. And there is the other danger that a substitute service may be rejected and the original lost as in an instance noted by Roy Sieber. The Igala in Nigeria had a mask which was intimately involved in investigation and punishment of capital crimes. The British set up as a substitute a scaled system in which capital crimes were tried at a court at Makurdi in Tiv country. Because the Igala distrusted this move, they flatly refused to send fellow Igala among the Tiv to be tried. A breakdown of

2 L. H. Samuels, ed., African Studies in Income and Wealth, Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 1963, pp. 240-242.

5

traditional interior controls among the Igala ensued. The cost of this relocation of government service would not be easy to compute.

More intangible, and perhaps more difficult to meas­ure, is the sort of cost reported by Gulliver-the decline in ability within the community to seize economic oppor­tunity-or the increasing dependence on government for all community developments that was reported by Colson. This is not to be equated with general social breakdown, but seems rather to be a loss or atrophying of certain adaptive capacities. It is reflected in the boredom Kopytoff found among the Suku, and the causes may be similar. To the planner or the agricultural extension worker, the cost of this sort of reaction must be very high indeed, and probably too high to pay.

We should consider here, too, the time that may be withdrawn from maintaining interpersonal relationships. That this sort of change is occurring in Africa is certain, as the claims of self and of nuclear family grow increas­ingly more pressing than the claims of kinsmen and com­munity. Their valuation, however, is extremely difficult.

REDUCTION OF INEFFICIENCY

The third category of potentially available time, that used needlessly in inefficient work organizations, is found in two quite different sets of circumstances: in one it may be reallocated easily; in the other reallocation may re­quire major changes in the social structure.

In the Parkinsonian situation, when the time required for an activity is the time available, diversion should be relatively inexpensive. The problem is to identify such activities. The ethnographers seemed to believe this can be done by observing which activities are postponed when the time available is reduced, and which are simply performed in less time.

Stanley H. Udy, Jr. (in "Some Problems of Organized Work in Traditional Society") directs attention to an­other type of inefficiency in work organizations that can­not so easily be made to yield labor for new uses without a reduction in product. Classifying work organizations as production-determined, socially determined, and technologically determined, he suggests that most tropi­cal African societies are in the second class where "the structure of the work organization is the culturally de­fined constant relative to which everything else is to be adapted." Scaling 125 societies from the "most primi­tive" to "most traditional" on the basis of four attributes -exclusive proprietorship, settled agriculture, central­ized government, and complex stratification-he finds that socially determined systems (or highly traditional systems) allocate manpower less effectively and provide more levels of authority than are required for the num-

6

ber of operations being performed. Further, the content of the work role is larger and less of the content is tied di­rectly to technology. Each of these characteristics of the traditional society reduces the work organization's ef­ficiency, defined as having just as many persons present as are technically necessary to do the work but no more. To the extent that tropical African societies are traditional, therefore, they use more labor for a given product than is required, even with existing technology. Such organi­zation would seem to present a clear case of underemploy­ment, but it is not easy to see how the excess of labor could be released for other employment without a com­pletely disruptive reordering of society.

Studies of the time-at-work type are poorly adapted to measuring the encroachments on potential labor time that result from illness. Residents of tropical Africa are subject to numerous chronic illnesses which must reduce their effectiveness when they are nominally at work and must also reduce the time they feel able to work. Here there is no need to worry about the subjective costs of freeing more time for productive labor (they must be negative), and the overt costs, although likely to be large, can probably be estimated with some reliability.

The category variously called leisure time, nonpro­ductive activities, nonwork, ceremonial and ritual activi· ties, and surplus or underemployed labor, in which all these activities or inactivities have been impounded, turns out to be something like the Hausa man's bag of treasures-some genuine, some synthetic, some from Africa, some from India or Japan, some appealing, some distasteful, and almost none of them cheap or easy to carry home. But there are treasures, too, for the informed buyer. The conference brought out clearly the need for careful, long-term research, first to classify the items in­volved, then to quantify them, and then to assess their value. Preliminary reviews of the literature for eastern and central Africa demonstrate how thin our knowledge is; but the interest shown and some of the studies re­ported encourage confidence that scholars currently en­gaged in field research can rapidly increase this knowl­edge. The extreme functionalist dogma that all activities are essential to preservation of the society proves to be just as erroneous as the extreme economic proposition that great resources of surplus labor can be moved with little cost into new employment. It is clear that not all villagers are productively employed and that there is un­realized labor potential in rural areas. The questions are: Where, how much, at what cost? When we can give pre­liminary answers to these, we may be able to judge how much truth there is in the allegation that nothing is to be gained by reallocation of labor and that the only way to achieve significant economic progress in tropical Africa is by massive restructuring of society.

