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ISSN: 1810—2174
Balochistan Review
Volume XXIV No. 1, 2011
(HEC RECOGNIZED)
Editor Naseeb Ullah
BALOCHISTAN STUDY CENTRE
UNIVERSITY OF BALOCHISTAN, QUETTA-PAKISTAN
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Published bi-annually by the
Balochistan Study Centre,
University of Balochistan, Quetta-Pakistan.
@ Balochistan Study Centre 2011-1
Subscription rate (per annum) in Pakistan:
Institutions: Rs. 300/-
Individuals: Rs. 200/-
For the other countries: Institutions: US$ 50
Individuals: US$ 30
Contact:
Balochistan Review—ISSN: 1810-2174
Balochistan Study Centre,
University of Balochistan, Quetta-Pakistan.
Tel: (92) (081) 9211255 Facsimile: (92) (081) 9211255
E-mail: [email protected]
Website: uob.edu.pk
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Editorial Board
Patron in Chief: Prof. Dr. Abdul Nabi Vice Chancellor,
University of Balochistan, Quetta-Pakistan.
Patron Prof. Dr. Abdul Razzaq Sabir Director, Balochistan Study Centre, UoB, Quetta-Pakistan. Editor Naseeb Ullah Assistant Professor, Dept. of Mass Communication, UoB, Quetta-Pakistan. Members: Prof. Dr. Andriano V. Rossi Vice Chancellor & Head Dept. of Asian Studies, Institute of Oriental Studies, Naples, Italy. Prof. Dr. Saad Abudeyha Chairman, Dept. of Political
Science, University of Jordon, Amman, Jordon. Prof. Dr. Bertrand Bellon Professor of Int’l, Industrial Organization & Technology Policy, University de Paris Sud.
Dr. Carina Jahani Inst. of Iranian & African Studies, Uppsala University, Sweden.
Prof. Dr. Muhammad Ashraf Khan Director, Taxila Institute of
Civilization, Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad Prof. Dr. Rajwali Shah Khattak
Professor, Pashto Academy, Peshawar University Pesh-Pakistan. Mr. Ayub Baloch Member, Balochistan Public Service Commission, Quetta. Prof. Dr. Mehmood Ali Shah, Professor Emeritus, University of Balochistan, Quetta.
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Guidelines/Parameters for the Contributors: Following are the Guidelines/Parameters for the scholars/researchers contributing articles to
the bi-annual research journal of BSC “BALOCHISTAN REVIEW ISSN: 1810-2174”.
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Authors are entitled to five free off-prints and a copy of the issue in which their
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Editor “Balochistan Review”, Balochistan Study Center, University of
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Style
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BI-ANNUAL RESEARCH JOURNAL “BALOCHISTAN REVIEW” ISSN 1810-2174”, BALOCHISTAN STUDY CENTRE, UOB, QUETTA (PAK) Vol. XXIV No.1, 2011
Comtents Page No(s)
Economics
“MICRO– CREDIT” A STRATEGY FOR POVERTY ALLEVIATION 9
AMONG RURAL WOMEN IN BALOCHISTAN
Shakira Bukhari & Jahangir Achakzai
Education
TEACHING OF ISLAMIC STUDIES AS A SUBJECT IN 19
THE SECONDARY SCHOOLS AND MADARIS IN PAKISTAN
Dr.Abdul Razzaq Sabir
Abdul Nasir
Geography
THE QUETTA CITY SPATIAL BUSINESS INTENSITY PATTERN 31
Muhammad Nawaz
History
AN ANALYSIS OF THE DIFFERENT THEORIES 45
ABOUT THE ORIGIN OF THE PASHTOONS
Dr. Hanif Khalil
Javed Iqbal
TREATY OF KALAT 1758 BETWEEN QANDHAR 55
AND KALAT AND ITS IMPACTS
Ghulam Farooq Baloch
Language & Literature
SOME COMMENTS ON INVALID HYPOTHESIS ABOUT BRAHUI LANGUAGE 71
Liaqat Ali Sunny
Shabir Ahmed Shahwani
Manzoor Ahmed Baloch
AN OLD PHONOLOGICAL STUDY OF NEW PERSIAN AND 79
BALOCHI
Hamid Ali Baloch
Dr. Abdul Saboor
Dr.Bilal Ahmed
Media
FM RADIO AND SOCIAL CHANGE IN QUETTA CITY 89
Sadaf Naqvi,
Mohammad Fahim Baloch
Babrak Niaz
Mirwais Kasi
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Philosophy
THE RISE AND IMPACT OF ISLAMIC FUNDAMENTALISM 101
IN PAKISTAN AFTER THE SOVIET INVASION IN AFGHANISTAN
WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO KHYBER PUKHTOONKHWA
AND BALOCHISTAN
Malik Mohammad Tariq
Psychology
BULLYING AMONG PRISON INMATES IN PAKISTAN 119
AN EXPLORATION OF THE PROBLEM
Dr. Muhammad Azam Tahir & Bairakataris Konstantinos
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BI-ANNUAL RESEARCH JOURNAL “BALOCHISTAN REVIEW” ISSN 1810-2174”, BALOCHISTAN STUDY CENTRE, UOB, QUETTA (PAK) Vol. XXIV No.1, 2011
“MICRO– CREDIT” A STRATEGY FOR POVERTY
ALLEVIATION AMONG RURAL WOMEN IN BALOCHISTAN
Economy
Shakira Bukhari & Jahangir Achakzai*
ABSTRACT:
Pakistan being an under developed country is faced with many
socio-economic challenges. Among them the issue of poverty ranks
at the top. The available statistics confirm an increase in the
incidence of poverty in the country in recent years. Furthermore,
rural women are the most vulnerable groups to the poverty
incidence. They are denied access to productive resources most
especially credit. Micro credit is now a proven strategy for the
poverty alleviation among poor rural women. In other words, the
micro- credit enables the beneficiaries get out of the vicious circle
of poverty. The conventional credit programs only provide a limited
amount of credit to rural women. The establishment of special
credit programs targeting poor rural women is the need of the hour.
Both Government and Non Government Organization need to
handle this problem.
Women Development:
Pakistan is confronted with many social as well as economic problems. The
root cause of almost all these issues is the rapidly growing poverty in the
country which has now arrived at an alarming situation. To combat this
menace the country requires exploitation of all its resources in order to attain
the desirable level of socio-economic development. In a situation where
capital resources are very scarce, human resources can go a long way in * The authors are lecturer Commerce Department and Assistant Professor Economics
Department University of Balochistan , Quetta respectively.
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attaining such objectives. In Pakistan, human resources are in abundance and
extensive efforts are required for the development and utilization of such
useful asset. The women folk form about 50% of the total population of the
country, whereas their participation in economic activities is minimal. If seen
in historical perspective, it becomes clear that the situation with regard to
female labour force participation has not improved much. Keeping in view
the above historical fact, there is now a growing realization in the country
that the dream of sustainable development cannot materialize until and unless
women are made to play an active role in the economy.
Situation Analysis in Balochistan:
It is a common concept in Balochistan that women are “just
housewives and are not playing any significant role at the economic front.
But various studies show that women play a crucial role in the rural
economy, including agriculture, livestock, and cottage industries. They play
far more active role in the rural economy than is generally believed. Women
undertake a wide range of activities both in the field and at home. Although
their involvement in farm work is lowest in the earlier stages of crop
production when field preparation is largely undertaken by men but in the
later stages of the production cycle in the harvesting and post harvesting
phase their participation is very high. Home based post harvest operations
such as drying, cleaning, and storage of grains are almost exclusively carried
out by women. Their contribution is also significant in seed preparation,
collecting farm yard manure, weeding, harvesting, and various other farm
operations. Their involvement towards looking after the livestock and poultry
is remarkable. Women take primary responsibility for cutting fodder,
cleaning sheds, processing of animal products and care of sick animals. They
look after the herds, do the milking, collect wool, spin it and make bi-
products, and are also involved in weaving and so on. Besides the above
mentioned economic activities, on direct income generating side many
women are engaged in rural non-farm economic activities like handicrafts,
embroidery, quilt making, wool spinning, and tailoring, etc.
The irony is that, most of the official data on women’s work in the rural
economy do not present the real picture of women participation in economic
activities and show unbelievably low female labor force participation rates.
Even the Annual Labour Force Surveys gives a low rural female labour force
participation rate. More or less the same is the case of population census
which shows a massive underestimation regarding the rural female labour
force participation rate.
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In spite of the fact that women of poor households do engage in productive
labour and play a vital role in the economic and social life, yet they continue
to be perceived as marginal to our society. Apart from cultural specific
biases, there are also transcultural reasons for the bias against women which
are rooted in the analytical framework within which the economic
contribution of individuals is assessed.
As a result of the factors causing a situation where women have been marked
as inferior in society and the continuing process of their underestimation as
economic agents as well as the gender biased development policies pursued
so far, most women in Balochistan carry a double burden, that of being poor
and of being women.
Micro Credit a Proven Strategy for Poor Women:
According to the latest figures given by the Federal Statistics
Division, 7.9 million households in the country with an average of six heads
each are living under the poverty line with incomes below $60 a month.
''Roughly 60.45 million of the 180 million total population are living below
the poverty line and among them about 50% are women.
Micro credit is now a proven strategy for reaching poor women. The Micro
credit Summit Campaign reports that 16.4 million of the world’s poorest
women now have access to financial services—accounting for nearly 80% of
the 20.3 million poorest served by microfinance. Yet women in South Asia
lag far behind their sisters in the rest of the world regarding access to
financial services. There are good reasons to target women. Gender equality
turns out to be good for everybody. The World Bank reports that societies
that discriminate on the basis of gender have greater poverty, slower
economic growth, weaker governance, and a lower standard of living.
Women are poorer and more disadvantaged than men. UNDP’s oft-quoted
1995 Human Development Report found that 70% of the 1.3 billion people
living on less than $1 a day are women.
Now the question arises that how poverty is to be alleviated among these
women.
This could be done through changing the age-old Vicious Circle of Poverty
(“low income---- low savings low investment ----low production
low income”)
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to the Virtuous Circle of Prosperity: (“Low income---- Micro credit ----
investment---- more income -- more credit---- more investment ----
more income”)
Figure 1: Vicious Circle of Poverty
Figure 2: Vitruvius Circle of Prosperity
Low Production
Low Saving
Low Investment
Low Income
Low Consumption
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It is in this context that access to credit which at present is very low for
women can make the real difference between the two situations. In other
words credit becomes an important tool for poverty alleviation. But
unfortunately, women in Balochistan have virtually no access to formal
credit, which severely limits their ability to invest in more productive
activities. Access to formal credit by women, especially in the rural areas has
been denied on the grounds that; a) women are unable to provide collateral to
the financial institutions, b) women cannot follow the credit procedures and
complicated formats of the financial institutions due to their wide spread
illiteracy c) Women take loan for only some limited traditional activities d)
they do not make decisions over economic resources, e) their resource base is
very slim, f) that they do not own assets that can be used as collateral, g) that
their saving capacity is very low, h) That they cannot understand the
paperwork and i) That they cannot deal with male loan officers
The above apprehensions are mostly baseless and the ground realities are in
contrast to the above factors. There is good evidence (AKRSP, BRSP,
Grameen Bank) that women desire, are able and are willing to pay for credit,
and that using group guarantees as a substitute for physical collateral leads to
very high repayment rates. They also have a greater potential role in saving
mobilization than is generally realized. A Large number of women, have for
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example, been active savers through the traditional rotating savings and loan
associations (or “Committee” system). Infact women might be more
comfortable dealing with female loan officers-the absence of female staff
should not restrict women from access to credit. It is considered respectable,
for example, for women to deal as a group with male personnel.
Availability of Micro Credit:
According to Professor Dr. Muhammad Yunus the Nobel laureate, a well
known Economist, and pioneer of Gramean Bank* working for poverty
alleviation through micro credit “The World Bank has failed to achieve the
goal of poverty alleviation. This is because of its failure to change its policies
with the change of time. To alleviate the poverty first of all World Bank is
needed to reform of its structural organization. “World Bank has been
established 60 years ago. In this long period World had changed a lot but the
World Bank didn’t change its policies. The Bank could not fulfill the
objectives for which it was formed. It has adopted, as its functions, to
develop the infrastructure, to develop roads and highways. They are doing all
these for many a time with stress on this. But to alleviate the poverty one will
have to work with the people. He said that he had told WB President, “You
have forgotten the common people. But if you cannot attach the people with
your work poverty alleviation will not be possible. He said that development
program of World Bank is more targeted towards increasing the growth, not
towards poverty alleviation. But to eradicate poverty growth should be
targeted to the poverty alleviation. He criticized the World Bank for not
extending enough monetary support to the micro credit finances saying that
World Bank give on an average 20 billion US$ as loan in a year but the micro
finance organizations only get 1% of the loan where it deserves to get at least
5% .
CONCLUSION
Pakistan is confronted with many socio-economic problems. The root cause
of almost all these issues is the rapidly growing poverty in the country which
has now arrived at an alarming situation. Although, about one third of the
population is victim of the menace of poverty, among them rural women are
the most vulnerable groups affected by this menace. They have very limited
access to productive resources as well as credit.
*Daily Dawn 05-11-2007
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Micro credit is now a proven strategy for the poverty alleviation among poor
rural women to enable them gets out of the vicious circle of poverty. The
conventional credit programs only provide a limited amount of credit to rural
women. The establishment of special credit programs targeting poor rural
women is the need of the hour. Both Government and Non Government
Organization need to handle this problem. As the majority of the women in
rural Balochistan are illiterate, the procedures and related formats for availing
credits and repayment of loans should be made simple and easy for rural
women. Last but not the least, keeping in view the wide spread poverty in the
province in general and rural women in particular, in the absence of formal
collateral for credit, the formation of groups of rural women to be recognized
as substitute of hard collateral is very crucial to the success of special credit
programs for women.
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REFERENCES
1. Aurat. 1992. Special issues on rural women in Pakistan. Aurat
Foundation.
2. Buthe, T., 2000. Banker to the poor: Micro lending and the battle
against
world poverty. J. Int. Affairs, Columbia University of International
Public affairs
3. Carr, M., M. Chen and R. Jabvala, 1996. Speaking Out, Women’s
Economic
Empowerment in South Asia, IT Publications, London, UK
4. Choudhry. M. G and Khan. Z. 1987. Female Labor participation rates
in rural Pakistan. Islamabad. P.I.D.E.
5. Dr. Stella Pieters Kwiers.1991. Crucial role of women in
development.
6. Fourth World Conference on women. Beijing. 1995. Pakistan national
report.
7. Government of Pakistan, 2005. Economic survey of Pakistan,
Economic
Wing Finance Division, Islamabad, Pakistan
8. Jaffri, Y.S., 1999. Assessing Poverty in Pakistan, a Profile of Poverty
in
Pakistan, Mahbub-ul-Haq center for Human Development,
Islamabad, Pakistan
9. Mumtaz Khawar and Farida Shaheed. 1987. Women of Pakistan: Two
steps forward. One step back. Lahore. Vanguard Books Ltd.
10. Mrs. Zuekha Zar. 1991. Education. Skill development and
employment of women.
11. National Consultant Group for poverty alleviation through Social
Mobilization Multan 1997. First national workshop on poverty
alleviation through social mobilization.
12. NRSP, 1999. Sixth Annual Report. National Rural Support
Programme,
Islamabad, Pakistan
13. Rutherford, S.,2002. The Poor and their Money, Oxford University
Press,
London, UK
14. Shehla Abbasi. 1990. Profile of women of Balochistan. Quetta.
Government of Balochistan and UNICEF.
15. S.M. Arif. T.M. Faiz. Overview of economics position of Balochistan.
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16. Shahnaz Kazi. 1994. A strategy for supporting employment and
income generation of poor women in Pakistan.
17. Shaheed, Farida and Khawar Mumtaz. 1990. Women’s economics
participation in Pakistan. UNICEF Islamabad.
18. Tariq Hussain. Asad Azfar EDC (Private) Ltd. Islamabad. 1994.
Community Mobilization and Poverty Alleviation.
19. UNICEF. 1980. Socio-economic Survey of rural areas of Balochistan.
20. World Bank. 1989. Women in Pakistan: An economics and social
strategy. Volume 1. World Bank. Washington D.C.
21. Yunus, M., 1999. Banker to the poor: Micro-lending and the Battle
against World Poverty, Public Affairs, New York. Amazon
Publishers.
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BI-ANNUAL RESEARCH JOURNAL “BALOCHISTAN REVIEW” ISSN 1810-2174”, BALOCHISTAN STUDY CENTRE, UOB, QUETTA (PAK) Vol. XXIV No.1, 2011
TEACHING OF ISLAMIC STUDIES AS A SUBJECT IN THE
SECONDARY SCHOOLS AND MADARIS IN PAKISTAN
Dr.Abdul Razzaq Sabir
*
Abdul Nasir†
ABSTRACT
In Pakistan it is mandatory for all Muslim students up to
Secondary school level to study Islamic Studies as a compulsory subject.
In the government sector and private sector secondary schools provide
education to the general youth of the country to perform services in all
fields of life. Islamic Studies to the masses is also main component of
the syllabi of the Islamic religious schools or Madaris in the country.
These Islamic religious schools or Madaris mostly provide to the youth
from poor class and those learning to be Islamic clerics. In the paper
Education Policy of Pakistan with reference to Islamic Education will
be discussed the education policy of the country clearly mentions that
Education and training should enable the citizens of Pakistan to lead
their lives according to the teachings of Islam as laid down in the
Qur'an and Sunnah and to educate and train them as a true practicing
Muslim. There are two main education systems running parallel in the
country modern education system and religious education. The
education policy of the country assures to evolve an integrated system of
national education by bringing Deeni Madaris and modern schools
closer to each stream in curriculum and the contents of education. In
the primary education system Nazira Qur'an is introduced as a
compulsory subject from grade I to VIII while at secondary level
translation of the selected verses from the Holy Qur'an is also offered.
The paper will further discusses the teaching methodology
regarding teaching of Islamic Studies, criteria for selection of Islamic
Studies teachers, and their qualification. The paper will further discuss
the course contents of Islamic Studies text b ooks teaching in the
* Dean Faculty of Social Sciences University of Balochistan, Quetta-Pak
† Lecturer Department of Education, University of Balochistan, Quetta-Pak
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government secondary schools and their comparison with the courses of
other religious schools or Madaris.
KEY WORDS:
Islamic Studies, Islamic Education, System of Education, Secondary
Schools, Madaris or Madrasaas, Pakistani educational system, Quranic
education, knowledge, objectives of education, curriculum, teaching
methodology, education, Masjid Schools.
INTRODUCTION
It is a fact that Pakistan is an ideological state, hence, due preference
has always been given to such recommendations that help strengthen the
Islamic values of education. In addition to the recommendations contained in
this study those suggestions that flash the view-points of individuals and
organizations of Pakistan will also be incorporated in the study and hopefully
this will provide a short moment of thinking to the state officials and
educationists both. The paper will also be interesting and helpful to the
outside world to know the steps taken by the governments time to time
regarding teaching of Islamic Studies as a compulsory subject in the country.
PAKISTAN’S EDUCATION POLICY
Since the inception of Pakistan in 1947, five Educational Policy
Reports have been produced. These are:-
(1) Educational Conference, 1947.
(2) Commission on National Education, 1959.
(3) New Educational Policy, 1969.
(4) National Education Policy, 1972 and
(5) Educational Policy, 1978
(6) National education Policy 1998-2010.
In the silent features of the Pakistan’s Education Policy 1998-2010
the aim and objectives about teaching of Islamic Education clearly mentions
that “Education and training should enable the citizens of Pakistan to lead
their lives according to the teachings of Islam as laid down in the Qur'an and
Sunnah and to educate and train them as a true practicing Muslim. To evolve
an integrated system of national education by bringing Deeni Madaris and
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modern schools closer to each stream in curriculum and the contents of
education. Nazira Qur'an will be introduced as a compulsory component from
grade I-VIII while at secondary level translation of the selected verses from
the Holy Qur'an will be offered.( Pakistan’s National Education
Policy:1998-2010:2)
According to the national education policy of the country Education
and training should enable the citizens of Pakistan to lead their lives
according to the teachings of Islam as laid down in the Qur'an and Sunnah
and to educate and train them as a true practicing Muslim. To evolve an
integrated system of national education by bringing Deeni Madaris and
modern schools closer to each stream in curriculum and the contents of
education. Nazira Qur'an is introduced as a compulsory component from
grade I-VIII, while at secondary level translation of the selected verses from
the Holy Qur'an are also being offered.
SECONDARY EDUCATION IN PAKISTAN
Secondary education or secondary school education in Pakistan
commence from class 9th. Upon completion of class 10th, students are
expected to take a standardized exam taken by a Board of Intermediate and
Secondary Education (BISE). After successful completion of this
examination, the students are awarded a Secondary School Certificate locally
known as 'matriculation certificate' or 'matric' later on students eligible for
entrance to a college and complete grades 11 and 12 or inter classes. Upon
completion of grade 12, they again take an exam test which is also
administered by the regional boards. Upon successful completion of this
examination, students are awarded the Higher Secondary School Certificate
or HSC. This level of education is also known as F.A/ F.Sc. or 'intermediate'.
During these classes students have choice to choose pre-medical, pre-
engineering, computer science, social sciences, commerce etc.
ISLAMIC EDUCATION AS A SUBJECT
A Historical Study of the Determinants and Evolution of the Islamic System
of Education relates to the analysis of factors that have led and still contain
the ingredients for building a strong system of education in Pakistan. Islam,
as a religion, contrasts with the European concept of a religion. It
encompasses the totality of Muslim life that draws its inspiration from the
Quran and Sunnah. This is a wide conceptual difference between the two
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approaches – the one apparently individualistic and the other socialistic. In
order to bring it home to the modern mind, Islam, as such, with all its
radiations, through its fundamental sources, on the Islamic philosophy of life
that vindicates the socio-economic, political, philosophical and ethical
foundations, has been discussed in detail. Since, these aspects of life are fully
expressed in the ideology of Pakistan which still continues to remain a living
force in our country, today, this discussion would firm up the base on which
the edifice of Islamic Education on stands.(Tirmizi:258)
The relationship between the ideology of Pakistan and Islam as a
polity has been precisely expounded so that the modern mind may well
understand the influence of Islamic philosophy of life that provides firm roots
for developing a viable system of education in Pakistan. It is a chain
development descending down as blending of revelational and rational
knowledge that tightens together these determinants to promote and organize
the education norm that bears its own credibility. It endears a growing
entirety of its own, distlinguishable from other concepts.
Islamic concept of knowledge, objectives of education, curriculum,
teaching methodology, evaluation, teacher-student relationship, education
travels, women education and the role of Masjid (mosque) are a queer
pronged manifestation of these determinants, spotted and seen in every
Muslim society. The rationale behind the organizing and analyzing of these
determinants is to evoke and foster scores of multifarious researches in
multiple ways. This may eventually provide a norm-base to testify the think-
tank of the educators and the active role of the educational institutions.
(Tirmizi: 258)
ISLAMIC VALUES AND THE SUBJECT OF ISLAMIC STUDIES AT
SECONDARY LEVEL
Education in Pakistan remains within the public sector at all levels
even though elite institutions are much more likely to be found within the
private sector. The curriculum for the large number of public sector schools is
given final approval by the Curriculum Wing of the Federal Ministry of
Education. The textbooks prepared by the provincial textbook boards follow
the guidelines given by the Curriculum Wing repeatedly emphasize the need
to inculcate a narrowly defined set of Islamic Values.
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The emphasis on Islamic studies became much more pronounced after
General Zia Ul Haq‟s coup in 1977. Islamiyat had been a compulsory subject
from Class I up to Class X but it was now made compulsory up to B.A/B.SC
(Bachelor of Arts/Science degree equivalent to 14 years of schooling). But it
is not required at the M.A. stage, but when students appear in professional
examinations such as MBBS (Bachelor of Medicine Bachelor of surgery) or
CSS (competitive examinations for the Federal civil services) they again have
to study Islamiyat as a separate subject and can qualify only if they pass in
this exam as well. Under General Zia, from Class VI to Class VIII, it was
made compulsory for students of all religions to learn Arabic. The
justification was to enable Muslim students to acquire a better comprehension
of Quraanic teachings. Previously, Arabic had been an optional subject.
During the same period, a section of the Islamiyat syllabus was separated for
Sunnis and Shias at the level of Class IX and X. Separate books were
introduced for students of the two sects but a common book was re-
introduced in 1999. However, they attempt distinct sections of the
examination paper. (Faizi: 2010:98)
From Class I to Class VIII the subject of Diniyat (Religious Studies)
was taught in government schools. But, in 1997, the subject of Islamiyat
(Islamic Studies) was introduced. The former subject included space for an
introduction of other religions, though in practice this does not appear to have
been implemented on any significant scale in the classrooms. For students of
persuasions other than Islam, there are few practicable options to studying
Islamiyat. In Class VIII, there is special paper civics for non-Muslims, for
which students of minority communities may appear. However, schools
seldom have any provisions for the teaching of this subject. In 1987, a book
on ethics to be used by minority communities‟ students was produced by the
Sindh Textbook Board and subsequently printed by the Punjab Textbook
Board, as well. Moreover, it is not now available. Mostly non-Muslims
students take up Islamiyat as a subject even though it is not compulsory for
them.
In schools, children generally have at least two or three periods of Islamiyat a
week, sometimes more, of 45 minutes each. The Islamiyat curriculum places
a premium on inculcating a Muslim identity among Pakistani children. In the
subject of Islamiyat, concepts such as Jihad are framed in terms of waging
war against the infidels rather than in the broader interpretation that would
privilege Jihad against poverty, illiteracy or inequity. (Faizi: 2010:99)
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MADRASA OR RELIGIOUS SCHOOL EDUCATION IN PAKISTAN
There are three main types of religious institutions or Koranic schools where
only the Koran is taught, Mosque schools where both Koranic and secular
subjects are taught and Madrassas where only Islamic learning takes place.
The mission of most Madrassas in Pakistan is to prepare students for
religious duties. Adhering to strict religious teachings, Madrassas teach
Islamic subjects such as the Koran, Islamic law and Jurisprudence, Logic and
the Prophet’s traditions. Depending upon the level of the Madrassa (primary,
middle or high), the concentration of religious teachings increases. Hafiz-e-
Koran (the one who memorizes the Koran fully) or Qari (theone who can
recite the Koran with good pronunciation and in a melodic tone) are produced
at the lower level of Madrassas. The higher levels of Madrassas produce Alim
– the Islamic scholar and/or teacher. An Alim certificate from a Madrassa is
equivalent to an MA degree in Islamic studied or Arabic from a regular
university. A Madrassa student after graduating from grade 10, is qualified
enough to declare Fatwas – religious edicts. Those students who enroll in
Madrassas full time do so with the knowledge that they will become well
versed in religious studies only and will find jobs in the religious sector since
very few Madrassas supplement religious education with secular subjects.
