Bridgewater Review

Volume 2 | Issue 3 Article 7

Jul-1984

Is There A Caste System In India?Abraham V. ThomasBridgewater State College

This item is available as part of Virtual Commons, the open-access institutional repository of Bridgewater State University, Bridgewater, Massachusetts.

Recommended CitationThomas, Abraham V. (1984). Is There A Caste System In India?. Bridgewater Review, 2(3), 8-11.Available at: http://vc.bridgew.edu/br_rev/vol2/iss3/7

I) THERE ACft)TE )Y)TEM IN INDIA ?•

INDIAN OCEAN

A Personal andSociologicalAppraisal

by Abraham Thomas

American news media as well asAmerican textbooks, both college andsecondary schools, present India as aunique society because it practices thecaste system, which is then described interms of its presumed traditionalcharacteristics. Americans thus learn topicture the Indian society as extremelystatic and assume that the caste system stillcontinues in its traditional form. The fact isthat even in traditional times, the castesystem never existed as it was theoreticallysupposed to operate. In modern India, thecaste system exists, but not as westernersgenerally conceive of it.

Having lived in the United States for morethan two decades (and being a naturalizedU.S. citizen), I have observed close parallelsbetween the caste system in India and racialrelations in the United States, in both thetraditional period and the modern era. Oncedivested of its exotic names anddescriptions, the caste system is nothingmore or less than any system of socialinequality involving changing patterns ofdomination, exploitation and rebellion, thelikes of which are found the world over.

I was born and brought up in a farm familyin Kerala State (Southwestern part of India)where my father owned rice fields andcultivated them with the help of what may becalled bonded labor. When my grandfatherpartitioned his land among his three sons,including my father, he also divided thethirty or so families who worked for him inthe fields throughout the year among hissons. My father was responsible forproviding work for these families year roundand for looking after their needs. They inturn were obligated to work for usexclusively and to be loyal to the family.They lived on my father's property and weredependent on him for work and forprotection. They addressed my father aswell as other members of the family by theterm "Thampuran" meaning "lord" and themen took off their turbans in the presence ofadult members of the family. They neverentered the house except when asked, for'performing specific tasks. They remained inthe courtyard and father would talk to themfrom the veranda of the house. When theywere given food, they had to eat outside thehouse.

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u. S. S. R.

BOMBAY

ARABIAN SEA

In a society where much respect wasshown to older people, and all older peoplewithin one's own community or caste werecalled by respectful titles, it was normal forus youngsters to call older workers from thelower castes simply by their first names andeven to use terms that boys would normallyuse in addressing each other.

All this was true about thirty or forty yearsback. Now, however, only in rare cases(some of the older generation) will thechildren of those workers call the presentgeneration of upper castes by any specialtitles. By government law, all landowners,including my family, were obliged to let long­term tenants keep one-tenth of an acre,where they could live. Many of the workers'children are not working in the fields, buthave been educated in the schools andcolleges in nearby towns and have comeback to the area as government officials,teachers and politicians. Nobody woulddream of treating them the way theirparents were treated three decades ago.When they have occasion to come to yourhouse or office, they have to be treated with

CHI N A

BAY OF BENGAL

dignity and equality. (Neither my father normy three brothers in India are engaged indirect farming anymore).

My family belongs to the ancient SyrianChristian Community of Kerala (theMalabar Coast), one of the oldest Christiancommunities in the world. We trace ourorigin to Brahmins, the highest caste, whowere believed to have been converted toChristianity by St. Thomas the Apostle inA.D. 52 and to the Syrian immigrants whocame to the Malabar Coast in A.D. 345under the leadership of a merchant princenamed Thomas of Cana. (Thus, my name,Thomas, is not really Welsh, but very muchIndian or Syrian). Because of theseassociations, the Syrian Christians weregiven a high status in the caste system, eventhough, strictly speaking, the caste systemapplies only to Hindus, the majoritycommunity of India. The workers that Ireferred to were from the Pulaya andEzhava communities, both classified as verylow caste. The relationships between theupper caste Hindu landlords and their lowercaste workers were even more hierarchical.

Today workers are members ofagricultural labor unions owing allegiance todifferent political parties of the State. Theywork for anyone they like, under contractrather than the traditional exchange ofgoods and services. Many youngermembers of the traditional upper castefarming families have received professionaleducation and have gone to cities, some oftheir former workers have found enoughmoney (often using low·interest loans fromthe government) to buy small plots of landand work for themselves.

This brief description of my personalexperiences, I hope, gives you some idea ofthe fluidity of the caste system as it existsnow. We shall discuss other changes later.Before we do that, however, I would like toput the caste system into a sociologicalcontext. I will describe briefly how thesystem was supposed to have functioned inthe ancient past and how flexibility existedwithin the system.

