Iran 06 (1968)

IRAN

Journal of the British Institute of Persian Studies

VOLUME VI 1968

CONTENTS Page

Governing Council .

ii

Statement of Aims and Activities 1 iii

Director's Report . v

Excavations at Siraf; First Interim Report, by David Whitehouse ?

I

The Relations between Edward I and Edward II of England and the

Mongol Il-Khdns of Persia, by L. Lockhart . . .

23

The Development of Persian Culture under the Early Ghaznavids, by C. E. Bosworth

. 33

European Voyages in the Indian Ocean and Caspian Sea (12th-I5th

Centuries), by Jean Richard - 0 0 0 *.

0 ? 45

Islamic Philosophy and Islamic Modernism, by Nikki R. Keddie ?

53

Some Minor Monuments in Khurisin, by William Murrie Clevenger 57

The Iranian Press, 1941-1947, by L. P. Elwell-Sutton ? ? ?

65

Lfiristin in the first half of the First Millennium B.C., by Clare

Goff Meade . . I10o5 Excavations at Bampfir, S.E. Iran: A Brief Report, by Beatrice de Cardi 135

Survey of Excavations in Iran during 1966-67 157

Published annually by

THE BRITISH INSTITUTE OF PERSIAN STUDIES

c/o The British Academy, Burlington Gardens, London, W.i

Price: ?2 los. od.

NOTES FOR CONTRIBUTORS

All contributions must be in typescript, with double spacing and wide margins. Only clear, glossy

photographic prints or strong outline drawings should be submitted for consideration as illustrations.

REFERENCES: The titles of books and periodicals should be underlined, while the titles of articles

in periodicals should be between quotation marks. Both the volume number and the date of

publication of a work should be cited in the first reference. Abbreviations should follow the list

given on the penultimate page of the Journal. Examples: P. W. Avery, Modern Iran (London, 1965). V. Minorsky, "Geographical Factors in Persian Art", BSOS IX (1937--9), pp. 621-52.

TRANSLITERATION: See the last page of the Journal.

The closing date for the receipt of articles for each issue of Iran is the end of September. Material

should be sent either to The Editor, Iran, c/o The British Academy, Burlington Gardens, London,

W.I; or to the Director of the British Institute of Persian Studies, P.O. Box 2617, Tehran.

MEMBERSHIP OF THE INSTITUTE

Anyone wishing to join the Institute should write to the Honorary Secretary, J. E. F. Gueritz,

Esq., M.A., 85 Queen's Road, Richmond, Surrey. The annual subscription for Membership of the

Institute is ?I, while the total sum of ?2 los. od. entitles the subscriber to receive the Journal.

Application Forms at back of Journal.

IRAN

Journal of the British Institute of Persian Studies

VOLUME VI 1968

CONTENTS Page

Governing Council . .

ii

Statement of Aims and Activities 1 iii

Director's Report a v

Excavations at Sirif; First Interim Report, by David Whitehouse ?

I The Relations between Edward I and Edward II of England and the

Mongol Il-Khdrs of Persia, by L. Lockhart . . .

0 23 The Development of Persian Culture under the Early Ghaznavids, by

C. E. Bosworth . . . . . . . . 33

European Voyages in the Indian Ocean and Caspian Sea (I2th-I5th Centuries), by Jean Richard -

. 45 Islamic Philosophy and Islamic Modernism, by Nikki R. Keddie

" 53

Some Minor Monuments in Khurismn, by William Murrie Clevenger 57

The Iranian Press, I941-1947, by L. P. Elwell-Sutton ? ? ? 65

Loristdn in the first half of the First Millennium B.C., by Clare Goff Meade

. . . . . . .. 105 Excavations at Bampfir, S.E. Iran: A Brief Report, by Beatrice de Cardi 135

Survey of Excavations in Iran during 1966-67 157

Published annually by

THE BRITISH INSTITUTE OF PERSIAN STUDIES

c/o The British Academy, Burlington Gardens, London, W.I

BRITISH INSTITUTE OF PERSIAN STUDIES

GOVERNING COUNCIL

President *Professor M. E. L. MALLOWAN, C.B.E., M.A., D.Lit., F.B.A., F.S.A.

Vice President Professor A. J. ARBERRY, M.A., Litt.D., D.Litt., F.B.A.

Members R. D. BARNETT, Esq., D.Lit., F.B.A., F.S.A.

*Sir MAURICE BOWRA, M.A., D.Litt., Litt.D., LL.D., F.B.A. Professor J. A. BOYLE, B.A., Ph.D.

MICHAEL BROWNE, Esq., Barrister-at-Law

JOHN BURTON-PAGE, Esq., M.A., F.S.A. Professor W. B. FISHER, B.A., D. de l'Univ., F.R.A.I.

BASIL GRAY, Esq., C.B.E., F.B.A. Professor A. K. S. LAMBTON, O.B.E., D.Lit., Ph.D.

Professor SETON H. F. LLOYD, C.B.E., M.A., F.B.A., F.S.A., A.R.I.B.A. LAURENCE LOCKHART, Esq., Litt.D., Ph.D., F.R.Hist.S.

RALPH H. PINDER-WILSON, Esq., M.A., F.S.A. BASIL W. ROBINSON, Esq., M.A., B.Litt.

*Sir MORTIMER WHEELER, C.H., C.I.E., M.C., T.D., D.Lit., F.B.A., F.S.A. Professor R. C. ZAEHNER, M.A., F.B.A.

Hon. Treasurer Sir JOHN LE ROUGETEL, K.C.M.G., M.C.

Hon. Secretary JOHN E. F. GUERITZ, Esq., M.A.

Joint Hon. Editors Mrs. LUKE HERRMANN, D.Phil., F.S.A.

Professor C. E. BOSWORTH, M.A., Ph.D.

OFFICERS IN IRAN

Director DAVID STRONACH, Esq., M.A., F.S.A.

Assistant Director BRIAN SPOONER, Esq., M.A., D.Phil.

c/o The British Academy, Burlington Gardens, LONDON, W.I.

P.O. Box 2617, Tehran, IRAN.

*Denotes Founder Member

STATEMENT OF AIMS AND ACTIVITIES

I. The Institute has an establishment in Tehran at which British scholars, men of learning versed in the arts, friends of Iran, may reside and meet their Iranian colleagues in order to discuss with them subjects of common interest; the arts, archaeology, history, literature, linguistics, religion, philosophy and cognate subjects.

2. The Institute provides accommodation for senior scholars and for teachers at British Universities in order that they may refresh themselves at the source of knowledge from which their teaching derives. The same service is being rendered to younger students who show promise of developing interests in Persian studies.

3. The Institute, whilst concerned with Persian culture in the widest sense, is particularly concerned with the development of archaeological techniques, and seeks the co-operation of Iranian scholars and students in applying current methods to the resolution of archaeological and historical problems.

4. Archaeological excavation using modern scientific techniques as ancillary aids is one of the Institute's primary tasks. These activities, which entail a fresh appraisal of previous discoveries, have already yielded new historical, architectural, and archaeological evidence which is adding to our knowledge of the past and of its bearing on the modern world.

5. In pursuit of all the activities mentioned in the preceding paragraphs the Institute is gradually adding to its library, is collecting learned periodicals, and is publishing a journal, Iran, which is expected to appear annually. The Institute aims at editing and translating a series of Persian texts, the first of which, the Humay-Nama, edited by Professor A. J. Arberry, has already appeared.

6. The Institute arranges occasional seminars, lectures and conferences and enlists the help of distinguished scholars for this purpose. It will also aim at arranging small exhibitions with the object of demonstrating the importance of Persian culture and its attraction for the world of scholarship.

7. The Institute endeavours to collaborate with universities and educational institutions in Iran by all the means at its disposal and, when consulted, assists Iranian scholars with technical advice for directing them towards the appropriate channels in British universities.

iii

DIRECTOR'S REPORT

June Ist 1966 to October 31st 1967

Guests Those staying at the Institute since the beginning of June 1966 have included the following:

Professor Stuart Piggott, Mr. and Mrs. J. D. Cowen and Miss N. K. Sandars (visiting museums and archaeological sites in northern Iran); Miss Lisa Volow (University of Michigan, studying Timurid architecture in Iran, Afghanistan and the U.S.S.R.); Dr. S. R. Cammann (Department of Oriental Studies, University of Pennsylvania, studying the Ardebil collection); Professor Robert H. Dyson, Jr., Mr. Edward Keall and Miss Mary Voigt (members of the 1966 IHasanlu Expedition of the University of Pennsylvania); Dr. P. Centlivres (social anthropological studies in northern Afghanistan); Mr. C. R. Weightman (School of Oriental and African Studies, en-route to India); Mr. and Mrs. G. Hume (University of Minnesota, investigation of Palaeolithic sites in south-east Iran); Dr. and Mrs. M. A. R. Colledge (Westfield College, London, studying Parthian material in the museum); Mr. J. A. Haywood (Director, Centre of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies, University of Durham, passing through); Miss Dominique Collon (Department of Western Asiatic Antiquities, British Museum, drawing excavated materials from Pasargadae); Mr. Norman Hammond, Mr. Michael Youngman and Mr. T. H. Clutton-Brock (members of the Cambridge Archaeological Expedition to Seistan); Professor R. A. Crossland (University of Sheffield, visiting archaeological sites in Iran); Professor Edith Porada (Columbia University, attending the Congress of Iranologists); Mr. Michael Rogers (American University in Cairo, attending the Congress and studying Seljuq and Il Khanid architecture in north- west Iran); Dr. John Clarke (University of Durham, making an urban study of Kermanshah); Mr. Price Meade (University of Pennsylvania, studying Persian literature); Dr. Hans Wulff and Miss Hildegard Wulff (University of New South Wales, Sydney, studying early technology and craftsmanship in Iran); Dr. Anna Shepherd (United States Geological Survey, Denver); Dr. and Mrs. G. Fehdrvari (S.O.A.S.); Mr. and Mrs. D. B. Whitehouse, Mr. R. H. Pinder-Wilson, Mr. G. Sansbury, Mr. James Allan, Miss Pamela Pratt, Miss Lucy Robertson and Miss Barbara Pough (members of the 1966 Siraf Expedition); Mr. John Hansman (visiting archaeological sites in Iran and, in 1967, assisting in the direction of the excavations at K6mis); Dr. Clare Goff, Miss Ann Searight, Mr. Peter Bellwood and Mr. Ian Kinnes (members of the 1966 Bdbd Jan Expedition); Sir Mortimer Wheeler (visit to Sirdf on behalf of the British Academy); Mr. Graeme Shankland (visiting Islamic monuments in Isfahan); Mr. John Taylor (Reader in Islamics, Selly Oak Colleges, Birmingham, passing through); Miss Cornelia Montgomery (Asia Institute, Pahlavi University, Shiraz, Islamic architectural studies); Professor Richard N. Frye (Harvard University, on a Middle East lecture tour and, in 1967, en-route to Herat); Dr. A. Douglas Tushingham (Royal Ontario Museum and University of Toronto); Mr. and Mrs. G. Goodwin (studying Mongol and later tilework); Professor L. De Meyer (University of Ghent, epigraphy at Susa); Professor Stella Kramrisch (University of Pennsylvania, visiting museums and archaeological sites); Professor and Mrs. A. Denis Baly (Kenyon College, Gambier, Ohio, studies in historical geography); Dr. and Mrs. P. Beaumont (University of Durham, engaged in studies of the physical environment of northern Iran); Mr. and Mrs. L. J. Herrmann (University of Oxford, studying Sasanian rock reliefs); Mr. John Wall (Bodleian Library, Oxford); Dr. Merrick Posnansky (Makerere University College, Kampala, Uganda, visiting museums); Mr. E. J. Peltenburg (Univer- sity of Birmingham, studying glazed materials in the archaeological museum); Mr. William G. Irons (University of Michigan, engaged in social anthropological studies in north-east Iran); Mr. Basil Gray (Keeper of Oriental Antiquities, British Museum); Professor Robert McC. Adams (Director, Oriental Institute, University of Chicago), Dr. Paul W. English (Department of Geography, University of Texas) and Dr. Robert A. Fernea (Department of Anthropology, University of Texas) en-route from Baghdad to Herat; Mr. Michael Nordberg (Department of History, University of Stockholm); Mr. and Mrs. David Oates, Mr. J. J. Orchard, Mr. Julian Reade, Miss Jocelyn Farrell and Mr. Jonathan Hodgkin

