ISIS Focus No.5 2013

7/28/2019 ISIS Focus No.5 2013

1/28

FOCUSSIS

INSTITUTEOFSTRATEGICANDINTERNATIONALSTUDIES(ISIS)MALAYSIA

www.isis.org.myLimitedCirculation

The 26th AsiaPacific Roundtable2830 May 2012, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia

Asian Security Governance and Order

CONFERENCE REPORT

SPECIALEDITION

IssueNo.5 May2013 PP5054/11/2012(031098)

7/28/2019 ISIS Focus No.5 2013

2/28

Publishedby

InstituteofStrategicandInternationalStudies(ISIS)Malaysia

No.1,PersiaranSultanSalahuddin

P.O.Box12424,50778KualaLumpur,Malaysia

Tel: +60326939366

Fax: +60326915435

Email: [email protected]

Website:www.isis.org.my

The Institute of Strategic and International Studies (ISIS)

Malaysiawasestablishedon8April1983,inrealizationofa

decisionmadeby theMalaysianGovernment to setupan

autonomous, notforprofit research organization that

would act as the nations thinktank. ISIS Malaysia wasenvisioned to contribute towards sound public policy

formulationanddiscourse.

TheresearchmandateofISISthereforespansawidearea.It

includes economics, foreign policy and security studies,

socialpolicy,and technology, innovation,environmentand

sustainability.

ISIS Malaysia today fosters dialogue and promotes the

exchange of views and opinions at both national and

international levels. Itundertakes research incollaboration

withnationaland internationalorganizations, in important

areas such as national development and international

affairs.

ISISMalaysiaalsoengagesactively inTrackTwodiplomacy,

fostering highlevel dialogues at national, bilateral and

regional levels, through discussions with influential

policymakersandthoughtleaders.

RESEARCHEconomics

Research inthisarea isgenerallyaimedatpromotingrapid

andsustainedeconomicgrowthandequitabledevelopment

inthenation.Westudyspecific(ratherthangeneric)issues

that concern the nations competitiveness, productivity,

growth and income. Areas of research include

macroeconomicpolicy, trade and investment,banking and

finance, industrial and infrastructure development and

human capital and labour market development. The

objectiveofallourresearchistodevelopactionablepolicies

andtospurinstitutionalchange.

ForeignPolicyandSecurityStudies

Theprimary aim of thisprogramme is toprovide relevant

policyanalysesonmatterspertainingtoMalaysiasstrategic

interestsaswellasregionalandinternational issues,witha

focus on the AsiaPacific Region. These include security

studies, foreignpolicy,SoutheastAsianpoliticsandmilitary

affairs.

Socialpolicy

Demographic and sociocultural trends are changing

Malaysian society and the social policy programme was

established to respond to these developments. Research in

this area is concerned with effective nation building, and

fostering greater national unity. In particular, we look at

issues involving the youth, women and underprivileged

communities. In conducting its research, ISIS Malaysia

networks with nongovernmental organizations and civil

societygroups.

Technology,Innovation,Environment&Sustainability(TIES)

The TIES programme provides strategic foresight,

collaborativeresearchandpolicyadvice tothepublicsector,

businesses andpolicy audiences,on technology, innovation,

environmentandsustainabledevelopment. Itsfocusincludes

green growth as well as energy, water and food security.

Towards this end, TIES has been active in organizing

dialogues,forums,policybriefsandconsultancies.

HIGHLIGHTS

ISIS Malaysia has, among others, researched and provided

concretepolicyrecommendationsfor:

Greater empowerment and revitalization of a nationalinvestmentpromotionagency;

A strategic plan of action to capitalize on the rapid

growth and development of a vibrant Southeast Asian

emergingeconomy;

AMasterPlantomovetheMalaysianeconomytowards

knowledgebasedsourcesofoutputgrowth;

Theconceptualizationofanationalvisionstatement;

Effective management and rightsizing of the public

sector;and

Strengthening of ASEAN institutions and cooperation

processes.

ISISMalaysia has organized the highly regarded AsiaPacificRoundtable, an annual conference of highlevel security

policymakers,implementersandthinkers,since1986.

INTERNATIONALNETWORKINGAsamemberoftheTrackTwocommunity,ISISMalaysiaparticipatesinthefollowingnetworks: ASEANISISnetworkofpolicyresearchinstitutes; Council for Security and Cooperation in Asia and the

Pacific(CSCAP); NetworkofEastAsianThinkTanks(NEAT);and PacificEconomicCooperationCouncil(PECC).It is also a partner institute of the World EconomicForum(WEF).

EditorialTeamMahaniZainalAbidin

StevenWong

SusanTeoh

ThangamKRamnath

DesignRazakIsmail

JefriHambali

PhotographyJefriHambali/HalilMusa

ABOUTISISMALAYSIA

7/28/2019 ISIS Focus No.5 2013

3/28

ISISFOCUS NO.5/2013 1

The Hon. Prime Minister of Malaysia, Dato Sri

Mohd. Najib Tun Abdul Razak officiated at the

Roundtable and delivered the Keynote Address.

The following report covers the ten plenary

sessionsandtwoconcurrentsessionsconvenedat

theRoundtablethisyear.

AsianSecurity:OrderorDisorder

The Asian Security Order has undergone

significantchangeover time.TheColdWarorder

(19451990) based on realist and instrumental

dynamics, is being overtaken by efforts towards

the construction of a contractual order. The

eventual goal of the postColdWar order is the

formationofa communitarianorder.Thedegree

and type of order at a particular point in time

showed variations across both issues and sub

regions. In the postCold War era, the Asian

Security Order has been driven by three key

dynamics:

1. Nation andstatemaking: Most of the

conflicts inAsia,whetherbetweenNorth

and South Korea, or between China and

Taiwan,orbetweenIndiaandPakistan,all

relate to nation and statemaking.

Conflictsoverpoliticalsystemssuchas in

Thailandarealsorelatedtostatemaking;

2. Rise of Asian powers: This relates

particularly to the rise of China and the

impactthishasforthesecurityofAsia;

The 26th AsiaPacific RoundtableConferenceReport

The 26

thAsiaPacific Roundtablewas convened in Kuala Lumpur,Malaysia,from 28

to 30May

2012.Continuing its traditionofbeing thepremierTrackTwo security conference in theAsia

Pacific, this years Roundtable attracted more than 370 security experts,policymakers and

academicsfrom theAsiaPacific region. Itwasorganisedby the InstituteofStrategicand International

Studies(ISIS)Malaysia,onbehalfoftheASEAN InstitutesofStrategicand InternationalStudies (ASEAN

ISIS).This reportwas compiledbyMrWooHonWeng,with theassistanceofMrAlizanMahadi,Ms

Natalie ShobanaAmbrose, DrJorah Ramlan, Ms MazlenaMazlan,MsNor IzzatinaAbdulAziz, Mr

ShahnazSharifuddin,MrShahrimanLockman,MrBillyTeaandMsZarinaZainuddin.

(Fromleft)MuthiahAlagappaandBrianJob

7/28/2019 ISIS Focus No.5 2013

4/28

2 ISISFOCUS NO.5/2013

3. Economic growth, competition, and

cooperation: Economic growth has

become the primary focus of Asian

governments.Asiahasbecomeoneofthethree core world regions with the

prospect of becoming the hub of the

world.