VOLUME 22. NUMBER 1

CONFERENCE ON EASTERN EUROPEAN ECONOMIES*

As a subject for study the countries of Eastern Europe have long been of interest to Western economists and have become of even greater interest since, in the years after World War II, they became socialist states. Yet at­tention devoted to them is still limited. Certainly, the up­surge in Western interest in their economies has never been comparable to the concomitant development in Western study of the Soviet economy.

In view of the overshadowing importance of Russia, as the first modem state to become socialist and as a world superpower, the priority accorded that country is understandable. But the relative neglect of Eastern European countries still seems properly a matter for con­cern, especially when these are increasingly acquiring identities of their own, above all in economic affairs. Thus, Yugoslavia began to pursue an independent eco­nomic course soon after the break with Stalin, and some deviations from the Soviet prototype occurred elsewhere after 1956, but experimentation in economic affairs is now almost the rule.

The conference on Eastern European economies was organized with the hope that the time might be oppor­tune for interested United States scholars to meet and to discuss informally the present state of research on Eastern European economies, possible future directions for such research, and measures to promote it. The conference in­cluded 34 participants.1

While referring to the economies of Eastern Europe generally, the conference focused especially on economic

• The conference was organized by Abram Bergson and Simon Kuz­nets. and held at Harvard University on May 12-111. 1967. under the auspices of the Social Science Research Council. The Russian Research Center served as host.

1 The participants were: Thad P. Alton, and Alexander Erlich. Columbia University; Bela Balassa. International Bank for Reconstruc­tion and Development; Abram Bergson. Alexander Gerschenkron, and Simon Kumets, Harvard University; Joseph S. Berliner, Brandeis Uni­versity; Miloslav Bernasek, Albion College; Alan A. Brown, University of Southern California; Peter E. de Janosi, Ford Foundation; Alexander Eckstein, University of Michigan; Maurice Ernst, Washington, D.C.; George R. Feiwel, University of Tennessee; Walter Galenson, George J. Staller, and Jaroslav Vanek, Cornell University; Rush Greenslade, Wash­ington, D.C.; Gregory Grossman, and Benjamin N. Ward, University of California, Berkeley; Vaclav Holesovsky, University of Massachusetts; Franklyn D. Holzman, Tufts University; Norman M. Kaplan, University of Rochester; Herbert S. Levine, University of Pennsylvania; Jan M. Michal. State University of New York at Binghamton; Renato Mieli, Centro di Studi e Ricerche su Problemi Economico-Sociali, Milan; John M. Montias. Raymond P. Powell, and Charles S. Rockwell, Yale Uni­versity; Egon Neuberger, State University of New York at Stony Brook; Frederic L. Pryor, Swarthmore College; Leon Smolinski, Boston College; Nicolas Spulber, Indiana University; Paul Webb ink, Social Science Re­search Council; and Alfred Zauberman, University of London.

MAltCH 1968

by A bram Bergson

growth and planning. At each session, reports were pre­sented on current and possible future research by panels, whose members dealt with different countries. The panel reports, made with due regard to current developments in the countries in question, were followed by general discussion.

Among the many subjects considered, only a few can be noted here. As was to be expected, a recurring con­cern was with the volume and quality of official statistical data available for different countries, and the need for and progress of Western efforts in measuring growth in these countries. The governments of Eastern European countries now publish substantial amounts of "raw" statistical data but, as in the case of corresponding Soviet information, these data must be used carefully. For some countries they are affected not only by systematic dis­tortions introduced chiefly by primary reporting units, such as the enterprise, but by other deficiencies charac­teristic of less developed countries.

As for official aggregative estimates of the growth of output in different sectors and for the economy as a whole, their quality is frequently much improved over corresponding measures published for the 1950·s. Yet independent Western calculations still are often needed: Eastern European concepts are rather special, weighting of different components may be dubious, and unsatis­factory procedures in incorporating data on new prod­ucts in the series may continue to be used.