V

(returning from the British School of Archaeology in Iraq's excavations at Tell al Rimah); Dr. T. Cuyler Young, Jr. (Royal Ontario Museum and University of Toronto), Dr. and Mrs. Richard S. Ellis (Yale University), Mr. Louis D. Levine (Department of Oriental Studies, University of Pennsylvania), Mr. Timothy Collard (University of Toronto), Miss Carol Kramer (University of Pennsylvania) and Miss Irene J. Winter (Columbia University), members of the 1967 Godin Tepe Expedition; Dr. Philip Smith (Universit6 de Montreal) and Mr. Robert McGhee (University of Calgary), members of the Ganj Dareh Expedition; Dr. C. C. Lamberg-Karlovsky, Mr. Richard H. Meadow, Mr. Jim Humphries and Mrs. Denise Schmandt (members of Harvard University's Archaeological Expedition to South Iran); Mr. John Perry (Pembroke College, Cambridge, engaged in historical research); Miss Kay Wright (St. Hugh's College, Oxford), Miss Jennifer Davison, Mr. Robin Dennell (Pembroke College, Cambridge) and Mr. Roy Dyckhoff (King's College, Cambridge), members of the 1967 Babd Jin Expedition; Mr. and Mrs. Dennis M. Power (Department of Ornithology, Royal Ontario Museum, Toronto); Mr. Bennet Bronson (University of Pennsylvania, visiting archaeological sites); Mr. Raymond Oppenheim (Church Divinity School of the Pacific, Berkeley, California); Mr. and Mrs. Anthony Welch (Fogg Art Museum, Harvard University); Professor J. A. Boyle (University of Man- chester, study tour); Mr. R. A. Collacott, Mr. Andre Singer, Mr. Nigel Pantin, Mr. John Rawlins, Mr. Michael Thain, Mr. Brian Street (members of Oxford University's 1967 Expedition to the Basseri); Dr. Khalid Sayeed (Queen's University, Kingston, Ontario, Canada, study tour); Mr. and Mrs. Colin Bertram (St. John's College, Cambridge), Mr. and Mrs. Mark Bertram, Mr. R. C. R. Bertram, Mr. W. H. R. Bertram and Miss Julia Peters (studying pigeon towers at Isfahdn); Miss Winnifred E. Morgan (University of California, Armenian studies); Mr. Michael Smee, Mr. B. F. Copeland and Mr. Russell Hallam (University of Manchester, studying architectural environments at Isfahln and Shiraz); Mr. Robin M. Derricout (Christ College, Cambridge, en-route to India); Mr. Robert G. Faudre (University of Seville, visiting archaeological sites in Lfiristan); Miss Daphne Wharton (Department of Theology, Birmingham, Islamic studies); Dr. Oscar White Muscarella (Metropolitan Museum of Art, Godin Tepe and Tepe Nfish-i-Jdn); Dr. A. D. H. Bivar (S.O.A.S.), Mr. Michael Roaf (Christ Church, Oxford), Mr. Andrew Williamson (Pembroke College, Oxford), Mr. Ian Herring (St. John's College, Cambridge) and Miss Susan Bird, members of the 1967 Tepe Nfish-i-Jdn Expedition; Mr. and Mrs. W. Sumner (University of Pennsylvania, archaeological surveys in Fars); Mr. and Mrs. P. C. Salzman (Department of Anthropology, Chicago, social anthropology of Iranian nomads); Mr. and Mrs. Regnar R. B. Kearton (University of Pennsylvania, archaeological reconnaissance in West Azerbaijan); Dr. Claudio Vita Finzi (University College, London, studying recent geological changes in northern Iran); Miss Frances Ainger, Miss Jennifer Sibson, Miss Sarah Jennings, Mr. Hugh Ainsley, Mr. G. Sholl, Mr. Alan Carter (St. John's College, Cambridge) and Mr. Oliver Drerup (Franconia College, New Hampshire), members of the 1967 Sirdf Expedition; Miss M. van der Zwan (Leiden University) and Mr. Svend Helms (University of Toronto), visiting archaeological sites; and Mr. Robert Spertus (University of Michigan, studying medieval local histories).

As the above list indicates, the Institute now serves as an advance base for a large number of expeditions. In the summer months particularly almost all accommodation is in constant use.

That such continuous activity is now the rule is probably a reflection of two things: the exemplary readiness of the Iranian authorities to assist qualified scholars in their chosen programmes of research and the appeal that Iran exerts both for her present, as well as her past, achievements.

Within the Institute itself there can be no doubt that we have grown to be a firmly international place of residence; expeditions from Oxford or London are as likely as not to find themselves quartered beside others from Pennsylvania or Toronto. But however desirable-and gratifying-this may be, it would be foolish to pretend that our limited facilities can continue to cater for the ever-growing number of specialist teams wishing to come to Iran.

Fortunately, the present accommodation problem is not likely to persist: at least three new research centres hope to open in Tehran within the next year. These will be the American Institute of Persian Studies, the French Archaeological Institute and McGill University's proposed Centre for Islamic Studies. To each of these new foundations we extend the very warmest of welcomes.

vi

Excavations Within the covers of this issue of Iran we present preliminary reports on the initial seasons at both

Sirif and Bdbd Jan Tepe together with summaries of the work carried out at each of these sites in 1967. At Sirdf, where this year's campaign will run on to January 1968, Dr. Whitehouse's team includes

both of the Institute's Fellows for the current session, Mrs. Ruth Whitehouse and Mr. Hugh Ainsley. Among other objectives in a long season, the expedition hopes to complete an accurate topographic survey of the whole site; to begin a thorough underwater prospection; and to take the first steps towards constructing a permanent dig house.

In a second season at Bibd Jan in Li~ristin Dr. Clare Goff recovered a large number of painted, baked brick wall tiles from one of several substantial buildings dating from the ninth and eighth centuries B.c. Largely coloured red and brown, the tiles exhibit a series of geometric patterns that rival the best abstract designs of Sialk B. In earlier soundings two major building phases appeared to be associated with the long-lived Giydn III period while the lowest levels reached so far produced finely burnished, cream-coloured pottery possibly dating to about 3000 B.C.

Elsewhere in Iran Mr. Stronach completed a seven-week season at Tepe Niish-i-Jan, a Median site situated 70o km. south of Hamadan, and a two-week sondage at Kimis, a partly Parthian site located 30 km. west of Damghan. As described in the " Survey of Excavations " (p. 162) the mud-brick architecture of Niish-i-Jan proved to be unusually well preserved, exhibiting many significant details of construction (P1. I). At K6mis, where a series of vaulted Parthian tombs were cleared (p. 162 and

P1l. II), the size, date and location of the site all remain of special interest since it is here or hereabouts that the missing Parthian capital of Hecatompylos must have stood.

Lectures at the Institute In a smaller programme than usual only two lectures were held. On February i Ith 1967, Mr.

David Brooks spoke on " Aspects of the Bakhtiari ", while on May 31st, Mr. Stronach spoke on " Zoroaster, Cyrus and Darius "

Congress of Iranologists Apart from resident members of the Institute, three members of the Governing Council-Professor

A. K. S. Lambton, Dr. Laurence Lockhart and Professor J. A. Boyle-were able to attend the First Congress of Iranologists, held in Tehran at the invitation of the Pahlavi Library, from August 31st to September 7th 1966. Many of the delegates attended a reception held at the Institute on September 3rd.

Director In the course of the Congress of Iranologists, Mr. Stronach read a paper on " Fire Altars and Fire

Temples ". In later lectures in England he spoke on " Archaeological Sites in Iran " at the Royal Central Asian Society and on " The Demavend and Kharraqan Tomb Towers " at the Institute's Annual General Meeting on October 5th 1966.

During a four-week visit to the United States and Canada as the University of Pennsylvania's Hagop Kevorkian Visiting Lecturer in Iranian Art and Archaeology Mr. Stronach had an opportunity to lecture at a number of Institutions that have associated themselves with the Institute's archaeological work in Iran. Work on the Pasargadae report was assisted by a study of Professor Herzfeld's papers at both thle Freer Gallery in Washington and the Metropolitan Museum in New York.

Assistant Director

On October I7th 1966, Dr. Spooner lectured to the British Council on " The Tribes of South-East Iran ". He presented his thesis for his Doctorate three months later, before representing the Institute at the Orientalists' Congress in August. His paper at the Congress was entitled " The Iranian Plateau: An Anthropological View ".

V11ii

Institute Fellows, 1966/67 Of the two Fellowships offered for the past session, one went to Mr. C. S. M. Shelton of St.

Catherine's College, Oxford, and the second to Mr. David Brooks who received his third award. With prompt assistance from the Iranian authorities Mr. Shelton was able to pursue a series of chosen dialect studies near Bandar Abbas. During his time in the area he succeeded in obtaining useful notes on both the Bandari and Minabi dialects as well as gathering new linguistic data from adjoining Bashkardia.

Mr. Brooks was able to make two further visits to the Bakhtiari mountains despite multiple injuries received in a motor accident at the beginning of the year. Now back at Oxford, he hopes to present his thesis in 1968.

viii

EXCAVATIONS AT SIRAF

First Interim Report

By David Whitehouse

The first season of excavations at Siraf took place between October and December 1966.1 The excavations are sponsored by the British Institute of Persian Studies with the object of recovering information about the development and commercial relations of a city which, according to medieval Arab geographers, was the most prosperous port in the Persian Gulf during the ninth and tenth centuries A.D.

We are grateful to H.E. the Minister of Culture, Mr. Mehrdad Pahlbod, for granting a permit to excavate at Siraf and to the Director-General of the Archaeological Service, Mr. A. Pourmand. The Director of Tehran Archaeological Museum, Prof. E. Negahban, gave us much advice and encouragement. We acknowledge also the help of the Director of Antiquities for Fdrs, Mr. Kadjuri, and the Director of the archaeological establishment at Persepolis, Mr. Ranai.

The excavation was financed by the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation of Lisbon, the British Academy, the British Museum and the British Institute of Persian Studies. We acknowledge their support with gratitude.

The excavation staff was as follows: David Whitehouse (Director), Ruth Whitehouse and James Allan (Site Supervisors), Lucy Robertson (Finds Assistant), Barbara Pough (Surveyor), Pamela Pratt (Conservator) and Geoffrey Sansbury (Photographer). Mr. Mahmout Khordvani was the Representa- tive of the Archaeological Service and the whole staff is grateful to him for his assistance. Mr. John Hansman visited the site and gave us valuable help. As a newcomer to Islamic archaeology, I am also personally grateful to Mr. Ralph Pinder-Wilson, Assistant Keeper, Oriental Antiquities, British Museum, who was fortunately able to join us, for his unstinting advice about the finds. For more general advice I wish to thank Prof. M. E. L. Mallowan, Mr. David Stronach and Sir Mortimer Wheeler.

During the excavation we enjoyed the generous hospitality of Shaikh Nasir Nasouri of Taheri. We also enjoyed the help and hospitality of DOPCO, a subsidiary of Shell Iran NV based at Bushire. We offer Shaikh Nasir and the Director and Staff of DOPCO our warmest thanks.

I. INTRODUCTION

The site of Siraf, modern Taheri, lies on the Iranian coast of the Persian Gulf, 220 km. south-east of Bushire and approximately 380 km. west-north-west of Bandar 'Abbis (see map, Fig. I). The existence of a ruined site at Taheri was reported by James Morier in 18122 and the site was visited subsequently by Captain Brucks, I.N., the first surveyor of the Persian Gulf, who thought that it was Portuguese.3 It was later visited by three other officers of the Indian Navy: Captain G. B. Kempthorne, who examined the site in 1835 and was the first person to identify the ruins with SirMf,4 Commodore Ethersey5 and Captain Arthur Stiffe.6 Kempthorne and Stiffe were the first writers to publish eye-witness accounts of the site and Kempthorne removed a stone grave cover which he presented to the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. In the i86os Taheri was visited by a ship involved in laying one of the submarine cables between Bushire and Jask, 225 km. south-east of Bandar 'Abbas.7 On this

1 Preliminary reports have already appeared in Iran V (1967), pp. 141-2; and Antiquity XLI, no. 162 (June 1967), p. 134.

2 James Morier, A Journey Through Persia, Armenia and Asia Minor to Constantinople in the Years 18o8 and 1809 (London 1812), p. 51.