(Uzma Anzar:2003:14-16)
There are five major Islamic schools of thought in Pakistan:
Deobandi, Bareili, Ahle- Hadith, Salafi, and Shia. Each sect has their own
Madrassas in which they teach their own version of Islam. The two main
sects of Sunni Islam - Deobandi and Bareili - dominate the Madrassas system
in Pakistan26. Deobandi schools are most commonly found along the
Afghan-Pakistan border and within the city centers. The Deobandi and
Bareili sects originated in the colonial Indian sub-continent in response to the
perceived imperial plot to destroy Islam and its followers by enforcing its
own version of education. The Deobandi sect is considered the most
conservative and anti-west. The core religious curriculum in Pakistani
Madrassas is similar to any other Madrassa in the world except that it had a
few more books in Persian. It focuses on the teachings of Islam – Hadith,
Fiqa, Tafseer, Sunna and the like. A typical model of what is taught in
Madrassa schools in Pakistan is provided as under:-.
First Year Biography of the Prophet (Syrat), Conjugation-Grammar (Sarf),
Syntax (Nahv), Arabic Literature, Chirography, Chant illation (Tajvid)
- 25 -
Second Year Conjugation-Grammar (Sarf), Syntax (Nahv), Arabic
Literature, Jurisprudence (Fiqa), Logic, Chirography (Khush-navisi), Chant
illation, (Tajvid)
Third Year Koranic Exegesis, Jurisprudence: (Fiqh), Syntax (Nahv), Arabic
Literature, Hadith, Logic, Islamic Brotherhood, Chant illation: (Tajvid),
External study (Tareekh Millat and Khilafat-e-Rashida – these are Indian
Islamic movements).
Fourth Year Koranic Exegesis, Jurisprudence (Fiqa), Principles of
Jurisprudence, Rhetorics, Hadith, Logic, History, Cant illation, Modern
Sciences (sciences of cities of Arabia, Geography of the Arab Peninsula and
other Islamic countries)
Fifth Year Koranic Exegesis, Jurisprudence, Principles of Jur isprudence,
Rhetoric, Beliefs (Aqa'id), Logic, Arabic Literature, Chant illation, External
study (History of Indian Kings)
Sixth Year Interpretation of the Koran, Jurisprudence, Principles of
Interpretation & Jurisprudence, Arabic Literature, Philosophy, Chant illation,
Study of Prophet’s traditions
Seventh Year Sayings of the Prophet, Jurisprudence, Belief (Aqa'ed),
Responsibility (Fra'iz), Chant illation, External Study (Urdu texts)
Eighth Year Ten books by various authors focusing on the sayings of the
Prophet. (Course Contents Dar-ul-Uloom Dewband)
Pakistani Madrassas pay heavy emphasis to the teachings of Arabic and
Persian. The languages in the Pakistani Madrassas are not taught for their real
worth but because they facilitate mastery of the religion and because they are
necessary for an Alim. For this purpose Arabic, of course, occupies the centre
stage. Persian, which was socially and academically necessary in Muslim
India, still forms part of the curriculum. Urdu is generally the medium of
instruction in Pakistani Madrassas. Urdu is, indeed, the language in which
Madrassa students become most competent in most of the Madrassas. Most
of the books from which languages are taught are very old Arabic and Persian
books that were written in the 1500’s or before. Pakistani Madrassas today
still teach many of the Dars-e-Nizami texts. These are some of the oldest
exiting Arabic books. Students also study the Persian translation of Arabic
books. “The Arabic books are treatises on grammar in rhymed couplets. One
of the best known among them, Kafia Ibne- Malik, is so obscure that it is
always taught through a commentary called the Sharah Ibn-e-Aqil. The
commentary is often the dread of students and a source of pride for the
teacher who has mastered it. In the Madrassas Arabic is not taught as a living
language. (Rehman:1998 :197-214)
- 26 -
The teaching style of a typical teacher in a Pakistani Madrassa,
especially, in lower grades is very autocratic and little children are punished
for not conforming to the rules and regulations. Severe corporal punishment
is the norm, which results in high drop out rates. A Majority of the teachers is
males who are the product of the Madrassa system. A few have attended Al
Azhar University in Cairo to gain specialized Islamic knowledge. Al Azhar
University also seconds some of its Islamic scholars to various Madrassas all
over the world where they teach religion to students in higher classes
(Rehman: 1998:210-11)
According to government statistics, there are currently 11,491
madrasas in Pakistan, although unofficial sources have estimated their
numbers to range from 12,000 to 15,000 with a total student enrollment of
1.7 million. Pakistan Education Statistics gives the total number of madrasa
students in the country as 1.518 million out of which 140,431 have been
listed as enrolled at the tertiary levels, i.e., in Sanavia Aama, Sanavia Khassa,
Alia Almia and Darja-e-Takhassus. Most madrasas are identified with a
particular school of doctrina orientation—Deobandi, Barelwi, Ahl-e-Hadith
and Shia. Each doctrinal school has established its own federation (wafaq) of
affiliated madrasas that prescribes curriculum, establishes standards, conducts
examinations, and issues diplomas.(Pakistan Education Statistics:
2004:225) The following are the major madrasa federations in Pakistan:
Wafaq-ul-Madaris Deobandi Multan 1959
Tanzim-ul-Madaris Barelwi Lahore 1960
Wafaq-ul-Madaris Shia Shia Lahore 1959
Rabitatul-Madaris-al-Islamia Jamaat-e-Islami Lahore 1983
Wafaq-ul-Madaris-al-Salafia Ahl-e-Hadith Faisalabad 1955 (Education
System in Pakistan: 2006:26)
CONCLUSION
The syllabi of three types of secondary Education in Pakistan are
different from each other, In the private schools Islamic Education is a
compulsory but confined upto the Islamic teachings, in the government
secondary schools besides other compulsory and elective subjects Islamic
Studies is a compulsory while in the madrasas the most of the syllabi based
on the Islamic Studies only. If we critically analysis the Islamic Studies
subject at secondary level in Pakistan we observe the subjects of Islamic
Studies at class lX and Xth levels we come to know that to some extent they
- 27 -
cover Islamic values but very less number of students have the complete
awareness about Islamic civilization. In the class room the teachers by the
help of charts show the reflection of Islamic values in the compulsory
subjects of Islamic Studies..
The main causes of non effectiveness of the Islamic Studies at
Secondary level besides financial problems are the less interest of the parents,
Separate family system, Negative role of media, Illiteracy, parents are busy in
their jobs, incomplete material about Islamic values in text books, all subjects
have no connection with Islamic values, non sincerity of the teachers in
professional training etc.
On the other hand education system in the traditional religious
schools known as madrasas or madaris or Islamic religious schools have
been the focus of Western media in general and the intelligentsia’s
attention in particular since the last over three decades. The Pakistani
madrasa curriculum remains virtually unchanged.
The government blames madrasa authorities for the failure of its
reforms. However, these reforms were prepared in haste by government
officials with little understanding of traditional education, and without any
input from the madrasa ulama. The ulama’s opposition to these reforms
was then used by the government to excuse its lack of commitment.
Madrasa curriculum may be said to have played a role in creating an
environment that encourages hostile or, at least, negative attitudes toward
the “other.” However, to claim that there is a direct causal relationship
between madrasa education, on the one hand, and anti-Americanism or
anti-Westernism, on the other, is, at best, a tenuous proposition. Madrasa
education per se is entirely devoid of political content. With the same
curriculum, madrasa students were never shown to be anti-American until
the 1990s. Furthermore, anti-Americanism is not something that is
exclusively confined to the madrasas or, for that matter, to Muslims alone.
The Bush administration’s policies in the Middle East; the U.S. invasion
and occupation of Afghanistan and Iraq; the scandals of Abu Ghraib and
Guantanamo Bay; the widely-reported stories of torture and “extraordinary
renditions;” and the general perception that the “global war on terror” is
primarily directed against Muslims have all irreparably damaged the moral
standing of the United States in the eyes of Muslims. There is now a great
deal of pessimism among the madrasa ulama who largely feel that the
situation will not “change for the better.”
For advanced and scientific learning through higher levels of Islamic
education systems (in Madrassas), major changes would be required. For
- 28 -
example, in Pakistani Madrassas mere introduction of math and computer
courses will not change the views of the students towards the society and the
world at large. Computer and English language courses cannot do much to
alter the mindset of students in Madrassas . The first thing to consider, in this
regard, is the orientation of the Islamic education curricula. The questions
that Islamic scholars and teachers must be pushed to ask are, currently what
types of religious ideologies and beliefs are being promoted by Islamic
curriculum in various Madrassas? Are they compatible with the prevailing
political, religious, human rights, women’s right realties that surround the
Muslim world today? How through Islamic education systems in combination
with scientific interventions, Muslim nations can advance in the 21st century?
Could the Madrassas be brought back to the point where they lead the debate
on Ijtihad –independent reasoning and pave the way for advancement in
Muslim societies?
The answers to these questions should come from the Muslim leaders
and scholars themselves. At present, it would be wise for the international
donors and educators to facilitate this dialogue. Only if Islamic leaders and
scholars are able to articulate the answers to the above questions and are
willing to a change, the world could witness another Islamic renaissance.
- 29 -
REFERENCES
Course Contents of the Dar-ul-Uloom Dewband, India website
http://www.darululoom-deoband.com/english (accessed on 20-5-2012)
Faizi , Waqar Un Nisa Ph.D dissertation “The Reflection Of Islamic Values
In The Compulsory Subjects Of Social Sciences At Secondary (ix-x) Level In
Karachi” JUFW, Karachi 2010 p-98.
Pakistan Education Statistics, 2004-225, Islamabad, Government of
Pakistan, 2006 and reproduced in the NBR Project report April 2009 p-26.
Pakistan’s National Education Policy, Ministry of Education Govt of
Pakistan, 1998-2010 p-2.
Rehman, Tariq (Dr) “Language, Religion and Identity in Pakistan: Language-
Teaching in Pakistan Madrassas” Ethnic Studies Report, Vol XVI, July 1998
p-197-214.
Report on the Education System in Pakistan Nordic Recognition Information
Centers, October 2006 Page- 26.
Tirmizi, Shamim Ahmed (Dr) Ph.D Dissertation of BZ University, Multan p-
258 already available at HEC Pakistan website
http://prr.hec.gov.pk/Chapters/202-9.pdf ( accessed on 6th Feb, 2012)
Uzma Anzar, “Islamic Education A Brief History of Madrassas With
Comments on Curricula and Current Pedagogical Practices” 2003 p-14-16.
- 30 -
- 31 -
BI-ANNUAL RESEARCH JOURNAL “BALOCHISTAN REVIEW” ISSN 1810-2174”, BALOCHISTAN STUDY CENTRE, UOB, QUETTA (PAK) Vol. XXIV No.1, 2011
THE QUETTA CITY SPATIAL BUSINESS INTENSITY
PATTERN
Geography
Muhammad Nawaz*
ABSTRACT
An indication of the rapid progression of urbanization across
the globe, the spread of urbanization in Europe and Middle East
is apparent, as are rising levels of urbanization in Africa and
Asia, Pakistan has progressed appreciably, in 1901 only 9.8
percent 0f total population lived in urban areas. It is estimated
that 2025 A.D. the 60 percent of total population of the country
will live in town and cities. As the urban places are playing very
high role to business opportunities and progress, provide
services, in socio-economic development of the region.
In fact the business intensity pattern of a city, its structure,
functions, composition, spatial organization, the body of a
character of the city, a city is business complex with large number
of retail business that is its components and takes the advantage
of a city location business, form, function and development.
Among these retail businesses groups of business tend to
concentrate and occupy the considerable part of the city space,
where as other occupy low intensities areas.
INTRODUCTION
The city of Quetta as the capital of Balochistan province with
565137 urban dwellers in 1998, which will became the place of one million
peoples in 2015 is situated at the height of 1676.4 meter from sea level, bowl
shaped, 6 K.m. wide 20 Km (average) long valley bounded by mountains,
growing relatively at higher rate (4.15 percent annually) than other urban
settlements in the province. The urbanization processes in the region and its
* Assistant Professor Department of Geography University of Balochistan Quetta Pakistan.
- 32 -
influence on Quetta being the seat of government, provide the facilities of
higher order, improved living conditions, employment opportunities as
compare to other urban centers of the province. The population of Quetta city
according to the1941 census was 64476 persons it was 6.97 percent increased
between 1931-41 comprising of Quetta municipal area (7406773 sq. meter). In
1951 the population was 83892 persons which were 30.11 percent increased
during the 10 years, where 37.33 percent increase show in 1955, but a
significant growth in 1972 (48.19 percent) and (80.88 percent) in 1981 seems
a very high increase in 10 years. Similarly the increase in area was 151
percent in 1975 and 8.29 percent again show a large expansion in municipal
area. In 1998 the population of Quetta city including cantonment was reached
to 565137 persons (97.79 percent increased, and as 19.49 percent more area
was included in municipal limits in 1992,and 15039225 (sq. meters) 31.20
percent area was added in 1998 in the municipal corporation. On the basis of
50 years growth record of Quetta city, it is estimated that the number of urban
dwellers will reach 2000000 in 2020. In order to present study “The Quetta
City Spatial Business Intensity Pattern” can focus and became a most favored
area or the city of more than two million dwellers comfort, planning and
development.
METHODOLOGY
The analytical framework laid down, has been used the
Geographical Information System (G.I.S.) techniques, methodological
measures and analysis methods which range from collection of primary data
of 14936 establishments from the field, Quetta Municipal Area (Q.M.C.) to
classification, tabulation of data and the use of inferential statistics and
mathematical model.
The present study aim to analyze the “The Quetta City Spatial Business
Intensity Pattern” and which will provide the guideline to city structuring,
growth, it’s planning and development.
Data Collection.
Primary data of 14936 establishments were collected from the
Quetta Municipal Corporation (Q.M.C.) area.
The city was divided into 494 business blocks on the basis of road and
streets, and the base map of 1:2500 scales was used.
The data were analyzed through using the Geographical information
System (G.I.S)
Software techniques and presented in the form of a map and tables.
- 33 -
The business intensity of the city devised and calculated from the
following formula:
Business Intensity Index (B11) = Area under Business Establishment in
Block
Ground Area of the Block
Business Intensity The distribution of business activity in the city and its concentration
pattern is represented through analysis of chief variable i.e., Area under
Business Establishments, and the Business Intensity Index.
These analyses Tables 1, 2 and figure 1 serve to bring out internal
variations with in an expanse of a homogeneous area in terms of its basic or
essential quality i.e., the extent and intensity of retail business activity.
Further, the analyses furnish the lead to differentiation of intrinsic
character of the city region in to what has been classically discriminated as
the “Core” or “Hard core” and “Periphery” or the “Non-core” to contrast
primarily with the major differences in the levels of concentration of business
across the city region. While the two variable, viz: area under establishments
and business intensity index are indicative of spatial variations and the degree
of business intensity as a ratio of area under business to the total of area or
total space with in the city blocks, the one variable, area under establishments
are indicator of intensity in space- use by the business establishments with in
the city limits. The later variable define the essential characteristics of the
“hard core” which, when compared with other business centers of the city,
must illuminate characteristically a much higher rate of use of “hard core”
space than that found in other business centers of the city.
Number and Area of Business Establishments
The concentration pattern of commercial establishments is
analyzed in table 1 and the accompanying map fig.1 which shows area under
business establishments. A total of 14936 retail establishments covered
260105 sq.meters, in 494 business blocks adopted for enumeration.
Table 1 shows the number of blocks, number of establishments and
area under establishments categorized into concentration levels or classes of
blocks. It may be pointed out that the number of blocks under Colum 3 of the
table suffers from limitations with respect to inter-category comparison on
account of uneven block size, but this limitation is overcome when the
numbers of establishments are compared block-wise, as the establishment’s
size differences are not too wide to disallow meaningful comparison.
However, when analyzing the table a reference is made to the number of
block; it is done simply to give an indication of the extent of concentration
- 34 -
levels irrespective of the block size, as mainly it is the block or blocks which
have been categorized.
TABLE: 1 * AREA UNDER BUSINESS ESTABLISHMENTS BY BLOCK CATEGORIES
BLOCK
CATEGORY
CONCENTRATION
LEVEL
NO OF
BLOCKS
AREA
OF
BLOCKS
**
PERCENTA
GE OF
BLOCK
AREA
NO. OF
ESTABLI
SHMENT
S
PERCENTA
GE OF
ESTABLISH
MENTS
AREA
OF
ESTABLI
SHMENT
S ( in sq.
m.)
PERCEN
TAGE OF
AREA
OF
ESTABLI
SHMENT
S
I
401+ VERY HIGH 155 5705465 45.18 10428 69.81 197371 75.88
Ii
301-400 HIGH 72 1994715 15.79 1754 11.74 27839 10.70
Iii
201-300 MEDIUM 48 1633707 12.93 845 5.65 11237 4.32
Iv
101-200 LOW 122 1874771 14.84 1376 9.21 17744 6.82
V
-100 VERY LOW 97 1418272 11.23 533 3.56 5914 2.27
TOTAL ------- 494 12626930 100 14936 100 260105 100
*field data ** Area in sq.m.
It is inferred from table 1 that 69.81 percent of the total
establishments occupying 75.88 percent of the total space used as business
establishments of the city, fall in “very high concentration level” and are
concentrated in 155 out of 494 blocks. It is obvious that such a high level of
concentration, comparatively in a limited 45.18 percent of total blocks area of
the city may be identified with the core or hard core of the city, which
represent the highest degree of intensity. More over high concentration level
category establishments made up 10.70 percent of the city establishments.
The degree of significant concentration level will however be
represented by the aggregate of "very high" and "high concentrations level"
establishments, which combine to demonstrate on impressive concentration
to the extant of about 81.55 percent of city establishments with about 86.58
percent of area under total city retail business establishments.
It may noted that "medium concentration level" is not extensive as it
cover 5.65 percent of the total establishments as compare with 12.77 percent
in low and "very low” concentration classes. This low extensiveness in terms
of percentages of the number of establishments is resulted due to the size and
number of blocks in the category, which can further accentuated in respect of
area under establishments, since low and very low concentration levels
covered only 9.09 percent against 4.32 percent of establishments area under
medium category. These three levels may indicate the spatial extent of non
core areas of city region.
Figure 1 distinctly exhibits five areas of major concentration i.e., (i)
The Liaquat bazaar area, (ii) The Peripheral region, of Liaquat bazaar and
- 35 -
Double road area, (iii) The Satellite Town and Pashtoonabad, (iv) Joint and
Jail road area, (v) Sariab-Sabzal road area.
Out of 155 blocks showing very high concentration level, 96
belonged to the Laqat bazaar area alone. Similarly out of 72 blocks of high
concentration level, again 21 placed in Liaquat bazaar area.
The extent of medium or low is for more limited in Liaquat bazaar
area than Satellite Town, Pashtoonabad or on the Kansi, Meccongy, Joint and
Jail roads areas. This suggests the greater beneficial aspect and locational
advantages of the Liaquat bazaar area for business activity and its expansion
in comparison with other areas of the city.
The differences of area under establishments with in each block
category may further highlight the details of otherwise much generalized or
stretched concentration quality over a wide rage of area under establishments
in each block.
In the very high concentration class, very wide range of area under
business establishments of the block is noticeable, as the block with the
largest area contained 10603 sq.meter under business establishments giving a
staggering figure of 4.07 percent of the total area under city establishments.
The block with smallest area under business establishments in the same
category covered 401 sq.m. or 0.15 percent of they total area of city
establishments. It is remarkable that under this category, four blocks with
establishments area above 4000sqm. Contained about 9.51 percent of total
area under retail establishments in city which come to about 11.73 percent of
the total area under the establishments in the blocks falling in the very high
concentration class. These blocks belonged to Auto spare parts markets on
Double road, Beef / Shoes markets on Upper Kansi road in Liaquat bazaar
area, Bukhari center in Quandhari, bazaar of Liaquat bazaar area, Auto work,
blanket and carpet markets on Double road area. No block had larger floor
area under establishments than its ground area in the city.
Further 19 blocks recorded area under business establishments
ranging 2001 Sq.m. to 4000 sq.m. from which 15 blocks are located in
Liaquat bazaar area, as Hashmi market Regal Plaza, Baldia Plaza, Kansi road
Lunda bazaar, Malik Plaza, Auto parts and work block, Sartaj Complex,
Sonehri market, Cut piece street and Dr. Bano road blocks Auto spare parts
and work beyond M.A. Jinnah road block, Gourdatt Singh street, Curtain
market on kansi road block, Blanket market on Abdus Sattar road block,
Auto part, street beyond M.A Jinnah road block, the latter four blocks of
same category a block of Briach market on Sirki road, a block of Auto parts
market on the double road area, and one each block located on Sabzal and
- 36 -
Faqeer Muhammad roads. Out of 47 blocks from 1001 to 2000 sq.m.
category 31 blocks are again located in Liaquat bazaar area, i.e., Old bus
stand block on circular road, cosmetics and electronics market block on
Shah-re-Iqbal, Dry fruit street block, Motorcycle spare parts market block on
Abdus Sattar road, Mutton and Beef market block on Art school road, Auto
work and spare parts market block on Jamal-ud-din Afghani road, Cloth
market block beyond Baldia plaza, Gourdatt Singh ( sports goods) block,
Zulfiqar market in Liaquat bazaar block, Mannan Chowk block, Quandhari
bazaar whole sale block, Old bus stand (Auto work) block, Home appliance
market street on circular road block, Shoes Market block on Liaquat bazaar
road, two blocks of cloth whole sale on Jamalud-din-Aghani road,
Electronics market in Qandhari bazaar block, Spinzer market block, Lalazar
market block, London street Liaquat bazaar block, Shalimar market block,
Khyber market block, Liaquat market block, Chorri Gulli block, Motti Ram
road frame market block, a block of General merchant whole sale in
Quandhari bazaar, Shoe market on Thanna road block, Shoes and Crockery
market on Toughi road block, Hardware and Shawls/cap market in Surajganj
bazaar block, Electronics market block on Abdus Sattar road, Medicine
whole sale block on Dr. Bano road, Saraffa market block on Abdus Sattar
road, an other block of shoes market on Thanna road, Junction market block
on Prince road, Shoes market block of Mannan Chowk, Hardware market
block in Surajganj bazaar. The former 16 blocks of same category were
located as a General merchants block on Gawalmandi Chowk in the
peripheral area of Liaquat bazaar region, a block on Sabzal road containing
the Kabbray, again a block of General merchants located on lower Kansi
road, a block of Hardware on lower Sirki road, two blocks on lower Sariab
road, one block had located on Meccongy road comprising the General
merchants, one block of this category on the Lower Sabzal road and one on
the middle Sariab road, both containing the general merchants, one block
identified near the New bus stand of general merchants, one block of this
category on Joint road beyond railways station, one block on the middle
Sabzal road, a block of Old auto spare parts and work located near New bus
stand, one block of similar concentration located in the Satellite town area.
The remaining 424 blocks of the city, under the concentration from 1 to 1000,
one hundred one blocks are again located in Liaquat bazaar area.
- 37 -
Distribution Pattern of Business Intensity
The business Intensity index ( B11) is a ratio of area under business
establishments in a block to the ground area of the block, owing to the effect
of block area, which is the base of this measure, the distributions pattern of
business intensity in term of degree and extent of concentration will appear to
be less convergent, though not deviant from the pattern of business
concentration demonstrated by area under business establishments, which is
independent measure and used as such in the forgoing analysis (table 1)
without reference to the area of block. However, B11 serves as a more
representative indicator of use of the city space by business activities in
particular and other associated and central location oriented enterprises in
general.
Business intensity implies that, which higher business intensities, the
area of establishments in block categories increases while the percentage of
block area which presents percentage of the city space correspondingly
decreases.
As shown by table 2 in terms of B11 distribution, the higher order
class explicitly demonstrates a remarkable
ABLE: 2* BUSINESS INTENSITY INDEX
BLOCK
CATEGO
RY
CONCENTR
ATION
CLASS
NO OF
BLOCK
S
AREA
OF
ESTABL
ISHMEN
T S
IN Sq.
meter
PERCENT
AGE OF
AREA OF
ESTABLIS
HMENT S
AREA OF
BLOCKS
(sq..meter
)
PERCE
NTAGE
OF
AREA
OF
BLOCK
S
0.0401 + VARY HIGH 194
163756
62.95 1241779 9.83
0.0400
0.0301- HIGH 45 13825 5.31 419134 3.31
0.0300
0.0201- MEDIUM 71 30096 11.57 1221879 9.67
0.0200
0.0101- LOW 93 27421 10.54 1886052 14.93
-0.1
VERY LOW 91 25007 9.61 7858086
62.23
Total - 494 260105 100 12626930 100
*Field data
Concentration pattern, that much more than half of the city space
falling only under very high concentration class, which about 62.95 percent
- 38 -
of the area under establishments of the total establishments of the city space.
The high concentration class covered relatively low percentage of
establishments 5.31 percent of total city establishments, also in a very limited
3.31 percent of blocks area, which mostly covered the peripheral areas of the
very high concentration class. These classes together covered about 69
percent of the total area under city establishments in only 14.14 percent of the
city space.
It obvious that the degree of concentration as shown by these two
categories stand in sharp relief to the area under the rest of the categories.
These two classes may represent or contain the nucleus or ‘core’ of the city
region. Both the extent and morphology of the core will, however, be subject
to determination by close examination of the spatial pattern of B11 in close
relation or correspondence with, other variables and their spatial pattern with
in the city expanse.
Intensities categorized as medium extended over a large area, i.e.,
1221879 Sq.meter or 9.67 percent of the city space and this class covered
about 12 percent of area under business establishments as compare to high
category. The spatial extent of this class implied that business intensities
were quite appreciable which in term of block area embraced a considerable
spatial extensiveness to the city space.
Intensities decrease in areas under low and very low B11
concentration categories as shown by the differences of area under business
establishments between the medium, low and very low B11 categories. These
areas may clearly fall in the non-core or extra-nucleus region of the city.
Intra categories differences of intensity with in the very high
concentration level and its spatial distribution may be examined so as define
its extent and location, since this category has in its fold what may ultimately
be distinguished as the hard core, which is identified in term of maximum
concentration of business activities or highest level of business intensity. One
hundred and ninety four blocks with B11 ranging from 0.0401 to 0.9079 fell
in this category. Of these eighty four blocks situated in the Liaquat bazaar
only, that showed intensity (0.1.39 to 0.9079). Their intensities implies a
considerable concentration with small size of establishments in form of
markets or in some cases from ground floor to upper floors which were used
as good own or store, only one block Dawood Cloth Centre, where upper
floors were used as multi-story catering establishments recorded 1.14 percent
of the total city establishments space, a number of blocks showed, very high
intensity due to the smaller sizes of block or total area of the blocks in this
class. The very high concentration category blocks showed a discontinuous
distribution as these occupied five separate locations along an axis of roads of
- 39 -
this area, these five main areas were identified (a) The Liaquat bazaar (Baldia
plaza, Cut piece Street, Shabnaum market, Hashmi market, Sonehri market,
Zulfiqar market and lower Meccongy road area),(b) Lower Kansi road and
meet market area,(c) Mission road area ,(d) M.A Jinnah road, Qandhari
bazaar area and Circular road area
In the Liaquat bazaar there were thirteen out of eighty four blocks
falling under this category. These blocks belonged to Motorcycle spare parts
market, Cut pieces ( cloth) street, Shabnaum market ( cosmetics), Saraffa
bazaar ( Jewellers market), Hashmi market, Sonehri market,
Liaquat market block, Zulfiqar market, Malik plaza, Baldia plaza, Chorri
Gaulli block, Muhammad Ali market block and Cassette market block.
On the Kansi road axis comprised the Meat market block, Lunda
bazaar block, Beef market and Shoes market blocks.