Interactions between these three

dynamics have created a very complex security

environment. Therefore, multiple arrangements

and strategies are required for constructing and

sustainingsecurityorder inAsia.The largelyzero

sum machinations of the Cold War has been

replaced by much more complicated relationswhich makes for cooperation and crosscutting

interdependence, as well as conflict. In this

situation, there aremultiple pathways to order.

Bilateralism, regionalism, and the balance of

power have assumed greater significance in

sustaining order in Asia while hegemony has

declinedafteraverybriefspurt.

The roles of these different pathways

variedinthreedifferentissueareasrelatedtothe

securityorder:

1. Rules:Asia relies extensively on global

regimes.Regionalrulesmostlyemphasize

principles and norms, and rarely go into

regulatoryandenforcementrules;

2. Goals:National goals still dominate, with

veryfewcollectivegoals;

3. Instruments of Order: Force is still

relevant in a wide range of hardcore

issues, whether it be in the Korean

Peninsula,the

Taiwan

Straits

or

the

India

Pakistan border. However, force ismore

relevant in the defence and deterrence

rolethanoffensiveimperatives.

Inconclusion,securitygovernance inAsia

is still very much in the realist mode; security

governance in Northeast Asia and South Asia is

overwhelmingly in the realist mode, while in

Southeast Asia, there is somemovement in the

contractual direction; dispute settlement is

important,with significant scope for progress at

the Track Two level; and fostering the

development of nations and states in Asia isimportant,as the fundamentalbuildingblocksof

regionalcommunitybuildingarenationstates.

The impact of the burgeoning `angry

citizens in Asia, coupledwith the impact of the

information revolution, is viewed as increasingly

undermining the ability of governments to

maintaincontrol, thuscontributing toapotential

future sourceof disorder inAsia.According to a

participant, political systems that appear

legitimateatsomepoint, induecourseno longerlook legitimate,and it is importanttorealizethat

onepartysystemswhichhavebeenthedominant

mode of governance in many countries in Asia,

cannotsurviveforever,assovereigntynowresides

withthepeople,notwithgovernmentsperse.

ChinasStrategicVisionandRegionalSecurity

The`NewSecurityConceptdevelopedbyChinain

the postColdWar era proposed that traditional

security,basedonmilitary alliance, coercion andpower politics be replaced by a new security

structure based on mutual trust and benefit,

equalityandcoordination.Foroveradecade,this

hasbeenChinas fundamentalguidingphilosophy

toaddressinternationalsecurityissues.

Conference Report

TongXiaoling SimonTay

7/28/2019 ISIS Focus No.5 2013

5/28


26 th AsiaPacific Roundtable The new security concept is founded on

fourmajorpolicypillars:

1. Building friendship and partnership withneighbouringcountries;

2. Pursuing a strategy of openingup for

mutualbenefit;

3. Building an open, transparent, inclusive

and representative AsiaPacific security

structure;

4. Having a defensive national defence

policy.

Inmaintainingregionalsecurity,Chinahas

emphasized equally both the bilateral andmultilateral approaches. Bilaterally, it has

established security dialogues and defence

consultations with the majority of Asia Pacific

countries, at various levels. This is to enhance

mutual understanding and trust and help to

preventmiscalculationsandmisunderstanding.

Multilaterally, it has promoted the

developmentofsecuritycooperation,andactively

participated inregionaland internationalsecurity

mechanismssuch

as

the

Shanghai

Cooperation

Organization (SCO), ARF, ASEAN Defence

Ministers MeetingPlus (ADMM+), the Regional

CooperationAgreementonCombatingPiracyand

Armed Robbery against Ships in Asia (ReCAAP),

and the Global CounterTerrorism Forum. China

hasalsoproposedthecreationoftheARFSecurity

Policy Conference (ASPC) at the vicedefence

ministeriallevel.

Regarding territorial disputes over land

and

maritime

boundaries

with

its

neighbours,

China looks for fair and responsible solutions

jointly with its neighbours. It has successfully

resolved land demarcations with all of its

neighbours except India and Bhutan. As regards

the South China Sea dispute, China proposes to

shelve the differences for the moment and

considerjointdevelopmenttoengendertrustand

fostercooperation.

Tomaintainpeaceandstabilityandcreate

favourableconditionsforclaimantstatestofinally

solve the maritime disputes, China has

encouragedadherence to international laws such

asthe1982UnitedNationsConventionontheLaw

ofthe

Sea(UNCLOS),andthe2002Declaration

on

the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea

(DOC)signedbyChinaandASEANcountries.China

is also willing to formulate a code of conduct

(COC)withASEANcountries.

AparticipantassertedthatChinadoesnot

perceive theUS pivot strategy as a threat, as is

commonly believed, because during the bilateral

talksbetweenChinesePresidentHuJintaoandUS

President Barack Obama, the Asia Pacific was

described as large enough to accommodate theinterests of both countries. However, existing

security cooperation at the diplomatic and

defence levelsbetween theUSandChina should

beusedtoensurethatonecountryssecuritywill

not be to the detriment of another countrys

security.

It isalso suggested thatChinasdomestic

politics, such as the forthcoming leadership

transition,willaffect foreignpolicy.Aparticipant

asserted that although every countrys domesticpoliticswillaffectitsforeignpolicy,inChinascase

thisismitigatedtoalargeextentbytheleadership

consensus that principles on foreign policy are

abovedomesticpolitics.

IndiaandtheSecurityofAsia

Indias rise is awork inprogress.Higheconomic

growth has enabled India to become the tenth

largest economy in the world. It has a sizeable

militarybecause ithas theworldseighth largestdefence spending. Nevertheless, India is still a

developingcountry. It isthe largestofthemiddle

powers while being the weakest of the major

powers.

One of its strategic drawbacks is the

continental securityposture forcedon itby the

fact it is located inadifficultpartof theworld in

whichtodevelopasapowerthewrongsideof

thetrack. Indiaalsosuffers fromacuteproblems

7/28/2019 ISIS Focus No.5 2013

6/28


with governance and an incomplete economic

reformprocess.

Otherfactorstotakeintoaccount

are Indias hostile South Asian geostrategic

environment (conflict with Pakistan and border

disputeswithChina),relianceon thePersianGulf

for energy, and the importance of the Indian

OceaninIndiasoverallstrategy.TheIndianOcean

is seen as a protective ring fence and strategicbackyardfortheIndianNavy,whileitsSeaLinesof

Communications (SLOCs) are regarded vital in

termsofenergyandtradelinks.

Despite having a Look East Policy, India

does not actively pursue the policy as can be

discernedfromthe dispositionofitsresourceson

the ground. Therefore, India is not yet a full

fledged strategic player in East and Southeast

Asia.

Recognizing its current limitations and to

avoid overestimating its own strength, India

follows a middle path in regional security by

focusing on its internal development incollaborationwithotherpartnersinAsiatocreate

apeacefulperipheryarounditself.

Therefore,Indiawillnottakealeadership

role in Asia despite its participation in regional

cooperationand integrationschemes suchas the

ARF and the East Asia Summit (EAS), which it

believesshouldbe ledbyASEAN.However, India

is willing to make some contributions by

promotingengagementandbuildingpartnerships

withall.

Toharness its fullpotential soas toplay

aneffectivesecurityroleinAsia,Indiamayhaveto

fasttrack the following: military modernization

andoutreach capabilities; economic reforms and

wealth creation; bureaucratic strength and

resilience; and decisionmaking and delivery of

promises.