Diverse Western ca1culations of growth in Eastern Eu­rope have been and are being made. The major project in progress is that at Columbia University, under the direction of Thad Alton, whose interim report on a number of country studies that have long been under way was of particular interest. The final results of these studies, which are soon to be published for a number of countries (Czechoslovakia, Poland, Hungary, and Bul­garia), will be a major factor determining the future course of Western research on Eastern European growth.

It was stressed that, as research proceeds on growth in different countries, much could be learned from com­parative inquiries. Useful comparisons might be made not only among Eastern European countries, but of the experience of one or another such country and of some nonsocialist country at a similar economic stage, for ex­ample, of Yugoslavia or Bulgaria and Greece, or of Czechoslovakia and Austria.

The ongoing economic reforms were, of course, an­other major topic of discussion. In place of the system of centralist planning that was taken over from Rus-

7

sia, the East European countries are now shifting toward comparatively decentralized systems, emphasizing market techniques, but the degree of change differs widely from country to country. Thus, the reforms being introduced or about to be introduced in Czechoslovakia and Hun­gary are relatively dramatic. Those under way in Bul­garia and Rumania, however, entail only very limited changes, and the reforms in progress in Poland are also modest.

According to John M. Montias, the broad inverse rela­tion of the extent of reform to the stage of development that is apparent may not be accidental. Centralist plan­ning continues to work tolerably well in less advanced countries, but is increasingly ineffective in more ad­vanced ones, where the economy and the tasks of the planners are relatively complex.

As the discussion made clear, understanding of de­velopments in planning requires a prior understanding of the growth experience. There is thus the more reason to stress the need for further research on the latter. The Czech commitment to a radical reform, for example, is clearly related to the recent sharp retardation in growth there but, as George Staller made clear, much about this retardation remains to be explained.

The novel planning procedures nevertheless have an interest of their own. Also, the current shifts necessarily add interest to the experience of Yugoslavia, where de­centralization and extensive use of market techniques have long been practiced. As Benjamin Ward pointed out, here too there is still room for many fruitful in­quiries. Moreover, as a subject of research, Yugoslavia

has the virtue of being a relatively open socialist society; administrative personnel there are quite accessible to Western scholars. It was the view of Charles S. Rockwell that the Yugoslav statistical data are comparatively reli­able, and that the official claim that the "social product" increased at an average annual rate of 8 per cent from 1952 to 1965 is near the mark.

An interesting exchange, initiated by Simon Kumets, concerned the reasons why Eastern European countries should be of interest to the Western economist. In addi­tion to their increasingly varied planning procedures, such countries are intriguing because their experience as small countries is especially relevant to most other countries of the world-which are also small. Like small countries generally, the Eastern European countries are heavily dependent on foreign trade. Then, too, while the Eastern European countries have a common historical heritage, they became socialist at very different economic stages. Hence they provide an opportunity to observe the functioning of socialism under diverse economic circum­stances.

A final session considered possible measures to pro­mote research. Among other activities discussed was the possibility that two successive conferences be organized, one on comparative growth and the other on planning. Sponsorship of a series of monographs on growth and planning was also considered. There was general agree­ment that measures to promote communication between scholars are much in order. The conference itself was considered especially helpful insofar as it contributed to such exchanges.

COMMITTEE BRIEFS INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATION

Inis L. Claude, Jr. (chairman), Lincoln P. Bloomfield, William Diebold, Jr., Leland M. Goodrich, Ernst B. Haas, H. Field Haviland, Jr., Stanley Hoffmann; staff, Bryce Wood

At a meeting on December 9 the committee allocated funds for special studies to be conducted under its auspices, as follows: the organization of international technological collaboration, by Jon B. McLin, Assistant Professor of Politi­cal Science, University of Alabama; political community and political unification in Western Europe, 1945-65, by Donald J. Puchala, Assistant Professor of Government, Columbia University; possibilities and difficulties of halting the further spread of nuclear weapons, with special attention to the atti­tudes of various potential nuclear powers, by George H. Quester, Assistant Professor of Government, Harvard Uni­versity; the role of the United Nations in international poli­tics, by Mark W. Zacher, Assistant Professor of Political Science, University of British Columbia.