3 Arthur W. Stiffe, " Ancient Trading Centres of the Persian Gulf. I. Sirdif", Geographical Journal VI (1895), pp. 166-73, particularly p. I66.

4 G. B. Kempthorne, " A Narrative of a Visit to the Ruins of Tahrie, the Supposed Site of the Ancient City of Siraff, also an Account of the Ancient Commerce of the Gulf of Persia, etc.", Trans. Bombay Geographical Society XIII (1856-57), pp. 125-40.

6 Stiffe, op. cit., in note 2, p. i66. 6 Ibid. 7 Idem, p. I67.

1

2 JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

occasion a second grave cover was removed and presented to the British Museum. The site has been visited on several occasions in the twentieth century: notably by members of the French expedition to Sabz~bdd, a prehistoric site near Bushire,8 by Sir Arnold Wilson in 1911,9 Sir Aurel Stein in 1933,10 Karl Lindberg in 194011 and Prof. L. Vanden Berghe in 1960-61I.12 All these visitors produced accounts of Taheri and Stein's description contains the fullest discussion of the site hitherto published. In 1962 Dr. Alastair Lamb visited Taheri and reported on its archaeological potential.13

ABADAN SHIRAZ

BUSHIRE

SIRAF

QAIS

@

I , I I 300 Kms

Fig. I. The position of Sfraf.

The earliest reference to Siraf occurs in the writing of Ibn al-Faqih (active c. 850 A.D.), who noted that Sirdfi ships traded with India.14 About the same time Sulaiman the Merchant recorded that Middle Eastern goods bound for China were sent first from Basra to Sirtf, whence they were dispatched by way of Muscat and Quilon, an important entrep6t on the Malabar coast.'5 Fifty years later Abi Zaid (c. 877-915/6), himself a merchant of Siraf, noted that Sirdfi merchants visited Jidda in the Red Sea and the Zanzibar coast. Abti Zaid also stated that, although Chinese coins were still in circulation at Siraf, the volume of trade between the Persian Gulf and China had decreased after the massacre of foreign merchants in Canton in 878. When Mas'fidi (d. 956) visited Madagascar between 916 and 926 he found ships from Sirif and Oman and he also noted the presence of Sirdfi vessels at the head of the Persian Gulf in the ports of al-Ubulla and 'Abbaddin.16

8 Maurice P6zard, " Mission A Bender-Bouchir ", M.D.P. XV (1914), P. 36 and Site 6 on map, pl. IX. Rishahr is the site of a small Islamic settlement and a Portuguese factory.

9 Sir Arnold Wilson, South West Persia: A Political Officer's Diary 1907-1914 (London 1942), pp. 178 ff.

10 Sir Aurel Stein, Archaeological Reconnaissances in North Western India and South Eastern Iran (London 1937), Pp. 202-12.

11 Karl Lindberg, Voyage dans le Sud d'Iran (Lund 1955), P. 12 I. 1i L. Vanden Berghe, " R6centes D6couvertes de Monuments

Sassanides dans le Firs ", Iranica Antiqua I (1961), pp. 163-98, particularly 172 ff.

13 Alastair Lamb, Report on a Visit to the Site of Siraf, near Taheri in the Persian Gulf, in November 1962, duplicated and circulated privately.

14 Summaries of the documentary evidence for Siraf will be found in P. Schwarz, Iran im Mittelalter, vol. I (Leipzig, Stuttgart and Berlin I9Io), p. 61; Sir Arnold Wilson, The Persian Gulf (Oxford 1928), pp. 92-6; Cl. Huart in Encyclopaedia of Islam, (London and Leiden), s.v.; Stein, op. cit., in note Io; Jean Aubin, " La Ruine de Siraf et les routes du Golfe Persique aux XIe et XIIe siecles ", Cahiers de Civilisation Mediivale II, no. 3 (July-September 1959), Pp. 295-301; and G. le Strange, The Lands of the Eastern Caliphate (Cambridge 1905), Pp. 258-9, 293 and 296.

15 Stein, op. cit., in note 10, p. 202; and Wilson, op. cit., in note 14, P-. 94-

1s G. S. P. Freeman-Grenville, The Medieval History of the Coast of Tanganyika (Berlin: Deutsche Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, Institut ffir Orientforschung, I962), p. 46.

EXCAVATIONS AT SIRAF 3

The next geographer to mention Sirgf, Istakhri (writing shortly before 950), provides the fullest surviving account of the city.17 In the district of Ardashir (south-west Firs), he wrote, Siraf was second in importance only to Shiraz and was almost as large as the latter. Despite its position in the hottest part of the coast and the scarcity of drinking water, fruit and vegetables, all of which were fetched from the plain ofJamm,18 Sirafwas a prosperous city with imposing buildings. The multi-storey houses were built with wood imported from East Africa and a merchant might spend as much as 30,000 dinars on building a house. Ibn Hauqal, another tenth-century writer who derived much of his account from Istakhri, added that the city possessed three places of worship.19 According to Istakhri, the merchandise which passed through Sirdf included aloes, ambergris, camphor, gemstones, bamboo, ivory, ebony, paper, sandalwood and other perfumes, drugs and spices. The city was an important market for pearls and among its own products were linen napkins and veils. Writing of the period 908-932, the twelfth- century writer Ibn al-Balkhi recorded that the value of goods handled at Sirdf amounted to no less than 2,530,000 dinars per annum.20

However, by the time Muqaddasi wrote a description of Sirdf in the late tenth century a decline had begun. The city was still an important entrep6t with remarkable houses, but a severe earthquake which lasted for seven days had damaged the city in 977 and many of the merchants had moved elsewhere.21 After the fall of the Biyid Dynasty (c. 1055) and the consequent disruption of trade routes in Fars, much of the foreign traffic was diverted from Sirdf to Qais, an offshore island some I I o km. farther south.22

Thus, when Ibn al-Balkhi wrote the Fdrs Ndma in the twelfth century, Sirdf had greatly declined. When Ydiqiit (writing in 1218) visited the site the city was in ruins and supported only a few impoverished inhabitants. The only large building still intact was a mosque with wooden columns. The place-name Sirdf had become corrupted to Shilau, a name still attached to part of the site.

We may summarize the documentary evidence for the history of Siraf as follows. By the time Sirdf was mentioned first (c. 850), it was already a flourishing port with merchants dealing with India and south-east Asia. During the next hundred years the city continued to prosper and Sirafi merchants traded with the Red Sea, East Africa and Madagascar in the West and with India, the Malay peninsula and China in the East. In the early tenth century, more than 2 - 5 million dinars' worth of goods passed through Siraf annually. In 977 the city was damaged by an earthquake and thereafter declined. After the fall of the Biyids (c. 1055) most of the trade was diverted to Qais and by 1218 Sirdf was in ruins.

The site of SirTf extends along the edge of a shallow bay, the ends of which are low sandy spits. The bay, which faces south, is 4 km. across. Immediately inland is a rugged sandstone ridge. In this part of Fars, the hinterland consists of a series of long mountainous ridges roughly parallel to the coast. These ridges, which are precipitous and reach heights of more than 1500 m. within 20 km. of the sea, are broken only occasionally by passes, making communication between the coast and the interior extremely difficult. At Sirif itself the first low ridge begins less than 500 m. from the beach, leaving only a narrow habitable strip.

The bay is divided into two unequal parts by a spur which runs from the first ridge to the sea. To the east lies the village of Taheri and on the spur itself is the shaikh's fortified mansion. To the west of the spur is the site of Siraf, which extends along the shore for more than 2 km. (Fig. 2 and P1. I). The coastal strip widens towards the west end of the bay until, on the west side of a dry wadi known as Kunarak, the plain of Bdgh-i-Shaikh is about I km. across. In the western part of the bay the first ridge is broken at two points: by the winding valley of Kundrak, through which the modern road approaches Taheri, and 1500 m. farther east by a narrow gorge known as Tang-i-Lir. Kunarak evidently served, as it does today, as the starting point of the route to the plain of Jamm. Between Kunarak and the shaikh's fort two additional spurs project from the south side of the first ridge. The larger spur, which is in fact almost parallel to the ridge, extends westwards from Tang-i-Lir for about I km. It is separated from the ridge by a valley which retains the thirteenth-century name Shilau. The

17 Stein, op. cit., in note Io, p. 202; and Wilson, op. cit., in note 14, P- 94-

18 A fertile plain 19 km. north of Sirdf, where the villagers of Taheri obtain dates and other produce today.

19 Wilson, op. cit., in note 14, p. 94.

20 Idem, p. 95. 21 Stein, op. cit., in note Io, p. 203; and Wilson, op. cit., in note

14, P. 94- 22 Aubin, op. cit., in note 14, passim.

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second, smaller spur lies between the west side of Shilau valley and a gully which enters the bed of Kunarak wadi. The first spur is surmounted by a small ruined structure which the villagers of Taheri mis-identify as a madrasa, and the second by the more extensive ruins of a mosque.

The site of Sirdf thus occupies a triangle bounded by the sea, the first ridge and Kunarak wadi, with outlying ruins to the west in the plain of Bigh-i-Shaikh. The whole of this triangle is covered with building debris. No standing ruin survives and much of the area is used for cultivation by the villagers of Taheri. The surface of the site consists of scattered footings and heaps of rubble, most of which has been removed from garden plots and piled round the edges. Seen from the air, this activity gives the erroneous impression that the plan of whole quarters of Sirdf is plainly visible; the " plan ", however, is that of the modern fields.

Nevertheless, certain features of the city are, or until recently were, immediately obvious. For example, when Stein visited Siraf he noted the remains of a massive " sea wall " extending along the beach for more than 400 m. on either side of the footings which he correctly identified as a mosque (Site B; see below, p. 9). None of this wall, which was reinforced on the seaward face with triangular and semi-circular buttresses, survives today, although two short sections (which Stein did not record) exist near Site D. In fact, the most impressive standing remains belong to the mosque, labelled masjid in Fig. 2, overlooking Kunarak valley (P1. IIb and c). The mosque belongs to the fourteenth or fifteenth century, but apparently stands on the site of an earlier structure because the vicinity is littered with fragments of tenth-, eleventh- and early twelfth-century grave covers (see below, p. 20 and P1. VIIIf). However, the most spectacular features of Sirdf are the cemeteries in Shilau valley. These cover the northern slopes of the valley and consist of numerous rock-cut graves, most of which are now empty. The largest cemetery (P1. IIa) occupies an abandoned quarry which probably supplied stone for many of the earlier buildings of Siraf. Finally, outside the medieval city, on the east spit of Taheri Bay, are mounds of debris from a group of pottery kilns with an output similar to the kilns at Site D (see below, p. I6).

II. THE EXCAVATION

One of our first objectives at Siraf was to cut an exploratory section through the accumulated deposits at the centre of the site. This would give some indication of the length of occupation, perhaps extending back into pre-Islamic times, and at the same time provide a stratified sequence of pottery. We therefore excavated a sounding in Site A, Ioo m. west of the mosque discovered by Stein. Mean- while we began to examine the Islamic city and selected three areas for excavation. The threat of road works on the site of Stein's mosque compelled us to carry out a rescue dig designed to elucidate as much of the plan as possible before the building was destroyed. Fortunately, however, the threat was later averted and we now intend to clear the site (Site B) completely. East of the mosque, in Site C, we began the excavation of a large and complex structure thought to be a house. Finally, the discovery of a group of kilns near the shore in the western sector of Siraf (Site D) led to the investigation of an industrial complex where pottery and possibly glass was produced.