The Mission road area blocks of this very high concentration class are
consisted Hard ware market block, Shoes market block, Trunk market bazaar
block, Shawls/Cap street block and Surajganj bazaar blocks.
The M.A Jinnah Road and Qandhari Bazaar blocks are comprising
Bukahri Market (money changers) block, Russian Galli ( Electronics market
block), Grocery market block, Shoes market & General merchants whole sale
market block, Medicine / whole sale market block, Shoes market block,
Electric and Hardware market block, Cassette and Garment street block,
Fateh Khan market block, Regal Plaza and Sartaj complex blocks.
The Circular road area blocks were belonged to Trunk market bazaar
block, Kabbary bazaar, Shoes Market Street block, Hardware market block,
Grocery market block, and Electric market blocks. Some of the blocks of
Circular road, Mission road and M.A Jinnah road areas belonged to the whole
sale business and are not presented the true picture of the retail trade.
From the above analysis of spatial distribution of the very high
concentration level, it is concluded that spatial pattern of the city core is
marked by multiple-nuclearity and it is distinctly star–nuclear divided as it is
in five discontinuous and distant locations.
The high concentration category embraced roughly 4 percent of the
total city area and 6 percent of the area under establishments’ shows the
distribution pattern of medium category blocks whose location with respect
to high order concentration blocks are noteworthy. In Liaquat bazaar area and
double road new bas stand areas, most of the high category blocks are either
sandwiched between or closely boarder on the very high or medium
concentration categories, signifying a position or situation as an attractive
locale for business growth and intensification in the immediate future. The
following blocks may be cited as falling in this category Gawalmandi Chowk
- 40 -
block, Patel road Chowk block (Grocery) three blocks consisted furniture and
wood work are located on the both sides of upper Prince and Meccongy roads
Chowk, Fateh Khan market block on M.A Jinnah road, Bilal market (New
bus stand) Shoes market (Pashtoonabload) Grocery market (Pashtoonabad),
and Lunda Bazaar (Kansi road)
The High category blocks mostly comprised the grocery, located in
the peripheral area of very high concentration class in the medium
concentration class in a ring shape, contiguous with the medium
concentration category of blocks and hence also they denote an area for
further intensification or assimilation to medium concentration category.
As shown in figure1 there are existed three areas or city segments of
quite discernible extend which had medium, low and very low B11
categories. These were mainly again located in the peripheral areas of very
high and high classes and on the axis of thoroughfare or along the both sides
of intra and inter city roads segment occupied 31.72 percent of the
establishments area of the city and which is less than half of the very high
concentration category. On the basis of low business intensities these areas
may be termed as weak or low profile zone. One of these very low profile
areas were bounded by Sariab-Sabzal roads, are laying in the west of the city.
These medium low and very low classes are further located in to three areas
of the city
(a) Most of the blocks shown the medium intensity in table 2 are
located in Satellite town and Pashtoonabad, the areas which
laying in the south-east of the very high or core area of the
city, consisted the mixed retail establishments.
(b) The Kansi and Meccongy roads extended from Liaquat bazaar
or city hard core area toward east direction, covered mostly by
blocks of low and medium intensities:
(c) Joint and Jail road areas clearly occupied by the blocks with
low intensity concentration category, the area is in the west of
railway station and further west bounded by Sabzal road
which, comprised the very low intensity blocks of the city
space.
CONCLUSION
Quetta city comparatively has three different retail business
intensities areas as are High, Medium and Low.
The high intensity retail area as Liaquat bazaar, Suraj Ganj bazaar,
Quandhari bazaar Archarand Cicular roads or business Components
- 41 -
playing an important role and has a very strong impact on the business
pattern of city growth, structure, planning and development
The medium intensity or the peripheral region and other areas of
this category/intensity class is a highly important for city center
expansion in particular and city future growth and development in
general.
Certainly the last three categories as medium, low and very low or
low retail business intensity class with its mixed retail business, those
are located in all the areas or business categories, is an indication of
space opportunity for future city growth and development.
The retail business analysis resulting, that the limited area of
Quetta city which bounded all sides by mountains and its location at
active Chaman-Naushki Seismic fault, both horizontal and vertical
development, severe water scarcity constraints, the city of Quetta need a
highly technical management planning and development in future to
safety and the comfort of 1.5 million dwellers.
- 42 -
REFERENCE:
Allaway W.Arthur, Black C. William, R. Michael and Mason J.
Barry.1996,
Evolution of a Retail Market Area: An Event History Model of Spatial
Diffusion, Economic Geography.
A, Loukaitou-Sideries. 1997, Inner City Commercial Strips: Town
Planning Review, Vol.68.No, 1, pp.1-29.
Beauregard, R.A.1995, Edge Cities, Peripheral zing the Center: Urban
Geography, Vol. 16, No.8, pp. 708-721.
Berry, B.J.L. and J. Parr. 1988, Market Centers and Retail Location:
Theory and Application, Englewood Cliff, NJ, Prentice Hall.
Bromley and C. Thomas. 1993, Retail Change: University of Chicago
Press, Department Of Geography, Research Paper, 85.
Bengali Kaiser. 1988, The Economy of Karachi: Growth and Structural
Change, Applied Economics Department, University of Karachi, Karachi.
Michael Pacione.2001, Urban Retailing: Urban Geography, A Global
Perspective, pp. 229-248 and 447-461.
Proud foot, Malcolm J. 1937, City Retail Structure: Economic Geography,
vol. 13, pp. 425-428.
- 43 -
- 44 -
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BI-ANNUAL RESEARCH JOURNAL “BALOCHISTAN REVIEW” ISSN 1810-2174”, BALOCHISTAN STUDY CENTRE, UOB, QUETTA (PAK) Vol. XXIV No.1, 2011
AN ANALYSIS OF THE DIFFERENT THEORIES ABOUT THE
ORIGIN OF THE PASHTOONS
History
Dr. Hanif Khalil*
Javed Iqbal†
ABSTRACT
The Pashtoons is an ancient race, nation or tribe on this earth having
its own identity, specific values, norms and traditions and a peculiar
charm since thousands of years. To trace the origin of the Pashtoons
various theories have been presented by renowned scholars in
different periods. In these theories, the theory of Israelies and the
theory of Arian Tribes became very hot and famous for academic
discussions among the historians and researchers.
In this paper along with other miscellaneous theories, these two
famous theories have been discussed with references and evidences. At
the end the conclusion has been given and the most acceptable theory
has been pointed out.
INTRODUCTION
The topic is under discussion since very long that who are the Pashtoons
and what is the origin of the Pashtoons? To trace to origin of the pashtoons
various theories have been presented by some eminent scholars, researchers,
historian and linguist. But this question has not been answered yet
scientifically with proved evidences. However some theories came under
discussion in this respect. In these the most popular theories are as under
1. The Pashtoons are from semitic races and belong to the Israelies.
2. The Pashtoons are the descendents of Qatora, the wife of Hazrat
Ibrahim (P.B.U.H).
3. The Pashtoons are basically from Greek races.
4. The Pashtoons are from Arian tribes.
* Assistant Professor NIPS Quaid-e-Azam University Islamabad † Lecturer, Pashto Department University of Balochistan Quetta
- 46 -
Some other theories have also been presented and analyzed but the following
two theories became most popular and always remain under discussions of
researchers in different times.
1. the theories of Bani-Israels
2. the theories of Arians
In this discussion we will try to analyze these two major theories and to trace
the most acceptable theory about the origin of the Pashtoons.
The Theory of Bani Israelies
The first famous and old theory about the genealogy of the Pashtoons is that
they are Bani Israel. We find this theory for the first time in Makhzan-e-
Afghani written by Niamat Ullah Harvi, a scholar at the court of the Mughal
Emperor Jahangir. He has completed his research about 1612 A.D. Most of
the other historians and writers in their books and writings followed this
theory, which was presented by Niamat Ullah Harvi. In these historians and
writers the most popular Pashtoon writer Afzal Khan Khattak, the grandson
of Khushal Khan Khattak in his Pashto book Taareekh-e-Murrassa, and Hafiz
Rahmat Khan in his history book, containing the genealogies of the
Pashtoons, Khulaasat-ul-Ansaab, followed and accepted this theory without
any analysis and criticism and made this theory as the base and fundamental
evidence of their writings. Famous orientalist and historian Olaf Caroe
repeats the story in his book the Pathans. In the words of Olaf Caroe.
"The Afghan historiographers maintain that Saul had a son
named Irmia (Jeremiah) who again had a son named Afghana,
neither of course known to the Hebrew Scriptures. Irmia, dying
about the time of Saul’s death, his son Afghana was brought up
by David, and in due course in Solomon's reign, was promoted to
the chief command of the army. There follows a gap of some four
centuries to the time of the captivity. Since Bakhtunnasar is
mentioned, one must presume that the reference is to the second
captivity early in the sixth century B.C, that of Judah from
Jerusalem, and not the first captivity over one hundred years
earlier, that of Israel by Shalmaneser the Assyrian, from Samaria,
If this is so, it rules out any suggestion, often made, that the Bani
Israel, the sons of Afghana, are in any way connected with the
lost ten tribes. Nevertheless the theory of the ten tribes has had its
notable supporters. In its aid it was suggested, originally by Sir,
- 47 -
William Jones, pioneer of oriental studies in Warren Hastings,
time that the Afghans are the lost ten tribes of Israel mentioned by
the prophet Esdras as having escaped from captivity and taken
refuge in the country of Arsarath, supposed by that elegant
scholar as identical with the modern Hazarajat, the Ghor of the
Afghan historians. But the reference in the afghan chronicles to
Nebuchadnezzar makes nonsense of any identification with the
ten tribes. The truth is that Muslims commentators of the
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries were not well up in the
history of the Hebrews. They make no distinction between Israel
and Judah, and do not seem even to be aware that there were two
captivities." ( Caroe:1958:5)
Olaf Caroe also quotes Raverty who was an excellent scholar of Pashto
literature as well as the history of the Pashtoons. Caroe admitted him as the
last pleader of this theory in English writers. He narrates about the concept of
Roverty as:-
"The last pleader for the Bani Israel tradition in English is
the redoubtable Raverty. Referring to Cyrus, the first of the
Persian Achaemenids, he notes that it was customary for the great
King to transport a whole tribe, and sometimes even a whole
nation, from one country to another. The Jews were even a stiff-
necked race, and he asks form credence to the possibility that the
most troublesome anong them had been moved to the thinly
peopled satrapies of the Persian Empire where they would be too
far away to give trouble. It is not possible he asks, that those Jew
who could make their escape might have fled eastward, preferring
a wandering life in a mountainous country with independence to
the grinding tyranny of Cyrus successors and their satraps? In
facts there was no other direction in which they could have fled"(
Caroe:1958:6-7)
Our scholars linked the historical background of this theory, related to Hazrat
Suleman, Saul, Talut, Armia and Barkhia and Afghana, to Hazrat Khalid Bin
Walid and Qais Abdur-Rasheed, who is considered as the old grandfather of
Pashtoon tribes, Saraban, Ghorghashts, and Beetan. Sir Olaf Caroe writes
about this historical background in the following words.
- 48 -
"The Afghan chroniclers would have it that Khalid Bin
Walid, the most famous of the Prophet's Ansar (companions) and
the first great Arab conqueror, belonged to the tribe of the
descendants of Afghana resident near Mecca. (All other Muslims
tradition states him to have been an Arab of the Makhsum family
of the prophet's tribe of Quraish.) On conversion to Islam, while
the Prophet was still alive and before Khalids conquest of Syria
and Iraq, Khalid either proceeded in person, or sent a letter, to his
kinsmen of the Bani Israel settled in Ghor, to bring them tidings
of the new faith and an invitation to join the Prophet's standard
there resulted a deputation of a number of representatives of the
Afghan of Gohar, led by one Qais, which proceeded to meet the
prophet at Medina. This Qais is said to be descended from Saul in
the thirty-seventh generation, an under-generous allowance for a
period of some seventeen hundred years. This Qais and his
comrades then waged war most gallantly on the Prophet's behalf.
TLe chronicle proceeds:
The Prophet lavished all sorts of blessing upon them; and
having ascertained the name of each individual, and remarked that
Qais was a Hebrew name, whereas they themselves were Arbas,
he gave Qais the name of Abdur Rashid and observed further to
the rest that, they being the posterity of Malik Talut, it was quite
proper and just that they should be called Malik likewise… and
the prophet predicted that God would make the issue of Qais so
numerous that they would out vie all other people, that their
attachment to the faith would in strength be like the wood upon
which they lay the keel when constructing a ship which seamen
call Pathan; on this account he conferred upon Abdur Rashid the
title of Pathan also." ( Caroe:1958:7-8)
Renowned historian and researcher Sayyed Bahadur Shah Zaffar Kakakhel
also narrated this background in his Pashto book Pukhtana da Tareekh pa
Rana kay (The Pashtoons in the perspective of history). He explained the
story of Qais Abdur Rasheed and also criticized the theories of Bani-Israel at
the end. Bahadur Shah Zaffar explains that
"All the Pashtoons got entered into Islam. The Holy prophet Hazrat
Muhammad (P.B.U.H.) prayed for them and changed the name of
their leader Qais into Abdur Rasheed. Hazrat Muhammad (P.B.U.H.)
gave him the title of Bathan. It means the leader of the boat of his
- 49 -
nation. Hazrat Khalid bin Walid married his daughter Sara Bibi with
Abdur-Rasheed than Qais came back to his own area and in his area
he started to preach Islam. He died in 41 Hijri at the age of 77 during
a war. He had three sons, the eldest Saraban, the second Beetan, and
the third Ghurghasht. These three being the ancestors of the various
branches of the Pashtoons" (Kakakhail: 1981:32-33)
Criticism on this theory
As mentioned earlier that along with Bahadur Shah Zafar Kakakhel some
other historians and writers presented this theory that Pashtoons are from
Semitic races and they are Israelies. But a number of scholars rejected this
theory with new evidences and authentic sources. First of all we must quote
Sayyed Bahadur Shah Zafar Kakakhel who are of the opinion that
"There is no solid proof to accept this theory, even in
Arabian history or in Islamic history"(Kakakhail: 1981: 35).
An another scholar Dr. Abdur-Raheem author of the Afghans in India, wrote
about this theory
"The theory of the Semitic origin of the Afghan does not stand the serious
analysis. The resemblances in features cannot be considered as providing
scientific criterian for grouping different peoples into one race. The
Sumerian resemble the Aryans in features through they are not considered
to have any affiliation with Aryan people. The portraits of the koshan
kings found their coin has the same type of feature but they are certainly
neither Afghans nor Semitic" (Abdur-Raheem: 1969: 43)
Similarly the author of "History of Afghanistan" Sir Percy Cycks also
criticized the theory of Bani Israel in the following words.
"A protest must here be made against the erroneus view
that the Afghans are members of lost tribes of Israel, which
various writers including Bellew and Holdich advocated. Actually
this theory is of purely literary origin and is merely an example of
the wide spread customs among Muslims of claiming descent
from some personage mentioned in the Quran or some other
sacred work. In the case of the Afghan they claim Malik Talat or
king Savl their ancestor. Among the reasons advanced in support
of this claim are noticably curved noses of the Afghan but this
peculiarity is equally striking in the portraits of the koshan
- 50 -
monarch of the first century A.D who had no Hebrew blood in
their veins." (Percy: 1973:78)
Renowned orientalist James.W. Spain quoted some other European scholars
who had been discussed in their writings that Pashtoons are basically
belonged to Semitic races. He narrates that
"The idea that the Pathans were descended from the nation
of Israel was encouraged by their tight tribal structure, their stark
code of behaviour, their strikingly Semitic features, their bearded
patriarchal appearances, and their predilection for biblical names
(acquired from the Holy Quran): Adam, Ibrahim, Musa, Daud,
Suleiman, Yaqub, Yousaf, Esa, and the rest. It was a favourite
subject of speculation by British soldiers, administrators, and
missionaries, and persisted in memoirs and travel books well into
the twentieth century.
The only trouble is that it was not true. I feel something of
a coward saying this here in a book written half a world away
from the Frontier, when I know that I would never have the
courage to say it to a Pathan. Nevertheless, we must face the facts,
although, happily, the facts about the Pathans are anything but
prosaic. The myth of the Semitic origins of the Pathans was
debunked more than a hundred years ago by Bernhard Dorn,
Professor of Oriental Literature at the Russian University of
Kharkov, in a book with the interesting title, A Chrestomathy of
the Pashto or Afghan language, which was published by the
Imperial Academy in Saint Petersburg in 1847. The most recent
and comprehensive treatment of the subject appears in the Pathans
by Sir Olaf Caroe, a former British governor of the North West
Frontier Province " (Spain:1972:28-29)
James .W. Spain further says that in the connection of the Pashtoons to
Semitic races, the tale of the Qais is not authentic. This story is based on
mythical traditions. He wrote
"This is not to say that the genealogies should be ignored
or taken lightly. They were first set down by Persian speaking
chroniclers at the court of the Moghul emperors in the early part
of the seventeenth century. The sophisticated Moghul historians,
possibly impressed by the same outward signs of Semitic
- 51 -
connections that misled the British two hundred years later,
apparently made up the decent of the border tribes from the
mythical Qais and improvised a connection for Qais with Saul of
Israel" (Spain:1972: 29)
In the same way English writer G.P Tate also argues that this so-called
genealogy of the Pathans was compiled under the religious influence on the
Pathans, which has no historical evidence. He writes in his book, the
Kingdom of Afghanistan in the following words:-
"The origin of the tribes who call themselves Afghans has
attracted a great deal of attention, owing to the fact that they claim
to be the descendants of Jews, who had settled in Ghor; and the
various clans refer their origin to some one of the three sons of
Qais, the chieftain of that community, who is said to have been
the 37th
in descent from Saul, king of Israel, Owing to intercourse
with the Jews settled in Arabia, so the story goes, Qais was
induced to visit the Prophet Muhammad, who won the Jewish
Chief to Islam, and bestowed on him to the name of Abdur
Rashid, and the title of Pathan. This last is a mysterious word
which cannot be traced to an origin in any known language, but it
is believed to means either or both, the rudder, or the mast of a
ship. So say those who have committed the genealogy of the
Afghans to paper. The conversion of Qais is not mentioned in the
history of Islam. The so-called genealogy of the Afghans was
complied at a time when all the races of Mankind were believed
to have been the offspring of the first man and woman created by
the Almighty and the eponymous ancestor of every tribe appears
at some stage in the genealogy, which there seems every reason to
believe was concocted in the 15th
century A.D., probably when
the Afghans began to attain to power in India. The main feature in
it is the alleged Jewish ancestry of all the tribes, and this belief
must have been very strong for the retention of the legend, when
the tables of descent were complied. All that can be said at
present is that the legend has preserved the memory of a fact
which has dropped out of history. It is not improbable that there
may have been a Hebrew community in Ghor." (Tate:1973:10)
We have seen in the above mentioned references that the theory of Bani
Israel about the origin of the Pashtoons is not reliable and nor it is based on
- 52 -
authentic evidences. But this theory remained under discussion for a long
time among the scholars of Pashtoon history. However at the mid decades of
20th
century (AD) a new theory has been presented by some scholars of
Afghanistan, Pakistan as well as some orientalists. This Theory was that
Pashtoons are from Arian races or Pashtoons are Arians in origin.
Are Pashtoons Arians?
As mentioned earlier with quoting a few references that the theory of Bani
Israelies has been criticized by some eminent scholars and historians. Thus
this theory has been rejected by presentation of the theory of Arians put
forward by some orientalists and some Afghan writers and historians. In
orientalists Morgan Strine and Dr. Trump were in favour of this theory. In
Afghan writers Professor Abdul Hai Habibi and Bahadur Shah Zaffar in
Pakistani historians accepted and explained the theory of Arians in detail.
According to this theory the Pashtoons is the branch of the Arian tribes which
are known in history as Indo Arian tribes. Actually the Indic branch is
divided in two major parts named Indo European and Indo Arian and then the
Indo Arian branch is divided in two sub branches named Indo Iranian and
Indo Arian. Pashtoons are belonged to the branch of Indo Iranian. This theory
is based on the words "Pashtoon" (name of nation or tribe) and Pashto (name
of the language of that tribe or nation). The scholars and historians of Indus
civilization have found these words in Vedic literature especially in Rig-
Veda, the Holy Book of Arian tribes and Hindus. According to Bahadar Shah
Zafar
"In Rig-Veda the word phakt or phakta were used for the
geographical surrounding of the Pashtoons. "Phaktheen" was used
for Pashtoon. Initially Phakthean was converted into Pashteen and
than into Pashtoon. It is also mentioned in Rig-Veda that
Pashtoons used to stay in Bactria (Bakhtar) the old name of
Pashtoon area and the present Afghanistan for so many years. In
Bactria the Pashtoons are known as the inhabitants of Bakhd.
After that the city of Balkh in the present Afghanistan became
famous because of these Pashtoons as stated by some Greek
historians they were known as pakteen and pashteen, and these
words resembled with word Pashtoon and Pashtoonkhwa. So for
the first time Mr. Lasan accept the resemblance between the
words paktnees and Pashtoon. Keeping in view all these facts it
became believable that the Pashtoon nation was a branch of the
- 53 -
Arian tribes and their languages was one of the languages of
Arian stock"(Kakakhail:1981:33)
We have seen in the above mentioned references that the scholars of modern
era emphasized that the theory of Bani Israelis loses it authenticity and the
theory of Arians can be considered comparatively authentic with solid
evidences. Although some contemporary scholars are inclined to declare that
Pashtoons are related to Greeks. In these scholars a Pashtoon intellectual
Ghani Khan argues in his book the Pathan A Sketch that
"The oldest relics, you see are of distinctly pre-Greek
period. They are the same in conception and style as those of the
united provinces or Orissa, e.g. the features of dolls and gods two
things the humanity has of mixing up are most unlike those of
Pathans of today. But when we came to Buddhist and the features
of the dolls Budhas and Kings and saints take the likeness of
those of the Pathans of today. The great ferocity of the Pathan will
be a reaction to a rather long dose of Buddhist non-violence"
(Khan: 1990:4)
But in the presence of Arians theory and the availability of supporting
evidences the theory of Greeks also could not been accepted. As a whole a
majority of scholars, researchers and linguists are stressing to prove that
Pashtoons are from Arian tribes.
CONCLUSION
Although it has been explained in detail the historical references and the
validity of evidences proved that Pashtoons can be considered from Arian
races. However it is also mandatory and should make it clear that the
Pashtoon tribes have their own peculiar charm and specific values. On the
base of these peculiarities we can consider the Pashtoons as an individual
tribe or nation in Arian tribes or a specific tribe of South Asian nations.
- 54 -
REFERENCES
Caroe, Olaf, The Pathans, Oxford University Press Karachi, 1958.
Kakakhel, Syyed Bahadur Shah Zafar, Pashtoon Taareekh Kay Aienay
Main (Pashtoons in the light of history), Abdur Rasheed Press Gujrat,
1981.
Abdur-Raheem, Afghans in India, Oxford University Press Karachi,
1969.
Percy Cycks, Sir, History of Afghanistan, Oxford London, 1973.
Spain, James W., The way of the Pathans, Oxford University Press
Karachi, 1972.
Tate, G.P. The Kingdom of Afghanistan a Historical Sketch, Indus
publications Karachi, 1973.
Khan, Ghani, The Pathans - A Sketch, Pashto Adabi Society Islamabad,
1990.
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BI-ANNUAL RESEARCH JOURNAL “BALOCHISTAN REVIEW” ISSN 1810-2174”, BALOCHISTAN STUDY CENTRE, UOB, QUETTA (PAK) Vol. XXIV No.1, 2011
TREATY OF KALAT 1758 BETWEEN QANDHAR AND
KALAT AND ITS IMPACTS
History
Ghulam Farooq Baloch*
ABSTRACT
The main objectives behind this study are to search and
explore the reasons events, clause and impacts of very famous
treaty of Kalat 1758. No doubt this treaty was opened new ways
of development and projection for Balochistan, but, majority of
the historians, specially Afghan writers deliberately ignored this
important treaty in their books, because this treaty was not only
prove the complete independence of Balochistan but also it
shown the failure of Afghan monarch about their Balochistan’s
policy. This treaty was confirmed the position of the Khanate of
Kalat, and Balochistan became a complete independent country
on the globe. If one side this treaty was good for the Khanate,
than the other side it’s provided many confidence and
cooperation to the Afghans monarch for his conquest in east
(India and Punjab) and west (Iran). This treaty was also
established the relations between Baloch and Afghan nations.
No, doubt the Afghan, Baloch every kind relations, political,
fiscal, and geographical, based on this treaty. The British and
Baloch Writers support this treaty and discussed it in their
books, but not in detail. This treaty means “the backbone of
Baloch Afghan relations”, if it skipped from the history, the
history of both countries cannot be defined.
KEY WORDS
Afghan, Afghanistan, Ahmed Shah Durrani, Baloch, Balochistan, Bolan
Pass, British, India, Iran, Kalat, Kalhora Brothers, Mekran, Mir Naseer
Kan, Mughal, Nadir Shah Afshar, Qandhar, Shah Wali Khan Bamezai,
Sindh.
* Assistant Professor, Balochistan Study Centre, University of Balochistan, Quetta.
- 56 -
INTRODUCTION
Balochistan and Afghanistan and their natives have a great history.
The relation between them is centuries old and they are very near to each
other. The period of eighteen century has many importances for both
Afghanistan and Balochistan.
Nadir Shah Afshar came in power in 1736 in Iran. (Lawrance: 2007:146-47)
After the unification of Iran, he captured Afghanistan and Balochistan too
from 1738 to 1740, and he defeated Mughal Empire Mohammad Shah
Rangeela of India and destroyed Dehli. (Lawrance: 2007:174-217) In 1736
A.D., when Nadir Shah marched to Qandhar and a battalion of his troops
attacked upon Mekran and Kalat, then the ex-ruler of Kalat Mir Mohabbat
Kahn went to Qandhar and appealed in the court of Nadir Shah Afshar for
restoration of his government upon Kalat, which was in the hands of his
younger step brother, Mir Ehltaz Khan. So Nadir Shah Afshar accepted his
request, make him the ruler of Kalat and hostage his younger step brothers
Mir Ehltaz Khan and Mir Naseer Khan and their mother Bibi Maryam with
some notable personalities in Qandhar. (Naseer: 2000:42) So, during the
reign of Nadir Shah Afshar, Mir Mohabbat Khan was the ruler of Kalat under
the supremacy of Nadir Shah Afshar. (Naseer: 2000: 42)
During In this reign, one day the Mir Ehltaz Khan killed by his younger
brother Mir Naseer Khan in Qandhar. In the last years of his government,
Nadir Shah Afshar had been mad. In 1747, A.D he killed by his nephew
(Lawrence: 2007:360-70).And with the end of his reign Iran again hunted of
anarchy. Ahmed Khan Sadozai was one of the most popular general of him.
(Tate: 1973:67) He was the commander of nearly 12000 Afghan soldiers. He
left Iran and marched to Qandhar. (Tate: 1973: 67) In 1747 A.D he became
the ruler of Afghanistan by the acceptance and cooperation of other Afghan
tribal Chiefs. (Ganda Singh: 1990:58-59) During this revolution Mir Naseer
took advantage and escaped from Qandhar to Sheraz, and than came to Hub
Chauki in Lasbela, and after some days he came to Sindh in the court of
Kalhora rulers after their positive response. (Naseer: 2000:46,51,52). From
Sindh he contact with Afghan Prime Minister (Ashraf-ul-Wuzraa) Shah Wali
Khan Bamezai, who was the one of his best friends. In 1749, after the two
years struggle Mir Naseer Khan became the ruler of Kalat and Mir Mohabbat
Khan arrested in Qandhar.