USStrategicInterestsandRolesinAsia

The Obamaadministrationsconceptofpivoting

and rebalancing denote the new US policy in

Asia. While some countries welcome the move

others receive it with caution. The policy is

acknowledged as the natural progression of US

foreign policy following the focus on theMiddle

East in recent years. The gridlock in domestic

politicswhich constrainObamas domestic plans

hasfurthercontributedtothefocusonAsia.

TheUSdoesnotconsiderthisconceptasareturn of US interest to the region since it

believes that it never left the region in the first

place.Militaryanalystsmayagreewiththisnotion

based on existing US military bases in the Asia

Pacific region.Scepticshowever,believe that the

US return to the region isdue to theeconomic

andmilitaryexpansionofChina.

The six key linesof action introducedby

theObamaadministrationinordertoachievethe

Conference Report

CRajaMohan CarolinaHernandez

Sandy

Gordon

SDMuni

7/28/2019 ISIS Focus No.5 2013

7/28


new US policy in Asia were : strengthening

bilateralsecurityalliances;deepeningUSworking

relationships with emerging powers including

China; engaging with regional multilateral

institutions such asASEAN, APEC, EAS, andARF;

expandingtradeandinvestmentbymeansofsuch

toolsasAPECandTransPacificPartnership(TPP);

forging a broadbased military presence; and

advancingdemocracyandhumanrights.

TheUSisdeterminedtocontinuetoplayacentral role inmaintaining peace and stability in

theregionandtobean integralpartof regional

economic integration. It is willing to work with

partnersintheregionbilaterallyandmultilaterally

bases, and to be a copartner in supporting the

liberalorder.

US interests and roles inAsiaareviewed

with caution bymany countries with respect to

the impact of these on domestic and regional

securityandoneconomicdevelopment.WhiletheUSdenies itsobjective is tomaintain primacy in

AsiaandtocontainChinaseconomicandmilitary

development, its current economic and military

policies are perceived to be contradictory to its

declarations.

Some participants highlighted examples

such as the TPP initiative and the exclusion of

China in TPP, the geographical dispersal and re

deployment of the US military to Darwin,

Australia, and to Guam, and the proposal for a

separate secretariat for the EastAsia Summit as

signsoftheUSenlargingitspolitical,strategicand

economicfootprintintheregion.

SoutheastAsianPerspectivesonRegional

SecurityOrder

Regional order needs to serve at least fivemain

strategicobjectives,according toASEANmember

states: preserve ASEANs centrality (SoutheastAsias autonomy); accommodatemajor powers;

prevent strategicrivalryamongmajorpowersas

well as concerts of power among them; ensure

ASEANs unimpeded access to material benefits

(defence,trade,investment,financialcooperation,

marketaccess,and soon);and facilitate regional

integration(ASEANcommunitybuilding).

The current regional security order from

Southeast Asian perspectives is driven by three

strategicdevelopments: the riseofChina; theUSattempt to retain itsprimacy; the implicationsof

bothforSinoUSrelations.

This in turn brings about three strategic

implications for ASEAN: polarization of ASEAN

should the SinoUS rivalry intensify;

marginalizationofASEANs roleasa `managerof

regionalorder;unsustainablecentralityofASEAN

whileregionalunitywouldhavetobeabandoned

bymemberstatesthatareforcedtotakesides in

26 th AsiaPacific Rou ndtable

DuaneDThiessen HidekiAsariNorodomSirivudhJusufWanandi

7/28/2019 ISIS Focus No.5 2013

8/28


the emerging SinoUS rivalry, for the pursuit of

nationalsecurity.

Southeast Asia can be likened to an

airportandASEANtoacontroltower.ASEANhas

the capability to become this control tower that

wouldmanageallpowersandaccommodatethem

in order to provide a secure environment for

everyone. The hedging strategy is aimed at: 1)

moderatingthepotentialnegative implicationsof

the rise of China for regional order, and 2)

reducingUSdominanceasahegemonicpower in

theregion,byemphasizingthecentralityofASEAN

inregionalsecurity.

However,ASEAN stillneeds toovercome

threemain constraints: theperceptionofASEAN

as a crisisdriven institution; the lack of

commitment towards communitybuilding,

exemplified by the relatively low level of

investments in ASEAN by its ownmembers; and

the imitating form rather than substance of the

securitycommunityconcept.

Unless these constraints are solved,

ASEAN will continue to have difficulty in

convincing its detractors, and crucially, its

dialoguepartnerswhohaveinvestedintheTreaty

of Amity and Cooperation (TAC), and ASEANs

wider complex of regional institutions, that

`ASEANCentralityisworthsupporting.

MiddlePowersandRegionalGovernanceand

Order

Middlemajor powers are countries that sitjust

below thepowersat the topof the international

hierarchy.Theypossesscapabilitiesbeyondthose

of the next tier of countries and have surplus

capability that allows them tomore than simply

meet the basic necessities of statehood and

statecraft.Theycanactautonomouslywhentheir

interests are threatened, and they possess the

resources and capabilities to defend their

homeland. They are principal players on the

international stage rather than the supportingcast. These characteristics aptly describe Canada

andSouthKorea.

Despite the view that it is declining in

global importance, Canada still exhibits the

characteristics of a middle power. The nation

retainsitsnetworksofexpertise,anditscontinued

Conference Report

TanSeeSeng

RizalSukma HitoshiTanaka

NguyenHungSon

(Fromleft)KojiWatanabeandDavidDewitt

7/28/2019 ISIS Focus No.5 2013

9/28


presenceontheworldstagethroughmembership

inahostofkeymultilateralorganizations.

Canadas technical competencies in the

financial regulatory sectorhavebecome amajor

and highly regarded diplomatic asset, and mostrecently it contributed considerably to the

international response to the global financial

crisis. Canada can leverage on its credentials,

especially in institutions such as the G20, to

support East Asian diplomatic, economic, and

developmentgoals.

Canadian bilateralism with Asian G20

memberswillnotnecessarilyoverlook important

states likeSingapore,Malaysia,andNewZealand.

Relationswith nonG20 Asian states can also bedeveloped through Canadian membership in

newlyemerging multilateral arrangements,

possiblyincludingtheTPP.

The prominence of the South Korean

developmentmodel,giventhenationssuccessful

economic transition and political transformation

from authoritarian politics to one of Asiasmost

vibrantdemocracies,hasenabledSouthKorea to

branditselfasamiddlepower.

For South Koreas longer term stability,

the major focus has to be on fostering

institutionalized trilateral cooperation and

enhancedtransparencybetweenChina,JapanandSouth Korea, as exemplified by the launching of

the Trilateral Cooperation Secretariat (TCS) in

September2011.Suchcooperation isessentialto

ensure that the transition to a unified Korea is

achievedwithminimalfallout,andwithmaximum

security,economicandpoliticaldividendsforallof

theprincipalplayers, includingthecoremembers

oftheSixPartyTalks.

AsiaintheEyesofChina

China generally sees AsiaPacific countries in

terms of geopolitical distance the closer, the

more important and as divided into mainland

AsiaandOceanicAsia.Patronclient relationsare

regardedbyChina as central in the international

relationsofAsiaPacificcountries.Asiancountries

meanwhile are seen as having mixed feelings

aboutChina.