I. Site A. The Sounding The sounding was situated some Ioo m. west of the Great Mosque and 75 m. from the beach. It

consisted of a trench measuring I5x5 m., excavated down to natural sand 7 m. below the surface (P1. IIIa and b). The stratigraphy was clearly defined and we recognized three major periods of occupation. The most substantial period was represented by a large building with walls of mortared rubble and paved or mortar floors. The building was in use throughout the period of Sirtf's great prosperity and its history is divisible into four phases. The floors of the latest phase were covered by rubble produced when the structure collapsed. Below the earliest floors was a series of deposits of clay and sand resting on a fossil beach and dating from before Siraf became prosperous. Above the collapsed rubble was a thick layer of agricultural soil, over which were the remains of flimsy buildings with drystone footings and floors of trampled earth. These evidently belonged to the period of impoverished occupation which followed the decline of Siraif. Above the footings was a layer of recent cultivation soil. The sequence of deposits may be summarized as follows:

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Period I Earliest occupation

Period I. The earliest occupation was represented by layers of trampled earth, sand and clay between i and I -4 m. thick. The lowest layers rest on undisturbed beach sand, less than I m. above the level of the highest tides today. The only structure associated with these deposits was a short length of mortared wall at the south end of the trench. Mixed with the sand and clay, however, was abundant pottery, including green-glazed sherds of " Sasanian-Islamic " type and fragments of stoneware jars imported from south-east Asia (see below, pp. 14 and 18). The occurrence of these wares, coupled with the absence of other Far Eastern pottery, suggests that Period I belongs to a phase after Sirdf had begun to handle international trade, but before it became a wealthy port.

Period 2. Throughout Period 2 the trench was occupied by a range of rooms extending approximately north-south, with a common wall in the west face of the excavation. The west wall and the trench edge were not precisely aligned, with the result that the north end of the section (Fig. 4) records deposits lying immediately outside the range of rooms. The sequence of floors in these deposits resembles the sequence in the range itself. The rooms on both sides of the west wall extended beyond the north end of the trench and it is clear that the building was extensive.

The building was reconstructed several times and the sequence of events is relatively clear. Each reconstruction was associated with new paved or mortar floors laid on a bed of make-up between 20 and 6o cm. thick. Where necessary, old walls were demolished down to floor level and new walls were built directly on the floors without foundations (P1. IIId). Because of this method of construction, we possess a series of stratified deposits separated by mortar floors. Although each layer of make-up may contain many residual finds, the chance of contamination with later material is minimal.

The sequence of building in Period 2 is divisible into four phases. In Phase A, which in fact comprises walls of two different ages, three rooms existed in the trench. During the phase the west wall and one of the partitions were strengthened, perhaps to support a second storey. After this had taken place, a mortar platform only 5 cm. high was made in a corner of the north room. A similar platform was discovered in Site C and we presume that they were stands for furniture or household utensils. In the second phase the range was extended at the north end and five rooms now appeared in the trench (P1. IIIc). The width of the rooms was increased to a minimum of 2 - 8 m. The south room had an earth floor and contained a mortared structure of unknown use, which consisted of a circular hollow with no outlet flanked by semi-circular blocks of rubble. During this phase the adjoining room was enlarged by demolishing the east wall down to floor level. The range was again enlarged in Phase C. The partitions were retained, but the rooms were now apparently almost 5 m. wide. At least four doorways were cut in the west wall giving access to the rooms beyond. In Phase D some of the partitions were replaced. The south room was evidently ruined and a group of four skeletons was found in shallow graves in the rubble. The south wall of the adjoining room thus became an outside wall and was consequently thickened. The doorway in this room was enlarged, but the other doors were blocked. During this latest phase some of the floors were paved and similar floors were used on the west side of the west wall.

At the end of Period 2D the large building collapsed. Everywhere the latest floors, which were covered with occupation debris in two of the rooms, were sealed by a layer of rubble up to I

"5 m. thick.

At no point did the walls survive more than I .4

m. above the latest floors. The levels which overlay this rubble suggested an impoverished occupation and it is tempting to interpret the deposit as a product


of the earthquake of 977: however, the evidence is inconclusive. One would expect that the earthquake fractured walls and floors and produced large sections of tumbled masonry. None of these symptoms was found; the floors were intact and the rubble was mostly small. Indeed, the overall impression was of gradual decay rather than violent destruction.

Period 3. The rubble was overlain by up to I m. of loam containing small rubble and patches of sand, ash and shell. The texture of this deposit suggests that it was agricultural soil and the dumps of sand, ash and shells show that occupation existed in the vicinity. Cut into the deposit at the north-east end of the trench were two shallow graves. The graves were sealed by the trampled earth and rubble floors associated with fragmentary drystone footings; evidently the settlement which existed nearby while the agricultural soil accumulated had encroached on the former area of cultivation. During the early part of Period 3 a new type of pottery, unglazed painted ware (see below, p. 15), came into use. At a later date a few pieces of green-glazed Chekiang celadon were introduced. However, blue and white porcelain, which occurs in small quantities in the superficial deposits at Sirif, was entirely lacking. Thus a date between the late eleventh and the fourteenth or fifteenth centuries appears probable and the type of occupation suggested by the deposits accords well with the poverty recorded by Yqiit in 1218.

Chronology. The chronology of the deposits in Site A is particularly important because at present they provide our fullest sequence of stratified finds. According to the documentary evidence, Sirif was already trading with India and the Far East in c. 850o and it is reasonable to suppose that the period of prosperity began about this date, or slightly earlier, and continued at least until the earthquake of 977. This supposition leads to the conclusion that the large building of Period 2 was in use for a considerable time within a period beginning before 850o and ending after 977. If it is correct to interpret the relatively poor Period I as immediately preceding Period 2A, then the beginning of 2A should be placed as early

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as possible within this bracket, perhaps c. 825-50. Such a date would agree with the sudden introduction of glazed wares of types discovered at Samarra, which was founded in 833, at the beginning of Period 2A.

The date of the end of Period 2 is more difficult to determine. Period 2 was followed by a phase of decay and it is reasonable to assume that the large building went out of use late in the history of Sirdf. Since the ruin of Period 2D cannot be attributed automatically to the earthquake of 977, it may have occurred as late as c. 1055 when Siraf was eclipsed by the rise of Qais. I suggest, therefore, the following provisional chronology for the sequence of deposits in Site A:

Period 3 Later eleventh century onwards. Period 2 c. 825-50 to c. 977-1055 Period I Before c. 825-50, perhaps beginning c. 8oo.

2. Site B. The Great Mosque The remains of a large building, consisting of pier bases and tumbled walls, were found by Stein

near the shore, some 8oo m. west of the shaikh's fort (P1. IVa). Although the plan was obscure, Stein wondered whether the ruins were those of the mosque described by Ydqift (see above, p. 3). During our excavation, work began on a local stretch of the new road connecting Bushire and Bandar 'Abbas. Entering Taheri Bay through Kunirak valley, the road crosses the site of Siraf and was originally planned to skirt the beach, threatening the building discovered by Stein. We therefore carried out a rescue excavation designed to identify the date and function of the structure and to recover sufficient of the plan to permit reconstruction. As a result the building was revealed as a mosque of the classic " Congregational " type. It was particularly fortunate, therefore, that with the help of Mr. Khordvani we were able to arrange for the road to be diverted; the mosque was preserved and excavation will continue in 1968 with the object of revealing the entire structure. We have named it the " Great Mosque ", partly because this probably reflects its status in Sirif and partly to distinguish it from the later mosque overlooking Kunarak valley (see above, p. 5).

In its completed form the Great Mosque consisted of a rectangular enclosure, 57 m. long and 44 m. wide, surrounding a courtyard 27 m. across (Fig. 5). The courtyard was bordered on three sides by double arcades, or riwdqs, with an entrance in the east wall and a possible second entrance to the north. Beside the east entrance is a solid foundation, 3 - 8 m. square, which may be the remains of a minaret. On the fourth, or qibla, side of the courtyard the arcade was five bays deep, forming a prayer hall, measuring 21 m. from the courtyard to the qibla wall. An additional arcade, four or more bays wide and at least ten bays long, projected from the south side of the enclosure.

The foundations of the Great Mosque consist of walls of mortared rubble between o . 9 and 1 - 2 m.

thick. Sections cut on either side of the qibla wall and in the north-east angle of the enclosure showed without doubt that at least some of the walls were built without foundation trenches, a practice recalling the construction of the large building in Site A. Spaces between the foundations were filled with earth and rubble up to the level of the floors. Above floor level, the outer walls of the mosque were solid, while the arcades consisted of rows of piers, each row apparently resting on a continuous foundation. The pier bases were originally square (P1. IVd). They were between

o.9 and

I. I m. across and consisted of a single dressed boulder encased in plaster. No base survives more than 70 cm. above floor level and consequently the form of the piers is uncertain. However, the use of large boulders with a flat surface suggests that the bases supported wooden columns, a type of construction mentioned by Yaqiit as a feature of the principal mosque at Siraf. Many of the piers, including P1. IVd, were later reinforced with semi-circular buttresses.

The remains of the Great Mosque belong to at least two periods of building. Marine erosion, which is encroaching on the south-west angle of the mosque, has revealed that the foundations of the westernmost bay of the prayer hall abut on to those of the first four bays, which have a rounded buttress at the south-west angle (P1. IVc). Furthermore, the foundations of the arcade which project from the main enclosure on the south side also abut on to the foundations of the original prayer hall. We may assume, therefore, that neither the fifth bay of the prayer hall nor the additional arcade existed in the original plan. Thus the Great Mosque probably consisted primarily of a rectangular enclosure measuring


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52 m. long by 44 m. wide, with a prayer hall four bays deep. It is not yet clear whether the so-called " minaret " belongs to this initial construction, nor whether the additions were made on one or more occasions.

In the absence of a dedicatory inscription, we must rely on archaeological evidence to date the Great

Mosque. The most important evidence is a group of silver coins from the filling between the foundations of the original and the additional qibla walls; these await identification. Further evidence is provided by fragments of decorated stucco found in make-up under the floor of a recent structure built on the site of the prayer hall (see below). The fragments (see below, p. 20 and P1. VIIIa) are closely paralleled by the ninth-century stucco in the Masjid-i Jum'a at NM'in and they presumably formed part of the decoration of the Great Mosque. Finally, the pottery found in deposits associated with the construction of the original mosque resembles the pottery from the earlier part of Period 2 in Site A. The first phase of the Great Mosque is therefore provisionally dated to the mid or later ninth century.

Some time after the Great Mosque had fallen into decay a tiny structure was built in the ruins of the prayer hall (Pl. IVb). It consisted of a mosque three bays wide and two bays deep, measuring only I I

"7 x 63 m. internally. The position of the mihrdb in this " Recent Mosque " corresponds exactly

with that of the mihrdb in the completed Great Mosque. On the south side of the Recent Mosque was a

courtyard partly enclosed by a low plaster wall. The north side of the courtyard consisted of a mortared rubble staircase leading to the roof of the mosque. A rectangular cistern inserted in the courtyard of the Great Mosque is probably contemporary with the Recent Mosque.

The date of the Recent Mosque is uncertain. If the Great Mosque is indeed the building described by Yaqilt, then it was still standing in the early thirteenth century and the Recent Mosque must be

appreciably later. Furthermore, the plan closely resembles that of mosques used today in the villages of the region, including Taheri, and a courtyard with a low plaster wall occurs outside the mosque at Nakhl-i-Taqi, 34 km. to the south-east. None of these mosques is thought to be earlier than the nineteenth century. However, the villagers of Taheri know nothing of the Recent Mosque and among the pottery associated with its use were fragmentary bowls decorated in black under a turquoise glaze (e.g. P1. VId), which do not appear to be modern. As a working hypothesis, I suggest that the structure dates from shortly before the nineteenth century and is an early example of the type of mosque still in use today.

3. Site C. The House The excavations in Site C, some i5o m. east of the Great Mosque, consisted of three exploratory

trenches which revealed a large stone building, thought to be a house. The building had a complex history and considerable work will be required before its plan and development can be fully elucidated. However, it is clear already that the building was constructed in Period 2 and remained in use at least until the early part of Period 3. Below the earliest floors of the house were substantial deposits datable to Period I.