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THE CAUSES OF THE TREATY OF KALAT OR TREATY OF NON-
INTERFERENCE 1758 BETWEEN QANDHAR AND KALAT
In the beginning the relations of both countries Afghanistan and Balochistan
were nicely and friendly going on. They were best friends to each other. In
every kind situation they supported each other, but still the position of
Balochistan was not clear. Mir Naseer Khan believed himself independent
but, Ahmad Shah Abdali thoughts were different. So, after some years the
conflicts opened when Mir Naseer Khan attacked on Mekran. The causes of
conflict between Qandhar and Kalat were following.
1. Naseer Khan policies:
Mir Naseer Khan was progressive and liberal minded ruler. He wished to
unite the Baloch territory on national bases, for the honour of Baloch nation.
He dislikes the claim for Balochistan from Afghan monarch. He was not
interested in the slavery of any nation, not for others neither for himself. He
just wished the unification of Baloch nation in single geographical boundary.
So he applied policy of unification and in the beginning he unified the tribal
areas of Sarawan and Jhalawan, and prepared some squads of Baloch
warriors. He solved the tribal and social problems and conflicts, and took
many useful steps in the favour of tribes. (Naseer: 2000: 46, 51, 52)
Qandahar was looking these activities in doubtful eyes.
2. Claim by Ahmed Shah Durrani
When Ahmed Shah Durrani established Afghan government in
Qandhar he declared him self as a successor of Nadir Shah Afshar
and claimed for Balochistan as an occupied country of
Afghanistan. Ahmed Shah Durrani was believed himself as heir of
Nadir Shah Afshar, so, he claimed for the occupied areas of him.
According to G. P. Tate:
“Ahmed Shah was gradually tightening his hold over the country of
Sindh and also of Balochistan (Kalat) with regard to letter he seams to have
assumed that he allegiance paid by the Khan’s for that status to Nadir Shah
had decided to him after the death of that famous sovereign”.(Tate:1973:75)
No doubt, this claim was baseless and had no historical fact. Because,
Ahmed was not the son or any relative of Nadir Shah Afshar, and Nadir Shah
was the ruler of Iran, the other areas like Afghanistan, Sindh and Balochistan
were occupied dynasty by him. So, the death of him the Iranic dynasty hunted
by anarchy and the occupied got freedom, as like Afghanistan has been
independent under the common of Ahmed Shah Durrani, and Sindh and
Balochistan also got independence from Iranic domination.
- 58 -
3. Claim for Afghan traders to the khan of Kalat for their dead
persons in the dynasty of Kalat during their travel.
Bolan Pass was the only route for trade from Central Asia and
Afghanistan to Sindh, Punjab and India from early time. During
the reign of Nadir Shah Afshar, the Khan of Kalat was responsible
to provide security and protection to the traders in Bolan Pass and
as well as in the other areas of Balochistan. Mir Mohabbat Khan
was a powerless and weak ruler and was not a good administrator.
So, the Afghan traders unfairly collected a big sum of money from
the Khan of Kalat for their natural died persons, whose died in the
dynasty of Balochistan during their travel. They were claimed for
their dead people in the court of Kalat that the Baloch tribesman
killed their people and robed their luggage. So, the Khan of Kalat
was paid them, and now in the reign of Mir Naseer Khan this
situation was continued. The Afghans were addicted to collect
money from Kalat unfairly. During the reign of Mir Naseer Khan
the behavior of Afghans traders was very critically and
unmannered.
According to Ex-Prime Minister of Kalat Akhund Muhammad
Siddique,
“In the reign of Mir Naseer Khan Noori the Afghan traders created
many disturbances for the Khan of Kalat, if an Afghan was died his own and
natural death, but they claimed that the Baloch tribesman killed him and
demanded for a lot of money as his dayyat or murder”. (Akhund: 1984:60-
61)
So, in these situations, it was necessary that the Khan of Kalat and
Afghan monarch define and clear their position and revise their relations.
4. Arrest of Attur Khan and Ahmed Yar Khan “The Kalhora
Brothers” In Balochistan’s dynasty
The Government of Afghanistan was support and protects the Kalhora
government and received a lot of money as state tax or Khiraj for this
support and protection. After the death of Noor Mohammad Kalhora
his elder son Mohammad Yar Khan became the ruler of Sindh.
According to Daulat Ram “He ruled five years as dictator. After five
years tribal chiefs of his state arrested him because of his extremist
policies and behavior, and Mian Ghulam Shah became a new ruler of
Sindh by the support of tribal chiefs and land lords. During this
situation, Attur Khan, the brother of Mian Ghulam Shah received the
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nomination letter from Afghan King Ahmed Shah Durrani, than he
reached Shikarpur with an Afghan squad under the command of Haji
Attahi Khan. He seated him on the ruling chair of Sindh and than he
(Haji Attahi Khan) left for Qandhar with his troops. In these situations
Mian Ghulam Shah escaped to Bahawalpur from Sindh. After the
departure of Afghan troops, now the field was empty, so, Mian
Ghulam Shah attacked on Sindh and defeated Mian Attur Khan in a
battle with the help of Mohammad Fateh Khan, the brother of
Bahawalpur’s ruler and his troops. Mian Attur Khan and his brother
Mian Ahmed Yar Khan escaped to Qandhar. But, the government of
Kalat arrested them in the territory of Kalat. Deewan Mal was the
ambassador and spokesman in the court of Qandhar from Sindh
government. He approached to Ahmed Shah Durrani for help. So, the
Afghan monarch sent an Afghan squad against Kalat under the
command of Shah Wali Khan Bamezai. (Ganda Singh:1990:210)
5. The defeat of Afghan troops in Punjab
1. Ahmed Shah Durrani attacked on Punjab after a short time of his
emergence. Punjab was under the governorship of Mir Moin-ul-Mulk
and the Sikhs of Punjab were not only supporting him, but also they
were serving in his army. Ahmed Shah Durrani sent some squads to
Punjab under the command oF Shahjehan Khan Popalzai and Taimoor
Shah, (The elder son of Ahmad Shah Durrani). The Afghan troops
defeated by Sikhs in Punjab, so, they left Punjab and came to
Peshawar and appealed to the Afghan king for help. His two
important tribal chiefs and commanders had been arrested by the
Sikhs and Marhatas of India. On same time Mir Naseer Khan of Kalat
applied the term “Hit and hit hot” and announced his independence.
(Ganda Singh:1990:210,11, also see, Dehwar, 1990:389)
6. Attack on Mekran by Mir Naseer Khan and the peak of conflict
In the year of 1756 Mir Naseer Khan attacked on Mekran because of
some reasons and defeated the Gichki ruler of Kech, Malik Deenar
Gichki and took possession on Kech. Mir Shah Baig the brother of
Malik Deenar Khan Gichki, escaped to Qandhar and appealed for help
against Kalat in the court of Ahmed Shah Durrani. Ahmed Shah
Durrani sent a massage to Mir Naseer Khan that immediately leave
Mekran (Kech) and go back Kalat, otherwise, Kalat is not very far
from Qandhar. In this situation Mir Naseer Khan left Mekran and
went to Kalat. ( Naseer: 2000: 60-61) But now he fully decided that he
will free his country from the domination of Afghanistan.
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7. Immediate Cause
The conflict and non-confidence were continuing from both sides
Afghanistan and Balochistan. Suddenly, Mir Haji Khan, the son of
Mir Mohabbat Khan, the ex-ruler of Kalat and the nephew of Mir
Naseer Khan stood against him and took armed action against the
state. So, Mir Naseer Khan took strict military action against Mir Haji
Khan and his allies the Shahwani tribes of Kalat (Iskalakoo). Mir
Naseer Khan roughly punished the rabbles and killed majority of
them. Mir Haji Khan survived and escaped to Qandhar and went in
the shelter of Ahmed Shah Durrani. He also appealed to Ahmed Shah
Durrani for heir-ship of Khanate of Kalat. Ahmed Shah Durrani called
Mir Naseer Khan to come Qandhar. But, Mir Naseer Khan refused his
order and sent him a register with 2 lakh names of Balolch
warriors,(Ganda Singh: P.210) and also told him that do not interfere
in my internal affairs for the next time.
It was the immediate cause, so, Ahmed Shah Durrani sent a Posse to
Kalat under the command of Shah Wali Khan Bamezai, the Prime Minister of
Qandhar.
The Treaty of Kalat or Treaty of Non-Independence 1758 A.D
After three battles and forty days blockade of Kalat fort, a treaty singed
between both countries. The all those historians who researched on
Balochistan, majority of them accepted these reasons and events and as well
as the treaty of Kalat 1758 A.D. like, Mason, Hennery Pottinger, Ganda
Singh, Elphinstone and Akhund Mohammad Siddique. The main points of
the treaty were following.
1. Khan-e-Baloch, Mir Naseer Khan will not pay any tribute to the
Shah-e-Afghan in future.
2. Khan-e-Baloch will not supply San (Military assistance) to
Ahmed Shah Durrani. But provided he is at war against external
enemies, the Khan will supply a military contingent as a token of
help, on the condition that the Afghan King provide annually Rs.
100,000 and military weapons and provide for the expenditure of
the army as reward.
3. Khan-e-Baloch will not provide any help or asylum to rebel
princes of the Sadozai or Afghan Chiefs. On the other hand, the
Afghan King also will not give any help or refuge to prince of the
Royal family of Kalat-e-Ahmedzai.
- 61 -
4. Shah Afghan in future will never interfere in the internal affairs,
disputes and matters of Balochistan.
5. all those areas of Khan-e-Baloch, which are in the possession of
the Shah-e-Afghan will be handed over today the Khan-e-
Baloch.(Khan:2007:210)
Analyze and importance of this treaty
This treaty shows the political and diplomatic wisdom of Mir Naseer
Khan. He stress Ahmed Shah Durrani to sign an agreement. After the treaty
of Kalat, the Khanate of Balochistan started its reforms and maintains
diplomatic relations with neighbor countries, Iran, Afghanistan, Oman, Sindh
and Ottoman Empires of Turkey. The Ottoman Empire, the Caliph of Muslim
world awarded him the title of “Beyglar Beygi” or “Chief of the
Chiefs”.(Hughes:2002:185)
Dr. Ganda Singh tribute to the diplomacy and wisdom of Mir Naseer
Khan in the following words,
“He was one of the best commanders of Ahmed Shah Abdali. He took
part in several expeditions to help the Afghans against the Iranians in
Khurasan in 1759, in the battle of Panipat India against Marhatas in 1761 and
in Punjab against Sikhs in 1765. Baloch troops successfully participated in
these battles under the command of Mir Naseer Khan”. (Singh: 1990:210)
Inayatullah Baloch writes,
“Kalat agreement or non-interference treaty made it possible for the Khan to
bring stability and order internally, as well as to expend the Khanate and to
reunite all the Baloch areas claimed by the Baloch nationalists. In his time,
Kharan, part of Siestan (Iran, Afghanistan), Jacobabad, Mekran, Chagai and
Quetta were part of the Khanate of Balochistan. Moreover, the Khanate
extends its influence over Bandar Abbas, Sindh and Kharan. It is interesting
to note that his Khanate did not include any non Baloch areas and he declined
the offer of Ahmed Shah to divide Punjab between the Baloch and Afghans,
contrary to practice of Persians, the Afghans and the Mughals, who were
expansionist and exploited other nations”.(Baloch:1987:27-29)
The Afghans, British and local resources provided different kind of
information. Every writer has its own opinion. The Afghan and British
writers have not paid full attention to the importance of this treaty. Afghan
writers like Munshi Mehmood Al-Hussaini, Munshi Abdul Karim, Gulistan
etc. were the Royal family servants; especially Munshi Mehmood Al-
Hussaini was very close to Ahmed Shah Durrani. He just touches the Baloch
Afghan relations and the treaty of Kalat.
- 62 -
According to Inayatullah Baloch;
”Munshi Mehmood Al-Hussaini, served Ahmed Shah has an official
historian and was appointed as Munshi (Secretary) in 1753-54, who would
his memorable description of all his deeds for edification of generations to
come in order that his name adorning the inhabited quarter of the world might
remain of ages on the tables of history. He completed his work Tarikh-e-
Ahmed Shahi in 1773-74. His work has unique importance for the reign of
Ahmed Shah because it was written by an eye-witness in his official position,
being royal Munshi. This position permitted him access to official documents
as well as to interview the Afghan officials and Chiefs on important issues.
His work is useful for students of Central Asian and Indian studies. It
discussed the external relation of Ahmed Shah with Mughal India and Persia.
It touches on the Baloch-Afghans provided the text of the Kalat Treaty of
1758”. (Baloch:1987: 28)
Beside, there are Gulistan and Abdul Karim, who completed their
works in the reign of Taimoor Shah and Zaman Shah. Like Hussaini, they
also failed to include the text of the treaty in their works. The Afghans writers
of 19th
Century and 20th
Century like Syed Jamal-ud-Din Afghani, Sher
Mohammad Gandapuri, Professor Abdul Majeed Afghani and Qazi Attaullah
Jan have not given any account of the war of 1758 and the peace treaty of
Kalat. The contemporary Afghan writers and historians have not given any
attention to the importance of the treaty as matter of fact; the modern Afghan
writers have been influence by the state policy on Pashtoonistan, which
claims the territory of the Pakistani North West Frontier Province (Khyber
Pakhtoonkhwa KPK), and Balochistan as a part of Afghanistan. Ghubar, a
prominent Afghan nationalist writer does not give details on Baloch-Afghans
relations. He claims that Mir Naseer Khan not only acknowledge the
suzerainty of Ahmed Shah but also agreed to prove any reference for this
particular claim. Habibi, like Ghubar fails to give any detail about the treaty
or to hint at the sources on this subject. Among the Afghan historians, the
work of Herawi is important. He has given attention to the Baloch Afghan
war (1758) and provides the gist of the treaty with references and footnotes.
His sources are based on the work of Maleson, Hittu Ram and Ganda Sing
without referring to any Afghan historical source. (Baloch:1987: 28-29)
British resources and information provided by those British spies,
political agents, civil and military officers, those spent their time and services
in Balochistan, Afghanistan and Iran. In the beginning of 19th
century the
British spies appeared in Balochistan for collecting every kind (social,
political, military, religious and historical), information for their
governments. In 1809 Hennery Pottinger, Captain Christy, and Captain Grant
- 63 -
were deputed to report on Balochistan, while Malcolm and Elphinstone were
sent to Persia and Afghanistan. Later on Pottinger and Elphinstone published
their work. The title of Hennery Pottinger’s book is “Travel in Sindh and
Balochistan” while the Elphinstone’s book title is “An Account of the
Kingdom of Caubul and its dependents.
Elphinstone writes,
“It is not known what induced Mir Naseer Khan to throw of his
dependence on the Durrani government, but he declared himself
independent in the year 1758.” (Elphinstone: 1990, 2nd
Edition, P-290)
Elphinstone and Pottinger’s works provides primary sources about the
politics and relations of the 18th
and 19th
century of Afghanistan and
Balochistan.
The writing of Hennery Pottinger is very important since there is no
record for inset of European to the interior of Balochistan until 1809 (apart
from the Greek writings from the time of Alexander’s march through
Gedrosia and the brief remarks of Marco Polo). There works are more
reliable than the British writing of the late 19th
century and 20th
century
because, in the early period, the British had no common frontier with
Balochistan and Afghanistan as well as had not developed a long term
foreign policy towards these countries. The information provided by
Pottinger and Elphinstone great efforts together reliable information form the
official and non-official resources, when the memories of the past events
were still fresh and many people were alive who’s were eye witnesses to the
reign of Naseer Khan the great. Elphinstone and Pottinger should great
interest in Baloch-Afghan relations with special reference to the treaty of
1758. (Baloch: 1987:290-91)
Pottinger explain the Baloch-Afghan relations in the following words,
“The King was to receive the cousin of Naseer Khan in marriage as a
pledge of their further friendship, and that the Khan was to pay no tribute,
whatever, but, when called upon was to furnish troops and to transport them
at his own expense to the royal camp, after which, he was to receive an
allowance, in cash, equal to half of their pay. The Khan also expressly
stipulated that he and his successors were never to assets in a civil war, a
clause to which they have strictly adhered throughout all the dissentions
respecting the Kabul dominions”.25
Pottinger further explains, that when Captain Christy and my self were at
Kalat in 1810, Shah Mehmood one of the competitors for the thrones wrote to
Mehmood Khan (Khan of Kalat) desiring his aid against Shuja-ul-Mulk. The
Khan’s reply was that, he was ready to assist in expelling invaders from the
dominions of the King of Kabul, or to provide his troops for Foreign Service
- 64 -
but that his father’s treaty with Ahmed Shah was sufficient answer to the
present demand. (Baloch:1987:284)
Elphinstone gives some more record about the Baloch-Afghan
relations in the light of the treaty of Kalat; He says
“His accounts make responsible Afghan chiefs and the Shah’s Prime
Minister for the failure of Ahmed Shah to subdue Naseer Khan “The Kalat
lasted forty day during which time the Durrani cavalry suffered severely from
the scarcity of the forage. The bad aspect of the King’s affairs in India added
to his own impatience for a speedy conclusion of the war, and Naseer Khan
having made an overture for peace, a negotiation was commenced and an
agreement concluded which is still the basis of the connection between the
King (Shah) and the Baloches”. (Elphinstone: 1990:290-91)
According to Inayatullah Baloch, In 1834 Shah Shuja approached Mir
Mehrab Elphinstone, Pp290-91 Khan the Khan of Kalat for military help against
Amir Dost Mohammad. His request was turned down by the Khan on the
Pretext of the Provision of the non-interference in the internal affairs under
the Treaty of 1758”. (Baloch: 1987:31)
Western writers specially the British political and military officers
regarded the Durranis, and do not accept Balochistan as a sovereign state.
A.W. Hughes was one of the Political officers says, “Negotiation took place,
ending in a treaty between the Durrani King and the Brohi (Baloch) Khan in
which it was mutually agreed that Naseer Khan should pay no tribute, but
should furnish when called upon, a contingent of troops. Sending them at
own cost to the royal camp by receiving a cash allowance equal to half of
their pay”. (Hughes: 2002:187)
The other British resources like Hittu Ram, Burnes, Masson and
Mohan Lal do not provide the text of the treaty. Persi Monsorth Sykes have
to different statements about Naseer Khan. In the book “A history of
Afghanistan” he gives following statement,“Naseer Khan has been mentioned
as a subordinate who acknowledged the suzerainty of Ahmed Shah”. (Sykes:
1940:359) .
While in the book “History of Persia” the statement is different;
“Balochistan was ruled by Naseer I the great, who reigned from 1750 to
1793, and whose sway. He was entirely independent”. (Sykes: 1940:291)
Malleson was a British military officer. He gives the following text, “The
intelligence which from time To time reached to Ahmed Shah for
progress made by the Marhatas in Hindustan, by him more than ordinarily
anxious to bring Naseer Khan for reason. But, time to reduce Kalat by
blockade failed him, and after the fifth unsuccessful assault he became
helpless of storming it Naseer Khan on his part was tired of an
independence which shut him up in his capital. By these Naseer Khan
- 65 -
agreed to acknowledge the suzerainty of Ahmed shah, and to furnish a
contingent of troops whenever that monarch should wage war out of his
own territories. On the other side Ahmed Shah agreed to furnish a sum of
money and a supply of the ammunitions of war whenever he should
require the service of the Biluch (Baloch) contingent. He further
renounced his right to demand the services of this contingent for any
internal quarrel and he absolute the Biluch chief from payment of tribute.
To make the agreement more binding Ahmed Shah married a cousin of
the Biluch ruler”. (Baloch: 1987:112)
Hittu Ram personal Assistant of Sir Robert Sandeman also supports
Maleson”. (Hittu Ram: N.D:63) While Sandeman comments, “In former
days, during the reign of Abdullah Khan, Mohabbat Khan, Naseer Khan
and his successors when disputes arose between Kalat government and
the Sardars, these were referred for settlement to king Ahmed Shah
Durrani, and his successors. For example, on the death of Abdullah Khan,
Khan of Kalat Mohabbat Khan succeeded greatly oppressed the chiefs
and people. The Sardar there upon petitioned Nadir Shah, who disposed
Mohabbat Khan and placed his brother Naseer Khan on the Guddee”.
(Baloch: 1987:327, also see, Naseer: 2000:63)
But, Inayatullah Baloch does not agree to Sandman’s remarks and
says, “The above statement of Sandman had factual mistakes and need the
following corrections;
1. Abdullah Khan, the founder of the sovereign state of Balochistan was
not a contemporary of Ahmed Shah.
2. Mir Mohabbat Khan was an ally of Nadir Shah who supported him
against the Afghan and Sindhi Chiefs.
3. Mohabbat Khan was arrested and disposed by the joint alliance of
Ahmed Shah, and Naseer Khan and the rebel chiefs of Balochistan.
Sandeman never hides his intentions or providing the above
mentioned account on the history of Kalat and its political status, to justify
the British Forward Policy in Balochistan, which resulted in the treaty of
Jacobabad 1876.
The British government by the treaty of Jacobabad has taken itself
this duty and the state is now ruled in accordance with ancient custom and
old precedent”. (Baloch: 1987:28-30)
G. P. Tate gives the following statement,
“It is believed that in the summer of 1758 he was obliged to march
into Balochistan, where is feudatory, Naseer Khan of Kalat, is known
to have become restive under the ever increasing demands for tribute
which he paid in return for the government of his country and
- 66 -
personal services at the head of the armed forces of the tribesmen.
According to local chronicle the small fortress of Kalat detained the
Shah for forty days and then only the diplomacy of Shah Wali Khan
induced the refractory Kan to submit to his suzerain.” (Tate: P-78)
Local Cruzon, one of the most famous British authorities and the
expert of Persian question also follows Sandeman, but added, that Naseer
Khan arrested his own independence during the later period of Durrani
rule”.(Baloch:1987:27)
The Huges Buller text is that,
“The rulers of Kalat were never fully independent. There was always
as there is still a paramount power to which they were subject”.
(Baloch:1987: 27)
But, both of above mentioned British officers Lord Cruzon and Huges
Buller failed to give any text or provide any historical document in the favor
of their statement about Balochistan and the treaty of Kalat.
Atchison is silent on this topic and does not provide any kind
information about the treaty of Kalat 1758. Inayatullah Baloch comments on
the work and attitude of the British writers and the British forward policy in
the following words;
“As a matter of fact, the version given by the advocates of the forward
policy on the political status of Balochistan has great influence on the writing
of the scholars like Ganda Singh, Dupree and many others, with out having a
debate on the gist mounded by Maleson or views hell by British political
writers. Its seem very hard to accept the version of the treaty, published in the
period of the Climax of the British forward policy by the British forward
policy by the British officers, who were devoted to promoting and extending
the frontiers of British imperialism and denying the right of independence
and sovereignty to the backward states like Balochistan. The version given by
Pottinger seems more reliable. It was supplied when the memories of people
were fresh. The British had no clear foreign policy towards these states at this
time”. (Baloch: 1987: 30-31)
Qazi Noor Mohammad Gnajabavi was the chief justice of Balochistan
in the reign of Mir Naseer Khan during the invasion of Punjab against the
Sikhs in 1763, by Ahmed Shah Durrani. He wrote an important book in 1765,
after the treaty of Kalat. He described the relation s between Naseer Khan
and Ahmed Shah, says:
“Ahmed Shah requested to Mir Naseer Khan for military help against
Sikhs, the Shah’s request for aid provides evidence of the sovereign status of
Naseer Khan instead of a subordinate position. And Naseer Khan received by
the Shah’s representative at a great distance from the Royal camp. The
- 67 -
special treatment was given to him being a sovereign ruler”. (Ganjabvi,
1990:60-63)
Mir Gul Khan Naseer was one of the most popular personalities in
Balochistan. He was not only a politician but he was also a historian,
philosopher and a poet. The Baloch Nation has dedicated him a title of
Malik-us-Shoraa, (the head of the poets). He was the writer of many books on
the topic of ethnic and political history of Balochistan, and on poetry. He also
translated and compiled many other famous books. He composed war ballads
of Jam Durrak, the famous poet of Balochi language and literature in the
court of Mir Naseer Khan. These ballads throw light on the event of the war
1757-58. The poet admires the deeds of the Khan and Baloch people, who
served Kalat from the slavery of the Afghans. The Ballads confirm the
existence of a written treaty without giving the contents of it”. (Naseer: 1984
:57, also see,Dames: 1988:123-33)
In Gul Khan Naseer own book he gives same text, while provide
Ganda Singh and Malleson but, does not give their reference. (Naseer:
2000:60-61) In the beginning of 20th
century, the work of Maulana Raheem
Dad Shahwani (Maulai Shedai) is very inprotant. He regards Naseer Khan as
great statesman like Bismark of Germany. He deals with the treaty of Kalat
and claims for the sovereignty of Balochistan. (Baloch: 1987:28,114-15) But
he also failed to give the text of the treaty or any reference.
The official record of Kalat state had not been published until 1970.
Later on the ex-court Minister (Wazeer-e-Darbar) Malik Allah Bakhsh
Dehwar published some of these official records of the state of Kalat. The
book contains many important and valuable documents of the period of
Mir Naseer Khan and his successors, including the Urdu translation of the
Treaty of Kalat 1758.( Baloch:1987: 115)
Prof Dr. Ashiq Mohammad Khan Durrani also gives the Pottinger’s
record, but, failed to give the text of treaty”. (Durrani: 1999:119-21)
Dr. Shah Mohammad Marri gives the text of the treaty and writes,
there was only one point was doubtful, in which the supremacy of Ahmed
Shah was declare”. (Marri: 2000:129)
Besides, all of this discussion this is true that, in the end of treaty the
King of Afghanistan, Ahmed Shah Durrani told to Mir Naseer Khan the
Great that,
“This country has given you by God, and this is your”. (Ganda
Singh: 1990:124)
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CONCLUSION
It is very interesting that a small state and financially bankrupt and
un-identified country brought out a great power of his time on the table of
talk, and declared his freedom. This is out of mind that, why the Afghan and
British writers deny this treaty?
While, this treaty had notable influences, this treaty was more
beneficial for Balochistan; Balochistan took many achievements and benefits,
which were following:
1. The completion of the geographical unification of Balochistan:-
The dynasty of Balochistan came under the rule of different Baloch
tribes but, all of them fail to give an exact boundary and unite them
accept Mir Naseer Khan the Great. During the reign of Nadir Shah
Afshar the Balochistan occupied by him, that time the Ahmedzai
family were ruling. In the beginning of Mir Naseer Khan’s rule he
tried for the unification of Baloch territory and as well as the tribes,
but Ahmed Shah restricted him and he declared himself as a ruler of
all Baloch and Afghan dynasties. And he shows himself as successor
of Nadir Shah Afshar. But, after the treaty of Kalat 1758, it could
possible that Mir Naseer Khan completed his mission for the
unification of the Balochistan, and as well as unified the Baloch
Nation.