Every society has inequalities -­inequalities of wealth, status, power andother privileges. The particular ways inwhich these inequalities manifestthemselves vary, and the names used, bothformal and informalr to denote theseinequalities will be different in each society.However, the basic fact of inequality ofprivileges enjoyed and deprivations enduredis universal. The system of inequalitypresent in modern western society is knownas class. Most people in the United Stateswould approve of the class system becausethey believe that it corresponds to thedifferent levels of ability that people areendowed with at birth and the differentlevels of effort they put forth. The classsystem is also seen as justified because it isbelieved that there is plenty of opportunityfor people from the lower classes to moveup if they work hard.

Systems of inequality found in othersocieties, especially nonwestern societies,are seen by most Americans as beingradically different not only in name but alsoin principle from the American system.However, although the caste system is seenby most Americans as completely alien totheir system, it is in fact not that differentfrom past or present systems of inequalitythat exist in the U.S. The packaging -- thenames used for the different groups and thejustification given for the system -- may vary,but the content, the effects for the people, isthe same.

CASTE IN THE PAST

First, a brief description of the castesystem as it was supposed to have beenpracticed in India. The vast majority ofIndians are Hindus. In the caste system,sanctioned by the Hindu scriptures, there

were four major divisions called Varnas.("Varna" means color and it is argued thatcaste divisions may have had something todo with color of skin). They were: 1)Brahmins, the priestly class; 2) Kshatriyas,the warriors; 3) Vaishyas, the merchants;and 4) Shudras, those who engage indifferent trades and service occupationssuch as launderers, barbers, etc. However,the most menial jobs, such as cleaningtoilets and moving carcasses, wererelegated to the so-called "untouchables"who were considered to be beyond the paleof the caste system. As the name implies,touching them or even coming near themwould pollute the ritual purity of the uppercastes and if it occurred they had to gothrough the process of ritual washing andoffering prayers. So, in effect, there werefive castes. The untouchables were giventhe name "Harijans" by Mahatma Gandhi(himself a "Vaishya") meaning "children ofGod." For Gandhi, the most despised of theland were the ones closest to God.

Dr B R. AmbedkarMillister for Law In the /lrst Indian Cabinet. arch.tect ofIndlo's ConstitutIon and leader of the Untouchables.

It should be noted that the "Varna" wasnot a homogeneous group. Each had up to athousand sub-divisions called "Jatis" whichformed a hierarchy within each caste. Notall Jatis were to be found in all parts of India.Within a small village, for example, theremay have been present representatives ofonly fifty or sixty Jatis. Some of the well­known names of Indians are really Jatinames and show the traditional occupationof their families. So, the names Nehru,Gandhi, Desai, Patel, Menon -- denote notonly their Varna and Jati but to some extenttheir traditional occupation. Patel andMenon both referred to village chiefs, andNamboodiri was a priest. Of course, not allJati names referred to an occupation.

The traditional Indian caste system

required strict endogamy, i.e., marryingwithin one's own group -- primarily the sameJati or closely related Jatis. Occupationswere generally connected with one's Jati;hence both were inherited. Thus a"Kayastha" was a scribe, a "Vaidya" was adoctor, an "Asari" a carpenter, and a"Musari" a pot maker. One's status andritual standing within the village wasdetermined by the position of one's Jatiwithin the caste hierarchy. Brahminsenjoyed the most prestige and the Harijansthe least.

However, in spite of the fact that thedescriptions of how the caste system wassupposed to operate, taken primarily fromthe early Hindu scriptures, seem very strictand inflexible, close scrutiny shows thatthere must have been a great deal offlexibility built into the system. For example,there were provisions for the ruler toupgrade a man's caste standing as a rewardfor outstanding services in time of war.Individuals of proven religious, especiallyascetic achievements, were held in highhonor irrespective of their caste. Seeminglystrict rules such as prohibition against inter­dining was interpreted in such a way that, inpractice, people of different castes could eattogether without breaking the rule. Thus,although it was against caste law for peopleof different castes to eat sitting in the samerow, sitting in different rows was acceptable.In practice it was also true that a richVaishya had often more power than a poorBrahmin in a given village.

The fact that certain rules exist does notnecessarily mean that they will be followed.For example, even though the RomanCatholic Church strictly prohibits the use ofartificial means of birth control by itsmembers, it is obvious that not everyRoman Catholic follows the rule. Onlyempirical studies based on description ofactual behavior can reveal the degree ofconformity to rules.

The period between the seventh andseventeenth century A.D., especially innorthern India, was marked by theestablishment of Moslem religion andMoslem rule. The proselytizing programs ofthe Moslems, it is argued by severalscholars, created a defensive reactionamong the Hindus, who clung to theirtraditional religion including aspects of thecaste system even more than before.Hence, the caste system may have beenmost strictly observed during this period.