China therefore needs a new foreign

policy that will see it becoming a `responsiblestakeholder but the region also needs a new

China policy. In the future, China may have to

reformitsdomesticeconomyandforeignpolicyin

order tobecome apillarof theglobalorder and

not just become a conditional and occasional

participant inthe`Western liberalorder.China is

likely tobecomeboth the largestmarket for the

restoftheregionandalso `aproviderofsecurity

insuranceforAsia,byallowingotherstorelyonit

fortheirsecurity.

Asia remains `divided and vulnerable,

despite the emergence of regional security

cooperaon. Progress is constrained by the

compeon between the old, USdominated

militaryalliancesandthenew ARF,EAS,SCOand

SixPartyTalks(SPT)frameworks.Thecombination

ofold(border,historicalgrievances)andemerging

(maritime, strategic) disputes contributes to the

complexityofthesituation.

26 th AsiaPacific Roundtable

LeeChungMin

7/28/2019 ISIS Focus No.5 2013

10/28


ChinaseestheTPPasanewUS initiative

to maintain its primacy by casting China as an

outsider. It also views the US `back to Asia

strategyasadirectandstrategicthreattargeting

it. If the TPP were to supplant current efforts

withinAPEC,thespiritofAsiaPacificcooperation

maybeweakened.

The US and China will however remain

cautious and pragmatic in managing bilateral

tensions due to the shared interests of both

countries.Othercountries inAsiawill increasingly

hedge their policies due to Chinas increasing

importanceandinfluence.

Governance in Asia: Whats Best and What

WorksbytheHon.TunDr.Mahathir

Governance in Asia, according to Tun Dr.

Mahathir,the formerPrimeMinisterofMalaysia,

facesadilemma,asthere isnoperfectsystemof

governance. Imperfection is inevitable and

thereforehastobetolerated.

Inademocraticsystem,thegovernmentis

formedby representativeschosenby thepeople,

but achieving unanimity and consensus is

problematic.Sopeoplesettledonamajority,and

even that is not problemfree. The benefit of

democracyliesintheabilityofanationtochange

itsgovernment if itdoesnotdeliver.However,by

manipulating elections, such as through bribery,

even an unpopular government can come to

power.

Administrating and implementingpolicies

in a democratic system isnot easy either. Some

rights can be disruptive when they are abused,

such as the right to freedom of expression. In

somedeveloping countries, the right to freedom

ofexpressionisbeingmisused,tothedetrimentof

theeconomiesofthesecountries;investmentsare

deterredandemploymentcreationdisrupted.The

tendencyofcertaingroupstowardsdisruptiveand

destabilizing activities creates a challenge to

governments.Governments now need the rightskillstomanagesuchgroups,especiallyinthisage

of information technology that undermines

governmentsabilitytocontrolthemedia.

ZhangYunling

HuangXiaomingOngKengYong

PangZhongying

MahathirMohamed

Conference Report

7/28/2019 ISIS Focus No.5 2013

11/28


Theproperpracticeofdemocracymeans

the ability to change a government through the

ballot box. There is now a new notion of liberal

democracy. However, Malaysia is not liberal inseveralways,suchas in issuesofgayrights.Even

in countries that practice a liberal democratic

system, undemocratic practices will be

undertakenwhentheneedarises,andpeoplewill

give liberalismasecondthought.Aclearexample

wouldbethedetentionofpeoplewithouttrialas

theterrorismriskproliferates.

While reformshave to be undertaken to

achievebettergovernance,theyshouldbecarried

out gradually, without risking instability. RussiaandChinaaredifferent inone importantrespect:

theextenttowhichthereformoftheireconomic

andpoliticalsystemshasemulatedtheWest.

Russiatriestoreformbothsystemsatthe

same time,and facesgreatdifficulty indoing so.

China on the other hand maintains its political

system,changing itseconomicsystemonlypartly,

and finds itself more successful. In its present

formofgovernance,Chinahasalsoexemplifiedits

successin

managing

ahuge

and

diverse

population.Indiaiscomparativelymoredifficultto

manageduetoexcessivedemocracy.

Role of NonState Actors in Promoting Conflict

Resolution

Nonstate actors such as NGOs and civil societyworkonwaystomitigatethefalloutfromconflicts

andalsotopreventfutureconflicts.Theyaremost

effective in providing confidencebuilding

measures that enable the transformation of the

conflict narrative and offer a new vision for

society.However, support from the government,

bothatthecentralandlocallevels,isessentialfor

their efforts to be successful, as seen in case

studiesofThailand,Indonesia,andthePhilippines.

In the case of Thailand, throughout the

history of the nations dealings with the Patani

Malayseparatistmovement,the ideaof including

civilsocietyinaformalpeacenegotiationprocess

never materialized in a meaningful way. Thai

militaryandcivilianofficialsseetheconflictasan

internalmatterandgenuinelybelieve itwouldbe

a waste of political capital to bring in outsiders

who could very well put the discussion of the

legitimacyoftheThaistateintheMalayhomeland

onthetable.

With the exception of the NationalSecurity Council (NSC) initiative, in which the

process tried tobringonboardmembersof civil

society and other stakeholders to form a


(Fromleft)RizalPanggabean,CharlitoManlupig,JohnBrandonandDonPathan

7/28/2019 ISIS Focus No.5 2013

12/28


`partnership for peace, other initiatives were

mainly looking to secure a onetime peace

agreementtoendtheconflictonceandforall.

In Indonesia, the issue of whether civil

society was able to mitigate and prevent

communalviolencewasdeterminedbythetypeof

civicengagement.From19992002,duringatime

of regime crisis and the ensuing political and

economic turmoil, violence erupted in Ambon

between Christians and Muslims while peace

prevailed in Manado. Interreligious, daytoday

civic life was found to be higher in Manado

compared to Ambon, contributing to peace and

preventingviolence

in

local

communities.

TheMindanaocasedemonstratesthekey

role of civil society: organized and concerted

efforts by stakeholders, both local and

international, to manage conflict and prevent

violence. In August 2011, the peace process

betweentheMoroIslamicLiberationFront(MILF)

and thePhilippines governmentwas failing,with

the strong possibility of renewedwar, and both

sides swapping accusations and counter

accusations

in

public

statements

as

well

as

interviews with the media. Local, regional and

nationalcoalitionsofcivilsocietypeaceadvocates

helddialoguesandissuedcallsforsobrietyasthey

urgedbothsidestocontinuetalking.

The Consortium of Bangsa Moro Civil

Society (CBCS)asked theopposingcamps to `talk

toeachother insteadoftalkingabouteachother

in the media. International civil society

organizations represented by the International

ContactGroup (TheAsiaFoundation,Conciliation

ResourcesandCentreforHumanitarianDialogue)

alsodidanexcellentjobinbridgingandfacilitating

backchannelnegotiations.

NewDawninMyanmar:Possibilitiesand

Prospects

The previous military government in Myanmar,

theStatePeaceandDevelopmentCouncil (SPDC)

fulfilled the 7step roadmap to democracy and

transferred power in accordance with the state

constitution, adopted via the 2008 referendum.

The new elected civilian government which

assumedpower inMarch2011 implementedon

going political reforms which saw the

establishment of democratic institutions such as

nationaland regionalparliaments,and respective

administrative, legislative, andjudicial bodies, to

exercisestatepower.