2. Complete independence
As described in above pages that the geographical position of
Balochistan not clear before the treaty of Kalat 1758. Baloch families
were ruling on such like country which had no geographical and
political boundaries. A Great warrior of Ahmedzai rulers, Mir
Abdullah Khan Qahar conquered a huge area in west and east, from
Bandar Abbas to Derajat and north to south from Qandahar to the
coast of Mekran. But, he failed to bring this all area under single
central government. The treaty of Kalat 1758 made it possible that
Balochistan come on globe an independent country with a area of
3,40,000, square miles. The last words of Ahmed Shah Durrani after
the treaty proves the independent position of Balochistan; as he told,
“This country has given you by God, and this is your”.
4. Start of internal and external conquests
Before the treaty of 1758, Mir Naseer Khan was bounded and was not
in this position to apply his policies. It was the treaty of Kalat, which
provided chances to Mir Naseer Khan for achievements and
- 69 -
conquests. He captured Mekran, Kharan, Lasbela, Iranic Part of
Balochistan and brought them under single central government. He
successfully organized the Baloch tribes and their country and formed
a constitutional Government in the whole Country. Moreover, he
participated in many other battles against the enemies of Ahmed Shah
Durrani, like Iranians, Sikhs of Punjab, Talpurs of Sindh and the
Kalhoras of India, after the treaty of Kalat Ahmed Shah defeated his
every enemy with the help of Mir Naseer Khan and occupied a huge
area of Punjab, Sindh, India and Iran and formed an Afghan
Kingdom. This is fact that these achievements were not possible
without the treaty of Kalat.
5. Stability of the “government of Kalat and reforms
After this treaty Naseer Khan’s concentration focused on the stability
of government and country. He started his reforms for the better-ness
of his peoples. He developed his country’s water resources and
agriculture system. He organized the court of Kalat, on Iranic court’s
pattern. He divided his country into provinces for the easiness of
administration and establishment. He reformed the financial system of
government and increased his country’s revenues. He introduced
many more departments and gave them under the headship of well
known and academic personalities. He also reformed in the
communication sector and constructed many more highways for the
development of trade and travel. Industries developed in Kalat and the
population of the city increased. He made a fully armed regular Army
from the youngsters of Baloch tribesmen, and divided it into three
main squads. Balochistan came on globe as an independent country
with a huge area. He also formed his country Judiciary system and
developed this very important department. He appointed Qazi Noor
Mohammad Ganjabvi as Qazi-ul-Qazat (Chief Justice) of the Country
and also opened provincial courts for the quick justice.
This treaty brought both nations Baloch and Afghans very near to
each other. They made good and strong relations. After this treaty
Afghanistan was able to solve its internal and external problems and make
itself strong and stable. Balochistan achieved many benefits with complete
independence and comprehensive geography. This treaty also proved the
Great leader ship and wisdom of Mir Naseer Khan the Great.
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REFERENCE
1. Akhund Muhammad Siddiqui,1984, Akhbar-ul-Abrar, (Tarikh-e-
Khawanin-e-Kalat), Translated by: Mir Gul Khan Naseer, Nisa
Traders, Quetta
2. Baloch, Inayatullah,1987, The Problem of Greater Balochistan,
GMBH, Stuttgart, Germany
3. Dames, Long Wroth, 1988, Popular Poetry of Baloches, Balochi
Academy, Quetta
4. Dehwar, Muhammad Saeed, 1990, Tarikh-e-Balochistan, Nisa
Traders, Quetta
5. Durrani. Ashiq Muhammad Khan, Prof. Dr. 1999, Tarikh-e-
Afghansitan, Sang-e-Meel Publications, Lahore
6. Elphinstone, Mont Stuart, 1990, 2nd
Edition, The Kingdom of
Caboul, Vol-II, Gosha-e-Adab, Quetta
7. Ganda Singh, Ahmed Shah Durrani, 1990, Gosha-e-Adab, Quetta
8. Ganjabvi, Noor Mohammad, 1990 Jang Nama, Tohfatul-Naseer,
Pakistan Study Centre, University of Balochistan, Quetta
9. Hart, Lawrance Lak, , 2007, Nadir Shah, (Translated by: Tahir
Mansoor Farooqui) Takhliqat Lahore
10. Hittu, Ram, N.D. Tarikh-e-Balochistan, Sang-e-Meel
Publications, Lahore
11. Hughes, A. W. reprint, 2002, The Country of Balochistan, Sales
and Services, Quetta
12. Khan, Ahmed Yar, Mir, 2007 Tarikh-e-Qaum-o-Khawanin-e-
Baloch, Al-Asar Publications, Lahore
13. Marri, Shah Muhammad, 2000, Baloch Qaum Aed-e-Qadeem say
Asre Hazir Tak, Takhliqat, Lahore
14. Naseer, Gul Khan, Mir, 1984, Balochi Razmia Shairi, Balochi
Academy, Quetta
15. Naseer, Gul Khan, Mir, 2000, 4th
Edition, Tarikh-e-Balochistan,
Kalat Publisher, Quetta
16. Pottinger, Henry, 1986,Travel in Sindh and Balochistan, Indus
Publications, Karachi
17. Sykes, Persi Monsorth, 1940, A History of Afghanistan, Vol -II,
London
18. Sykes, Persi Monsorth, 1940, A History of Persia, Vol-II, London
19. G.P. Tate, 1973, Kingdom of Afghanistan, Indus Publications,
Karachi
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BI-ANNUAL RESEARCH JOURNAL “BALOCHISTAN REVIEW” ISSN 1810-2174”, BALOCHISTAN STUDY CENTRE, UOB, QUETTA (PAK) Vol. XXIV No.1, 2011
SOME COMMENTS ON INVALID HYPOTHESISES
ABOUT BRAHUI LANGUAGE
Language & Literature
Liaqat Ali Sunny*
Shabir Ahmed Shahwani*
Manzoor Ahmed Baloch†
ABSTRACT:
Linguistics desideration in Balochistan is a common feature. The
Brahui, Balochi, Saraiki, and Pashto language have learnt to grow
side by side in ideal co-existence. Particularly from Balochi, Brahui
has adopted many other features besides words. As pointed out by
Denys Bray, and other western scholars. There has been large-
scale borrowing between these languages. And some of it has been
identified but the language of origin in each instance has usually
not been fixed with certainty, and deferent scholars gave different
ideas and hypothesis about Brahui, some of them link it with
Dravidian, and some of them non-Dravidian like, Indo Aryan,
Semantic, Uraltaic, Koch-o-Baloch, Kurdgali, Iranian, and Proto
Dravidian etc but still remains a lot of confusions in minds, who are
they? Because they have (linguists) created contradiction. So in this
article their ideas and hypothesis has been tested.
INTRODUCTION
This hypothesis has confused the linguists that the “Brahui” language
belongs from which family? Obviously it is too difficult to give an
authenticated theory about Brahui language, but the national and international
linguists has mentioned many hypothesis according to their knowledge, here
it will be explained all hypothesis as followed:
1- Dravidian
2- Un-ravidian * Lecturer, Dearment of Brahui University of Balochistan, Quetta-Pakistan.
* Assistant Professor, Depatment of Brahui,University of Balochistan, Quetta-Pakistan
† Lecturer, Depatment of Brahui,University of Balochistan, Quetta-Pakistan
- 72 -
3- Proto-Dravidian
1- Dravidian:
The word “Dravidian” is related with the word “Dravida” which is not
a Dravidian origin, we can say that the Dravidian is a latest form of dravida.
Linguists emphasis that the “Dravida” is the Tamil’s (Sunsikratian) form. In
404 Wraha Mihra has used the Dravida a Tamil tribe “Pandia”
(Siddiqui:2001). In seventh century “Kumar Labut” had understood one
language to all indo-southern languages and named it “Andra Dravida
Bahasha” which he ment “Talgu” by “Andra” and “Tamil” by “Dravida”
(Siddiqui:2001).
German scholar “Lalson” declared the Brahui language as a
Dravidian, after Lalson, Robert Kaldowell analyzed his hypothesis. And he
brought so near to both languages. Than, M-B-Amanio, M-S-Andronof and
Danys Bray had said the Brahui language is a branch of Dravidian family too.
And the Brahui linguist and scholar Dr. Abdul Rahman also accepted the
above said hypothesis (Day Tik: 2003) .
Danys Bray explained strongly the relation of Brahui and Dravidian
family with the help of grammatical structures farther he gave several
examples to ascertained his hypothesis that it is of course in its grammatical
system that Brahui reveals its Dravidian origin(Bray:1978).
i) The grammatical relations of noun are shown as in Dravidian by
means of suffixes, and most indeed all of the suffixes, whether
expressive of case relations (Na, E, An, Ki etc)
Or of plural number (K, T, Sk) are traceable to a Dravidian
Source.
ii) Of the pronouns, the second person in both numbers (Ni, Num)
and the first person plural (NAN) are essentials the some as in
Dravidian.
iii) The reflexive in Brahui and Dravidian has preserved one uniform
type (Ten, Tan) with signal consistency. It is only in the light of
its Dravidian counterparts that the Brahui demonstrative with it
triple series (DA, E, O) its curious optional forms in the singular
(Dad, Ed, Od) its still more curious forms in the plural (Dafk,
Efk, Ofk) becomes fully explicable.
- 73 -
iv) In the interrogatives (Der, Ant, Ara) the family likeness in but
thinly disguised and several of indefinite pronouns (Pen, Elo, At)
are stamped with the Dravidian birth mark. The Dravidian
relationship of the first three numbers (Asit, Irat, Musit) after
regarded as hardly less significant witnesses to the origin of a
language than the personal pronouns, is unquestionable.
v) In the verb the most palpable analogies are the pronominal
termination of the plural (N, Re, R) the formations of the causal
(IF) and above all, the organic, negative conjugations. Though the
Brahui verb is not devoid of characteristics of its own, a full
understanding of it would be impossible without the help of the
Dravidian languages.
According to Danys Bray and Colwell that the Brahui language
considered as a whole seams to be derived from the same source of the
Panjabi and Sindi but it evidently contains a Dravidian element. It is the
converse, put forward tentatively by lesson long time ago. Brahui belongs to
the Dravidian languages group, it has freely absorbed the alien vocabulary of
Persian, Balochi, Sindhi, Jatki, and other neighboring languages, in spite of
all inroads its Dravidian grammatical system has remained true to type
(Naseer:1998).
ii- Kamil- Al- Qadri:
The above scholar also links the relationship of Brahui and
Dravidian languages he expresses his worthy views in this way”
“Brahui language may or may not be descended from Dravidian
but in many points the likeness of the Brahui to the south Indian group*(i) of
language is striking. Among these we note, some of its pronouns and
numberals-elements of speech less often borrowed. The use of post-positions
for prepositions and the addition of these to an inflectional stem, instead of
directly the foot, the absence of a comparison of adjectives by suffixes, the
lack of relative pronoun, except as borrowed, the negative conjugation of the
verb, the expression of gender and number for the most part by added words
of sex or multitude, rather then suffixes, the inflections of Brahui are simple,
and of the agglutinative type. The suffixes of declension are the some or
nearly so singular and plural, and in the latter case follow the sign of number.
Only the first three numerals (Asit, Irat, and Musit) are indigenous. These
being directly from other language*ii (Bray: 1978).
- 74 -
iii- Dr. Abdul Rahman Brahui:
Dr. Brahui says that the word “DRAVIDA” is also suitable to
the old inhabitant of India besides Aryan, further he adds his glosseme that it
is new research about Dravidian that they used to live near Atlantic Ocean.
2- Un-Dravidian Hypothesis:
More than enough Un-Dravidian hypothesis are available about
Brahui language. But all of them are invalid hypothesis. The all below
hypothesis come in un-Dravidian hypothesis.
i) Aryan
ii) Koch-O-Baloch
iii) Kurd Galian
i) Aryan
i) “The visit of Balochistan and Sindh” Potinger’s book 1816,
he wrote that Brahui language is totally different by its neighboring
languages, which hears like Punjabi but it doesn’t belong to Dravidian family
(Tosha 1977).
ii) In 1838 Left-R-Leach has written in “Journal*(iii)” that
Brahui is an Indo-Aryan language. (Tosha 1977).
iii) Some international linguists accepted that the Brahui is not a
Dravidian language, but a little bit vocabulary has mixed or borrowed by
other languages on the base of vocabulary Brahui can’t belong Dravidian
language. Names come in this series, Coldwell, Razly, Gerirson, Ahyo Billers
and I-C-S (Brahui Dr. Abdul Rehman).
ii) Koch-O-Baloch
i) This hypothesis expressed first time by S-H-Ravalinson with the
argumentry reference of “Firdossi’s” “Shah Nama”( Dey Tik:2003). After
the mentioned book with word Balochi” Koch had been written together, Mr.
Long Worth, Dynes Bray and many other scholars suspected about present
inhabitant trib Brahui *(iv) to a Koch race. (Naseer: 1998).
iii) Kurd Gali
In 1974 A local researcher Mir Aaqil Khan Mengal has revealed this
hypothesis that Brahui is called Kurdgali as well. Present era in Besema
- 75 -
(Kharan) Lasbela, and Karkh Brahui is known as Kurdgali (Ulus:1977) Mir
Aaqil Khan Mengal copied the ideas of tenth country’s Arab’ Geologist “Ibn-
e-Hukal” that the Brahui is a Sub-section of a Kurd Tribe (Bray: 1978)
Whenever the Koch-o-Baloch came to Kalat under guidance of
Baloch Chief “Miro” to avoid them self by the outrage of “Nosherwan” Sewa
family was ruler of Kalat, Nichara, Zahri and Khuzdar. And the inhabitants
were called Sewae tribe. There language resembled to Brahui.
Beside Sewa, the “Judgal” populated on the surfer of Sorab, Khuzdar,
Karkh and Lasbela.
When Koch-o-Baloch, abandon the Burzkoh*(v) Sewae named than
Burzkohi which was change in to Brohee, Bravi, and Brahui. (Naseer: 1998)
3- Proto-Dravidian Hypothesis:
Mostly local scholars like, Dr Abdul Rahman Brahui and Dr Razzaq
Sabir links the Brahui a proto-Dravidian language. Razzaq Sabir says (in his
an article “Brahui literature in 20th
century”) that the mostly linguists are
agreed that Brahui is not only Dravidian but it is a proto-Dravidian language.
Because the languages of Dravidian family are oldest language of sub-
continent. Same way Brahui is oldest languages of Pakistan. (Day Tik: 2003)
According to Dr. Razzaq Sabir, if some one rejects that the Brahui is not
proto-Dravidian so it required a strong proof because both Brahui and
Dravidian languages are so closed to each other, on the base of emotional and
lack argument we can’t omit Brahui from Dravidian. (Sabir: 2003)
CONCLUSION
In first hypothesis we can find evident proof that the Brahui
language may be a main Branch of Dravidian languages. Because Sir Denys
Bray and Kamil Al Qadri had given a detail Knowledge with the help of
grammatical structure that Brahui belongs to the Dravidian language group. It
has freely absorbed a rich vocabulary of Persian, Balochi, Sindhi, Jatki and
other neighboring languages. Absorbing the alien vocabularies Brahui does
not change its grammatical system. And it is another evident proof that the
numeral rules of Brahui is same as in Dravidian languages it accurse.
The said hypothesis still it is a hypothesis which is required
dependant variables, for this we must have strong matter of all Dravidian
languages to analysis the grammatical and numeral system of both languages.
On the base of other’s hypothesis we can’t give a strong
recommendation that the Brahui language belongs to Dravidian language.
- 76 -
ACKNOWLEDGMENT
(i) The South Indian group is called Dravidian family or comprise
Dravidian languages like, Tamil Godaba, Gondi, Kannada,
Kodegu, Kalami, Konda, Kata, Koya, Kui, Kuruk, Malyalam,
Malto, Manda, Naiki, Parji, Pengu, Toda and Tulu. Dr. Razzaq
Sabir, has written in his book “Dravarhistan” that the number of
Dravidian languages is increased upto 26 but only seventeen 17
languages had accepted as official language of India.
(ii) Here other language means the Brahui and Persian, because
thay have the some numerals after the first three numerals as
Brahui has after it. The like, Char, Panch, Shash, Haft, Hasht,
Noh, Dah, etc.
(iii) Journal of the Asiatic Society the Bangal, Vol-7 PP 537 to
562, here we can see some example of Brahui language and
folklore, Couplets. from Munshi Gulab Sing and Sons Lahore
the very Journal was reprinted on 539 page Journal’s Editor
James Prinsep expresses his views like this that Brahui is an
Indo-Aryan language.
(iv) Brahuis are branch of Baloch nation and it is further divided
into perhaps more then fifty section and each section has
isolated in to dozens sub-sections..
(v) Burzkoh is the name of a high mountain in Iran. The settlers of
Burzkoh are called Burzkohi according scholars now Brahui is
the new shape of same burzakhi.
- 77 -
REFERENCES
Bray, Danys. The Brahui language: Brahui academy. Quetta
:Pakistan,1978.
Siddiqui, Khail. Zuban kiya hai: Bekon Books. Multan, 2001.
Naseer,Gul Khan Mengal. Koch -o –Baloch: Zamrud Publications.
Quetta. Pakistan,1998.
Brahui, Dr. Abdul Rehman .Brahui Zuban o Adab ki mukhtasir
taareekh: Urdu Board .Lahor. 1982.
Brahui, Academy. Tosha: Brahui Academy. Quetta.Pakistan, 1977.
Sabir, Dr. Abdul Razzaq. „Drawarhistan“: Brahui Academy. Quetta.
Pakistan, 2003.
Brahui. Ulus Gichen Brahui: Border Publicity Organization.
Quetta.Pakistan, 1977.
- 78 -
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BI-ANNUAL RESEARCH JOURNAL “BALOCHISTAN REVIEW” ISSN 1810-2174”, BALOCHISTAN STUDY CENTRE, UOB, QUETTA (PAK) Vol. XXIV No.1, 2011
AN OLD PHONOLOGICAL STUDY OF
NEW PERSIAN AND BALOCHI
Language & Literature
Hamid Ali Baloch*
Dr. Abdul Saboor Baloch†
Dr. Bilal Ahmed‡
ABSTRACT
The Balochi language is one of the ancient languages, which
belongs to the Iranian branch of Indo-European family. This
language has a very deep-rooted history and similarities with the
Sanskrit, Avesta, Old Persian and Pahlavi (which are now
considered as dead languages). These languages flourished side by
side for thousands of years and the concerned language did not let
itself dead because of its enrichment and nomadic environment.
Balochi is currently spoken in Pakistan, Iran, Afghanistan, India, the
Arab Gulf States, Turkmenistan, east Africa and some Scandinavian
countries such as Sweden and Norway. The aim of this paper is to
show the differences between the new Persian and the Balochi
languages and to clear the misunderstandings of those writers who
have considered the Balochi language as a contemporary of the new
Persian. In this paper phonetics and the phonological basis of the
Balochi language will be discussed to prove that the Balochi
language has a long history of approximately 5000-6000 years. As
far as, the Persian language concerns, the evolutionary changes and
the changes of phonetics, the phonetically variations will be
mentioned that which language (Persian or Balochi) is most
affected. References from different sources will be given to eliminate
the misunderstandings of those so-called linguists who not lingual
* Lecturer, Departmanet of Balochi, University of Balochistan, Quetta.
† Assistant Professor and Chairperson, Department of Balochi, University of
Balochistan, Quetta. ‡ Chairperson Department of Persian Universiy of Balochistan, Quetta
- 80 -
approach to the Persian and the Balochi languages. Different epoch
will be mentioned to prove the internal changes of both languages.
INTRODUCTION
The origin of the Balochi language was an enigma* for the linguists
before one and a half century and the Balochi language has been considered
as a dialect of the Persian language. These concepts took place when the
British Imperialists captured the Baloch land for the political and financial
interests. A.W. Hughes was the first man among the British colonial Generals
who directly raised hands towards the Balochi language without a lingual
approach of both Persian and the Balochi languages, considered the Balochi
as a dialect of the New Persian.
This is also a prevailing concept in Persia and majority of the Persian net
sites are in the view that Balochi has not its own existence and history, except
a dialect of the Persian.
But the development and analyses of the modern linguistics and lingual
researches showed that these ideas were fake, counterfeit and unacceptable.
Approximately, all linguists are agreeing on the point that the Balochi
language belongs to the Iranian Branch of Indo- European family, which has
a very long and deep-rooted history.
Joseph Elfenbein inscribes that the Balochi language belongs to the eastern
group of the Iranian languages like Parthian and Arsacid Pahlavi. Ancestor of
the Balochi language was neither Parthian nor Middle Persian ( Sasanid
Pahlavi), but a lost language which thus while sharing a number of
characteristic features with either, some with both, had a pronounced
individuality of his own. This language may have been a variety of Median
speech since the Kurdish dialects, which have a noteworthy affinity with
Balochi are to be traced, in Minorasky’s opinion, to the ancient Median
(Josef. Ency: Vol-1: 1960).
Another European linguist T.A Mayer who has a wide grip over the Iranian
languages had been confirmed this statement before Josef Elfenbein that the
Balochi to be the remnants of the Medians or the ancient west Iranians,
*The writers who worked on the Balochi language during the British era in the Indian
subcontinent could not differentiate the Balochi language to the Persian language, because
most of them were not linguists.
- 81 -
whose language bears signs of affinity to the language of the Medes
(Mengal: 1988:8)
The later scholars and linguists approved it. In 1925, Robert Gilbertson found
certain affinities between Kurdish and Balochi but Tedesco carried a vast
research on the Iranian dialects in 1921. He places Balochi in the center of
western Iran or Zagros range, but Longworth Dames refers to the abode of it
to be around the Caspian coasts (Cosa-bir, a Baloch tribe). Tedesco, however,
puts pre-Balochi among the North Western dialects of Iran, including the
present Caspian dialects. Mackenzie in 1961 also places the Balochi in
Central West Iran (Windfuhr: Isogloses:458).
Dr. G.L Windfuher writes, sketch of Persia and Parthians; Kurds and Medes
and adds Kurdish shares a number of features with the Median band of
dialects. However, it also exhibits a cluster of innovations and lexical items
which it shares with a dialect group now adjacent to Kurdish, namely, Persian
and Baloch (Windfuhr: Isogloses. P. 458). K. Mason writes that Balochi is
another Aryan language of akin to the Old Persian, Old Arian, Achaemanid
and Median (Masson: 1945: 325).
No doubt, Balochi stands closer to the Achaemanid, the court language of the
Achaemanid King who spoke Persian at home and also shared features with
the Avesta dialect of Median language, the one in the Gathaas or Hymns of
secret Knowledge, called “Gat” in Balochi ( Mengal: 1988:11). None of the
above-mentioned linguists declared Balochi as a dialect, even the
contemporary of the Persian language, but akin of the Old languages such as
Old Persian, Avesta and Sanskrit. The supposed linguists differentiated the
Balochi language with New Persian by studying the phonetics, semantics,
etymology and grammar. Balochi has a lot of phonetic differences, which
even not match with the new Persian, but a great similarity with Old Persian,
because it flourished at the same time, in the same region. Being the Akins of
each other, it is a real fact that there will be a little bit lexical influences or
similarities in the concerned languages.
Phonological Changes:
The linguists have deeply studied the phonological differences between the
new Persian and the Balochi language, and proved that both languages have a
lot of Phonetic variations. In this context, Professor Khalil Saddiqui mentions
that Balochi language has a Phonetical similarity with the Sanskrit. It has also
maintained it’s Avestan and Pahlavi Phonemes and the phonemes have been
themselves in the New Persian. He further adds, that phonetically the Balochi
- 82 -
language, somehow near similarity with the Avestan and on the other hand, it
also relates a little bit with Pahlavi. The palatal voices in the Balochi and
Pahlavi languages are same and still maintained their positions, but these
phones and phonemes have been changed in the New Persian.
For example, the words, Rōč and Rōčan are still in its concerned form in the
Balochi but changed its shape into Rōz and Rōzan in the New Persian
.Balochi has not even been changed the unvoiced phonemes, but in the new
Persian the case is different , it has changed the unvoiced phones into the
voiced from. The word Zāt, Kurt have been converted into zād and Kard;
āp, šap, and dāt converted into āb, šap and dād in the new Persian, but the
Balochi did not break up its kinship with the Pahlavi and Avesta but
phonetically made its relationships strong with the said languages.
He further adds that Balochi might be older than newer and may be the
contemporary of the Pahlavi language (Siddiqi: 2001 :202-203).
Agnes Korn adds a new point about the classical approach of the Balochi
language among the other Iranian languages, she mentions that “Balochi is of
particular importance for the study of the history of the Iranian languages
since (in contrast to all other modern Iranian languages) it directly reflects the
old Iranian consonants in all position of the word. Although the remarkable
archaicity noted by Geiger might be the result of somewhat more complex
processes than hitherto assumed, Balochi is a key witness for the
reconstruction of earlier stages of the Iranian languages for which the
evidence often scares or difficult to interpret. Among the contemporary
Iranian languages, Balochi occupies and important place, as the area where it
is spoken is comparatively large and the number of its speakers
comparatively high. A further interesting point is that the Balochi lexicon as
well as its historical phonology reflects with a variety of neighboring
languages. (Korn: 2005:7)
It's clear to note that the Persian language has changed its phonological,
morphological and even the lexical structures since centuries ago. Thousands
of years before the Persian language was known as the Pārsī ay bāstān (Old
Persian), the language of Cyrus the Great.*
At that time, the Persian was in its purified form, but when the time passed
simultaneously and the rulers came one after another to occupy the seats of
the Kingdom, the process overthrew a major effect on the Persian language.
The Old Persian appeared in the shape of Pahlavi after five centuries to the * Cyrus the Great is known as Kōryūš e Azam in the Persian history. He defeated the Medes
king and maintained the Old Persian language as the official language of his court. He was
the first king or ruler who expanded the boundaries of his kingdom from Persia to the
Greece.
- 83 -
Iranian subjects, and it was adopted as the court or official language of the
Iranian Kings.
The catastrophic change in the Pahlavi* language takes place, when the
Caliph Umar manages an expedition to Iran by his commander Abu Musa
Ash’ari†. When is Iran is conquered in the era of the caliph Umar, the Arabic
language became the official language of the Iranian masses and it engulfed
the Persian language in all aspects. It’s interesting to note that the major
phonological change occurs at the said time. Even the proverbs, idioms and
structure of sentences have been changed.‡
In the early years of the twentieth century the passions of patriotism and love
to the Persian language stimulated a prejudice against the Arabic language
and once again a movement of purification was started by some Iranian
linguists. Pur Daud was one of the key figures among them, who led the
movement in the name of “Pārsī ay bāstān” with his nearest companions.
The aims and objectives of this movement were to eliminate the Arabic
words, purify the language in its old form such as the Old Persian. But his
language purification movement became unsuccessful because of his extreme
linguistic views. He was condemned by the other Iranian linguists
throughout Iran. On the one hand Mirza Muhammad Khan gave him the title
* Pahlavi is basically called the Middle Persian and most of the Persian intellectuals are in
views that language of Šāhnāmeh Firdōsī is Pahlavi but there are some confusion
concerning to the Pahlavi word.some say that the word “Pahlavi” was the name of a city in
Iran which meant “Cantonment or Army”. In this regard the great poet Firdōsī mentions in
his book:
Za pahlav barūn raft Kaūs Šāh
Za harsū hamē gašt gard e sipāh
Firdōsī further mentions that this was the language of Pahlavans (inherited singers), who
used to sing different songs in the courts of kings.