The seventeenth century marked thebeginning of significant western influences.The British, who ruled much of India by1857, abolished some of the extreme formsof the caste system. (On the other hand,British policies had the effect ofstrengthening many caste divisions.) Hindusocial reformers such as Vivekananda,

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Tagore, and Gandhi helped in theacceleration of this process from within theHindu community. Western Christianmissionary work was seen as a threat to thesurvival of the Hindu religion and hencepressures for reform from within increased.

CASTE INMODERN INDIA

With Indian independence in 1947 and theestablishment of a democratic republic, thelargest in the world, in 1950, anydiscrimination based on caste was abolishedby law. India is also perhaps unique in thefact that not just "affirmative action" butwhat I would term "affirmativediscrimination" (usually known in the U.S.as "reverse discrimination") became theofficial policy of the government. Membersof backward and scheduled castes weregiven preference for government jobs,admission to educational institutions and inmany other areas. A certain number of seatswas also reserved for members of thesecastes in the elected bodies at the state andfederal levels.

In India also, the same type ofcontroversy that is heard often in the UnitedStates regarding affirmative ~ction policieswas aroused by programs to promote thewelfare of the backward and scheduledcastes. Opponents argue that showingpreference to members of the lower castesin the long run will work to theirdisadvantage, that such preference is unjustand that it creates negative feelings amongthe upper castes. Leaders of the lowercastes however argue that these programsare necessary to counter balance effects ofcentury-old policies of discrimination. Theyalso claim that in spite of much talk, littleprogress toward equality has been made,since institutionalized discrimination stillcontinues in most areas.

Obviously much can be said on both sidesof the argument. There is no doubt thattremendous progress has been made inremoving legal discrimination. There is noargument in India about "affirmativeaction," that is, programs to assure equalaccess to jobs, only about "affirmativediscrimination," namely, showingpreference to low-caste members. Evenhere, most members of the upper castesargue that after thirty-five years it is time tostop the policy of showing preference on thebasis of low-caste membership, but ratherto base such policies on economic classmembership, irrespective of caste. It isargued that there are many poor peopleamong the upper castes who deservespecial treatment and that the rich amongthe lower castes do not deserve suchpreferential treatment.

Every time I return to Kerala after theinterval of a few years, I am amazed at the

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Mahatma Gandhi, India's "Father of the Nation,"constantly fought against caste discrimination.

changes that have come about in the socialrelationships between different castes.Gone are the days when upper castes wereaddressed with respectful titles, althoughthere may be some exceptions among theold people. In the villages, the members ofthe lower castes usually make up themajority and they elect members of theirgroup to village councils and other electedbodies. The greatest transformation isamong the young people, many of whomreceive full scholarships to schools andcolleges and find government jobs. Very fewof the younger people follow the traditionaloccupations of their parents and Jati. A fewhave been elected to political offices.

Although these educated members of thelower castes expect to be and generally aretreated as equals by the upper castes, thisdoes not mean that in intimate socialrelationships, such as friendship andmarriage, caste does not play an importantpart. Most marriages still take place amongmembers of the same varna or caste (theJati or sub-caste distinctions are more easilyignored now). However, inter-castemarriages have become much more

common. Organizations exist to promotesuch marriages, and it is the semi-officialpolicy of the government to encouragethem. Prominent examples of inter-castemarriages have occurred during the pastthree or four decades so that they are nolonger considered unusual.

CASTE AND POLITICSAs mentioned earlier, India is in theory a

secular state, and religion and caste are notexpected to play any part in politics. Themajor political parties of India, like theCongress Party of which Indira Gandhi isthe leader, publicly oppose paying anyattention to caste and religious affiliations inpicking their candidates for elections.However, members of the lower castes havediscovered that caste and religiousconsciousness and allegiances can still beeasily exploited for political advantages. Allpolitical parties unofficially recognize thisand play caste politics, and most of the casteand religious organizations which havedeveloped since Independence have taken adistinctively political orientation. Either by

forming their own political parties or bybeing a major influence in the alreadyexisting political parties, they succeed inelecting candidates from their owncommunities to the state and federallegislatures. The influence they wield is thentranslated into policies and programs whichwill benefit their castes or communities.Caste organizations, especially those of thelower castes, hold statewide conventions torally support among their members and tomake their demands known to the politicalparties.

Being low caste has even become asource of pride, as members of the manylower castes have changed their traditionalnames. So "pulayas" one of the lowestcastes who did menial work call themselves"Cheramar," and claim that their ancestorswere the rulers of Kerala in ancient times.

Similarly, in Kerala State the EzhavaCommunity has discarded the old term"Chovan" and has built up a cultural andeducational organization known as SNOP.This Ezhava organization sponsors its ownpolitical party and run several colleges,hospitals, numerous schools and otherinstitutions. This is not to say that all Ezhavamembers support only one political party.As a matter of fact, a high percentage ofthem are said to support the twoCommunist parties in the State. However,even the Communist party is expected togive caste representation in their leadershippositions.