As in Site A, the earliest traces of occupation rested on the irregular surface of fossil dunes, less than I m. above the level of the highest tides today. They consisted of trampled deposits of earth and rubble, about I m. thick, associated with dumps of ash and iron slag (P1. Vb). Stake-holes suggest the presence of temporary structures and the area was evidently occupied by a blacksmith's workshop. Crossing the site from north to south and emptying into the sea were two stone-lined drains, which imply that a more permanent building lay farther north. Among the finds from the early deposits was a fragmentary clay tuyBre and several bun-shaped nodules of slag (see below, p. 1 9). Most of the pottery was coarse and the only glazed varieties were " Sasanian-Islamic " ware and fragments of large stoneware jars.

The building constructed in Period 2 occupied an area measuring at least 20 m. by 30 m. On the south side, it has been eroded by the sea and its original extent in this direction cannot be determined (P1. Va). It is probable, however, that the building ran up to the " sea wall " described by Stein (see above, p. 5) and it may have been one of the multi-storey houses described by Istakhri. Like the large building in Site A, it had walls of mortared rubble and floors of stone or mortar. It was altered at least twice and in the latest surviving phase the plan apparently included a courtyard with rooms on two or more sides. Among the internal features of the house was a low platform, similar to the platform dated


to Period 2A in the sounding, and two bread ovens identical to the ovens used in Taheri today. All three features belonged to the first or second phase of occupation. The pottery found below the floors of the first two phases indicates that the house was built at an early date in Period 2.

The latest phase of occupation found in the house is of particular interest because it is contemporary with Period 3 in Site A and belongs to a time when, according to Yaqilt, Sirif was in ruins. Among the finds resting on the latest floors was a large group of pottery which includes fragments of several lustre ware bowls. The bowls, which were manufactured c. 1200, were imported from Syria or northern Persia. Thus, at the beginning of the thirteenth century, SirSf was still receiving small quantities of fine pottery and one of the palatial houses of Period 2 was still in use. I suggest, therefore, that although Sirdf undoubtedly declined catastrophically between c. 977 and 1055, the degree of poverty in the

period which followed was exaggerated by Yaqit.

4. Site D. The Kilns The kilns are situated near the western edge of Siraf, in a quarter constructed when the city reached

its greatest extent, probably in the tenth century. They form an industrial complex at least 50 m. across, one side of which bordered the beach. The factory was thus conveniently placed for loading ships and we may assume that pottery was exported by sea to the settlements of the Gulf coast and possibly farther afield (see below, p. 16).

The factory was discovered because marine erosion has encroached on the site, revealing walls, pottery kilns and rubbish pits in the face of a low cliff (P1. Vc). We decided to carry out a limited investigation to record the features revealed by erosion before they were completely destroyed and to assess the problems which total excavation would involve. The programme consisted of cleaning and recording a section of the cliff face and excavating a kiln exposed in a nearby gully. The section was 12 m. long and the excavation measured some 5 x 7 m.

The features found in the section and the excavation all belong to the same unit, a yard enclosed by walls of mortared rubble and measuring at least 2oX 7 m. The yard contained both kilns and rubbish

pits filled with wasters. Surface finds show that other working areas existed to the north and west. The cliff face provided a longitudinal section through the greater part of the yard (Fig. 6). The

section was aligned approximately east-west, with east on the right. It contained the following features, from east to west: a series of trampled clay surfaces, a small pit, a kiln, a second kiln with the pillar and

part of the floor surviving (P1. Vd) and a large rubbish pit cut immediately inside the yard wall. It is clear that the features were not all contemporary and the yard was evidently used for a considerable time. All the features had been back-filled and the filling contained abundant coarse pottery wasters. The small pit and the second kiln also yielded large quantities of glass slag, drops and trails of glass and many fragmentary vessels.

Ash 11 Clay 3 METRES

Sandy loam I Rubble Fig. 6. Site D. Section along the cliffface, showing features revealed by marine erosion.


The excavated area was situated in the north-east angle of the yard (Fig. 7). It contained one kiln and four rubbish pits, one of which overlay the stoke hole of the kiln and is not shown in the plan. The kiln had been constructed on the site of an earlier kiln-like feature, the surviving part of which was an oval clay-lined pit I 5 m. long and 1 2 m. wide. It was filled with wasters and kiln accessories. Like the kilns in the cliff face, the later kiln consisted of a pit which contained the fire, surmounted by a

temporary chamber for the pots. The pit was roughly circular, about 2 "5

m. across and I 25 m. deep. It was clay-lined and had a central pillar of clay and stone, which originally supported the floor of the

upper chamber. Access to the pit was provided by a circular stoke hole 40 cm. across, fed from a hollow at the side of the kiln. These features were well preserved in the excavated kiln and the " step " in the side of the east kiln in the cliff face is probably the remains of a stoking hollow. Nothing survives of the floor of the excavated kiln, but the fragmentary floor of the west kiln in the cliff was made of clay pierced at intervals to allow heat to enter the upper chamber. We know nothing about the upper chamber, although the absence of heavy rubble from the vicinity suggests that construction was light. Indeed, it is possible that the upper chamber was dismantled after firing and re-erected round the next batch of unbaked pots.

Nearly all the pottery from Site D is unglazed and we did not find a single undoubted glazed waster. Nevertheless, the discovery of unglazed bowls with ribs imitating the ribs found on Chinese white ware

0 hole

Gully

Pit Pit 4 Pit 3

metres Fig. 7. Site D. Plan of pottery kiln.


vessels (see below, p. 17) suggests that glazed pottery was made on the site; elsewhere in the excavation all the Islamic ribbed bowls are glazed. Furthermore, the occurrence of glass waste, all of which belongs to the types of glass most common at Sirif (see below, p. 18), suggests that glass, too, was manufactured here. Clearly, therefore, the area merits investigation on a large scale before the excavations close. Many of the wasters were paralleled by pottery from Period 2 in the sounding, particularly during Phases C and D. Thus not only the position of Site D near the edge of the city, but also the pottery it produced shows that the kilns were in use during the latter part of the period of great prosperity and a date in the tenth century appears probable.

III. THE FINDS

Although much of the material from Sirif, including the coins, still awaits final conservation and study, all the pottery and glass and several other classes of finds have been examined. In view of the scarcity elsewhere of securely-stratified ninth- and tenth-century material, the clear stratigraphy found Site A and the relevance of the finds from Sirdf to areas as far apart as East Africa and China, I offer here a preliminary account of the various types of material, particularly the pottery, and the evidence for their chronology.

I. Islamic Pottery Much of the Islamic pottery found in Periods I and 2 in the sounding and in contemporary deposits

elsewhere in the excavation closely resembles pottery from sites in the Mesopotamia area, notably Susa23 and Samarra.24 Indeed, many of the glazed fragments from Sirif were probably imported from Mesopotamia in ships trading with Basra and al-Ubulla. However, several types of pottery well known at Susa and Samarra are conspicuously scarce at Siraf. These include all forms of lustre ware and fine lead-glazed or lustred vessels with moulded decoration.25 Among the unglazed pottery they include wares with stamped and moulded ornaments."6 The following are some of the wares which do occur at Sirif, particularly during Periods I and 2.

(a) " Sasanian-Islamic " pottery. The so-called " Sasanian-Islamic " ware, which has a blue-green alkaline glaze and often bears applied, incised and stamped ornament, is the commonest type of glazed pottery at Sirif. It has a soft, sandy buff fabric and is thickly covered with a glaze which varies in colour from blue to pale green and is usually darker on the outside of the pot than on the interior. At Sirdf the glaze is often corroded and the original colour cannot be seen; many sherds simply have a matt greyish surface. The decoration may be applied, incised, " chip-carved " or stamped and all four techniques may appear on a single pot. However, most of the ornament is applied. Sasanian-Islamic pottery was widely used in Mesopotamia and the coastal regions of Fars and Makrin.27 Vessels of Mesopotamian or Persian origin were exported from the entrep6ts of the Persian Gulf and sherds have been recorded at Manda28 and Unguja Ukuu29 in Tanzania and at Bambhore in West Pakistan;30 examples even reached south-east Asia.31 At Sirif pottery with a blue-green glaze was already present in Period I and it occurs throughout the later deposits. The complete storage jar (P1. VIc), which has parallels at Susa32 and Samarra,33 belongs to Period 2B.

23 Raymond Koechlin, " Les Ceramiques Musulmanes de Suse au Mus6e du Louvre ", M.D.P. XIX (1928).

24 F. Sarre, Die Ausgrabungen von Samarra. Vol. II: Die Keramik von Samarra (Berlin 1925).

25 Idem, pp. 32-43. 28 Idem, pp. 9-22. 27 Stein, op. cit., in note Io, pp. 98-9 (Chihil Dukhtardn), i97

(Leshtin), I99 (Shiu) and 217 (Kashkuk and Asir). 28 Reported by Mr. Neville Chittick in a lecture to the British

Institute of History and Archaeology in East Africa in London in 1967. Mr. Chittick has very kindly discussed his finds with me.

29 Neville Chittick, " Unguja Ukuu; The Earliest Imported Pottery, and an Abbasid Dinar ", Azania I (1967), pp. 161-3.

30 Anon., " Excavations at Bambhore ", Pakistan Archaeology I (1964), PP. 49-55, particularly pp. 53-4. These excavations were directed by the Director-General, Dr. F. A. Khan. Mr. Leslie Alcock, who carried out trial excavations at Bambhore in 1951, generously allowed me to read his unpublished report and notes on the pottery.

31 Alastair Lamb, " Research at Pengkalan Bujang: A Prelimi- nary Report ", Federation Museums Journal N.S. VI (Kuala Lumpur 1961), pp. 21-37-

32 Koechlin, op. cit., in note 23, Pp. 37-53 and pl. VI-IX. Note particularly cat. no. 67, pl. VIII.

33 Sarre, op. cit., in note 24, PP. 28-9 and pl. VI. Note: cat. no. i

xI was not found during the excavation but was purchased in

Baghdad.


(b) Tin-glazed pottery. Pottery with a white tin glaze imitating Chinese white ware is well known from finds at Samarri, Susa and elsewhere. As at these sites, the pottery from Sirdf has a soft buff or creamy fabric. The glaze is poorly preserved and usually survives as a matt chalky layer, covered with cracks, which barely adheres to the body of the pot. Vessels may be decorated in cobalt blue, turquoise or brown, the last two colours sometimes occurring together. Most of the blue decoration consists of devolved epigraphic and floral motifs of the types found at Samarri, while turquoise and brown are

applied in spots, splashes or stripes. Nearly all the sherds belong to dishes, bowls and cups, with a few lamps, jars and ewers. The bowls include close copies of Chinese forms, complete with ribs and notches on the rim.

In Area A the earliest tin-glazed pottery occurs in Period 2A and consists of plain wares and fragments painted in blue. The first fragments with turquoise or brown decoration do not appear until Period 2C. Fragments bearing a combination of turquoise and brown occur in Period 2D only. A similar sequence was found in Area B, where plain wares occur in deposits associated with the earliest construction of the Great Mosque, and turquoise, the only colour found in this area, does not appear until relatively late.

(c) Early sgraffiato ware. Although sgraffiato wares were considerably less popular than tin-glazed pottery, fragments occur in most of the larger ninth- and tenth-century deposits. They belong to a single type with a smooth pale pink fabric. All the sherds from Siraf belong to plates and dishes, often with a broad flange rim, decorated on the inside with lightly-incised floral and abstract motifs. The vessels were finished with a slightly yellowish glaze enlivened with large streaks and splashes of green and yellowish brown, which often overlap. Unfortunately, the soil conditions at Siraf have caused the glaze to decay and most fragments retain little more than an iridescent film which, unless handled with care, flakes away from the fabric. It is clear, however, that the pottery closely resembles the sgraffiato ware from Sdmarri and, as the characteristic pink fabric does not occur at the kilns in Area D, we presume that it was imported from Mesopotamia.

This early type of sgrafiato ware occurs throughout Period 2 in the sounding and sherds also occur in Period 3. However, the unusually abraded condition of many of the fragments dated to Period 3 suggests that they are in fact residual and that the ware went out of use at the end of Period 2.