8

SINO-AMERICAN COOPERATION IN THE HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL SCIENCES

(Joint with American Council of Learned Societies)

Frederick Burkhardt (chairman), Jerome A. Cohen, Mor­ton H. Fried, Walter Galenson, Pendleton Herring, George E. Taylor, C. Martin Wilbur; staff. Gordon B. Turner

The committee met in New York on January 13 to review recent activities in Taiwan with which it has been directly concerned and to discuss lines of future endeavor made possi­ble by a recent three-year grant from the Ford Foundation. The progress that is being made in establishing the Taiwan Research Center and the announcement that a new Ph.D. program in economics is to be instituted in Taiwan in September 1968 were noted with gratification. The com­mittee agreed to seek the approval of its counterpart, the China Council, in Taiwan for three conferences to be held under the sponsorship of the Joint Council on Sino-Ameri­can Cooperation in the Humanities and Social Sciences. The

VOLUME 22, NU'MBU. 1

committee also agreed to sponsor an informal meeting this spring of scholars who have spent extended periods in Tai­wan, in order to explain to them the Joint Council's objec-

tives and to solicit their suggestions for joint research proj­ects. Plans for the meeting of the Joint Council which is to be held in Taiwan early in 1969 were discussed. G. B. T.

PERSONNEL DIRECTORS OF THE COUNCIL

The following persons have been designated by the seven national social science organizations associated with the Council to serve as directors of the Council for the three­year term 1968-70:

Allan H. Smith, Washington State University, by the American Anthropological Association

Zvi Griliches, University of Chicago, by the American Eco­nomic Association

William O. Aydelotte, University of Iowa, by the Ameri­can Historical Association

Robert E. Ward, University of Michigan, by the American Political Science Association

Dorwin Cartwright, Universlty of Michigan, by the American Psychological Association

James S. Coleman, Johns Hopkins University, by the American Sociological Association

Frederick Mosteller, Harvard University, by the American Statistical Association.

Their credentials as members are scheduled for acceptance by the board of directors of the Council at its spring meeting in New York on March 22-23, 1968.

FACULTY RESEARCH GRANTS

The Committee on Faculty Research Grants-Frank R. Westie (chairman), Stanley M. Elkins, James L. Gibbs, Jr., Edward E. Jones, Everett C. Ladd, Jr., Jerome L. Stein, and Lawrence Stone-held the first of its two scheduled meet­ings on December 15-16. It made the following 26 grants:

Richard L. Bushman, Associate Professor of History, Brigham Young University, for research on political and religious thought during the period of the Ameri­can Revolution

Peter T. Cominos, Associate Professor of History, Tulane University, for research in the United Kingdom on the struggle to overcome alienation in the Victorian era

Thomas J. Fararo, Associate Professor of Sociology, Uni­versity of Pittsburgh, for research on mathematical foundations of the theory of status characteristics and expectation states

Eugene D. Genovese, Professor of History, Sir George Williams University, for research on accommodation and rebellion in the daily life of the Negro slave

Charles Y. Glock, Professor of Sociology, University of California, Berkeley, for research in Europe on current trends in the nature and extent of religious commit­ment and the contemporary role and status of churches in Europe and the United States

Steven M. Goldman, Assistant Professor of Economics, University of California, Berkeley, for research in

MAllCH 1968

London on economic planning under conditions of myopia on the part of economic agents

L. ja!le Hainline, Assistant Professor of Anthropology, UnIversity of California, Riverside, for research in Honolulu, Noumea, and Guam on the ecology of Pacific Island peoples

Tho~as G;. Hardin~, Ass}stant Professor of Anthropology, UnIVersIty of CalIfornIa, Santa Barbara, for research in Papua - New Guinea on election politics

Donald P. Kommers, Assistant Professor of Government and International Studies, University of Notre Dame, for research in West Germany on judicial policy-making in the Federal Constitutional Court

Gerald M. Meier, Professor of International Economics, Stanford University, for research in England on prefer­ential trading arrangements for developing countries

Magnus Marner, Professor of History, Queens College, City University of New York, for research in Chile and Bolivia on policies of the Spanish Crown concerning non-Indians in the Indian communities

Richard L. Rapson, Assistant Professor of History, Uni­versity of Hawaii, for research in London on the British traveler in America, 1935 to the present