Effortswere alsomade towards political

reconciliation. An opposition party, the National

League for Democracy (NLD) was permitted to

participate and win most seats in a historic by

electionwhich saw theelection toparliamentof

NLD leader,Aung San Suu Kyi. Engagementwith

thevariousrebelethnicgroups(Shan,Kachin,and

Kayin) continues apace. Strong commitment has

been given to carrying out economic reforms to

TinMaungMaungThan RichardGrant

YinYinMyint PatrickCronin

Conference Report

7/28/2019 ISIS Focus No.5 2013

13/28


attractforeigninvestmentsandestablishamarket

economy for rural development and poverty

alleviation. In recognition of the positive

developments made by the Myanmargovernment, the US, EU, Canada, and Australia

suspendedeconomicsanctions.

However, it remains to be seenwhether

political stability can keep pace with the

momentumof the reformprocess.The reactions

amongst the rank and file of the military to

currentpoliticaldevelopmentswilldeterminethe

futuretrajectory.Thecoreinterestsofthecurrent

crop of military officers are not affected by

reforms thus far but the government mustcontendwith the issue of diluted privileges and

frustratedaspirationsamong itsyoungerofficers.

The institutionofelectoraldemocracy stillneeds

tomatureandtomeetthehighexpectationsand

increasingdemandsofapopulation inthefaceof

limitedavailableresources.

None of the domestic and external

stakeholderswantthereformstobereversedbut

the reforms can yet stall. This is likely because

high expectations and small setbacks can have

magnifiedeffects.Therefore,other countrieswill

need to temper their irrational exuberance or

`Myanmarmaniathoughtheymustembracethereformmovement.

Some participants pointed out that the

NLD needs to transform from being merely an

opposition party by first establishing its position

and then formulating policy prescriptions to

demonstrate its readiness to govern. Otherwise,

disillusionment amongst the people may induce

them to vote for the rulingparty. This is among

the possible developments that could affect the

outcome of the nextMyanmar general electionstobeheldin2015.

Securing the Sea Lines of Communications

(SLOC):ThreatsandResponses

The gap in state capacity, stability andeconomic

development between the western and eastern

portions of the Indian Ocean Rim resulted in

divergingsecuritydynamicsalongtheirrespective

Sea Lines of Communication (SLOC). Piracy and


(Fromleft)EuanGraham,VijaySakhuja,NoorAzizYunanandDiegoRuizPalmer

7/28/2019 ISIS Focus No.5 2013

14/28

7/28/2019 ISIS Focus No.5 2013

15/28

7/28/2019 ISIS Focus No.5 2013

16/28

AlainAeschlimann WendySouthern

onference Report


searobberyaregraduallybeingrelegatedtothe

lowerorder realm of maritime crime, and in

futuremight

no

longer

be

considered

amaritime

security issue in Southeast Asia. Specific

responses from within the Southeast Asian

region, improved shipping industry 'selfhelp'

measures, and external pressure and capacity

provisionhavealsoplayedarole.

This contrasts with the situation in the

Gulf of Aden, and off Somalia, where strategic

progress in counterpiracy remains elusive.

Nevertheless, internationalefforts in theGulfof

Aden

are

laudable

and

effective.

Maritime

forces

have managed to cooperate despite the

differences in politicalmilitary command

structures. This ispayingoff in termsofshared

experience,as thewestern IndianOcean littoral

statesgraduallyacquire theirownmaritime law

enforcementcapabilitiesandcooperationforums

such as the Indian Ocean Naval Symposium

(IONS)establishedin2008.

NATO also played an important role as

exemplified byOperationOcean Shield for the

purpose of counterpiracy in the Indian Ocean.

This is inaccordancewith theAllianceMaritime

Strategy and Maritime Security Operations

Concept which authorized its naval forces to

support lawenforcement efforts at sea within

thelegalframeworkofinternationallaw.

However, piracy is a law enforcement

problem that should be addressed by

constabularyforcessuchascoastguards instead

of the navy. Despite the successes thus far,

counterpiracy addresses symptoms rather than

therootof theproblem;piracyoriginates in the

failureofgovernancewhichresultsinfragileand

failed states. Therefore, the focus should be

directedatrebuildingcountriesandhelpingtheir

recoveryfromconflicts.

ManagingIllicit

Transnational

Migration

in

Asia

The crimes of trafficking in persons and people

smugglingareseriousconcernstomanycountries

due to the trend of the increasing number of

victims.Asthesecrimestakeplaceacrossborders,

concerted efforts by states are required to

prevent and prosecute the perpetrators, aswell

as to protect the victims. This requires not only

efforts by governments, but stakeholders at all

levels,includingNGOsandcivilsociety.

Relevant laws and procedures should be

in place to enable impartial humanitarian

organizations such as the International

Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), the

International Organization for Migration (IOM),

and the United Nations High Commissioner for

Refugees (UNHCR) toallowallmigrantseffective

and safe access, without discrimination, and

irrespective of their legal status. Screening and

identificationof thedifferentmigrantcategories,

including victims of trafficking, asylum seekersandrefugees,isnecessary.

Duetothetransnationalnatureofhuman

traffickingandpeoplesmuggling,theseproblems

cannotbeaddressedbyanynationactingalone.

Thebestchanceofalastingsolutionmustinvolve

7/28/2019 ISIS Focus No.5 2013

17/28

MelyCaballeroAnthony MulyaWirana



cooperative arrangements under regional and

international frameworks. The 2002 Bali Process

Regional Cooperation Frameworkwas borne outofsustainedregionalandbilateraldiscussionsover

a significantperiodof time.Arrangementsunder

the framework, such as the Transfer and

Resettlement Arrangement between the

GovernmentsofAustraliaandMalaysia,have the

potential to make a real impact on illicit

transnationalmigration.

Although international cooperation has

many advantages, the disparities in legal

frameworksbetween

countries

have

led

to

discrepancies incooperationon lawenforcement.

Thesediscrepancies sometimesbecome themain

obstacle in the implementation of assistance

providedbytheBaliProcess,makingitdifficultfor

countryparticipants tocooperate in tackling the

issue in the region.Thus,harmonizationof legal

cooperation procedures within the region iscrucial inmanaging illicit transnationalmigration

activitiesintheAsiaPacific.

7/28/2019 ISIS Focus No.5 2013

18/28


Good evening. I am delighted to be back at the

AsiaPacificRoundtable and I thank ISISMalaysia

and ASEANISIS for inviting me to deliver the

KeynoteAddress.

We live in challenging times. There is adarkclouddescendingoverusasEuropestruggles

tofind itsfeetintacklingthedebtcrisis.Greece's

possiblewithdrawal from the Eurozonemay be

the precipice looming over greater economic

stress. At the same time, the Chinese economic

juggernaut is losing steam and the US economy

shows littlesignsofsustainedrecovery.Closerto

home, theonce calm and tranquilwatersof the

SouthChinaSeahavebecomeincreasinglystormy.

As we utilize our collective minds and

resources to address these challenges,wemust

not lose sight of the bigger picture. The most

importantandcritical issueof the21stcentury is

not the rise of China or the shifting of the

economicpendulumtoAsia.Don'tgetmewrong.I

am not belittling the positive transformational

effectsChina's ascendancyhas andwill continue

tohaveonAsiaandbeyond.Farfromit.Malaysia

is abeneficiaryofChina'seconomic growth, and

China isour largesttradepartner.Iwas informed

that theChineseEmbassy inKualaLumpur is the

second highest issuer of Chinese visas in the

world.Thesearebuttwoindicatorsofthevibrant

relations we have with China. Managing

competing interests and visions is the most

important and critical issue of the 21st century.

ThefutureofAsiarestsonourabilitytodoso.