Agar pahlavani nadānī zubā
Bitāzī tū arwandrā Dajlw xwā
Nizami converys a different message about the name Pahlavi and says that Pahlavi is the
name of a musical mode.
Bahar ē ganjiš ču pidaram kard
Ba pahlav zubāniš harē nām kard
For further details see (Muhammad Hussain Azad. 1988:143-147). † Abu Mūsa Aš’arī was one of the key commanders of the muslim army in the battle of
Qadissiyya. He was sent to the Baloch Sardar and commander Siyahsawar ( known as Al-
Dissawar in the Arbian History), to reconciliate upon some strategic issues against the
Persian army. Aš’arī along with the Baloch army assaulted the Persian throne and occupied
the Iranian region. This was a good omen for the Arabs and Islam and this was the time when
the Arabic language started penetrating in the core of Persian language and engulfed it. ‡ For further details see the poetry of Sheikh Sadi and Hafiz and the contemporary Persian
poets and prose-writers.
- 84 -
of “extremist” and on the other hand, the words of French, German and
English languages were Persianized simultaneously. So, this movement took
his last breath and could not succeed it from the influence of other languages
till now, and this process led the Persian language to another way e.g. This
changed its structure (Siddiqi: 2001:202-203)
Beside, the Balochi language has not lost its original form and after
thousands of years, it has fully maintained its old linguistic structure, but
somehow, because of mass migration through different communities the
Balochi language has adopted a little bit sounds i.g. ţ, ŗ and đ,* which are
basically the Indian sounds.
A comparative of sketch of the Old Iranian sounds:
It is interesting to note that Balochi is the only language in the Iranian region,
which has preserved its old Iranian sounds, but the other languages like
Kurdi, Persian, Pashtu Luri and Saghdi have lost the sounds of their parent
languages. A small comparative sketch of the Old Iranian sound is given here
to specify that how Balochi has been preserved its old sounds.
The sound of OIr. Č (Korn:2005:84)
♦ Bal. čar (r) “turn/move” ( AV. čara- “move”- Parth. Čar “graze”†
♦ Bal. gičin‡ “select” (Av. Vī-činao-) NP- guzīn/ guzīd, Parth. wižīn-/ wižīd
§,
Balo. Rōč “day” (Av. rōčah) and the NP. Rōz.
Here we see that how the new Persian its original sound. The sound of Old
Persian “č” is being converted into “z” but the Balochi has sustained it till
today. Ĵ (Korn: 2005: 86)
Some examples of the Balochi and Olr sound č "چ"are as follows which have
changed themselves into z"ز".
* Most of the linguists favor this idea that all the Iranian languages have not the sound of ţ,ŗ
and đ, basically these sounds are found in indo-Aryan (Sanskrit) and new indo- Aryan
languages, such as Punjabi, Sindhi, Lehinda , Marhathi and others etc. such sounds are also
found in the Pushto language but actually Pashto has also taken these sounds from Indian
languages by mass migration through the indo- subcontinent. † Basically čarr and čar both words are found in the Balochi language in the whole dialects.
The meaning of čar is same as in the Parthian. ‡ Korn has taken reference of this word from Mocker. The real pronunciation of this word is
gičēn which means “select or purify”. § The Parthian sound ž is also found in the eastern hill dialect of the Balochi language (see
details in the book of Josef “Balochi language, a dialectology with texts). The word “gōžd-
meat” specifies the Parthian sound. Balochi thus corresponds to the Early Parthian stage with
regard to word- internal č ( Korn:2005: 86)
- 85 -
Sūčin(سوچن), ey rōč(اے روچ), dōč(دوچ),pač(پچ),pačag(پچگ), tāč(تاچ) and
rōčag(روچگ) have been changed phonetically as sōzan(سوزن), imrōz(امروز),
dōz(دوز), paz(پز), paza(پزہ), tāz(تاز) and rōza(روزہ) in persian.
The sound of Old Iranian Ĵ is converted in z in the new Persian. According to
Grunburg the age of Ĵ is *older than the sound of z.
♦ jan-† / jat “strike” (Av. Jan-, Np zan-/ zad, Parth žan-/ žad), jan “woman,
wife”(Av. Jinni-, NP- zan
♦ bōj- “open” (buj, MP boz-/ bōxt, Parth.bōž‡-/ bōxt “save”), raj- “colour”(NP
raz-/ rašt) drāĵ and in NP dirāz.
The OIr Z(Korn:2005:88)
♦ Zān- “know”(Av. Zanā-, NP dān-/dānist, Parth. Zān/ zānād), zāmāt “son-
in-law”(Av. Zāmātār-, NP dāmād);mazan “big”(Av. Maz-, MPM mazan
“monster”, OInd. Mahant-),mēz “urinate”(Av. maēza§-, NP mēz/ mēzīd.
OIr. I ( Korn: 2005:141)
♦ išt “brick” (Av. Ištiia-, NP xišt
♦ pit”father” (Av. Pitar-, NP pidar, Prth.pid (ar) Sans.pita
Olr. T"ت" changes itself in d"د" in the new persian(Moosa Mahmoodzahi
1370H:33)
♦ āzāt “ free, liberated” (Av. Āzāta- NP āzād )
♦ māt “mother”(Av.mātar-, OP mātar, Sans. Māta**
, NP mādar).
♦ zūt "speed, haste"(Av. Zūt-Pah. Zūt, NP- zūd
♦ palīt "impure, comtaminated " Pah,OP- palīt, Pah- palīt, Av. Palīt, NP-
palīd
The new Persian has lost the old Avestan and Old Persian clusters
which are the signs of the oldness of the Iranian languages. Whether Sanskrit
is considered to be the langue of Indo-Aryan language and it has very near
kinship to the Old Persian Avestan and the Balochi languages. The cluster
* For details see monthly gwānk ( Baloch: 2009:Balōčī o Fārsī e rājdaptarī arzišt)
† Jan is used for both noun and verb. In the eastern dialect of the Balochi language jan means
“to strike” but in the western dialects of the Balochi language the verb form is “janag”. For
example ā janagā int (he is striking) etc. ‡ The word bōž has the similar sound and meaning in the eastern dialect of the Balochi
language and the Parthian language. § The Avestan word maēza is very near to the Balochi verb mēzag phonologically and
morphologically. **
The Sanskrit sound of māta is very near and similar to the Balochi word māt
morphologically and phonologically. The above-mentioned word pita of the Sanskrit is
structurally same to the Balochi language.
- 86 -
sounds “granč/ ōšt*” of Sanskrit, Avesta and Balochi are mostly same. For
instance, the clusters bra-, tra-, sra-, gra,- kra- and such like other clusters
are the same morphologically and phonologically. These cluster sounds are
found in the Vedas and in the Avestan sacred books†. The clustered words
like, brā-t, krā-m, dra-hmadān, gwam, gwaz‡ and thousand of other clustered
words are found in the Balochi language which specifies the old sounds of
the Iranian region.
CONCLUSION:
A thorough phonological study showed that the Balochi language still keeps a
vast place in the Old Iranian languages. The Balochi language preserved its
old sounds what its contemporary languages could carry it on. The languages
like Medi, Old Persian, Parthian , Sanskrit and Avestan languages which
were considered to be the language of religions and officials in the courts of
kings in different eras of the history. Being in the strong safeguard and
protection they cannot preserve themselves in the pages of history. By the
passage of time when the kingdoms collapsed the said languages already
started declining simultaneously. Regarding to the new Persian language it
lost its old shape and as it has mentioned before that after conquering the
Persian region the Arabic language laid a strong effect on the Persian
language.
Balochi is the only language which has maintained its original form and the
Old Iranian sounds. It has been said that it has lost a little bit sound and
adopted some Indian sounds like Sindhi and Lehinda§.
As it has been mentioned that the Balochi is the only survived language in the
region and if someone wants to study the historical background of the Old
Iranian languages he has to study the Balochi language**
.
Some writers in the British era misunderstood the Balochi language and
interpreted as the dialect of the Persian language but the modern research and
linguists concluded that the modern Persian is itself lost away its original
phonological and morphological structures.
* The word ōšt was used for cluster in the Balochi language by Sayad Zahoor Shah Hashmi
and the word granč used by a small group of literary men in Turbat which not yet been
accepted by the total literary men of the Balochi Literature. † See further details (Baloch: monthly Gwānk Jan, Balōčī o Sanskrit e hamgōnagī).
‡ These sounds are only found in the Sanskrit, Avesta and the Balochi languages not any
other new Iranian languages. § The Saraiki language which was firstly mentioned by William Jones in his book, the
linguistic survey of India and after that the later writers adopted the same word for Saraiki. **
See Korn 2005 introduction of her PhD thesis
- 87 -
BIBLIOGRAPHY
1. Elfenbein, Josef: The Balochi Language: A Dialectology with Texts
2. Mengal, Mir Aqil Khan: 1990, A Persian-Pahlavi and Balochi
Vocabulary, Vol. 1, Balochi Academy, Quetta.
3. Gilbertson, Gorge Waters English-Balochí colloquial dictionary:
Ghāno Khān (Haddiānī.), Haddiānī Ghāno Khān - 1925 - Volume 2.
4. Korn, Agnes: 2005. Towards a Historical Grammar of the Balochi
Grammar, A Phonology and Vocabulary,
5. Siddiqui, Khalil Ahmad. " Zubān kyā hae" Bacon Books, Gulgasht
Multan 2nd
Edition.
6. Windfuhr, Dr. G.L: 1975. “Isoglosses: A Sketch on Persians and
Parthians, Kurds and Medes”,.
7. Masson, Charles: 1844. Narrative Of Various Journeys In Balochistan
Afghanistan The Panjab And Kalat Vol IV.
- 88 -
- 89 -
BI-ANNUAL RESEARCH JOURNAL “BALOCHISTAN REVIEW” ISSN 1810-2174”, BALOCHISTAN STUDY CENTRE, UOB, QUETTA (PAK) Vol. XXIV No.1, 2011
FM RADIO AND SOCIAL CHANGE IN QUETTA CITY
Media
Sadaf Naqvi
Mohammad Fahim Baloch
Babrak Niaz*
Mirwais Kasi†
ABSTRACT:
FM Radio is a device that can influence to its listeners in
worldwide areas. It has capacity to increase one’s knowledge, ideas,
and understanding on any issue while maintaining personal
relationship with its transmission. It is a medium by which its
listeners interact with their environmental subjects. It can also be
noteworthy, such as bringing change into a person’s attitudes,
culture and can cause for social change. Social change is the
process of fetching development in social structures that can make
people learn the ways of living styles in a particular community
circle related to cultures and traditions. This study would call
attention to the role of FM Radio in causing development, change,
and listeners’ adjustment in the given social environment with
special focus on informative programmes and effects on the local
populace particularly in Quetta city which is distinguished by multi
cultural and multi linguistic mass land.
Introduction:
The last ten - twelve years have been witnessed a rapid growth in the
broadcasting industry of Pakistan. The trend is mainly a result of the forces of
globalization, chiefly liberalization, privatization and the free market
economy. Government sets the regulatory bodies to regulate the operation of
the electronic media that are also being charged with enforcing an ethical
code of broadcasting. In Pakistan, FMs’ operations are mainly funded by
* Authors are Lecturer, Department of Media and Journalism, University of Balochistan,
Quetta, Pakistan. † Lecturer, Department of International Relations, University of Balochistan, Quetta,
Pakistan.
- 90 -
advertising and other sources. Some FM radio stations on air the programmes
related to the community based problems and issues but many depend on
entertainment without logical reasons. Another drawback of the medium is
that they focus on only city based communities. Radio has proved itself as a
powerful medium in all over the world where it has become a tool for disaster
management. Likewise in Ghana, it was used for educational purpose after
tsunami (Website). Therefore, FM Radio stations must be proliferated
throughout the country in order to fulfill the needs of its audience in rural
areas particularly in Quetta where Frequency Modulated radio can replace the
other media with its super injecting qualities in the masses.
Emergence of PEMRA and FM Radio:
An independent corporate body PEMRA was established on 1st March, 2002
with the four major objectives to improve the standard of information,
education and entertainment. It was started to enlarge the choice available to
the people of Pakistan in the media for news, current affairs, religious
knowledge, art, culture, science, technology, economic development, social
sector concerns, music, sports, drama and other subjects of public and
national interest(PEMRA:2008:8). Airwaves in Pakistan were privatized and
FM radio stations are allowed in all provinces, the Tribal Areas have been
kept out of the sphere and the outcome is that with no ‘legal radio' allowed,
‘illegal radio' is alive here. It has learnt that many extremist groups are
running their illegal FM channels for propaganda against US and Pakistani
forces in the Tribal Areas Pakistani Government can't control them (Azmat,
2004: 38).
A total of 129 FM Radio licenses have been awarded for the entertainment
and educational purposes through open and transparent bidding. Of these,
106 FM Radio stations are functional in the country, whereas four FM radio
stations are operational in Quetta city (PEMRA:2009:35). Mainly these
stations broadcast programmes on topics related to education, health, civic
hygiene and local trade & commerce.
FM Radio and Social Change: theoretical Framework
Social change has been a social science researchers’ subject of interest for a
long time. The media scholars have been studying upon special effects of
mass media in bringing social change. The debate on the impact of mass
media started even before the arrival of screen media. There are various
studies that tried to determine the impact of early medium of mass
- 91 -
communication like puppet show, theater, telephone, telegraph and radio.
Radio itself is not a recent trend but FM radio is a new influx principally in
underdeveloped countries. To gauge its impact, it is pertinent to have a look
on past researches conducted on the impact of this medium. Radio’s role in
propagating the cause of war in World War II is a big success of the tool
(Tim, 1998: 194). This has led the social scientists towards views,
disagreements and discussions about the impact of media in formulating the
culture, social norms and public opinion of society.
Since the mid of 20th century, ‘development’ has become a term
synonymous with ‘growth’, ‘modernization’, and ‘social change’ (Mattelart:
1998:36). Researchers have not been able to agree on a single definition of
development or Social Change – perhaps because of the diverse nature of the
concepts built up in different regions with different physical environment,
culture, natural resources and general ways of life (Silvio: 2001). Of course
there are some similarities (common features) but each country remains
unique in its own settings. The best definition of development can be: “a
multidimensional process that involves change in social structures, attitudes,
institutions, economic growth, reduction of inequality, and the eradication of
poverty” (Thomas L. & Shirley: 1996).
Social Change can also be described as the conversion of traditions,
institutions and values or changing the mode of life.
Theories for Social Change: Social change occurs in the societies but
confusion mixes social change with cultural change though there is a big
difference between cultural and social change. Social change brings changes
only in the social organization whereas cultural change includes changes in
art, science technology philosophy and even the very social organization
(Mukhi: 2001:447). Here are some important studies briefly describing
social change.
August Comte’s Theory
Comte said that society has passed through stages namely Theological,
Metaphysical and Positive. In the theological stage society believed in
supernatural powers and accepted the idea that these powers controlled our
social behavior. During the second stage his ideas about supernatural powers
changes and from gods he came to abstraction and tried to explain social
behavior through abstractions (Trevor: 2000:44). The society is now in the
third stage in which everything is being empirically studied and all this is
going on in a cyclical order.
- 92 -
Karl Marx’s Theory
Karl Marx is of the view that economic factors and conditions alone are
responsible for social change. According to his philosophy, economic
conditions are deciding Factors in social change. He says that a stable and
regular trial and resist is going on in society in which economically weaker
sections of society are being broken by those who are economically strong,
are trying to live and endure. According to him when society gives up one
economic order and accepts the other, there is always a social change. Thus
he feels that society has passed through oriental, the ancient and feudal stages
and at each stage there was a social change (Friedrich: 1973:20). He says
that when capitalism replaced feudal order, a social change was witnessed.
According to him social change was likely to come because capitalism was
bound to die and would be replaced by socialism.
Theory of Religion
Marx Weber says that religion is responsible for bringing about the change in
society. He quotes from history that emergence of Hinduism, Islam,
Christianity or Judaism brought considerable social change (Jeffrey:
1983:33). Thus they give more importance to religion rather than to
economic aspects of life in social change.
Theory of Systematic Efforts
Ludwig Stein and Hobhouse are the supporters of this theory. They believe
that social change occurs with planned ways and conscious efforts plus these
efforts include knowledge and literacy (Mukhi:2001:449).
Effects of Media
Soon after the advent of radio and later television, their capacity to influence
the minds and deeds of the masses aroused numerous social inquiries. The
social scientists started that whether it has capacity to bring about any
influence for the audience or it is harmless at any cost. Theorists presented
many studies related to media and its influence or effects.
Two-step flow theory
This is a popular media effects theory, and to some extent is related to the
diffusion of innovation hypothesis. Lazarsfeld and his colleagues developed
the notion of a ‘two-step’ flow of media messages, and that the audience has
the ability to “select and interpret media messages” (Bob: 2005:266).
Their conclusion was that messages filtered through the mass media to
opinion leaders, peers or relatives, who then play roles in decisions that
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people make after being exposed to media messages. It is still a relevant
theory for studying the relationship between FM radios and the development
in the developing countries like Pakistan.
Marshal Mcluhan and Cultural Studies
Many scholastic researchers of 1960s were indulged in the research types that
were said to be as Cultural Studies. These studies depend upon the watchful
views and observations rather than controlled experiments and statistics.
Mcluhan said that it was the nature of communication technology itself,
rather than the content that was carried on it, that changed society in radical
ways__ or, as he famously put it, “The medium is the message” (Terraence,
Mcluhan: 1997). Because it is suggesting that mass media gently massages
its users into a state of oblivion that destroys rationality and critical thinking.
Mcluhan also advanced the idea of the global village, information about
people of different cultures, in different countries thousands of miles away,
becomes as meaningful to media consumers as things happening in their own
neighborhoods (Terraence, Mcluhan: 1997).
Cultivation theory Cultivation theory was an approach developed by Professor George Gerbner;
He began his query with the question that how television watching may
influence viewers' ideas of what the everyday world is like. Cultivation
theorists argue that television has long-term effects which are small, gradual,
indirect but cumulative and significant. According to George Gerbner media
shapes the people’s view of the world (George :1994:17-41). The theory
helps to understand that how a person’s perception shapes or sometimes it is
distorted by media. Cultivation theory explains that with the passage of time,
the usages of media will “cultivate” inside users a distinct view of the world.
In this theory, the researcher is actually explains that how media can be a
source to change in the perceptions, attitudes and behavior.
Agenda-Setting Theory
Another theory about media effects is “Agenda Setting Theory”. In this
theory the way of political campaigns is studied. The investigators of this
study recovered the main effect of media to be agenda setting, telling people
not what to think, but to think about. Any issue that is discussed in media
effects its importance. The main thrust of agenda setting is that media content
will not change your point of view about any particular issue but it will
change your perception of what is important. In present era researchers think
that once any issue captures people’s attention, they have tendency to
- 94 -
influence government policy (HansBernd:1996:561-80). Media has
tendency to capture public’s attention that’s why it is used in political
campaigns.
Uses and Gratification Theory
In an effort to explain the ‘motive for attending to media’ came in form of a
set of studies that are denoted as the Uses and Gratification Theories. This
Theory was developed to explain the
active role of audience in selection of the medium as well as the content of
the messages rather than waiting messages from the media. The basic idea of
these theories is that “People put specific media and specific media content to
specific use in the hope of having some specific need or set of needs
gratified” (Stanley: 2000:210).
This theory was established on audience choice for media very first time.
Before the advent of this theory, social scientists paid attention on what
media do with audience rather what audience does with media.
Bullet Theory
Bullet theory implies that media effects flow directly from the media to an
individual like a bullet. According to this theory, people who watch violent
movies become violent and those who read immoral comic books become
morally wrong. Later on, some other studies like People’s Choice Studies
suggested as two-step flow in which media influence takes place most of the
time in interaction with interpersonal communication (Melvin: 2008:163).
For example, one may or may not buy a book depending on what his friend
has commented about it. A new super hit movie can earn millions of rupees
simply because of the advertisement and publicity.
The studies have tried to integrate many theories of development, and the
role and effects of mass media (including FM radio). The theories have
proved that media has capacity in bringing change in social set ups if the
target audience can access towards it. But sometimes when the audience does
not choose the medium to receive the messages, media cannot cause for
change. Media can be a big tool for the purpose of changing the opinion of
the masses in terms of propaganda and even boosting development processes.
Discussion FM radio is considered to be community-based and catering to local
audience; it is captivating that PEMRA has been unwilling to issue licenses
to foreigners. The issuance of licenses is conditional to the security clearance
- 95 -
from Ministry of Interior - manage to secure licenses. Also, the open bidding
process through which a license is awarded is expensive and only those with
tons of money and influence seem to get them. PBC does not fulfill the needs
of the local populace according to the people. BBC and VOA have the
programmes based upon the needs of the public of Pakistan but do not have
devoted local bulletins. PEMRA refuses to award licenses to non-
governmental organizations (NGOs) or community based organizations
(CBOs) in country. The reason is to avoid the prevailing of foreign agenda in
the country, even if they have reliability, local suitability and valuable
outreach (Aurangzeb:2011:45). If the stake holders pay attention in
promoting FM transmission with special concern on Journalism, this industry
will flourish in the provinces on ground roots.
The largest of Pakistan’s four provinces in land mass – in general and
provincial capital Quetta in particular has visibly expanded since 2000 in a
trend that largely reflects the shifting media landscape in the rest of Pakistan.
With the doors thrown open to private ownership of the airwaves,
independent TV channels and FM radio stations have come to be a part of
daily life. And with competition has come the rush for news or breaking
news. Even one still has to observe a critical group of private, independent
radio stations, locally owned and voicing local concern in languages of
Balochistan – something needed and often harshly demanded. In a province
long engaged in a monologue with itself ‐ cut off as it is from the rest of the
country through distances, lack of infrastructure and the Pakistani state’s
control over news and information from Balochistan ‐ the proliferation of
media in few years has fueled a desire for information, a wish to have a say
and be heard (Aurangzeb: 2010:12).
Sachal FM 105, Chiltan FM 88, FM 101 and Noori FM 96 (with no proper
set up) are on airing the transmission while keeping in view the culture of
Quetta city ((PEMRA:2012:22). The DJ’s style of communication and bulk
of entertainment with Indian songs is a big phenomenon of some of these FM
radio’s transmission. However, it is a start, with the passage of time; it will
cover the issues which really need to be addressed.
Population= Quetta
Sample= Balochistan University 20, Sardar Bahadur Khan University 20,
BUITMS 20, Government Girls College Quetta 20, Government Science
College Quetta 20.
- 96 -
:1 Do you listen to FM
radio?
Yes
=39%
No
= 61%
-
-
-
Q:2 What do you listen
in FM transmission
News
and
Current
Affairs
13%
Entertainm
ent
77%
Other
10%
-
-
Q:3 How much time you
spend in listening
FM radio?
1-2
hours
71%
More than
2 and less
than 3
hours
23%
More than 3
hours
6%
-
-
Q:4 Are you satisfied
with the contents of
FM radio
transmission?
Highly
Satisfie
d
37%
Satisfied
32%
Neutral
14%
Dissati
sfied
11%
Diss
atisfi
ed
06%
Q:5 Are you satisfied
with the number of
cultural
programmes in FM
transmission?
Yes
37%
No
45%
Don’t Know
18%
-
-
Q:6 How you benefit
from listening to
your desired FM
programmes?
A. You
are up-
to-date
on
issues
concern
ing your
daily
life
29%
B. Healthy
source of
relaxation
36%
A waste of
time.
22%
No
effect.
13%
-
Q:7 Do the
transmissions of FM
radio reach to all
segments of social
sector?
Yes
31%
No
42%
Don’t know
07%
-
-
Q:8 Do you think the
regional languages
programs result in
propagating
harmony among the
Yes
No
Don’t Know
27%
-
-
- 97 -
different sections of
society?
69% 24%
Q:9
The news and
current affairs
program present
unbiased and
neutral picture of
social issues?
Yes
58%
No
33%
Don’t Know
09%
-
-
Q:
10
Do you feel your
language
proficiency has
increased due to the
DJ’s style of
communication?
Yes
27%
No
59%
Don’t Know
14%
-
-
Q:
11
The approach of
RJs towards social
life is often:
Pragmat
ic
28%
Idealist
43%
Pessimist
20%
Don’t
know
09%
-
Q:
12
How would you
evaluate the effects
of FM radio
programs on the
youth of Pakistan?
Positive
35%
Negative
30%
Neutral
35%
-
-
Total sample size 100.
Findings
The findings of the research are that FM radio is listened by the young
generation of Quetta due to their main focus on entertainment and
interactive programmes with feedback. It is assumed that this forum
can be used as an effective tool of Social Change in Quetta.
People prefer to listen FM broadcasting due to the interesting contents
and better sound quality. The following results have been developed
on the basis of data collected through survey research method.
In accordance with the responses, people like listen to programmes
containing news and current affairs segments whereas most of the
respondents listen to entertainment programmes and very few people
prefer listening the programmes fall in other category.
- 98 -
The amount of time spend on listening Fm radio has relevancy to the
research. The collected data shows that most of the respondents
spend 1-2 hours in listening FM radio transmission.
Listeners’ satisfaction with the contents of FM transmission is
indirectly related to the main theme of our research and total
respondents were found highly satisfied with the programming of FM
radios. Moreover, very few respondents were highly dissatisfied with
the contents of FM radio programmes in general.
Maximum respondents believe that the news and current affairs
programmes present unbiased and neutral picture of social issues.
The majority of respondents believe that influence of FM radio
programmes on youth is positive, while some respondents consider it
negative.
Recommendations
Quetta needs to have more Frequency Modulated radio
stations as agent of social change to counteract the social issues like
sectarianism, prejudice, ethnicity, ignorance, starvation, joblessness,
feudalism and tribalism widespread in the society. FM radio can
produce awareness about social justice, human rights and can create
sense of gender balance among different communities. Through radio
these communities will start developing harmony among all segments
of social sections.
Some FM stations are airing the programmes based on
entertainment only. The audience of FM radio is Youth. So, it is
recommended that social awareness programmes, current affairs,
educational programmes, different up dates, and public interest
announcements must be broadcasted. Therefore, the part of the
society which is listening to FM radio as audience can turn into a well
informed citizen.
Social awareness lacks regarding economics, politics, health
care, women issues and other phenomena in Quetta city due to some
constrains. The programmes must also be based upon the issues
related to daily life of the people.
FM radio must be turned into the form of community radio so
that the small social issues can be addressed in broader way and the
intrusion of change can knock at the doors of local, towns, villages
and small vicinities. In this way, the acceptability for the social
change can grow on grass root level.
- 99 -
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1. www.internews.org/newsletter/2006_10/fall06_Tsunami.shtm
2. PEMRA ANNUAL REPORT 2008, p-8
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38.
4. PEMRA, Annual Report, 2009, p-35
5. Crook, Tim, (1998) “International Radio Journalism, History Theory
and Practice,” Rutledge publishers, p-194
6. Mattelart, Armand & Mattelart, Michele, (1998) “Theories of
Communication: An Introduction” London: Sage, p-36
7. Waisbord, Silvio (2001) “Family Tree of Theories, Methodologies
and Strategies in Development Communication: convergences and
differences” The Rockefeller Foundation (accessed online at
http://www.undp.org/oslocentre/a2i.htm, Fisher, Harold A. (2001)
“Media and Development: The insights of a Pioneer and Reformer” in
Melkote, Srinivas R. and Rao, Sandhya (eds) Critical Issues in
Communication: Looking Inward for Answers, New Delhi: Sage
8. Servaes, Jan, Jacobson, Thomas L. & Shirley A. White (1996)
“Participatory Communication for Social Change” New Delhi: Sage
p-27
9. Mukhi. H.R., (2001) “A Simple Study of Sociology” p-447
10. Terevor noble. “Social theory and social change” Palgrave
Macmillan, p-44
11. Friedrich Engles, (1973) “Karl Marks on society and social change”
University of Chicago, p-206
12. Jeffrey C. Alexander, (1983) “Theoretical logic in sociology” Taylor
& Francis, p- 129.