Carl P. Resek, Professor of American History, Sarah Lawrence College, for research on the history of Ameri­can reform and radicalism, 1870-1950

Lionel Rothkrug, Associate Professor of History, Uni­versity of Michigan, for research in Germany, France, and England on the development of basic divisions in French society before 1789

David J. Rothman, Associate Professor of History, Colum­bia University, for research on the changing conceptions and practices of Americans in the care and treatment of deviants and dependents during the colonial and pre­Civil War periods

Jeffrey B. Russell, Associate Professor of History, Uni­versity of California, Riverside, for research on magic and witchcraft in the Middle Ages

Edwin M. Schur, Professor of Sociology, Tufts University, for research on conceptions of freedom and determinism in modern theories of deviant behavior

Stephen D. Slingsby, Assistant Professor of Government, California State College, Los Angeles, for research on federal and state legislative redistricting, using simula­tion techniques

Herbert J. Spiro, Professor of Political Science, University of Pennsylvania, for research in England and Germany on the effects of legal education on the roles of lawyers in politics (renewal)

Sidney G. Tarrow, Assistant Professor of Political Science, Yale University, for research in France on political socialization and participation in rural areas

Trygve R. Tholfsen, Professor of History, Teachers Col­lege, Columbia University, for research in England on

9

the integration of the working classes in English cities, 1850-75

Austin T . Turk, Associate Professor of Sociology, Indiana University, for comparative research in the Republic of South Africa on conditions for the establishment and maintenance of legal order

John E. Turner, Professor of Political Science, University of Minnesota, for research on consensus and cleavage in the British Labor Party, 1945-55

Roy Wagner, Assistant Professor of Anthropology, South­ern Illinois University, for research in Papua - New Guinea on a mathematical model for the Daribi social system

Henry Y. Wan, Jr., Associate Professor of Economics, University of California, Davis, for research on optimal savings programs (renewal)

Michael Zuckerman, Assistant Professor of History, Uni­versity of Pennsylvania, for research on the ideas and values in children's literature of the late nineteenth century in America

GRANTS FOR RESEARCH ON GOVERNMENTAL AND LEGAL PROCESSES

The Committee on Governmental and Legal Processes­Austin Ranney (chairman), David J. Danelski, Richard F. Fenno, Jr., Warren E. Miller, James W. Prothro, and John C. Wahlke-at its meeting on January 25-26 made awards to the following 11 social scientists:

Thomas B. Alexander, Professor of History, University of Alabama, for research on impersonal influences on voter response and congressional voting behavior in the two­party system of the United States, 1836-80

Roger H. Davidson, Assistant Professor of Government, Dartmouth College, for research on public attitudes toward the roles of Congressmen

Irwin N. Gertzog, Assistant Professor of Political Science, Yale University, for research on orientations and adjust­ment processes of new members of the U.S. House of Representatives

Ralph B. Ginsberg, Assistant Professor of Sociology, Uni­versity of Pennsylvania, for research on interest group confrontation in metropolitan locational decisions (joint with Julian Wolpert)

John W. Kingdon, Assistant Professor of Political Science, University of Michigan, for research on decision making on the floor of the U.S. House of Representatives

Enrico L. QuaranteIli, Professor of Sociology, Ohio State University, for field studies of selective law enforcement by governmental agencies during natural disasters

Joseph A. Schlesinger, Professor of Political Science, Michi­gan State University, for research on relations between the behavior of electorates, political opportunities, and the development of party organization in the United States

Leo M. Snowiss, Assistant Professor of Political Science, University of California, Los Angeles, for research on factors shaping the character of urban representation in Congress

S. Sidney Ulmer, Professor of Political Science, University of Kentucky, for research on longitudinal behavior pat­terns of U.S. Supreme Court Justices

10

Oliver P. Williams, Associate Professor of Political Science, University of Pennsylvania, for research on an accessi­bility model of metropolitan politics

Julian Wolpert, Associate Professor of Regional Science and Geography, University of Pennsylvania, for research on interest group confrontation in metropolitan loca­tiona 1 decisions (joint with Ralph B. Ginsberg)