(d) Later sgraffiato ware. Sgraffiato ware of the type found at Samarra was succeeded at Sirdf by incised pottery with a fine red fabric and a cream slip. The commonest forms are bowls slipped on the inside and decorated with Kiific and pseudo-K-ific texts, leaves and geometric motifs, arranged in concentric zones. The background to the motifs is often hatched. The inside of the bowl is typically covered with a transparent yellowish glaze enlivened with splashes of green, purple and yellow. Pottery of this type is widely distributed, not only in the Persian Gulf but also along the shores of the Indian Ocean. On the Iranian side of the Gulf sherds occur at Bushire 2,34 Bibi KhatiIn,35 Leshtdn36 and Qal'at-i Sarawdn.37 In Makran, Stein collected examples from the kiln site at Tiz38 and from Chihil Dukhtardn39 and Qal'at-iJamshid.40 In West Pakistan, the ware occurs at Bambhore41 and in Tanzania it has been found at Kilwa.42 At Bambhore, Mr. Alcock tells me that this later sgrafiato ware was introduced towards the end of the ninth century, a date considerably earlier than the Pakistan report suggests.43 At Kilwa, it belongs to Period IB, which at present is dated c. Iooo-i ioo. At Sirdf rare sherds occur in Site A in deposits associated with the latest occupation of the large building and additional fragments occur in the overlying rubble. However, the majority of the sherds came from Period 3. According to our provisional chronology, Period 2D came to an end not earlier than 977 and almost certainly no later than c. Io55.

(e) Unglazed painted pottery. The most distinctive type of pottery which came into use after the decline of Siraf was an unglazed hand-made ware with painted decoration. It has a soft gritty fabric

31 A small Islamic site 15 km. south-east of Bushire, discovered in 1966.

35 A large coastal site roughly contemporary with Sirtf, 55 km. north-west of Taheri. The site is mentioned by Stein, op. cit., in note o, p. 233 and it was examined by Lamb in 1962.

36 Stein, op. cit., in note io, p. I97. 37 Idem, p. 184.

38 Idem, p. 90. 39 Idem, pp. 98-9. 40 Idem, pp. 85-6. 41 Anon., op. cit., in note 30, p. 5I and pl. XXIII. 42 Neville Chittick, " Kilwa: A Preliminary Report ", Azania

(1966), pp. 1-36, particularly p. io and pl. Ib and IIb. 43 Information kindly supplied by Mr. Alcock; see note 30.


which may be either brick-red or cream. The red variety has a cream slip on the outside and both types have geometric decoration in red or purple slip. Vessels with a red fabric are decorated with broad stripes and the cream pots have zones containing triangular panels filled with cross-hatching or small hook-like motifs. Identical pottery occurs at Bahrain, where the commonest form is an ablution jug with a piriform body and a bridged tubular spout.44 The ware was evidently widely used in the Persian Gulf and sherds have been found at Rishahr45 and Leshtdn.46 Apart from a single sherd found in the rubble overlying the Period 2D floors in Area A, all the painted pottery from Siraf is of Period 3 or later. Mr. Neville Chittick informs me that similar jugs with a red fabric and striped ornament occur in fifteenth- or sixteenth-century deposits at Kilwa.

(f) Coarse pottery. The excavation yielded a vast quantity of unglazed coarse pottery, much of which was made at Sirdf. The kilns and rubbish pits in Site D contained fragmentary dishes, bowls (e.g. P1. VIe), cooking pots, jugs, jars and water pipes. Among the surface finds from the kiln on the eastern arm of Taheri Bay (see above, p. 5) are bowls, jugs and jars.

The most distinctive types of coarse pottery found at Sirif include " Egg Shell Ware ", torches and jars with incised and applied ornament. Egg Shell Ware has a smooth cream fabric and is so named because the vessels were thinly potted with walls rarely more than 3 mm. thick. The principal forms are small jugs and jars. These were manufactured in Site D and in Site A the earliest examples belong to Period 2A, although they were commonest in Periods 2C and D.

The torches, which were apparently between 30 and 50 cm. high and had an inverted conical body, were evidently placed either singly in metal holders projecting from the wall or grouped in hoops suspended from the ceiling.47 The inside of the torch retains a thick bituminous deposit. Large globular jars with a similar deposit on the inside were probably used for storing fuel. Both the torches and the jars have a coarse buff or sandy-brown fabric, neither of which was found in Site D. In the sounding both forms were already present in Period I.

Most common, however, are jars with a thick brick-like fabric which varies in colour from grey-pink through red to black, the predominant colour being red. These were undoubtedly made at Siraf, both in Site D and in the kiln on the east spit. Two forms occur: a tall slender vessel with a carrot-shaped body and a narrow cylinder neck (P1. VIf) and a broader vessel with a piriform body and a short vertical rim. The latter has a zone of four or more vertical handles between the shoulder and the rim. The slender jars are plain, but the broader vessels have applied and incised ornament. The lower part of the body is rilled (the rills being the " ribs " recorded by Stein on much of the coarse pottery he found in Fdrs and Makran), while the upper part carries zones of incised ornament and applied bosses. The rim is deeply grooved.

Jars of these two types were the characteristic unglazed storage vessels at Siraf; they were widely used in the Persian Gulf and examples were evidently exported to East Africa.47 Stein recorded rilled and incised sherds all along the coast between Siraf and Leshtan, 85 km. east of Qais, and among the find-spots were two groups of kilns south-east of Shirinu.48 We visited the kilns in 1966 and found that they consist of rubble footings associated with large heaps of wasters. The wasters include both types of jar, large flange rim bowls and water pipes. All belong to large vessels and none of them is glazed. The first group, comprising two potteries 6oo m. apart, is immediately outside the hamlet of Shirinu and the second is a further 2 5 km. down the coast. Like the kilns at Sirif, both groups are situated on the shore. Clearly it was more convenient to transport pottery, particularly large vessels, by sea than by pack animals over land.

2. Far Eastern Pottery As a result of its importance as an entrep6t for trade with south-east Asia, Siraf received a large

quantity of fine pottery from China. Indeed, in the ninth and tenth centuries many of the Chinese wares bound for markets in Mesopotamia probably passed through Sirif. Therefore, before the excava-

4 T. G. Bibby, " Bahrains Oldtidshovedstat Gennem 4000 Ar ", Kuml (1957), pp. 128-52 with English summary pp. 152-63. See particularly p. 161 and fig. 16 (right) on p. 145 .

4' Collected in 1966.

46 Stein, op. cit., in note o10, p. I97 and pl. XXVI; Lesh. I I, 13, 14 and 15.

47 Sherds of this type have been found at Manda; see note 28. 48 Stein, op. cit., in note Io, p. 201.

Pl. Ia. General view, looking west from the modern fort.

PI. Ib. General view, looking east from Site A with the modern fort and village in the distance.

P1. Ila. Shilau Valley. The largest cemetery.

P1. HIb. The late mosque from the north-east.

Pl. IIc. The late mosque, a closer viewfrom the north-east.

P1. IIIa. Site A. The large building in Period 2, Phase B. Pl. IIIb. Site A. The completed sounding from the north.

Pl. IIIc. Site A. The completed sounding from the north-east. Pl. IIId. Site A. Detail of the north face, showing the nature of the

stratigraphy of Period 2.

Pl. IV

a. Site B. G

eneral view from

the north, showing the prayer hall of the G

reat P

l. IVb. Site B

. General view

from the north, show

ing, in the foreground, remains

Mosque overlain by the recent mosque.

of the recent mosque.

Pl.

IVc. Site B

. Foundations of the south w

all of the prayer hall revealed by marine

Pl.

IVd. Site B

. Square pier base containing single large stone w

ith, left, sem

i- erosion, show

ing, in the centre, the unbondedjoint. circular abutm

ent.

Pl.

Va. Site C

. General view

from

the north, showing the latest floors overlying

P.

Vb. Site C

. The earliest occupation, consisting of stake holes associated w

ith iron dem

olished walls of an earlier phase.

working debris.

Pl.

Vc. Site D

. T

he cliff section after cleaning, showing kilns and rubbish pits.

Pl.

Vd. Site D

. K

iln in the clif section.

P1. VIa. Chinese stoneware with decoration in relief. The fragment is 6- 4 cm. across.

Pl. VIb. Far Eastern stoneware with painted decoration. The fragment is 18 -3 cm. across.

P1. VIc. " Sasanian-Islamic " jar with

blue-green glaze, dia. 47 cm.

P1. VId. Bowl decorated in black under a clear turquoise glaze, from the recent mosque in Site B, dia.

I4.9 cm.

P1. VIe. Wasters from a rubbish pit in Site D. The uppermost bowl is 24-2 cm. across.

Pl. VIf. Unglazed jar from the excavated kiln in Site D, ht. 48-5 cm.

P1. VIIa. Glass goblet from Site C, ht. 9-5 cm. Pl. VIIb. Fragmentary colourless glass bottle, dia. 4"9

cm.

P1. VIIc. Anhydrite cylinders roughly prepared for turning on a lathe, dia. of cylinder in middle of lower row 5-7 cm.

Pl. VIId. Anhydrite "saucer", dia. 9 cm. P1. VIle. Anhydrite jar, dia. 8 8 cm.

PI. VIlla. Stucco fragment, length 46 cm.

P1. VIIb. Stucco from the Great Mosque. Width of largest fragment 9-5 cm.

Pl. VIIIc. Stucco fragment, length 41'5 cm.

Pl. VIIId. Stone grave cover preserved in a recent shrine in Shilau Valley.

Pl. VIlle. Fragmentary grave cover, length 32 cm. PIl. VIIIf. Detail of the grave cover shown in (d).


tion began, we hoped that Far Eastern pottery of the types known at Samarra would be found in securely-stratified contexts at Siraf. This hope was fulfilled and we excavated several hundred stratified sherds of Chinese and other Far Eastern pottery. The following are the five most prominent types.

(a) White ware. The early (i.e. ninth and tenth century) white wares fall into two categories: stoneware with a harsh opaque fabric and porcelain with a dense translucent fabric and a conchoidal fracture. The first group is considerably larger. It consists of vessels with an off-white, often creamy fabric which appears granular in fracture. The commonest form is a shallow bowl with a ring base, thick flaring sides and a slightly everted rim. The interior may have a series of radiating ribs with corresponding notches in the rim. Vessels were frequently, if not always, dipped in a white slip and were finished with transparent glaze which may appear white, greyish or cream. The rarer porcelain, on the other hand, has a fine white fabric and a clear glaze which may contain a suggestion of blue. The commonest form is again the bowl. This has a ring base, a curving side and a plain, thickened or foliate rim. Among the other forms found in stratified deposits were a flange-rim " saucer "49 and a cup. At Sirdf the white wares appear first in Period 2, the stoneware in Phase A and the true porcelain in Phase B. It is noteworthy that porcelain bowls with a thickened rim did not occur until Period 3.

(b) Pre-celadon ware. Most of the pre-celadon or " Yiieh " wares from Sirdf consist of fragmentary dishes and bowls with a grey fabric and a grey brownish glaze. The commonest form is a shallow bowl with a ring base and a plain or everted rim. Other fragments belong to bowls with a lobed mouth and a few appear to be ewers and jars. The fabric is a smooth or slightly gritty stoneware which ranges in colour from light to dark grey. The glaze is nearly always opaque and thinly applied, varying from greenish-grey through grey to brown; the commonest colour is grey. However, rare fragments have a thick, crackled translucent glaze with a suggestion of green. A number of bowls with a brownish glaze have a ring of stacking scars on the inside and corresponding scars on the bottom of the foot. Most of the sherds are plain, but a few have incised motifs, usually scratched with a point but occasionally gouged. Several bowls are carved with lotus petals on the outside.

The earliest pre-celadon sherds from Siraf belong to Period 2A, after which the ware was common until some time during Period 3, when Chekiang celadon with a grey-white fabric and a green glaze came into use. The sherds with a thick translucent glaze belong to Period 2 and most of the incised fragments date from the end of Period 2 and the earlier part of Period 3.

(c) Stoneware with applied decoration. The smallest but most distinctive group of Far Eastern pottery from Sirdf consists of fragments with applied decoration. Most of the fragments belong to ewers with three handles and a tubular spout, examples of which are in the Victoria and Albert Museum, London,50 the Princessjof Museum, Leeuwarden51 and the Jakarta Museum.52 They are usually dated to the T'ang Dynasty. The vessels have a harsh red or greyish fabric and a cream slip. The whole of the body is covered with a clear glaze which appears cream. The ewers are decorated with three applied reliefs, one below the spout and one beneath each of the lateral handles. The reliefs bear moulded ornament comprising warriors, foliage, birds or dragons. The relief and the surrounding parts of the body are coloured brown. The examples from Siraf consist of small fragments decorated with foliage and, in one case, a dragon (P1. VIa).