The flexing of political muscle andassertion of power in local villages havegiven rise to conflict in many areas.Members of the upper castes, who havebeen used to receiving respectful treatmentfrom the lower castes, often consider theirpresent behavior to be arrogant andaggressive. Most of the landowners and themiddle class are still upper caste, whereasmost of the workers are from the lowercastes. Even upper caste workers oftenidentify with the more well-to-do membersof their own caste rather than with lowercaste workers. Upper caste landlords, withthe help of workers belonging to their caste,may try "to teach" the lower caste workers alesson by physically intimidating them. Butmore often than not, especially in many ofthe rural areas, the lower caste people areable "to teach" some of their current orerstwhile masters a lesson also. In manyparts of North India mutual punishments,which often result in atrocities such as large­scale killings, take place between the uppercastes and the lower castes. In many areaswhere the upper castes are all too powerful,the lower castes have no choice but toendure their ancient portion of suffering andexploitation. However, this too will be apassing phase, as the lower castes get moreorganized and powerful, and will eventually

challenge the authority of the upper castes,as they have done successfully in manyparts of India.

When I was in India last year doingresearch on the social mobility of lowercastes, I interviewed several lower castemembers who now occupy positions ofauthority. One, a member of the elite IndianAdministrative Service (lAS) who headed amajor department in the state government,obviously has many members of the uppercastes who work under him. I alsointerviewed a retired university professor,as well as officials who headed the HarijanWelfare Board (a government departmentto look after the interests of the lowercastes) all belonging to backward classes.Needless to say, th·ey all have high socialstatus. In the federal as well as stategovernments, members of lower castesoccupy high positions; in fact, they havesometimes headed state governments. Forwell-educated, politically active, lower castemembers there are a great many avenues ofsocial mobility. However, in the rural areas,while radical changes have already takenplace in social relations, much change hasyet to take place economically and socially.

COMPARISONS WITHTHE U.S.

Do any of the situations described abovesound familiar? I would submit that thetraditional race relations between blacksand whites in the U.S. are strikingly similarto the traditional Indian caste system. By thesame token, modern changes in casterelations clearly parallel changes now takingplace in the relations between blacks andwhites.

Not long ago, for example, older blackmen could be addressed as "boys" not onlyby white adults, but also by whiteyoungsters. Only two decades have passedsince the blacks began to press the demandthat they be addressed by the name of theirchoice, namely "Black," rather than thenames given by the whites, namely "Negro"or worse. "Black is beautiful" is still a newconcept for many, and claims of a gloriousand proud black heritage are still not widelyaccepted by the whites.

Inter-caste marriages are perhaps morecommon in India than inter·racial marriagesin the U.S. But, black politics, especially in1984 with Jesse Jackson's candidacy for thepresidency, is not in the backgroundanymore. Blacks have made slow but steadyprogress in this area by using the ballot box,an experience clearly paralleled by thelower castes in India. However, the multi­party system of Indian parliamentarydemocracy gives greater scope to castepolitics. As mentioned earlier, controversiesregarding Affirmative Action and reversediscrimination abound in both societies.

While whites point to the progress blackshave already made, most blacks see thedistance they have yet to travel. Thesituation seems to be somewhat similar inIndia. In both countries legislation hasachieved a great deal, but without quantumchanges in attitudes progress will be slowand perhaps violent. Although the blackshave "captured new turf" in many northerncities, and the lower castes dominate manyof the rural areas in India, state and nationalpolitical structures in both countries areoverwhelmingly controlled by the dominantgroup -- the whites in the U.S.A. and theupper castes in India.

CONCLUSION

Does caste exist in India? Sure it does.But just as racial discrimination in theU.S.A. is not the same as it was two hundredor one hundred or even twenty years ago,the same is true with caste in India. It exists,but in ways radically different from those ofthe past. In both societies the same socialdynamics are at work. What is moreimportant to note and understand are thesimilarities in this process in the twosocieties, rather than the differences, whichare comparatively speaking superficial. Inboth India and the U.S., questions of casteand race are intertwined with questions ofeconomic justice and equal opportunity inthe broadest sense. Thus, rather thanlooking at the caste system as unique, itwould be more profitable to look at it from acomparative perspective, as one of thenumerous systems of inequality to be foundthe world over.

Dr. Abraham V. Thomas was born and broughtup in Kerala, India. He took an M.A. in EnglishLanguage and Literature from the University ojMadras before coming to the United States in1961. He received his S.T.M. from UnionTheological Seminary in 1962 and ThD. fromBoston University in 1969. Hejoined BridgewaterState College in 1967 and has been Chairman 0)

the Department of Sociology and Anthropologyduring the past four years.__________-J

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