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Sage Press of London, p-266
14. W. Terrence Gordon, Marshall Mcluhan, (1997) “Escape into
Understanding” New York: Basic Books, p-75.
15. 1bid
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“Living with Television: The Cultivation Perspective” in J. Bryant and D.
- 100 -
Zillmann, eds., Media Effects: Advance in Theory and Research,
Hillsdale, NJ: Laurence Erlbaum, p.17-41
17. HansBernd Brosius Gabriel Weimann, (1996) “Who Sets the Agenda,
Agenda Setting as a Two-Step-Flow” Communication Research 23, no 5,
p-561-80
18. Stanley J. Baran and Dennis K. Devis, (1995) “Mass Communication
Theory: Foundations, Ferment and Future” Wadsworth Publishing
Company, Belmont California, p-210
19. Melvin Lawrence DeFleur, Sandra Ball-Rokeach, (1989) “Theories of
Mass communication” Longman, p-193.
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Brave New World Beckons”, INTERMEDIA, p-45
- 101 -
BI-ANNUAL RESEARCH JOURNAL “BALOCHISTAN REVIEW” ISSN 1810-2174”, BALOCHISTAN STUDY CENTRE, UOB, QUETTA (PAK) Vol. XXIV No.1, 2011
THE RISE AND IMPACT OF ISLAMIC FUNDAMENTALISM
IN PAKISTAN AFTER THE SOVIET INVASION IN AFGHANISTAN
WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO KPK AND BALOCHISTAN
Philosophy
Malik Mohammad Tariq*
ABSTRACT
Pakistan is situated in a region where fundamentalism has been
posed, of late, as one of the most threatening questions. The rise of
Islamic fundamentalism in Pakistan really began in the 1980s. On
the one hand, the military dictator, General Zia ul-Haq, was using
religion to justify his rule and was ‘Islamizing’ laws and society.
On the other hand, Pakistan had become a base camp for the
forces opposing the Afghan revolution. After the Russian invasion
of Afghanistan, the Zia allies with US, uses Islam to consolidate
his power passes pro-Islamic legislation, and create many
madrasahs and his policies created a “culture of jihad” within
Pakistan that continues until present day. Recently Islamic
fundamentalism has risen as an alternative political phenomenon
not only in Pakistan but also in the entire Muslim world. Islamic
fundamentalism in Pakistan is partly a link of this international
phenomenon and partly caused by specific local reasons. When
analyzing Islamic fundamentalism, one must understand that the
religion of Islam and Islamic fundamentalism are not one and the
same thing. If the teaching of Islam is studied we would know that
the best Muslims are the fundamentalists. The fundamentals of
Islam are based on peace; indeed the major point of Islam
preaches peace. The peoples who are usually described
fundamentalist are far from the following the fundamentals of
Islamic teachings. On the contrary they totally reject the teachings
of Islam or partially deviate from them. Islamic fundamentalism is
*Assistant Professor Department of Philosophy University of Balochistan, Quetta
- 102 -
now a reactionary, non-scientific movement aimed at returning
society to a centuries-old social set-up, defying all material and
historical factors. It is an attempt to roll back the wheel of history.
Fundamentalism finds its roots in the backwardness of society,
social deprivation, a low level of consciousness, poverty, and
ignorance. Most of them have seemingly reverted to Pre-Islamic
Jahilliya way of extreme loyalty to their groups, clans, or tribes to
fanatism.
DISCUSSION
On August 14, 1947, a new country named Pakistan was created. This
country, contemplated as a separate home for Indian Muslims, could be
viewed as: a geographic manifestation of the politics of Indian Muslims as a
minority group in the pluralistic Indian society; an expression of a
community with a firm belief in a separate social order with its own political
power base; and a sovereign state embodying the legacy of Islamic culture,
which had developed in India for about eight hundred years. The two Muslim
states in south Asia, Pakistan and Bangladesh (the eastern wing of Pakistan in
1947, and a sovereign state since 1971) and the Muslim presence in modern-
day India signify the long history of Islamization of India from the Frontier
province now Khyber Pukhtoonkhwa in the North to Bengal in the East.
After independence an obvious and major change occurred in the
intelligentsia’s role in shaping the destiny of Muslims in Pakistan and India.
Unlike the developments in British India, the initiative in social, religious and
political reform was expected to come from the political leadership and not
from religious and social reformers. The issues confronting the Muslims in
the two countries were different. In Pakistan, the shape of the social order and
the role of religion in politics were to become concerns of both political
leadership and the intelligentsia. In India, having become a small and
powerless minority the Muslims had to cope with and adjust to the changed
reality of living in a “secular” India.
With partition, many organizations split. The entire Jimat-ul-Ulema-
Islam (JUI) went over to Pakistan while the Jamiat-ul-Ulema-i-Hind,
remained headquartered in India. The Jamaat-i- Islami split and the Indian
branch came under the influence of the Nationalist Deobandis and accepted
and even lauded the secular ideal as a means of preserving minority culture
and focused on education and social uplift of the community. The Pakistani
branch headed by Maududi, on the other hand, became active in what can be
- 103 -
called Islamic politics, beginning in the 1950’s. The ideological polarization
of the community between the Ulama and the modernist which had divided
the community before 1947 continued after 1947 and shaped and nurtured the
ideological cross-currents in Pakistan. Its first manifestation was in the
constitutional debates. In scores of commission and committees, which set up
to review all aspects of Pakistani society, the subject of Islamization was
never raised.
After the dismemberment of Pakistan in 1971 following the creation
of Bangladesh, Pakistanis experienced an identity crisis. In search of a new
source of unity among the four remaining provinces with different languages
and cultural norms, Islam provided a viable ideology to unite them as a
nation. It was Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto (1971-1977) a moving
force in the dismemberment of Pakistan and the most secular Pakistan’s
head’s of state visible recognition to the Ulama by officially involving them
in the Islamization process (Farooq 1985:151). He also succumbed to the
pressures of the religious groups September 1974 in declaring a movement
known as Ahmadia, Non-Muslim.
Bhutto’s successor, General Zia-ul-Haq fully utilized the process of
Islamization to achieve his political ends and sought legitimacy by
implementing Islam as an ideology of Pakistan:
General Zia-ul-Haq (1977-1988) made Islamization the social and
political order of the country, the cornerstone of his government (Farooq
1985: 242-249).
General Zia, with the help of state institutions, weakened the secular
and progressive forces and introduced the Hudood, Qisas and Diyat in legal
system of Pakistan and Federal Shariat Court was also established:
The only time that Pakistan experienced an intense process of ‘re –
Islamization’ was during General Zia ul-Haq’s military rule (1977-88),
which the USA supported in the context of its opposition to the Soviet
occupation of Afghanistan in the 1980s (Saikal 2003:2).
General Zia received support of the religious scholars to the extent
that a group of them turned against elections and parliamentary democracy
and favored vesting all powers in the individual who seized power.
Islamization in their view was more important then the efficiency of
- 104 -
Government. Then Zia introduced a comprehensive Islamization plan
covering religious institutions, educational system, economy and law
(Farooq 1985:257-59). These measures, in the short term, brought confusion
and chaos, and not brought any contribution to improve law and order. That
was the period when Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan. Various militant
organizations were formed which was supported by United States, Saudi
Arabia and Pakistan, to counter the Soviet invasion.
Pakistan’s fundamentalism was mobilized and made sectarian by the
government of General Zia. It also became Jihadi and terrorist with a
lot of financial support from the United States and Saudi Arabia. The
Americans were concerned only with winning the war in Afghanistan
and defeating the Soviet Union, but the Saudis had ideological and
sectarian aims (Ahmed 2003: 39).
The US supported jihad against Soviet Union in Afghanistan.
“According to investigative reports for the Washington Post, over the past 20
years the US has spent millions of dollars producing fanatical schoolbooks
which were then distributed in Afghanistan. These books were developed in
the early 1980’s under a US AID grant to the University of Nebraska-Omaha
and its centre in Afghanistan. “The primers, which are filled with talk of
jihad featured drawings of guns, bullets, soldiers and mines. They have
served since then as the Afghan school system’s core curriculum” (Marwat
2005:1). This led to the radicalization of Islam as well as through the
enhanced interest of the Arab world in the region and the activity of
fundamentalist preachers in Pakistan, many receiving funds from Arabian
Peninsula:
The Islamic nature of the Afghan resistance highlighted the close
relationship between religion and politics and encouraged the
establishment of approximately 1,000 Islamic madressas (religious
schools) and Dar-ul-Ulum. This was done with aid from Middle Eastern
countries to provide an ideological base for Afghan jihad. The Frontier Post
(Peshawar) reported on July 17, 1992, that Rs 5.969 million had been
distributed among 42 deeni madressas alone in period 1984-91, from
Provincial Auqaf Fund. Most Arab donors injected sectarian ideologies into
refugees through these religious institutions to gain their own ends…
(Marwat, 2005: 1)
The Arabian Peninsula led to an enhancement of Wahhabi influence
- 105 -
on the sub-continent Muslims. This effort was spearheaded by preachers who
collected fund, from Arabs to run Madrassas (schools) and other
organizations in service of the community. During Afghan jihad, the quietist
movements became militant, spawning off organization like Markaz Dawa-
ul-Irshad (centre of spiritual guidance), and Harkat-ul-Ansar (movement of
helpers), Hizbul Mujahideen come into existence.
Since the major forces fighting in Afghanistan were led by religious
groups, their militant character was transferred to Pakistan; many
Pakistanis who fought in the Afghan war were the students of
Madrases… The Madrases attending youth become the real militant
work force, brainwashed by the word “jihad” without knowing
against what or whom it was…These militant trends, an easy arms
supply, Zia’s controversial Islamic Laws, demands of enforcing the
Sharia by different sects, and establishment of Shariat Courts created
a tense atmosphere Sectarian riots broke out several times (Jalalzai
1988:3).
In 1985, when different groups of Afghan Mujhaideen formed a
united front for coping with the Soviet invasion in their country; they also
arranged military training facilities for these armies. Three months later,
when they could not achieve their political objectives within the frame, the
unity was shattered and every party became a separate mercenary army.
Salafi Group seceded from Hazb-I-Islami in Kunar. After fall of Najeeb
regime and war between Gulbadeen and Rabbani another group Dawa
Arshad completed its training. Furthermore, these groups attacked each
other’s (Jalalzai 1988:23). Several groups in Pakistan established their private
armies such as (Jalalzai 1988:24):
1. Sepah-e-Sehaba Pakistan 2. Harkat-ul-Ansar
3 Dawat-ul-Arshad 4 Alkhalid Force
5 Lashker Jhangavi 6 Sepah-e-Ali
7 Sepah-e-Muhammad Pakistan 8 Sepah-e-Abbas
9 Almukhatar Force 10 Immamia
Student Org.
11 Salafi Student Union 12 Sunni Tehrik
13 Khaddam-e-Ahmadia Students Union
14 Ahl-i-Hadieth Youth Force 15 Mustafavi Student
Federation
- 106 -
The other militant group, Taliban, have maintained themselves as a
movement under the leadership of Mullah Umar. The Taliban phenomenon
can only be understood with reference to their origins in the Madrassas.
Pakistan’s ruling elite and government policies have remained secular
since independence. The modernist religious thinking failed to dominate the
intellectual landscape. Among the post-independence modernists in Pakistan
the most noteworthy is Dr. Fazlur Rahman (1919-1998), a McGill University
graduate with a solid background in traditional Islam. He made a substantial
contribution to the modernization of Pakistani laws. He drew inspiration from
earlier modernists such as Shibli and Iqbal.
Traditional Islam is a major force in Pakistan. The Deobandis, Ahl-i-
Hadith and the Barelvis each with a large following are rivals and engage in
debates on theological issues. These religious groups have also formed
themselves into political parties. Jamaat-I-Islam’s influence is by far the
most widespread because of its large membership. Only a small number of its
members are Madrassa graduates. The rest represent all strata of society-
educated laypersons, professional and non-professionals, coming from lower
and middle classes. Jamaat’s educated membership has played a prominent
role at both social and political levels through out the history of Pakistan. It
has also gained a foothold in the younger population of colleges and
universities. This younger group is an active participant in politics and
mobilizing masses to take part in protests and demonstrations against the
government. It has remained persistent in its demand for the establishment of
an Islamic State. This reformist group wishes to bring about social change
through peaceful means.
Madrassas, centre of traditional education in Pakistan, which are run
by various Ulama belonging to Deobandis, Barelvis, Ahl-i-Hadith, Shias and
other school of thought, are growing rapidly in number with or without the
government support. In 1957-58 there were only 119 Madrassas in West
Pakistan with 4790 students. However in 1988 the total numbers of
Madrassas in the country were 2891 having 470,409 students (Rahman
2002:313). There breakdown, sect and province-wise was as follows in table
1: (Rahman 2000: 11).
Table 1: Breakdown of Madrassas
Province
Number
of
Students
Deobandi Barelvi Ahl-i-
Hadith Shia
Ot
her
s
Total
of
Provi
- 107 -
nce
Punjab 206,778 590 548 118 21 43 1320
NWFP 88,147 6631 32 5 2 8 678
Sindh 71,639 208 61 6 10 6 291
Balochistan 40,390 278 34 3 1 31 347
Azad
Kashmir 43,447 51 20 2 - 3 76
Islamabad 7,858 51 20 - 2 3 76
Northern
Areas 12,150 60 2 27 11 3 103
Total of
Sects 470,409 1869 717 1616 47 97 2891
In 1995, the number increased to 3906, which is still increasing. The
Madrassahs teach Arabic as main subject but use Urdu as medium of
instruction in Punjab, urban Sindh, some parts of Khyber Pukhtoonkhwa,
Balochistan and Azad Kashmir, however regional language are also used for
instructions.
Some Madrassahs are affiliated to central organization, which
prescribe a uniform curriculum and system of examinations for all. The major
organizations are as follows (Rahman 2000: 11):
1. Wafaq-al-Madaris al-Arabiyyah. This was created by the
Deobandis in 1959 with its central office in Multan.
2. Wafaq al-Madaris al-Arabiyyah. This was created by Barelvis
in 1959 with its central office in Dera Ghazi Khan. The
Barelvis address themselves to the peasants and ordinary
people and do not mind the excessive adoration of the saints,
which is part of folk Islam in Pakistan.
3. Wafaq ul-Madaris ul-Salfiya. This was created by Ahl-i-
Hadith in Faisalabad in 1955. They are highly fundamentalist
rejecting the cult of saints and rituals. They are also called
Wahhabis in common parlance in Pakistan.
4. Wafaq ul-Madaris ul-Shia. This was created by majority Shia
sect, the believer in twelve imams (Ithna Asharis) in Pakistan
in 1959. the head office in Lahore (Fieldwork).
- 108 -
5. Raba ul-Madaris. This was setup by the Jamat-i-Islami. They
teach modern subjects and often enable the students to take the
ordinary state examinations along with religious ones.
All Madrassahs are not affiliated to the central organization. The
detailed figure given in 1979 report as see in table 2 (Rahman 2000: 11) and
fresh report in table 3: (Rahman 2000: 17).
Table 2
Province Barelvis Deobandis Ahl-I-
Hadith
Shi
a
Un-
known
Total of
Province
Punjab 148 96 65 10 677 996
Sindh 40 67 1 3 269 338
NWFP 16 69 3 - 130 218
Balochistan 14 20 - - 135 169
Total 218 252 69 13 1211 1763
Source Government Report on Madrassahs 1979 Annexure-14
Table 3
Province Deoba
ndi
Barel
vi
Ahl-i-
Hadit
h
Shia Oth
ers
Total of
Provinc
es
(1988)*
Total of
Province
s
(2000)**
Punjab 590 548 118 21 43 1320 3100
NWFP 631 32 5 2 8 678 1200
Sindh 208 61 6 10 6 291
900
(+300 in
FATA)
Balochistan 278 34 3 1 31 347 700
Azad
Kashmir 51 20 2 - 3 76
Not
given
Islamabad 51 20 - 2 3 76 100
Northern
Areas 60 2 27 11 3 103 150
- 109 -
Girls’
Madrassahs
Not
given
Not
given
Not
given
Not
given
Not
give
n
Not
given 448
Total of
Sects 1869 717 161 47 97 2891
6898 (102
not
accounted
for)
Source: *Report Madrassas 1988. **The State of Pakistan’s Children 2000 (Islamabad: SPARC, 2001): 53.
According to a report by Islamabad’s Institute of Policy Studies,
Pakistan has 6761 religious seminaries where over a million young
men are taking religious training. The Ministry of Religious Affairs
has given out similar numbers in its report. But Herald (November
2001) says: ‘According to the Interior Ministry, there are some 20,000
Madrassahs in the country with nearly 3 million students’. In 1947,
West Pakistan had only 245 seminaries. 1988, they increased to 2861
between 1988 and 2000, this increase comes out to be 136 percent the
largest number of seminaries are Deobandi, at 64 percent, followed
by Barelvi, at 25 percent. Only 6 percent are Ahl-i-Hadith. But the
increase in the number of Ahl-i-Hadith seminaries or Madrassahs has
been phenomenal, at 131 percent, going up from 134 in 1988 to 310
in 2000’ (Ahmed 2003: 40).
According to Kaled Ahmed in his Book Review in Daily Times dated
June 21, 2009, he says: “According to an estimate in Jang (January 6, 2006),
there were 11,221 religious seminaries (madrassas) in Pakistan in the year
2005. This number had grown from 6,761 in 2000. This meant that in the five
years that also saw the terrorist attack of 9/11, the apostatising seminaries had
almost doubled in Pakistan. There were 448 madrassas for women too.” He
further adds that, “The largest number of madrassas, 8,191, belonged to
Wifaqul Madaris Arabiya, 1,952 to Tanzimul Madaris and 381 to Wifaqul
Madaris Shia. The majority seminaries are Deobandi. For instance, in Punjab
444,156 pupils are Deobandi as opposed to 199,733 Barelvi, 34,253 Ahle
Hadith and 7,333 Shia. The largest number of madrassas is not in Lahore but
Bahawalpur, then in Lahore, in Bahawalnagar and Faisalabad.” According to
Maryam Hussain in daily Times Islamabad dated March 22, 2011:
“Top bosses of the Religious Affairs Ministry confessed before a
National Assembly standing committee here on Tuesday that Pakistan
- 110 -
was the only Muslim country where “no reliable data about exact
numbers of deeni madaris (religious seminaries) is
available”. Ministry officials, summoned by the NA body on religious
affairs for a briefing on proposed amendments to the law to regulate
the working of madrassas, said that 10,482 seminaries have so far
been registered throughout Pakistan. According to copy of the
briefing given to the NA body, the ministry officials said that claims
by any agency in Pakistan as to the exact numbers of religious schools
were mere ‘guesses’ and no reliable data was available.
After the Soviet invasion in Afghanistan more than five million
Afghan refugees that fled to Pakistan and settled in camps in Balochistan and
the Khyber Pukhtoonkhwa (formerly NWFP). Millions of refugees fleeing
the violence in Afghanistan flooded across the border in the 1980s and a
number of Madrassahs were set up to educate them and their number was
increased massively in Balochistan and Khyber Pukhtoonkhwa.
Thousands of madrassas were setup to house and educate the refugees
and the rural poor for the two provinces. Funding for these madrassas
came from the central government and from a steady wave of funding
from Saudi Arabia… The JUI, which, prior to 1970, had been an
apolitical religious and educational movement, setup many of these
schools in Balochistan and the NWFP. (Rashid, Taliban, 89)
These Madrassahs are playing a major role in increasing literary in
rural areas, in developing of Muslim consciousness, and providing education
to the masses through teaching and through their interpretation of Islamic law
by writing Fatwas (authentic opinion on point of law). Through their
newsletters, and magazines, they also disseminate their views on religious,
social and political matters. Majority of the students in Madrassahs are small
children, memorizing the Holy Qur’an. In 8th
class the Dars-i-Nizami is
taught. Between 1982 and 1987 whereas 371, 905 students had read the
Qur’an without understanding it (Nazerah), only 45,691 had got Shahadat-I-
Almiyah award. The University Grants Commission/ Higher Education
Commission in Pakistan have recognized Shahadat-I-Almiyah as equal to
M.A. Islamic Studies/Arabic. The final degree, which is equal to M.A. Arabic
or Islamic Studies, is used only for teaching purpose. The levels of
Madrassahs education correspond to the level of mainstream state education
as given in table 3: (Rahman 2000:11).
- 111 -
Table 3:
Level Stage Class Duration Award Equivalent
Ibtedaayih
Nazra/Hifz
Tajweed-o-
Qirat
1 – 5 4 – 5 years
Shahdat-ul-
Tahfeez-ul-
Quran-al-
Kareem
Primary
(5th
Class)
Mutawass
ata
Hifz/Tajweed
etc. 6 – 8 3 years
Shahadatul
Mutawasita
Middle
(6748th
Classes)
Sania
Amma Tehtani
Oola &
Sanvia 2 years
Shahadat-ul-
Sanviat-ul-
Amma
Matriculati
n (10th
Calss)
Sania
Khassa Tehtani
Salasa &
Rabiah 2 years
Shadat-ul-
Saniat-ul-
Khassa
F.A. (12th
Class)
Aliya
Mauquf Alay:
Khamisa &
Sadisa
Khamisa &
Sadisa 2 years
Shadat-ul-
Aliya
B.A. (14th
Class)
Almiya Daura-I-Hadit
Sabia & Samina
Sabia &
Samina 2 years
Shadat-ul-
Almyia Fil
Uloom-e-
Arabia Wal
Islamia
M.A.
Arabic and
Islamic
Studies
Source: Field research as different names are used for the same level in different writings
on the madrassahs, an attempt has been made to introduce them above.
Although, Madrassahs have been a source of learning, creating
scholars, several people and spread Islam, these examples indicate what they
now often teach: divisiveness and dependence on handouts. Unfortunately,
the proliferation of Madrassahs in Pakistan since 1977 has contributed to the
sectarian divide. Since religious groups led the major forces fighting in
Afghanistan, their militant character was transferred to Pakistan; many
Pakistani who fought in the Afghan war were the product of Madrassahs. As
the character of these institutions changed from religious to political, their
aim increasingly became political power. They are flexing their muscles, as
they have tasted victory in Afghanistan. The way to deal them is not to crush
them by force but to educate children and find them jobs as:
Indeed, in the most populous province of Punjab as well as the
NWFP, a large number of young militant Madrassah students are
people who are taking to the politics of the militant religious rights
because they have been cheated of their rights. The upper echelons on
- 112 -
liberals and the leftists, who should have favoured Urdu and
indigenous languages of the people, have generally favoured English.
While this keeps religious lobby at bay for the present, it creates
ground for a future struggle for power. The masses, deprived of elitist
jobs for which English is required, deprived of respect which comes
from being educated, deprived of their rights, deprived of power may
rise to revolt to wrest power out of the hands the English-using elite
(Rahman 2002: 163)
In the last few years, it seems that the image of Islam in the world has
taken a beating. There is a growing impression in the West and perhaps
elsewhere that Islam stands for militancy, extremism and rigidity. Ever since
the fall of Soviet-led communist block, terrorism has emerged as the number
one enemy for many countries. Unfortunately, in their perception much of
terrorist is associated with Muslim groups. In particular, the terrorist attacks
in New York and Washington on September 11, 2001 handled the American
attitude like no other recent event.
Relations between the ‘West’ and ‘the domain of Islam’ are now
tense, to say the least. The September 11, 2001 events not only shockwaves
through the Muslim world, sharply escalating differences that were already
there. The relations are both complex and multidimensional, containing
elements of conflict and cooperation, perception and misconception, and
cultural and social differences (Saikal 2003:01).
Since than, the US-led war against terrorism has already targeted two
Muslim countries-Afghanistan and Iraq-and this in turn has fuelled
unprecedented anti Americanism in the Islamic world. There has been talk of
a Clash of Civilizations and Religions, even a new crusade giving rise to the
perception amongst some Muslim that the Islamic world is under siege. It is
evident that the West and other countries are concerned about the growth of
terrorism in some Muslim circles (although terrorism is not confined to
Muslim alone). Everyone agrees that terrorism is bad and must be
condemned. There is need to adopt a global strategy for combating terrorists.
The basic causes of terrorism on sectarian violence in Pakistan are (Jalalzai
1988: 373):
1. The Afghan war and training facilities.
2. Religious institutions and their syllabus
3. Iranian revolution and their policies.
- 113 -
4. Foreign Aid (Saudi, Iran and
Gulf States). 5. Transportation of arms.
6. Religious Intolerance. 7. The role of foreign
agencies.
8. The role of NGOs. 9. Sectarian literature.
10. Government role. 11. Narco trade.
12. Unemployment. 13. Privatization of Tourism
14. The Taliban movement. 15. War in Kashmir.
16. Politicians role. 17. Sajada Nashin’s role.
18. Campus politics.
After the revolution in Afghanistan the US and Arab world provided
enormous funds to the Afghan Jihadi groups. They caught roots in Pakistan,
glowed the fire of militancy, sectarianism, fundamentalism, lawlessness and
terrorism. The gruesome killings and other organized crime, all committed in
the name of Islam, by sophisticated and highly trained militia. Consequently
a new kind o religious terrorism was introduced in the country.
In traditional usage ‘Madrasa’ meant a centre of higher education of
scholarship, teaching and research. The Madrassahs have been a source of
learning, producing scholars who served people and spread Islam. In modern
usage ‘madrasa’ has acquired negative meaning, it has come to denote a
centre of indoctrination in bigotry and violence and divisiveness.
Unfortunately, the proliferation of Madrassahs in Pakistan since 1977 has
contributed to sectarian divide and militancy.
The themes of Jihad and Shahdat clearly distinguish the pre-
Islamization period curricula and text-books, and the post-1979
curricula and text-books openly eulogies Jihad and Shahadat and urge
students to become Mujahids and martyrs (Nayyer 2003: 82).
The Madaris sponsored by the Arab world usually import religious as
well as temporal education to the Muslim youths. Through educational
institutions they carried their message all over the country. The moral and
financial support from the Arab world encouraged to propagate their ideas to
the remotest areas of our country and also in the other parts of the Muslim
world.
Other educational networks exist in a clearly neofundmentalist-
context. They are financed directly or indirectly by the petro-dollars, often
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within the framework of world Muslim League. These institutes have the
benefit of up-to-date technology (e.g. Computer science) but the content of
teaching is based entirely on the reformist fundamentalism. Most of the
students, new intellectuals, are thus transformed into preachers and Mullahs.
Their approach to modern world is akin to that of the old-time Christian
Missionaries “learn the other culture the better to fight against it”. Language
and science are taught in regretfully acknowledging way. These institutes and
research centers have become bustling sites of intense activity with
publications, conferences, colloquia and seminars. They deal the whole
society and the message is thus typically neo-fundamentalist. The course
studied during Afghan war was only of jihad as:
The books included much unnecessary material and were not written
with the purpose of education in mind. They were rather designed for
ideological propaganda. At the primary level the material in the
mathematics books featured problems such as:
If out of 10 atheist, were killed by 1 Muslim, 5 would be left.