GRANTS FOR AFRICAN STUDIES

The Joint Committee on African Studies, sponsored with the American Council of Learned Societies-William O. Jones (chairman), Elizabeth Colson, L. Gray Cowan, Philip D. Curtin, Walter W. Deshler, Roy Sieber, Michael G. Smith, and Robert F. Thompson-at its meeting on January 18-19 awarded 12 grants for research relating to Africa south of the Sahara:

Jonathan S. Barker, Assistant Professor of Political Econo­my, University of Toronto, for research in Senegal on local politics and rural development policies

Robert O. Collins, Associate Professor of History, Uni­versity of California, Santa Barbara, for research in the Republic of the Sudan on north-south relations since independence

Eric H. Davidson, Assistant Professor of Cell Biology, Rockefeller University, for research in Nigeria on tradi­tional music and linguistic diversity in the Biu area (joint with Paul Newman)

John M. Janzen, Assistant Professor of Sociology and Anthropology, Bethel College, Kansas, for research in the United States, Republic of the Congo, and Europe on disease, healing, and healers among the Kongo

Marion D. de B. Kilson, Assistant Professor of Anthro­pology, University of Massachusetts-Boston, for research 10 Ghana on Ga traditional religion in Accra

Harold G. Marcus, Assistant Professor of African History, Howard University, for research in Ethiopia on the life and times of Menilek II, 1844-1913

Sally .Falk. Moore, Associate Pr?fess<;>r of Anthropology, UmversIty of Southern CalIfornIa, for research in Tanzania and England on law and social control among the Chagga, 1926-68

Paul Newman, Assistant Professor of Anthropology, Yale University, for research in Nigeria on traditional music and linguistic diversity in the Biu area (joint with Eric H. Davidson)

Richard J. Peterec, Assistant Professor of Geography, Bucknell University, for research in former French West African Colonies and Cameroon on the effect of independence on the economic and political geography of the area (renewal)

John A. Rowe, Assistant Professor of History, North­western University, for research in Uganda on the Buganda, 1900-1927

Alexander N. Skinner, Assistant Professor of African Languages and Literature, University of Wisconsin, for research in Nigeria and the United States on modern Hausa poetry

J. Alton Templin, Assistant Professor of Church History and Historical Theology, Iliff School of Theology, for research in the Republic of South Africa on the develop­ment of Afrikaner nationalism, 1860-1900

VOLUME 22, NUMBER 1

GMNTS FOR RESEARCH ON CONTEMPORARY AND REPUBLICAN CHINA

The Joint Committee on Contemporary China, sponsored with the American Council of Learned Societies-John M. H. Lindbeck (chairman), Albert Feuerwerker, Walter Galen­son, Frederick W. Mote, Robert A. Scalapino, George E. Taylor, and Ezra F. Vogel-at its meeting on January 18-19 awarded 14 grants for research:

David D. Barrett, Colonel, U.S. Army (retired), San Fran­cisco, for research on the origin and experience of the U.S. Army military mission to the Chinese Communists, 1944

Hungdah Chiu, Research Associate in Law, Harvard Uni­versity, for a comparative study of the treaty law and practice of Nationalist China and Communist China

Irene Eber, Assistant Professor of History, Whittier Col­lege, for research in the United States on the contribu­tions of Hu Shih to modern Chinese scholarship

Charlotte Furth, Assistant Professor of History, California State College at Long Beach. for research on neotradi­tional thinkers under the Chinese Republic, 1911-49

Michael Gasster, Associate Professor of History and Far Eastern and Slavic Languages and Literatures, Uni­versity of Washington, for research in England and France on intellectuals and the relationship between revolution and modernization in twentieth-century China

Tetsuya Kataoka, Assistant Professor of Political Science, State University of New York at Buffalo, for research in Taiwan on P'eng Te-huai and the Campaign of a Hundred Regiments

Truong-Buu Lam, Research Associate, Southeast Asia Program, Cornell University. for research on the in­tellectual roots of modern Vietnamese nationalism (re­newal)

Shao-chuan Leng. Professor of Government and Foreign Affairs. University of Virginia, for research on Com­munist Chinese claims to protect and control Chinese nationals abroad

Julia C. Lin, Assistant Professor of English, Ohio Uni­versity. for research in the United States on modern Chinese poetry from 1919 to the present

Burton Pasternak, Assistant Professor of Anthropology. State University of New York at Buffalo, for research in Taiwan on comparison of social consequences of equal and unequal access to irrigation water