Ewers and other vessels with applied decoration were imported to the Persian Gulf and Mesopotamia in the ninth and tenth centuries. The date is confirmed by the stratified sherds from Siraf, the earliest of which belong to Period 2A, and supported by the occurrence of Islamic imitations at Samarra.53 Sherds of Far Eastern origin are found also at Bibi Khaittin.

(d) Stoneware with painted decoration. No less distinctive is a group of stoneware bowls with decoration painted under a clear glaze. All the fragments found at Sirafbelong to bowls with a ring base, a curving

49 The rim, which is inclined upwards towards the lip, is not included in Thomas Dexel, Die Formen Chinesischen Keramik (Tiibingen I955). It apparently belongs to a small saucer-like vessel and not to a stand or a " spittoon ".

50 Accession nos. C570-1919 and C833-I936. Both vessels are illustrated by Nanne Ottema, Chineesche Ceramiek Handboek (Amsterdam I946), fig. 79.

51 Idem, p. 77 and fig. 78.

52 Ibid., fig. 79.

53 Sarre, op. cit., in note 24, p. 68. Note also Anon., Excavations at Samarra 1936-1939 (Baghdad: Iraq Government Department of Antiquities), part II, p. 6, pl. LIII, 4 (line drawing) and pl. LIX (photograph); a ewer closely resembling the Chinese examples described above, but described as being " blue glazed ".


side and a plain rim (P1. VIb). Most examples have a pale buff-grey fabric, but some, possibly under- fired, are pink or even red. It is clear that the reddish vessels have a cream slip on the inside and upper part of the exterior and it is likely that all the bowls were slipped, although the slip is invisible on some of the buff-grey fragments. The inside of the bowl is decorated with strokes of brown, blue or green, sometimes arranged in a rosette; the rim is usually brown. The vessel is covered with a transparent glaze which on the outside ceases just above the foot.

Pottery of this type was imported over a wide area of the Islamic world and fragments have been found elsewhere in the Persian Gulf, at Daiyir54 and Bibi Khattin,55 at Susa56 and at Brahmindbid57 and Bambhore58 in West Pakistan. At Siraf stoneware with painted decoration appears first in Period

2A, at a date which accords well with its earliest occurrence at Bambhore in the eighth or ninth century. (e) Stoneware jars and bowls. By far the most common variety of Far Eastern pottery found at Sirif

is a coarse grey stoneware with an olive green glaze. The core of the fabric varies in colour from grey to

pale pink, the grey examples being wholly vitrified and the rarer pink fragments apparently a hard

sandy earthenware. The unglazed surfaces are pink. The glaze is transparent and varies from grey- green to olive. It is finely crazed. The commonest form of coarse stoneware at Sirif is a storage jar between 30 and 50 cm. high with an ovoid or piriform body, a short tapering neck and four horizontal handles attached between the neck and the shoulder. The jar is glazed on the interior of the neck and on the outside, the glaze stopping shortly above the base. The top of the rim has a glossy chocolate finish. Prof. Tom Harrisson has named the type the " Dusun Jar " after the Dusun tribe of north

Sabah, who treasure them even today.59 Other forms found at Sirif include bowls and smaller jars with a globular body and a rolled rim. Stoneware of this type, which may have been made in the

Changsha region of south China, was used by merchants to contain perishable goods and fragments are

widely scattered over south-east Asia. In the Persian Gulf the find-spots include Bibi Khttin, Rishahr and Bushire 2 and sherds occur also at Bambhore in West Pakistan.o6 Although Ottema,61 Harrisson and others have maintained that " Dusun Jars " are of T'ang Dynasty date, their opinion is not uni-

versally accepted and the discovery of stratified fragments at Siraf provides welcome confirmation of the

early date. Fragments of Dusun Jars are the only Far Eastern pottery found in Period I and sherds are abundant throughout Period 2. There is no doubt, therefore, that the jars were already reaching the Persian Gulf in the first half of the ninth century.

3. Glass After the pottery, glass was the most abundant type of object found at Siraf. During the excavation

we recovered more than a thousand fragments of glass, including several restorable vessels. Most of this material was securely stratified and the majority belongs to the period of Sirif's greatest prosperity during the ninth and tenth centuries A.D. It falls into three main categories:

I. Local glass. 2. Glass of east Persian type. 3. Egyptian glass.

I. Local glass. By far the most common types of ninth- and tenth-century glass are vessels with a

thinly blown green or blue translucent metal. The green glass, which comprises approximately 90 per cent of this material, has a bubbly metal, sometimes with a distinct yellowish tint. The surface is

usually weathered to opaque grey-black with small white patches. The blue glass, on the other hand, is bubble-free with a uniform light cobalt tint. Weathered surfaces are blue-black with milky patches. Both types of metal were made into bowls, beakers, goblets (P1. VIIa), sprinklers, alembics, lamps and bottles. A few fragments carry cut or mould-blown decoration, but clearly ornament was unusual.

54 Stein, op. cit., in note lo, pl. XXVII, 6 and p. 233- "6 Collected in 1966. 56 Koechlin, op. cit., in note 23, cat. no. 105, p. 69 and pl. XIII.

57 R. L. Hobson, " Potsherds from Brahminabad ", Trans. Oriental Ceramic Society VIII (1928-30), pp. 21-3, particularly p. 23 and

pl. IX, 2. 5 Information kindly supplied by Mr. Alcock; see note 30.

59 Tom Harrisson, " ' Dusun' Jars: from Mayfair and Friesland through Cairo to Sabah ", Sarawak Museum Journal N.S. XII, nos. 25-6 (June-December 1965), pp. 69-74.

60 William Willetts, " Excavations at Bhambore near Karachi: Possible Site of the Merchant Seaport of Debal in Sind ", Oriental Art N.S. VI, no. I (Spring 1960), pp. 25-8, particularly fig. 8.

61 Ottema, op. cit., in note 51, p. 128.


The sheer quantity of this material implies that it was locally made and, while proof is lacking, the evidence from the kiln and rubbish pit in Site D (see above, p. 12) suggests that it was produced at Siraf itself. If glass was indeed manufactured at Siraf, it is possible that vessels were made for export to Africa and south-east Asia. Glass was already exported from the Middle East in Sasanian times62 and Dr. Alastair Lamb has reported Middle Eastern goods from Pengkalan Bujang in Malaysia, a site probably occupied between the eleventh and the fourteenth centuries.63 In 1966 Mr. Chittick discovered the neck of a blue glass bottle, closely resembling fragmentary bottles from Siraf, at Manda in Tanzania.64 If some of this glass was exported from the Persian Gulf in the ninth and tenth centuries, it may well have been dispatched from Sirif.

Green and blue glass was rare at Siraf during Period I, but both types were common throughout Period 2. The green goblet illustrated on P1. VIIa was found in Site C in a deposit contemporary with Period 2 in the sounding, where the stem of a similar vessel was dated to Period 2C.

2. Glass of east Persian type. The second group comprises fragments with a fine colourless metal, many of which have carved or cut decoration. The metal is relatively bubble-free and has opaque white or silver weathering. Most of the fragments belong to beakers, bottles and flasks. Several miniature bottles (for example, P1. VIIb) have facetted bodies produced by cutting. The ornament is simple and consists of horizontal or vertical channels, often arranged in pairs. One fragment, probably from a flask, is decorated with carved circular depressions; it belongs to Period 2D. Much of this material bears a family likeness to glass found at Nishapufr,65 and an origin in east Persia appears probable. The earliest fragment belongs to Period I and the facetted bottle illustration on P1. VIIb is of Period 2D.

3. Egyptian glass. The last major group of glass from the ninth- and tenth-century levels consists of vessels imported from Egypt, presumably via the Red Sea port of Jidda (see above, p. 2). Between ten and twenty pieces were discovered, including a molar flask of blue-green metal, weathered to grey-black with milky patches, with carved decoration. Other fragments have mould-blown ornament and carved facets or channels. The earliest glass of Egyptian type was found in Site B, associated with the first phase of building of the Great Mosque.

Two additional types of glass, found in later deposits at Sirif, also deserve mention: bangles and vessels with a bluish-green metal. Bangles, usually plain but sometimes decorated with inlaid or applied threads of blue, green, red and yellow, are found on the surface of most Islamic sites in Fars and Makran66 and similar bangles are worn by women and children today. At Siraf, if we exclude a single fragment, probably intrusive, from an early deposit in Site B, the earliest bangles belong to Period 3. The bluish-green glass also occurs in the latest levels. It closely resembles glass from a factory site at Bida Khar, 16 km. north of Siraf on the plain of Jamm, where surface finds include scraps of Ming Dynasty or later porcelain and Islamic pottery decorated in black under a clear turquoise glaze.67

4. Bronze and iron. Throughout the history of Sirif objects of bronze and iron were manufactured on the site. However, the raw materials cannot be obtained locally and the industry probably supplied only the smaller needs of the city and its shipwrights. Bronze slag is commonly found and among the evidence for iron working discovered in 1966 was a blacksmith's hearth in Site B and numerous bun- shaped nodules of slag, usually between Io and 15 cm. across. Thick deposits of iron slag and a fragmentary clay tuyere were found in Site C in deposits contemporary with Period I in Site A. Among the small and mostly fragmentary bronze objects from Siraf are kohl sticks, needles and five apothecaries' or jewellers' weights. The weights are square, between 8 and 13 mm. across and 4 mm. thick.

5. Anhydrite. An unexpected discovery at Siraf was evidence for the manufacture of anhydrite vessels. Numerous unfinished objects leave no doubt, that anhydrite was worked on the spot and among the working debris are cylinders roughly prepared for turning on a lathe (P1. VIIc). All the finished objects

82 Arthur Lane and R. B. Serjeant, "

Pottery and Glass Fragments from the Aden Littoral, with Historical Notes ", Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (1948), pp. 108-33, particularly pp. I 17-9.

63 Alastair Lamb, " A Note on Glass Fragments from Pengkalan Bujang, Malaya ", Journal of Glass Studies VII (1965), Pp. 35-40.

64 See note 28.

65 Walter Hauser and Charles K. Wilkinson, " The Museum's Excavations at Nishapur ", Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art XXXVII, no. 4 (April 1942), pp. 83-119, particularly pp. 105-6.

66 See, for example, Stein, op. cit., in note io, pp. 80-2 (Kumb), 85-6 (Qal'at-i Jamshid) and 197 (Leshtin).

67 Discovered during reconnaissance in I966.


are small and the majority consists of small vessels probably used for cosmetics. These include shallow straight-sided jars (P1. VIIe) and " saucers " with a flange rim (P1. VIId). Other fragments are the stems of chalice-like vessels and a group of narrow conical stoppers. The shallow jars were evidently fitted with lids with a small knop. Although the earliest anhydrite in Area A comes from Period I, most fragments belong to Period 2. Manufacture probably ceased after the decline of Sirif and no fragment was found in Period 3.

6. Steatite. Fragmentary steatite vessels occur in all but the earliest deposits at Siraf. Two forms predominate, a cooking pot and a bowl. The cooking pot is a shallow vessel with vertical sides, a flat or slightly rounded base and narrow lug handles. It varies in diameter from 15 to 30 cm. The bowl has a small cylindrical body supported by four legs of square section which project from the body and continue upwards to the rim. Decorated fragments are rare, although one example of ring-and-dot ornament occurs and the legs of the bowls are decorated with vertical grooves. Several cooking pots had been repaired with iron rivets. Steatite was widely used in the Islamic world. Fragments occur in the Islamic deposits at Bahrain68 and footed bowls similar to the bowls from Sirdf were found at Samarrdi.69 At Kilwa, steatite cooking pots came into use in Period IB (c. Iooo-IIoo)70 and at Bambhore fragmentary steatite bowls and boxes were present from the eighth century onwards.71 At Siraf the earliest fragments of steatite belong to Period 2A and both the cooking pot and the bowl were present in 2B.