5 guns+5 guns= 10 guns
15 bullets – 10 bullets = 5bullets, etc.(Marwat 2005: 01)
The society of Pakistan has now mostly divided on sectarian basis. It
seems that the Islamic qualities of compassion and tolerance have been
forgotten, and even negated, by some of those who have lately assumed the
mantle of champions of Islam. They portray a vengeful Islam. There
language is invariably harsh and threatening. It is no surprise that
sectarianism have so greatly smashed the image of Islam in the world.
Militancy has emerged as a result of such religious preaching.
Fundamentalism became most of the abused of words. It is equated
with extremism. If the teaching of Islam is studied we would know that the
best Muslims are the fundamentalists. The fundamentals of Islam are based
on peace; indeed the major point of Islam preaches peace. The peoples who
are usually described fundamentalist are far from the following the
fundamentals of Islamic teachings. On the contrary they totally reject the
teachings of Islam or partially deviate from them. Most of them have
seemingly reverted to Pre-Islamic Jahilliya way of extreme loyalty to their
groups, clans, or tribes to fanatism.
Pakistan was Islamised gradually but when it reached a peak in this
process in 1980s, the country became vaguely aware of an extremism
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that the west called fundamentalism. When the international media
began using the word there was an immediate reaction against it. The
cleric and the intellectual both thought it an attack on Islam and began
defending Islam instead of worrying about the growing extremism at
home (Ahmed 2003:33).
CONCLUSION
In Pakistan, the successive military regimes, which interrupted the
democratic process, the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979, and
subsequent influx of refugees has greatly affected Pakistan and have
contributed to social and political unrest in the country. It has also produced a
number of religious organizations and some of them have also militant
groups which have great impact on country’s social and political aspect. The
socio-political decline, sectarian violence, and regional conflicts have added
to the confusion and made the country difficult to govern. It is only in the
reign of such Military Dictators like the late General Zia-ul-Haq (1977-1988)
that the religious organization was exploited. During this period Zia-ul-Haq
exploited various sectors of Islam and made them fight against each other. On
the other hand, these organizations were supported by Saudi government and
America got strengthened and strengthened economically and consequently
politically also. Zia gave full support to these organisations and thus with the
government patronage it emerged as one of the most powerful movement in
Pakistan. Consequently, it launched many of its objects and aims in the shape
of small organizations. Furthermore, in some of the Madrassas, the students
became military soldiers. These people emerged as Taliban and its
exploitation continued in that shape particularly in Khyber Pukhtoonkhwa
and Balochistan.
RECOMMENDATIONS
Before things get worse there is need of sober rethinking and
reconsideration of attitude. The first-ever declaration by Prophet Mohammad
(SAW) in most piercing words, equating the sanctity of human life, honour
and property with that of holiest of the holy in Islam, laid down in the history
of mankind, the foundation stone of a just, humane, judicious and virtuous
society, an Islamic society. The Prophet of Islam had in unequivocal words
enunciated that the killer of an innocent soul was throwing himself out of the
fold of Islam by committing an act of infidelity. A society could claim to be
Islamic only when it preserves the sanctity of human life, honour and
property, otherwise not.
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Any venture which may expose the life, honour and property of the
members of society to the ravages of armed conflict and thereby disturb its
internal peace and security or let the difference of opinion or conflict of
interest develop into blood feuds whether among individuals, groups or
sections was strongly condemned by the Holy Prophet (SAW). He declared:
“whosoever commits armed aggression against us does not belong to us”.
The words are unambiguous. The founder of Islam refuses to accept the claim
of an aggressor standing in arms against Muslim society to be a member of
Muslim community.
The prerequisite for an objective analysis of sectarianism,
fundamentalism and terrorism is to abandon the prevailing culture of victim-
hood. Gunning down fellow human being in the name of Islamic preaching is
a great sin. The Prophet Muhammad had pardoned his enemies on the eve of
victory in Makkah. He did not take revenge and would rather deter
aggression. The image and message of Islam in the early days of the
Caliphate facilitated widespread of Islam because the Non Muslims were
impressed by the humane characteristics of Islam, which were based on
socio-economic egalitarianism, tolerance towards the minorities and
universal brotherhood. It is imperative that Muslims must present the real and
true image of Islam by discouraging militancy and violence.
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REFRENCES
Ahmed, Khaled, (Oct.-Dec., 2003), Islamic Extreminism in Pakistan, Journal
of South Asian, Quarterly, Lahore.
Ahmed, Khaled, (Sunday, June 21, 2009) Book Review in Daily Times: “The
madrassa puzzle in Pakistan, The Madrassah Challenge: Militancy and
Religious Education in Pakistan; By C Christine Fair; Vanguard Books
Lahore 2009, Daily Times.
Farooq, M. Mujahid, (1985) Hukoomat aur Siyasat, Lahore.
Gibb, H.A.R and Kramers, J.H.,(1961) Shorter Encyclopaedia of
Islam, London.
Jalazai, Musa Khan, (1998) The Sunni-Shia Conflict in Pakistan, Lahore.
Marwat, Dr Fazal-ur-Rahim, (October 30, 2005) Innocent Lost books &
authors, Daily Dawn, Karachi.
Nayyer, A.H., (Oct.- Dec., 2003) Islamization of Curricula, Journal South
Asian, Quarterly, Lahore.
Rahman, Tariq,(2002) Language, Ideology and Power, Karachi.
Rahman, Dr. Tariq, (April 10, 2000) Madrassahs in Pakistan a Phenomenal
Growth, Daily Dawn, Karachi
Rashid, Ahmed, (2002). Taliban: Islam, Oil and the New Great Game in
Central Asia. New ed. London: Tauris.
Sabani, John, (1981) Armies in the Sand, London.
Saikal, Amin, (2003) Islam and West, Conflict or Cooperation? , Palgrave
Macmillan, Great Britain.
- 118 -
Tariq, Malik M., (2004) Wahhabi Movement and Its Impact on the
Subcontinent in Twentieth Century, M. Phil. Thesis (unpub.), Area Study
Centre for Middle East & Arab World, University of Balochistan, Quetta
Tariq, Malik M., (June 2004) “The Wahhabi Movement in Historical and
Social Perspective”, Research Journal, University of Balochistan, Vol. 2.
No.1. Quetta .
Wahhab, Muhammad bin Abd (n.d) Al, Kitab al-Tauhid, Lahore.
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BI-ANNUAL RESEARCH JOURNAL “BALOCHISTAN REVIEW” ISSN 1810-2174”, BALOCHISTAN STUDY CENTRE, UOB, QUETTA (PAK) Vol. XXIV No.1, 2011
BULLYING AMONG PRISON INMATES IN PAKISTAN: AN
EXPLORATION OF THE PROBLEM
Psychology
Dr. Muhammad Azam Tahir*
Bairakataris Konstantinos†
ABSTRACT
The study attempted at redefining bullying, its nature, scope,
and dimensions in cultural perspective of Pakistan. Direct and
Indirect Prisoners Checklist (DIPC modified) © Ireland 1999 and
Rehabilitation in Correctional Settings Attitude Scale (RICS) ©
Rice, 1970 were used in the study. Randomly selected (400) male
and female prison inmates from all four Provinces’ major prisons
of Pakistan participated in the study. Study was conducted in the
cultural context of a collectivist society, like Pakistan (developing
country), while the previous studies were carried out in
individualistic societies, i.e., in the UK, USA, or Canada
(developed countries). Reliability values for the DIPC and RICS
subscales were calculated and found to be in acceptable range,
except for the Proactive /Positive Behaviors. Thus, all sub scales
except for "Proactive/Positive Behaviors towards Other” were
included in the main analyses. The results suggested that victims
experienced physical, psychological, theft-related, and indirect
bullying to similar degrees. However, psychological bullying was
the most prevalent, while physical bullying the least. Both male
and female prisoners reported that they were victimized by
bullying more than they perpetrated bullying, with gender having
no difference. Demographic variables and prisoner's self-reported
* Chairperson Department of Psychology University of Balochistan, Quetta Pakistan.
[email protected] † School of Psychology Department of Social and Clinical Psychology, Aristotle
University, Thessaloniki, Greece. [email protected]
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engagement in bullying behavior did not show any significance.
Keywords: Bully, Victim, Perpetrator, Prisoner, Physical &
Psychological Bullying.
Bullying among Prison inmates in Pakistan: An Exploration of the
Problem
Bullying is a pervasive problem, with incidence rates ranging from 3% to
20% in the developed world (Whitney & Smith, 1993), while its rate in
developing countries or underdeveloped countries is yet unexplored.
Presently, it is occurring with greater lethality than from the past
(Espelage et al., 1999). It is a problem that has existed for a long time,
although it was an ignored area of research. It started to be empirically
studied in 1970s, initially focusing on schools, workplaces, para-military
organizations, and prisons.
Bullying is also defined as “… the intentional intimidation or denigration
of an individual through the misuse of power or position in the
workplace” (Morris 1993). Seward (1994) is of the point of view that a
person is bullied when he or she is exposed regularly to the negative
actions on the part of one or more persons. According to O’Donnell &
Edgar (1999), “Bullying is a conduct motivated by a desire to hurt,
threaten, or frighten someone.”
Prisons are potent sites for the occurrence of adult bullying (Beck, 1992).
The structure and organization of the prison system itself may promote
bullying: for example, the maintenance of discipline and authority has
been linked to bullying (Askew, 1989).
Bullying in prison has recently been the subject of regular academic
research. It has been studied but on a lower scale with a very limited
sample. In UK, the first study on prison bullying was carried out in 1986
by McGurk and McDougall. This was the first in the field of prison
bullying research that remained unpublished even until as late as 1991.
No further study was conducted until 1992 (Beck, 1992). Since then there
have been 36 studies that addressed bullying among prisoners (e.g. Power
et al., 1997) and 13 discussions of studies, reviews of research field or
depiction of anti-bullying strategies (Ireland, 2002). Only 16 have been
published in academic peer-reviewed journals, the first appearing in 1996
(Connell & Farrington, 1996; Ireland & Archer, 1996). In the light of
above mentioned research, it is concluded that bullying in prisons had
long been recognized as a serious problem though there is a little
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empirical work in the area. In fact, it is encouraging that the concern to
investigate into the nature and extent and associative aspects of bullying
has grown today.
Bullying itself is subject to a number of definitions containing about five
key elements (Farrington, 1994): 1. It must contain physical, verbal, or
psychological attack, 2. Involves an imbalance of power, 3. be
unprovoked, 4. be repeated, and 5. Intended to cause fear or harm to the
victim. However, Beck & Ireland (1995) suggests that in the background
of a prison it does not necessarily need the action to be repeated to be
described as bullying. This endorses the view of Randall (1997) who
argues that it is the fear of repeated aggression that it is important, not the
actual incidence.
some researchers contributed to the field (e.g. Ireland, 1997, 1998a,
1998b, 1999a, 1999b, 1999c, 1999d, 1999e, 2002; Curylo, 2000; Harer &
Langman, 2001; Tahir et al., 2001; O’Donnell & Edgar, 1999; Ireland et
al., 1999; Ahmed & Salleh, 1997; Ireland & Banister, 1997; Smith, et al.,
1999; Grant, 1999; Ireland, Beck & Smith, 1998; Beck, 1992; Brooks,
1993; Connell & Farrington, 1996; Power et al., 1997; Ireland & Archer,
1996; Brooks & Pratt, 1997; Beck & Ireland, 1997; Willmont, 1997;
Livingstone & Chapman, 1997; Maruyama, 1978, etc…).
The result of being caught bullying others can also result in severity. The
official can withdraw privileges from the bully, segregate from his/her
peer, and if the bullying is severe in nature, there stands chances that
bully might get transferred to some other institution or get extension to
his/her duration of sentence. Still, if a bully remains unchallenged
regarding his/her behavior, it cannot be expected that he/she will learn to
live law-abiding lives or release (Livingstone, 2000).
Bullying has also an impact on the prison as a whole. If it is allowed to
flourish, it can cause disruption, create no-go areas in the prison and
allow criminal subculture to gain power and subvert prison rules (Home
Office Prison Service, 1993). It can undermine the safety of the prison
and the authority of the staff, raising the question of who is in control of
prison-bullies or prison officers. It can also increase tension between
staff, add to workloads, become a drain on resources (Home Office Prison
Service, 1993), and reduce the likelihood that prison staff will be able to
work with prisoners to address their offending behavior and prepare them
for release (Livingstone, 2000). Therefore, bullying can be serious for
those involved in the prison system as a whole (Ireland, 2002).
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Goals of Research
In general, as a new field of investigation bullying research appears
incomplete in its various dimensions. Research which addressed
bullying with inmates has been confined to the United Kingdoms and
Ireland, with exception of Connell & Farrington (1996), who addressed
bullying among young offenders at an open custody facility in Canada
(Ireland, 1999).
Far more important is that bullying seems to evolve as a matter of
concern only in “developed societies” countries like United Kingdom,
USA, Canada, etc. Which are characterized as “individualistic
societies”; minding ones own business, believing in themselves for
success or failure, and trying to survive on their own (Hui, 1988). While
on the other hand, there is scarcity of research among “underdeveloped
societies” countries like Pakistan, which are commonly labeled as
“collectivistic societies”. The results of cross-cultural study conducted
by Hofstede (1980) reveal that, the United States, Australia, and Great
Britain were found to be the most individualistic countries; while on the
contrary, Venezuela, Columbia, and Pakistan stood the most
collectivist.
Hui (1988) found those collectivists were found to hold relatively
favorable attitudes towards sharing other’s burden and troubles.
Minding for the group and valuing interdependence of the individuals
of the group. It is assumed that “collectivist societies” possess in
general different norms and style of life. It is concluded that, in the final
run, it may define process of bullying and with a different perspective
of cultures like Pakistan.
All the investigations have been conducted in the cultural context of
“developed” (e.g. UK, Canada, etc.) countries with a paucity of interest
in “developing” (e.g. Pakistan, etc.) societies. Experiences of
collectivist-oriented societies (commonly labeled as “developing”
countries like Pakistan) have not been addressed at all. Hence the
definition, prevalence, types, effects, coping methods of bullying may
vary cross-culturally. It is a gross error; therefore, to generalize to
collectivist societies from experiences of individualistic oriented ones.
In the light of the above review of research and discussion about the
problem, there is a need to explore bullying once more but in Pakistani
prisons.
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This research attempts to examine further the problem of bullying
among Pakistani male and female adult prison inmates in a rather wider
context raising the following questions like:
1. How prevalent are bullying perpetration and bullying victimization in
Pakistani prisons?
2. What type of bullying and victimization prevails in Pakistani
Prisons?
3. Do age, rate of religious practice, perception of fairness, total length
of stay, socio-economic status, previous stay, duration of current sentence,
educational level, length of current stay, seriousness of offense relate to
bullying victimization behavior?
Research Methodology
A combination of standardized instruments was used in this study. The
research instruments used for data collection in this study were the
rating typed questionnaires described as under:
1. Direct and Indirect Prisoners Behavior Checklist (DIPC©) Modified:
Part I & II. DIPC© also contained fifteen (15) background search
questions.
2. Rehabilitation in Correctional Settings Scale (RICS)
Reliability of DIPC
Kuder-Richardson 20 for dichotomous scores was calculated for the DIPC
subscales in order to assess their internal consistencies. The internal
consistency reliabilities of the DIPC subscales were all in the acceptable
range, except for the Proactive/ Positive Behaviors towards Other subscale,
and ranged from .76 to .95, with a median value of .87. Thus, all scales except
for the Proactive/ Positive Behaviors towards Others subscale were included
in the main analyses.
Reliability of RICS
In order to assess the internal consistency reliability of the RICS subscales
Cronbach alpha scores were calculated. The reliability values for the RICS
were respectable, ranging from .67 to .87, with a median value of .73.
Therefore, all of the RICS scales were included in the main analyses.
Date Collection
For DIPC and RICS scales data collection was made from 400 prison
inmates, randomly selected representative sample of 5% of the total target
population of 10500, satisfying the following criteria representing male
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and female prisoners from all the provincial capitals’ central and district
jails living in ‘C’ class (i.e. dormitories/cells).
Table: Demographic Characteristics of the Prisoner Sample
Demographic Variable N M SD
Age 400 33.5 6.0
Gender 400 1.5 0.5
Educational Level 400 2.6 1.0
Marital Status 400 1.6 0.7
Socio-Economic Status 397 2.7 0.5
Previous Stay 33 3.3 2.6
Total Length of Current Stay 399 3.7 1.0
Total Length Stay 399 4.0 2.4
Current Duration of Sentence 350 19.3 6.7
Seriousness of Offense 400 2.2 0.9
Perception of Court Decision 400 2.5 0.7
Rate of Religious Practices 400 1.6 0.6
Results
Research Question 1 (RQ-1) was concerned with the prevalence of bullying
perpetration and bullying victimization in Pakistani prisons. Descriptive data
were calculated for the DIPC subscales in order to determine the type and
prevalence of bullying and victimization in the sample (see Table 1).
Table 1: Direct and Indirect Prisoner Behavior Checklist Descriptive Data
DIPC Subscales N M SD
Subscale
Items
M/Subscale
Items
Victim
Physical Bullying 400 1.13 1.37 4 0.28
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Psych/Verbal Bullying 400 2.53 3.15 9 0.28
Theft Related 400 1.48 2.01 5 0.30
Indirect Bullying 400 1.85 2.54 7 0.26
Perpetrator
Physical Bullying 400 0.22 0.85 4 0.05
Psych/Verbal Bullying 400 1.69 2.14 11 0.15
Theft-Related Bullying 400 0.29 0.94 5 0.06
Indirect Bullying 400 0.81 1.88 9 0.09
Other Behaviors
Negative Behaviors Toward
Staff/Prison Rules 400 0.66 0.87 2 0.33
Involvement of Prison Staff
Towards Bullying Behavior 400 1.14 1.45 4 0.28
The results suggested that victims experienced physical, psychological, theft,
and indirect bullying to similar degrees. However, psychological bullying
was the most prevalent and physical bullying the least prevalent type of
bullying behavior in which perpetrators reported they engaged. Overall, on
all of the types of bullying behaviors prisoners reported that they were
victimized by bullying more than they perpetrated bullying. In addition, the
Negative Behaviors Toward Staff/Prison Rules scale had the highest
prevalence and perpetration of physical bullying had the lowest prevalence
relative to all of the DIPC subscales.
Second question was concerned with determining the effect of bullying-
victimization experience on self-attitude. This was determined by examining
the relationship of the DIPC subscales with the RICS subscales. Pearson
product moment correlations were calculated for the various subscales (see
Table 2).
Table 2: Pearson’s Product Moment Correlations between the Direct and
Indirect Prisoner Behavior Checklist and the Rehabilitation in Correctional
Settings Attitude Scale subscales RICS Subscales
DIPC Subscales and Overall Scales IMSC IN TIN SOC LSFA LAW
Victim Physical Bullying 0.04 0.02 0.04 0.02 0.02 0.03
Victim Psy./Verbal Bullying -0.02 0.01 -0.01 -0.03 -0.04 0.00
Victim Theft Related -0.01 0.04 0.01 -0.01 -0.02 0.00
Victim Indirect Bullying -0.02 0.02 -0.01 -0.03 -0.05 0.00
Perp. Physical Bullying 0.03 0.00 0.03 0.03 0.02 0.00
Perp. Psych/Verbal Bullying 0.03 -0.01 0.00 -0.01 0.02 -0.01
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Perp. Theft-Related Bullying 0.00 -0.02 0.00 -0.01 0.01 -0.02
Perp. Indirect Bullying 0.01 -0.05 0.02 -0.02 0.01 -0.06
Negative Behaviors Toward
Staff/Prison Rules -0.03 0.06 0.00 -0.02 -0.05 0.02
Involvement of Prison Staff Towards
Bullying Behavior -0.05 0.00 -0.02 -0.05 -0.07 -0.03
Victim Overall Bullying -0.01 0.02 0.01 -0.02 -0.03 0.00
Perpetrator Overall Bullying 0.02 -0.02 0.01 -0.01 0.02 -0.03
Note. (IMSC = Attitudes toward Image of Self-Competence scale, IN = Attitude Toward
Inmates scale, TIN = Attitude Toward Treatment of Inmates scale, SOC = Attitude Toward
Society scale, LSFA = Attitude Toward the Legal System and Figures of Authority scale,
LAW = Attitude Towards the Law scale)
The results did not yield any statistically significant correlations between the
DIPC and RICS subscales. These results suggested that bullying-
victimization experience was not related to self-attitude.
Results of One-Way ANOVA (analysis of variance for RICS) between-
subject factors shown in Tables -2 (1 to 6), indicated that on all the six-sub
scales (IMSC = Attitudes Toward Image of Self-Competence scale, IN =
Attitude Toward Inmates scale, TIN = Attitude Toward Treatment of Inmates
scale, SOC = Attitude Toward Society scale, LSFA = Attitude Toward the
Legal System and Figures of Authority scale, LAW = Attitude Towards the
Law scale) subjects’ involvement towards the bullying behavior remained
constant.
Next question addressed the relationship between victimization by bullying
and prisoner demographic variables. In order to address this question a
composite variable, DIPC Victim Overall Bullying, was computed based on
all of the DIPC items that reflect bullying victimization. In order to determine
if there was an association between victimization and the demographic
variables, a correlation matrix was calculated (see Table 3). For the bivariate
correlations Pearson’s Product Moment correlation coefficients were
calculated when both variables had ratio or interval scales. Alternatively,
Spearman’s Rho was calculated when at least one variable of each pair had a
rank/order scale of measurement.
Table 3: Pearson’s Product Moment and Spearman’s Rho Correlations
between the Direct and Indirect Prisoner Behavior Checklist (DIPC)
Victim Overall Scale and Prisoner Demographic Variables
Demographic Variable DIPC Victim Overall Bullying
Age 0.04
Gender 0.09
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Educational Level 0.03
Marital Status 0.07
Socio-Economic Status -0.04
Previous Stay -0.04
Duration of Current Stay -0.06
Total Length of Stay -0.05
Duration of Current Sentence -0.11*
Seriousness of Offense 0.09
Perception of Court Decision 0.02
Rate of Religious Practices -0.09
* p < .05
The only demographic variable that was related to victimization was duration
of current sentence. Specifically, there was an inverse relationship between
the length of a prison sentence and the degree to which prisoners got
victimized by bullying.
Final part addressed the relationship between perpetrator bullying behavior
and prisoner demographic variables. In order to address this question a
composite variable, DIPC Perpetrator Overall Bullying, was computed based
on all of the DIPC items that reflect perpetration of bullying. In order to
determine if there was an association between perpetration and the
demographic variables, a correlation matrix was calculated (see Table 4).
Similar to the analytic strategy for the purpose, either Pearson’s Product
Moment or Spearman’s Rho correlation coefficients were calculated.
Table 4: Pearson’s Product Moment and Spearman’s Rho Correlations
between the Direct and Indirect Prisoner Behavior Checklist (DIPC)
Perpetrator Overall Scale and Prisoner Demographic Variables
Demographic Variable DIPC Perpetrator Overall Bullying
Age 0.04
Gender -0.01
Educational Level 0.03
Marital Status -0.02
Socio-Economic Status 0.05
Previous Stay 0.06
Duration of Current Stay 0.08
Total Length of Stay 0.05
Duration of Current Sentence 0.08
Seriousness of Offense -0.06
Perception of Court Decision -0.05
Rate of Religious Practices -0.06
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The results did not yield any statistically significant findings suggesting that
there was no relationship between the demographic variables and prisoner’s
self-reported engagement in bullying behavior.
DIPC and RICS did not show yield any statistical significant for inter-co-
relation on their sub scale. They resulted into separate measures. Sub Scale
of DIPC normally measures the self-reported bullying/victimization
behaviour. While the sub-scales of RICS as an instrument measure the
various dimensions of the prison inmate’s attitudes towards their
rehabilitation.
The Rehabilitation in Correctional Settings Attitude Scale was used to assess
the effect of bullying-victimization experience on self-attitude. The results
suggested that there was no relationship between prisoners’ bullying-
victimization experience and attitudes toward self.
These results are quite amazing as they did not explore any resultant attitude.
It, in fact, contradict to the previous research like Home Office Prison
Service UK (1993), McCorkle (1992) and Ireland (1999) reported that the
victims exhibit their attitude towards self in different ways, either
behaviourally or emotionally, or both. Marshal (1993) and Livingstone &
Chapman (1997) viewed that victims may opt for suicide and self-injury
respectively. Beck & Smith (1995) and Ireland (1997) reported behavioural
escape.
However, the only demographic variable that was associated with
victimization arose the duration of current sentence. Specifically, there was
an inverse relationship between the length of a prison sentence and the degree
to which prisoners got victimized by bullying.
The overall results of bullying among prison inmates in Pakistan should in
general be view that the phenomenon of bullying is quite prevalent
irrespective of gender.
CONCLUSION
After a careful analysis of the results of present research, in general, we may
make the following thesis in relation to the prison inmates towards
phenomena of bullying, prisoner’s attitudes towards prison guards and vice
versa, attitudes towards miscellaneous laws and the prison institutions in
general.
Generally, it has been observed that like the entire world, irrespective of
“Collectivism/ Individualism” or “Developing/ Developed” societies, the
phenomenon of bullying is quite prevalent as a day to day practice in
consolidation and acquirement of power and status in the prisons of Pakistan.
It has been pragmatic that bullies are given higher status in prisons.
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It has also come up that there exists no significant difference with regard to
bullying practices and gender. Bullying is equally been practiced by both
men and women with the same magnitude, type and style. In addition, the
general demographic characteristics (social and situational factors) did not
influence the bulling phenomena among prison inmates in Pakistan.
However, the only variable which showed even inverse relationship was
duration of current stay in the prisons.
Both the bully/victim groups reported the prevalence of indirect bullying
(psychological violence) in contradiction to the direct bullying (physical
violence). Results have quite been identical regarding self reported bullying
behaviour among gender.
It was hypothesis that due to difference of norms, customs, traditions,
practices, etc., among developed and developing societies, phenomena of
bullying may also be defined and viewed in a different perspective, which did
not approve. Thus it led to the conclusion towards the universality of the
phenomena and the cross relationship regarding the nature of prisons as
organization, their operation and objectives entirely.
However in particular, it is a point to argue that we lay emphasize on
violence, inhuman conditions, lack of inmates personal rights, are the major
characteristics of Pakistani prisons.
Prospects
Being a unique and pioneer, the present research has put scientific and
systematic effort to explore the phenomena of bullying among prison inmates
in the social set up of country like Pakistan. This practice of new research
should be continued in future.
It is suggested that further research should peep into the activities, limits, and
attitudes of the prison of authorities to broaden the spectrum of the bullying
phenomena. Further research should also concentrate on variety of age
groups like young inmates, as well.
It contributes towards the scientific approach on bullying among prison
inmates. It further might also bestow to the improvement of prison
conditions, system of their governance, revision of Pakistan Prison Rules,
minimization of involvement of bureaucracy, rise to equal rights, coherence
and co-ordination among prison and judiciary, awareness to the prisoners
regarding their rights and obligations, etc. in relation to the inmates.
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