Don C. Price, Assistant Professor of Asian History, Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies, for research in Taiwan on the personality and thought of Sung Chiao-jen (1882-1913): a case study of the development of Chinese nationalism

Richard H. Solomon, Assistant Professor of Political Sci­ence, University of Michigan, for research in Taiwan on political communication processes in Communist China

Dae-Sook Suh, Associate Professor of Political Science. University of Houston, for research in Korea and Japan on the Workers' Party of Korea, 1946-66: the emergence of a Communist elite group in North Korea

Edgar B. Wickberg, Associate Professor of History and East Asian Studies, University of Kansas, for research on Chinese rural society in Taiwan, 1911-45

MARCH 1968

GRANTS FOR RESEARCH ON THE NEAR AND MIDDLE EAST

The Joint Committee on the Near and Middle East, sponsored with the American Council of Learned Societies-­Morroe Berger (chairman), Robert M. Adams, William M. Brinner, Oleg Grabar, Malcolm H. Kerr, Bernard Lewis, and Herbert H. Paper-at its meeting on February 2-3 awarded 15 grants for research:

Ludwig W. Adamec, Assistant Professor of Near Eastern and African Studies. University of Arizona, for research in England and Afghanistan on Germany's role in Afghanistan'S foreign relations, 1919-63

Edward Allworth, Associate Professor of Turco-Soviet Studies. Columbia University. for research in Turkey on Mahmud Khoja Behbudiy, Samarkand reform leader. and the relation of his ideas to contemporary thought in the Middle East, 1900-1920 (renewal)

Briton C. Busch, Assistant Professor of History, Colgate University, for research in India on British policy on Mesopotamia. 1914-20

Louis J. Cantori. Assistant Professor of Political Science. University of California, Los Angeles, for a comparative study in Morocco of the local organization of the Istiqlal Party in Fes and Casablanca

Ragaei El Mallakh. Professor of Economics. University of Colorado, for research in Libya on planning in a capital surplus economy

S. D. Goitein, Professor of Arabic, University of Pennsyl­vania, for research in Europe and Israel on Arabic docu­ments in the Cairo Geniza

Jonas C. Greenfield. Professor of Semitic Languages. Uni­versity of California. Berkeley, for research in Israel on vocabulary development in modern Israeli Hebrew

Charles Issawi, Professor of Economics, Columbia Uni­versity, for research in London, Paris, and Tehran on the economic history of Iran since 1800

Majid Khadduri. Professor of Middle East Studies, Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies. for research in Iraq on Iraqi politics since the Revolution of 1958

Mounah A. Khouri, Associate Professor of Arabic. Uni­versity of California, Berkeley. for research in Lebanon on contemporary Lebanese literature

Joel L. Kraemer, Assistant Professor of Arabic and Islamic Studies, Yale University, for research in Turkey and Iran on the thought of Abu Sulayman as-Sijistanl, Mus­lim philosopher of the tenth century

Jacob Lassner, Associate Professor of Near Eastern Lan­guages. Wayne State University, for research in Israel and Istanbul on medieval Islamic urbanism

Robert A. McDaniel, Assistant Professor of History. Pur­due University, for research in Iran on the role of the Qajar bureaucracy in the Persian Revolution

Monte Palmer, Assistant Professor of Government. Florida State University, for research in Iraq, Syria, and Leba­non on political, economic, and social factors inhibit­ing regional integration among the Arab states

James M. L. Stewart-Robinson, Associate Professor of Turkish Studies, University of Michigan, for research in Turkey on literary criticism in the Ottoman period

11

NEW PUBLICATIONS The City in Modern Africa, edited by Horace Miner.

Product of the conference on methods and objectives of research on urbanization in Africa, sponsored by the Toint Committee on African Studies, April 1-3, 1965. New York: Frederick A. Praeger, December 1967. 375 pages. $7.50.

The Construction Industry in Communist China, by Kang Chao. Sponsored by the Committee on the Economy of China. Chicago: Aldine Publishing Company, February 1968. 252 pages. $8.75.

Early Education: Current Theory, Research, and Practice, edited by Robert D. Hess and Roberta M. Bear. Papers prepared for the Conference on Preschool Education, sponsored by the Committee on Learning and the Educa­tional Process, February 7-9, 1966. Chicago: Aldine Pub­lishing Company, March 1968. c. 272 pages. $6.95.