Asiahascomea longway in the last few

decades. At the turn of the century, Asia

accounted for 10.7 per centof theworld'sGDP.

Today, that figure is 19.2 per cent and growing.

Success,however, canbe fleeting. Itwouldbe a

mistake to focus myopically on the economic

success story alone. Prosperity cannot take root

unlessaccompaniedbystabilityandpeace.Herein

lies the most important strategic challenge for

Asia:themanagementofintramuralrelations.

Howdowemoderateourdifferencesand

ensure that conflicts,whenand if theydooccur,

are managed in a manner that is fair, just and

mostofimportantofall,withoutthethreatorthe

useofforce?Thethemeofthisyear'sconference,

Asian Security Order and Governance, is highly

relevant and speaks to these questions. I am

confident that your deliberations will help to

unpack this strategic puzzle and provide the

impetusforapeacefulandsecureAsia.

KEYNOTEADDRESS

26th AsiaPacific RoundtableThe Hon Dato Sri Mohd Najib Tun Abdul Razak

Prime Minister of Malaysia

MohdNajibTunAbdulRazak

7/28/2019 ISIS Focus No.5 2013

19/28


Thispivotalquestionisurgentlyinneedof

ananswertoensurethatthefruitsofourtoiland

sweat are not wasted away by our destructive

questforpowerand influence.Tobeginwith,wein Asia must take greater responsibility for our

ownsecurity.Whilewevaluetheassistancefrom

our friendswho have contributed immensely to

regional stability,Asiamust transform itself from

beingaconsumertoaproducerofsecurity.More

specifically,wemustassumegreaterresponsibility

forourownsecurityandestablish frameworksto

ensureoursafetyandtoupholdourinterests.

Italsofollowsthatweneedtochangeour

mindsetsthat

have

heretofore

been

programmed

tofocusoneconomicdevelopmentattheexpense

ofsecurity issues. IfAsia istobeaforce inglobal

politics,we cannot shy away from speaking out

andtakingpositionsonseeminglysensitive issues

such asnucleardisarmament, armsbuildup and

military alliances. Asia must stand up and be

counted.

In charting our future, we should be

mindful of two important considerations. Firstly,

relationships must be founded on a broad

spectrum of areas, and not be defined by single

issues. Just as we should not be fixated on

economicbenefitsalone, itwouldbeharmful for

regionalstability ifweweretoallowourselvesto

be condionedbymilitary concerns.TakeASEAN

as an example. The three pillars polical

security, economics and sociocultural need to

be equally strong;otherwise, the stabilityof the

10memberorganizationwillbe injeopardy.Asia

cannotstandononeleg;itneedstostrengthenits

foundation, and that will include among other

things,deepeningitspeopletopeoplerelations.

Secondly, there is no place for rivalry in

Asia.Wehavelivedthroughthesecondhalfofthe

20th centurydividedby ideology.We shouldnot

allowconflictandthejostlingforpowertodivide

us again. What we need is cooperation, and

thankfully there is an abundanceof that inAsia.

Since 1967, ASEAN has recognized the value of

stability and has founded its relations based on

theprinciplesofmutual respectand prosper thy

neighbour. This spirit of cooperation pioneered

by ASEAN has since been extended beyond

SoutheastAsia.

Whenthefivevisionarystatesmensigned

the Treaty of Bangkok to establish ASEAN, they

were guided by the idealism of a peaceful and

prosperousSoutheastAsia.Never intheirwildest

imaginations would they have envisioned that

ASEANwouldbecome the focalpoint for region

wide cooperation. Without a doubt, the

investmentin1967haspaidoffhandsomely,and

it is time forus tomake a similar investment in

ourfuture.

Iam

confident

that

as

long

as

we

continuetomakecooperationthecentrepieceof

ourrelations,Asiaispoisedforagoldenage.

Youwillrecallthat lastSeptemberwhenI

addressedtheUnitedNationsGeneralAssembly,I

calleduponallpeace lovingpeoples tojoinus in

embracing, and striving toward, a way of life

based on tolerance, mutual respect and

moderation.TheGlobalMovementofModerates

(GMM)buildsontheinspirationalworkandideals

of our forefathers. Manifestations of GMM arefoundeverywhere.TakeASEAN'sTreatyofAmity

andCooperation(TAC),forexample.TAC,whichis

the bedrock of intraASEAN relations, and

engagement with friends far and near, is the

epitome of moderation. Eschewing

confrontationalpoliticsandrecognizingthatmight

is not necessarily right, TAC institutionalizes the

normofpeacefulresolutionofconflicts.

Keynote Address

wemustassumegreater

responsibilityforourownsecurity

andestablishframeworksto

ensureoursafetyandtouphold

ourinterests

7/28/2019 ISIS Focus No.5 2013

20/28

It is easy to advocate peace, and the

peaceful resolutionofdisputes.But,asmembers

of the diplomatic corps will no doubt agree,

putting these ideals intopractice is anythingbuteasy. Be that as itmay, Iwould like to venture

some thoughts for consideration. Ioffer that the

worldwillbeabetterandcertainlymorepeaceful

place,ifwetakeheedoftheGoldenRule,dounto

others, as you want others to do unto you.

Mutual respect is the foundation of all

relationships.

We reject extremism in all forms, but

recognize that when differences and diverging

interestsmanifest themselves, the outlier voicesmustbeheard.Marginalizingopposingopinionsis

counterproductive andwill only serve to harden

old grievances and fuel new ones. The great

Britishstatesman,WinstonChurchill,wiselynoted,

jaw jaw is better than war war. Only through

communicationanddialoguecanweworkoutour

differences.

On a positive note, I am heartened that

GMM has found traction, and has received

encouraging support from the internationalcommunity. I am particularly grateful that my

ASEAN colleagues have endorsed GMM at the

18th ASEAN Summit in May 2011 and that a

concept paper to implementGMMwas adopted

at the recently concluded ASEAN Summit in

PhnomPenh.Asgratifyingasthesedevelopments

are,weneed your support tomainstreamGMM

aroundtheworld.

Asproofofourcommitment toadvocate

andsustaintheGMMconceptandcoreprinciples

regionallyandglobally,Malaysiahas initiated the

Global Movement of Moderates Foundation,whichisbasedinKualaLumpur,inJanuaryofthis

year. I amhappy to announce that currently the

GMMFisfullyoperational.

Asia's economic prosperity has been

accompanied by alarming concomitant effects.

Throughout history, states have been taking

measures to bolster their defences and military

powerastheybecamericher.Historyisrepeating

itself in Asia. The top five country recipients of

arms

transfer,

from

2007

2011,

are

Asian:

they

are

India,SouthKorea,Pakistan,ChinaandSingapore,

andtheyaccountfor30percentofthevolumeof

internationalarmsimports.

Granted that the right to selfdefence is

permitted under the UN Charter. However, it

bears reminding that history is replete with

instancesofwars foughtunder the guiseof self

defence. While, it is difficult to ascertain the

underlying reasons for the arms buildup, it is

critical that mechanisms and structures are in

placetoensurethatthisregionwillneverdisplay

theproclivity to theextreme actionof takingup

arms.