Genetic Diversity and Human Behavior, edited by J. N. Spuhler. Viking Fund Publications in Anthropology, No.

45. Proceedings of a symposium, September 17-25, 1964, jointly sponsored by the Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research and the Committee on Bio­logical Bases of Social Behavior. Chicago: Aldine Pub­lishing Company, December 1967. 302 pages. $7.50.

Genetics, edited by David C. Glass. Papers prepared for the conference on genetics and behavior cosponsored by Rockefeller University, Russell Sage Foundation, and the Committee on Biological Bases of Social Behavior, No­vember 18-19, 1966. New York: Rockefeller University Press and Russell Sage Foundation, March 1968. c. 230 pages. $7.50.

Revolutionary Russia, edited by Richard Pipes. Product of the conference on the Russian Revolution, cosponsored by the Joint Committee on Slavic Studies and the Harvard University Russian Research Center, April 4-9, 1967. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, January 1968. 376 pages. $7.95.

ANNOUNCEMENT

SENIOR FULBRIGHT-HAYS AWARDS FOR 1969-70 IN THE SOCIAL SCIENCES

Applications are now being accepted for Fulbright-Hays appointments for university lecturing and advanced research abroad during 1969-70. It is expected that social scientists will receive grants for work in many European and Latin American countries, in Australia and New Zealand, and in the Republic of China, Ethiopia, Hong Kong, India, Iran, Japan, Korea, Malaysia, the Philippines, and Thailand.

The basic application requirements are: U.S. citizenship; a doctoral degree or equivalent status for research; college or university teaching experience for lecturing appointments; in some cases, proficiency in a foreign language.

Senior Fulbright awards generally consist of a mainte­nance allowance in local currency to cover normal living costs of the grantee and family while in residence abroad,

and round-trip travel for the grantee (transportation is not provided for dependents). For lecturers going to most non­European countries, the award includes a dollar supple­ment, subject to the availability of funds; or it carries a stipend in dollars and foreign currency, the amount de­pending on the assignment, the lecturer's qualifications, salary, and other factors.

For lecturing awards under the 1969-70 program, applica­tion before June I, 1968 is strongly recommended. The dead­line for research applications is June 1, 1968.

Separate lists of openings in American history, anthro­pology, economics and business administration, law, mass communications, political science, psychology, and sociology are available, together with details on the terms of awards for particular countries and the application forms, from the Committee on International Exchange of Persons, 2101 Con­stitution Avenue, N.W., Washington, D.C. 20418.

SOCIAL SCIENCE RESEARCH COUNCIL

230 PARK AVENUE, NEW YORK, N.Y. 10017

Incorporated in the State of Illinois, December 27, 1924, for the purpose of advancing research ill the social sciences

Directors, 1968: WILLIAM O. AYDELOTTE, ABRAM BERGSON, PETER M. BLAU, DORWIN CARTWRIGHT, JAMES S. COLEMAN, HAROLD C. CONKLIN, LEE J.

CRONBACH, PHILIP D. CUllTlN, CHARLES A. FERGUSON, DANIEL X. FREEDMAN, MORTON H. FRIED, WILLIAM J. GOODE, ZVI GRlLlCHES, MORRIS H. HANSEN,

CHAUNCY D. HARRIS, SAMUEL P . HAYS, PENDLETON HERRING, STANLEY LEBEBGOTT, GARDNER LINDZEY, CoLIN M. MAcLEOD, FRANCO MODlGLlANI, FREDERICK

MOSTELLER, DON K. PRICE, AUSTIN RANNEY, ALBERT REES, HERBERT A. SIMON, ALLAN H. SMITH, JOHN THIBAUT, DAVID B. TRUMAN, ROBERT E. WARD

Officers and Staff: PENDLETON HERRING, President; PAUL WEBBINK, HENRY W. RlECKEN, Vice-Presidents; ELBRIDGE SIBLEY, BRYCE WOOD, Execu­tive Associates; ELEANOR C. ISBELL, ROWLAND L. MITCHELL, JR., NORMAN \V. STORER, Staff Associates; JEROME E. SINGER, Consultant; CATHERINE

V. RONNAN, Financial Secretary

12