Because the stakes are high, we cannot

leave the protection of the region's peace and

security to chance. We have to take proactive

steps towards the construction of a pluralistic

security community inwhich the use of force is

not an option. We cannot rely merely on

pronouncements of friendship and peaceful


Marginalizingopposing

opinions

iscounterproductiveandwillonly

servetohardenoldgrievances

andfuelnewones


itiscriticalthatmechanismsand

structuresareinplacetoensure

thatthisregionwillneverdisplay

theproclivitytotheextreme

actionoftakinguparms

7/28/2019 ISIS Focus No.5 2013

21/28

intent.We need towork through our problems,

and toaccommodatediverging interests, if these

emerge.

Agoodstartingpointwouldbetoforgea

common vision for the region. What is the

preferred regional order? How do we

institutionalize our strong bilateral and

multilateral bonds of partnership and friendship

into workable arrangements that are nimble

enough to accommodate diverging interests

without sacrificingorganizationalefficacy? In this

regard, I look forward to the East Asia Vision

Group (EAVG) II's final report which will be

submitted to the15thASEANPlusThreeSummit

inNovember2012.

IcongratulateandcommendISISMalaysia

and ASEANISIS for proposing the timely and

relevant theme of Asian Order and Security

GovernancefortheRoundtable.Iamkeentohear

your thoughts and suggestions, generated over

the course of this conference. I wish you a

productive round of deliberations and I am

honoured to declare open the 26th AsiaPacific

Roundtable.


Keynote Address

7/28/2019 ISIS Focus No.5 2013

22/28

DAY1

28MAY2012

20:15 - 22:00 WELCOMINGDINNERANDKEYNOTE

ADDRESS

Venue:GrandBallroom,Level2InterContinentalKualaLumpurWelcoming Remarks

Keynote Address and Official Opening

DatoPaduka

Awang

Haji

MOHD

ROSELANbinHajiMohdDaud

Chairperson, ASEANInstitutes of Strategic and

International Studies (ASEANISIS),

Permanent Secretary at the Prime Minister's

Office & Chairman of Centre of Strategic and

Policy Studies (CSPS), Brunei Darussalam

TheHonDato'SriMOHDNAJIBTun

AbdulRazak

Prime Minister of Malaysia

Day2

29MAY2012

O8:OO 09:00 REGISTRATION

Venue:Foyer,BalIroom1&2,Level209:0010:15 PLENARYSESSION1

ASIANSECURITY:ORDERORDISORDER?

Venue:Ballroom1&2,Level2Moderator:ProfDrBrianJOB

Director, Institute of Asian Research

The University of British Columbia, Canada

Speaker:Dato'DrMuthiahALAGAPPA

The Tun Hussein Onn Chair in International

Studies, Institute of Strategic and International

Studies (ISIS) Malaysia

10:1510:45 REFRESHMENTS

Venue:Foyer,Ballroom1&2,Level210:45 12:00 PLENARYSESSION2

CHINA'S

STRATEGIC

VISIONANDREGIONALSECURITY

Moderator:AssocProfSimonTAY

Chairman, Singapore Institute of

International Affairs (SIIA) & Associate

Professor, Faculty of Law, National

University of Singapore

Speaker:AmbTONGXiaoling

China's Ambassador to ASEAN

12:00 13:30 LUNCH

Venue:Ballroom3,Level213:30 14:45 PLENARYSESSION3

INDIAANDTHESECURITYOFASIA

Chair:EmeritusProfessorDrCarolina

HERNANDEZ

Founding President and Chief Executive

Officer, Institute for Strategic and

Development Studies (lSDS), The Philippines

Speakers:ProfSDMUNI

Visiting Research Professor, Institute of

South Asian Studies, The National University

of Singapore

DrCRajaMOHAN

Distinguished Fellow, Observer Research

Foundation, India

DrSandyGORDON

Visiting Fellow, Regulatory Institutions

Network (RegNet), The Australian National

University

14:45 15:00 BREAK

15:0016:15 PLENARYSESSION4

USSTRATEGICINTERESTSANDROLES

INASIA

Chair:HRHPrinceNorodomSIRIVUDH

Chairman, Board of Directors, The

Cambodian Institute for Cooperation and

Peace (CICP), Cambodia

Speakers:LtGenDuaneDTHIESSEN

Commander, US Marine Corps Forces, Pacific,

USA

MrHidekiASARI

Deputy DirectorGeneral, Japan Institute of

International Affairs (JIIA)


26TH ASIAPACIFIC

ROUNDTABLE28 30May2012

INTERCONTINENTALHOTEL,

KUALALUMPUR,MALAYSIA

PROGRAMME

7/28/2019 ISIS Focus No.5 2013

23/28

DAY3

30MAY2012

08:30 09:45 PLENARY

SESSION

6

MIDDLEPOWERSANDREGIONALGOVERNANCEANDORDER

Chair:AmbKojiWATANABE

Senior Fellow, Japan Center for International

Exchange (CIE) & Former Deputy Minister of

Foreign Affairs, Japan

Speakers:MrAllanGYNGELL

DirectorGeneral, Office of National

Assessments, Australia

ProfDrDavidDEWITT

VicePresident of Programs, The Centre forInternational Governance Innovation (CIGI),

Canada

ProfDrLEEChungMin

Dean, Graduate School of International

Studies, Yonsei University, Republic of Korea

09:45 10:00 REFRESHMENTS

Venue:Foyer,BallroomI&2,Level210:00 11:15 PLENARYSESSION7

ASIAINTHEEYESOFCHINA

Chair:HE

ONG

Keng

Yong

High Commissioner of Singapore to Malaysia

& Former ASEAN SecretaryGeneral

Speakers:ProfZHANGYunling

Director, Centre for the Study of Global

Governance, Renmin University, China

ProfDrPANGZhongYing

School of International Studies, Renmin

University, China

ProfDrHUANGXiaoming

Director, New Zealand Contemporary China

Research Centre, Victoria University of

Wellington, New Zealand

11:1511:30 BREAK

11 :30 12:45 CONCURRENTSESSION1

SECURINGTHESEALINESOF

COMMUNICATION(SLOC):

THREATSANDRESPONSES

Venue:BallroomI&2,Level2Chair:ViceAdmiralMaritimeDato'NOORAZIZ

Yunan (R) DirectorGeneral, Maritime

Institute of Malaysia (MIMA)


MrJUSUFWanandi

ViceChair, Board of Trustees, Centre for

Strategic and International Studies (CSIS),

Indonesia

16: 1 5 16:45 REFRESHMENTS

Venue:Foyer,Ballroom1&2,Level216:45 18:00 PLENARYSESSION5

SOUTHEASTASIANPERSPECTIVESON

THEREGIONALSECURITYORDER

Chair:MrHitoshiTANAKA

Chairman, The JRI Institute for International

Strategy &

Former Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs,

Japan

Speakers:

DrRIZALSukma

Executive Director, Centre for Strategic and

International Studies (CSIS), Indonesia

AssocProfDrTANSeeSeng

Deputy Director, S Rajaratnam School of

International Studies (RSIS), Nanyang

Technological University, Singapore

MrNGUYENHungSon

Deputy DirectorGeneral, Diplomatic Academy

of Vietnam

19:30 21 :00 DINNERTALK

RETHINKINGASIANSECURITY:

JAPANESEPERSPECTIVE

Venue:Ballroom2&3,Level2Moderator:ProfDrAnthonyMILNER

Basham Professor of Asian History, The

Australian National University & Professorial

Fellow, The University of Melbourne, Australia

Speaker:ProfDrTakashiINOGUCHI

President, University of Niigata Prefecture,

Japan

21:00 TETE-A-TETE

NORTHKOREAAFTERKIMJONGIL:

REFORMOR

PLUS

CA

CHANGE?

Venue:JuniorBallroom,Level2Moderator:MrBUNNNagara

Associate Editor, TheStar, Malaysia

Speaker:ProfDrAndreiLANKOV

Social Science Department, Kookmin

University, Republic of Korea

Programme

7/28/2019 ISIS Focus No.5 2013

24/28

Speakers:DrVijaySAKHUJA

Director of Research, Indian Council of World

Affairs (lCWA), India

MrDiegoRUIZ-PALMER

Head, Strategic Analysis Capabilities Section,

The North Atlantic Treaty Organisation

(NATO)

DrEuanGRAHAM

Senior Fellow, S Rajaratnam School of

International Studies (RSIS), Nanyang

Technological University, Singapore

CONCURRENTSESSION2

MANAGINGILLICITTRANSNATIONAL

MIGRATIONINASIA

Venue:JuniorBallroom,Level2Chair:AssocProfDrMelyCABALLERO-

ANTHONY

S Rajaratnam School of International Studies,

Nanyang Technological University, Singapore

& Former Director of External Relations,

ASEAN Secretariat

Speakers:DrWendySOUTHERN

Deputy Secretary (Policy and Program

Management), Department of Immigration

and Citizenship, Australia

MrTATANGBudieUtamaRazak

Director, Protection of Indonesian Citizensand Legal Entities Abroad, Ministry of

Foreign Affairs, Indonesia

MrAlainAESCHLIMANN

Head of Operations for East Asia, SouthEast

Asia and the Pacific, The International

Committee for the Red Cross (ICRC),

Switzerland

12:45 14:00 LUNCH

Venue:SerenaBrasserieCafe,LobbyLevel

14:00 15:15 PLENARYSESSION8

GOVERNANCEINASIA:WHAT'SBEST

ANDWHAT

WORKS

Moderator:TanSriDato'SeriMohamedJAWHAR

Hassan

Chairman, Institute of Strategic and

International Studies (ISIS) Malaysia

Speaker:TheHonTunDrMAHATHIRMohamad

Honorary President, Perdana Leadership

Foundation & Former Prime Minister of

Malaysia

15:15 15:45 REFRESHMENTS

Venue:Foyer,Ballroom1&2,Level2


THEROLEOFNON-STATEACTORSIN

PROMOTINGCONFLICTRESOLUTION

Chair:MrJohnBRANDON

Director, International Relations Program,

The Asia Foundation, USA

Speakers:MrCharIitoMANLUPIG

Chairman, The Balay Mindanaw Foundation

The Philippines

DrRIZALPanggabean

Center for Security and Peace Studies,

Universitas Gadjah Mada, Indonesia

MrDONPathan

Director of Foreign Relations, The PataniForum, Thailand

17:0017:15 BREAK


ANEWDAWNINMYANMAR:

POSSIBILITIESANDPROSPECTS

Chair:Dr.RichardGRANT

Consultant, Executive Director, Asia New

Zealand Foundation, New Zealand

Speakers:DawYINYinMyint

DirectorGeneral, Training, Research andForeign Languages Department, Ministry of

Foreign Affairs & Secretary, Myanmar

Institute of Strategic and International

Studies

DrTINMaungMaungThan

Visiting Senior Research Fellow &

Coordinator, Regional Strategic and Political

Studies Programme, Institute of Southeast

Asian Studies (ISEAS), Singapore

DrPatrickCRONIN

Senior Advisor & Senior Director of the Asia

Pacific Security Program, Center for a New

American Security (CNAS), USA

18:30 CLOSINGREMARKS

Dato'DrMAHANIZainaIAbidin

Chief Executive, Institute of Strategic and

International Studies (ISIS) Malaysia


Programme

7/28/2019 ISIS Focus No.5 2013

25/28

INSTITUTEOFSTRATEGICANDINTERNATIONALSTUDIES(ISIS)

MALAYSIA

The InstituteofStrategicand InternationalStudies (ISIS)wasestablishedon8April1983asan

autonomous, notforprofit research organization, ISIS Malaysia has a diverse research focus

which includes, economics, foreign policy, security studies, nationbuilding, social policy,

technology,innovationandenvironmentalstudies.Italsoundertakesresearchcollaborationwith

national and international organizations in important areas such asnationaldevelopment and

internationalaffairs.

ISISMalaysiaengagesactivelyinTrackTwodiplomacy,andpromotestheexchangeofviewsand

opinions at both the national and international levels. The Institute has also played a role in

fostering closer regional integrationand international cooperation through forums suchas the

AsiaPacificRoundtable,theASEANInstitutesofStrategicandInternationalStudies(ASEANISIS),

the Pacific Economic Cooperation Council (PECC) and the Network of East Asian ThinkTanks

(NEAT). ISIS is a foundingmember of the Council for Security Cooperation in the AsiaPacific

(CSCAP)andmanagestheCouncilssecretariat.

AsMalaysiaspremierthinktank, ISIShasbeenattheforefrontofsomeofthemostsignificant

nationbuildinginitiativesinthenationshistory.ItwasacontributortotheVision2020andwas

consultanttotheKnowledgeBasedEconomyMasterPlaninitiative.

ASEANINSTITUTESOFSTRATEGICANDINTERNATIONALSTUDIES

(ASEANISIS)

ASEANISIS (ASEAN Institutes of Strategic and International Studies) is a network of non

governmental organizationsregisteredwiththeAssociationofSoutheastAsianNations. Formed

in1988, its foundingmembership comprises theCentre for Strategicand International Studies

(CSIS) of Indonesia, the Institute of Strategic and International Studies (ISIS) ofMalaysia, the

InstituteofStrategicandDevelopmentStudies(ISDS)ofthePhilippines,theSingaporeInstituteof

International Affairs (SIIA), and the Institute of Security and International Studies (ISIS) of

Thailand. Itspurpose is toencourage cooperationand coordinationofactivitiesamongASEAN

scholarsandanalysts,andtopromotepolicyorientedstudiesandexchangesofinformationandviewpointsonvarious strategicand international issuesaffectingSoutheastAsia'sandASEAN's

peace,securityandwellbeing.

ASEANISIS is comprisedof the regions leading think tanks:CSIS Indonesia, ISISMalaysia, ISDS

Philippines, SIIA Singapore, ISIS Thailand, Brunei Darussalam Institute of Policy and Strategic

Studies(BDIPSS),CambodianInstituteforCooperationandPeace(CICP),theDiplomaticAcademy

ofVietnam(DAV), InstituteofForeignAffairs(IFA)oftheLaoPeople'sDemocraticRepublicand

theMyanmarInstituteofStrategicandInternationalStudies(MISIS).

ORGANIZERS


7/28/2019 ISIS Focus No.5 2013

26/28

SPONSORS

SUPPORTERS

EMBASSY OFJAPANINMALAYSIA

THEASIAFOUNDATION

TELEKOMMALAYSIA


7/28/2019 ISIS Focus No.5 2013

27/28

7/28/2019 ISIS Focus No.5 2013

28/28

InstituteofStrategicandInternationalStudies(ISIS)Malaysia

No.1,PersiaranSultanSalahuddin

P.O.Box12424,50778KualaLumpur

Malaysia

Tel: +60326939366

Fax: +60326915435

Email: [email protected]

ISIS Focus No.5 2013

Documents

Transcript of ISIS Focus No.5 2013