7. Stucco. Although no ninth- or tenth-century stucco was discovered in situ, we found several interesting fragments both in the excavations and in the course of exploring the site. Four fragments found in Site B in make-up for a floor of the Recent Mosque evidently came from the Great Mosque (P1. VIIIb). They are decorated in high relief with vine leaves and pearled borders carried out in a style which recalls the ninth-century stucco at Na'in72 and may also be compared, though less closely, with stucco from Samarr. 73 The surface finds include part of a panel decorated with a zone of roundels, each containing a pine cone between paired half palmettes, above which is a band of floriated Kfific

bearing the Koranic text: [4J1 Jy.]•-' 4 'J1 [4• \J] (P1. VIIIc). Another fragment, perhaps

part of a cornice, is decorated with two intersecting trefoil arcades, the lower parts of which contain in each opening a leaf above paired half palmettes and the upper parts a series of pine cones or leaves (P1. VIIIa).

8. Stone grave covers. Elaborately-carved grave covers, both fragmentary and complete, are common at Sirdf, especially in the vicinity of the mosque which overlooks Kundrak wadi (see above, p. 5). They do not occur, however, in the cemeteries in Shilau valley. Despite their form, the objects are not actually coffins. They are monumental covers designed to mark the positions of graves. Each monument consists of a hollow rectangular cover resting on a narrow base (P1. VIIId). The cover, which measures up to 2 m. long, 50 cm. wide and 50 cm. high, is carved from a single block of stone. The upper surface has a median ridge at one end of which is a hole. In the most elaborate cases the upper surface of the base and all the surfaces of the cover are decorated in relief. The ornament consists of floriated Kilfic inscriptions contained in cabled borders. The most prominent decorative features of the script are the occurrence of strapwork (P1. VIIIf) and delicate tendrils (P1. VIIIe), which sometimes overlie parts of the text. Three dated grave covers have been found at Siraf: the specimen removed to the British Museum in the I86os (see above, p. 2) bears the equivalent of 991, a cover removed to the Louvre in 1913 is dated I 132 74 and a fragment found in 1966 has an incomplete date which is between I Io6 and 1202. The monument illustrated in P1. VIIId and f is one of a pair preserved in a modern shrine in Shilau valley. The fragment shown in P1. VIIIe was found near the mosque overlooking Kunarak wadi.

68 Information supplied by Miss Karen Frifeld, who has kindly discussed the Islamic material from Bahrain with me in correspondence.

69 Anon., op. cit., in note 54, part II, pp. 8-9 and pl. CXXIX.

70 Chittick, op. cit., in note 42, p. Io. 71 Information kindly supplied by Mr. Alcock; see note 30.

72 Arthur Upham Pope, A Survey of Persian Art, vol. II (Oxford 1939), PP. 1270-5-

73 Ernst Herzfeld, Die Ausgrabungen von Samarra. Vol. I: Der Wandschmuck der Bauten von Samarra und Seine Ornamentik (Berlin 1923), passim.

"4 Paul Ravaisse in PWzard, op. cit., in note 8, pp. 98-9.

EXCAVATIONS AT SIRTAF 21

IV. CONCLUSIONS

The first season of excavations at Siraf provided evidence for the history of the site and the nature of some of the city's buildings. In Site A we recovered a sequence of stratified finds divisible into the following three periods:

Period 3. Later eleventh century onwards. Period 2. c. 825-50 to c. 977-1055- Period I. Before c. 825-50, perhaps beginning c. 8oo.

Period I lasted a short time and represented a phase during which Sirdf was receiving foreign goods, but on a strictly limited scale. Identical deposits in the earliest levels of Site C and the absence of any deposits earlier than the tenth century in Site D suggests that if a pre-Islamic settlement existed at Sirif, it was small. Period 2 belonged to the period of Sirdf's great prosperity and most of the deposits found in Sites B, C and D were contemporary. The ephemeral structures associated with Period 3 in the sounding agree with the poverty assigned to Sirif by Ibn al-Balkhi and Yaqfit. However, the discovery of imported Syrian or north Persian lustre wares of the twelfth century in Site C suggests that the contrast between Siraf before and after its decline may have been over-emphasized. Siraf undoubtedly declined, but in c. 1200 it supported rather more than the " very poor families " mentioned by Ydqfit.

The most important stratified material from Site A was the pottery and the chronology of the principal wares may be summarized as follows, the table showing only the earliest occurrence of each particular type:

3 later celadon

used quanti-

2B true.

Chekiang 3 later porc celadon

appears

Comes 3 early ready Alreainto

use

Turquoise Appears 2D and brown in small

used quanti- together ties

Turquoise 2C or brown

splashes appear

Earliest 2B true

porcelain

Plain and Comes Earliest Yuieh Rare Comes 2A cobalt into opaque appears examples into

appears use stoneware appear use

Already Already in use in use


In addition to obtaining a stratigraphy, we began the long task of identifying and exploring the components of the early-Islamic city. In Site B we confirmed that the large building discovered by Stein was indeed a mosque, possibly the principal mosque of SirTf in the ninth and tenth centuries. In Site C we began the excavation of a domestic building which, like the fragmentary building found in Site A, may be one of the multi-storey houses described by Istakhri in the mid-tenth century. Finally, working in a suburb near the western edge of Sirif (Site D), we located and examined an industrial complex which certainly manufactured pottery and possibly manufactured glass. We hope to continue all three excavations in the remaining campaigns. A major objective of the second season will be the complete exposure of the mosque and a determined effort will be made to recover more sensitive evidence for the date of the earliest phase than was found in 1966. Work will continue at Site C and we intend to carry out an area excavation to expose at least one large domestic building. At a later date, perhaps in the third season, we hope to excavate a large part of the kiln complex in Site D. As an overall objective, we shall attempt to elucidate the development of settlement at Sirif from the earliest occupation to the present day, a sequence of expansion and decay which the second season, planned to take place between October and January 1967-68, will-we hope-bring into sharper focus.

THE RELATIONS BETWEEN EDWARD I AND EDWARD II OF ENGLAND AND THE MONGOL IL-KHANS OF PERSIA

By L. Lockhart

Despite the fact that England was still smarting from the wounds inflicted by the Barons' War and that King Henry III was advanced in years, Prince Edward, inspired by the ideals of St. Louis (Louis IX of France), decided in 1268 to " Take the Cross " and participate in the Crusade then being planned by that king. Two years later, Prince Edward and his followers, who numbered just under iooo, set out to join the saintly King Louis at Cagliari in Sardinia. Having insufficient funds for the enterprise, Edward had to borrow 70,000 livres from the French king.' It is improbable that Edward or any of his followers realized that the great age of the Crusades had long since passed. On the other hand, the crusading spirit was by no means dead.

One of Edward's followers was a young man named Geffrey de Langley (the name is given in contemporary documents as Galfried de Langele). A scion of a well-known Warwickshire family, he was a grandson of the Geffrey de Langley whom Edward had appointed some years previously as his agent in Wales. This earlier Geffrey was " a greedy and violent man whose zeal in seeking to introduce in Wales the institutions and laws of England caused a serious revolt to break out in the Principality ".2 There is, however, no evidence to show that the younger Geffrey had inherited any of the bad qualities of his grandfather. In fact, Sir William Dugdale, in his book The Antiquities of Warwickshire,3 stated that Geffrey, " being a devout Man, became signed unto the Crosse for a Voyage to the Holy Land in 55 H-3 ". More will be said later of this younger Geffrey de Langley.

When Edward reached Aigues Mortes he found that the Crusade was to be directed first against Tunisia instead of the Holy Land. This change in plan had been made for a number of reasons, one of which was the hope that the Hafsid Caliph in Tunis, Abfi 'Abdallah Muhammad al-Mustansir, might be induced to embrace Christianity (it was in fact rumoured that he had already taken this step).4 It was also hoped that, by landing in Tunisia, the Crusaders would be able to cut off the supplies which the Egyptian Mamlfiks were drawing from that country.

Leaving Sardinia on July I5th 1270, the Crusaders landed on the Tunisian coast near Carthage three days later. Though at first they met with no opposition, they speedily found themselves short of water. Moreover, the ruler of Tunis, far from welcoming the Crusaders, soon led his forces against them and closely besieged them in their camp. Dysentery subsequently broke out among the Christians and claimed many victims, one of whom was St. Louis himself; he died on August 25th 1270. His son Philippe, who then succeeded to the French throne, was induced by his uncle Charles of Anjou to make a truce with the enemy.5 Edward was incensed at this action. " By God's blood ", he swore, " though all my fellow soldiers and countrymen desert me, I will go to Acre with my groom Fowin, and keep my word and my oath to the death! "6

Edward and his men, after wintering in Sicily, went on to Acre in the spring of I271. He was scandalized at the situation in the Holy Land. Not only were the Saracens,7 under their able commander, the Maml-ik Sultan Baibars, steadily reducing the area still held by the Christians, but there was serious disunity among the latter. What was even worse was the fact that the Venetians were actively trading with the enemy, selling them, among other things, wood and metal which they used for the manufacture of their engines of war.8 As for the Cypriots, though they were not unsympathetic,

1 T. Hudson Turner, " Unpublished Notices of the Times of

Edward I, especially his Relations with the Moghul Sovereigns of Persia ", The Archaeological Journal VIII (1851), p. 45.

2 T. F. Tout, Edward I (London 1893), P. 21.

3 Published in Coventry in 1745. I am indebted to Mr. A. E. H. Owen, of the Cambridge University Library, for this reference.

4 F. Perry, St. Louis (Louis IX of France), the Most Christian King (London 1901), p. 289.

5 As Gibbon trenchantly put it in his Decline and Fall, vol. VIII

(London I838), p. 440: " Instead of a proselyte, he (St. Louis) found a siege; the French panted and died on the burning sands; St. Louis expired in his tent; and no sooner had he closed his eyes than his son and successor gave the signal of the retreat."

6 T. F. Tout, op. cit., p. 50.

7 The word " Saracen " was derived from the Arabic word sharq, meaning " east "; it was used by the later Greeks and Romans to denote the Arabs.

8 R. Grousset, Histoire des Croisades (Paris 1936), p. 659-

23


they refused to leave the shores of their island to take part in the operations which Edward wished to undertake against the Saracens.9 An ominous development, which occurred soon after Edward had landed, was the fall of the great fortress of Krak des Chevaliers (Ijisn al-Akrtd), the stronghold of the

Knights Hospitallers. Edward was fully conscious of the inadequacy of his forces, which never exceeded 7000 men. He

could expect little help from the other Christian leaders. He then conceived the idea of endeavouring to form an alliance with the Mongol Il-Khan Abaqa. He therefore sent a mission to Abdqi at Tabriz to

arrange for a joint attack on the Saracens. This mission consisted of Reginald de Rossel, Godefroi de Waus and John de Parker. This mission was successful, for Abdqd undertook to co-operate.10 It was, however, most unfortunate that the I1-Khdn was unable to undertake any large-scale operations in the west, as he was at that time engaged in hostilities with the Chaghatai Mongols, who had invaded Khurasan. Though Abdqa- succeeded in expelling the invaders, he had also got involved in hostilities with the Mongols of Bukhara. Consequently, though he was anxious to co-operate, he could send only a

relatively small force, numbering between o,0ooo and 12,000 men, to attack the Saracens in Syria. This Mongol force achieved a limited success, and so relieved some of the pressure on the Christian forces for a short time. Edward, in conjunction with Hugue III of Antioch, took advantage of this diversion to make an attack on Qaqiin, a town to the north-east of Carmel. This attack was successful, and the Crusaders took much booty; they were not, however, strong enough to capture the citadel.

Realizing that, with his very limited forces and the lack of co-operation by most of the other Christian leaders, he could do nothing really effective against the Saracens, Edward sailed from Acre for England in September 1272. While he was on his way back, he received the news that his father

Henry III had died and that he was therefore King. It was tragic from the Crusaders' point of view that they could not have launched their attack on the

Mamliaks some ten years earlier, so as to have coincided with Hiilagii's devastating onslaught which, besides bringing the 'Abbasid Caliphate to an end, had, after the capture of Damascus, brought the

Mongol forces to within a hundred miles of the area held by the Crusaders. Unfortunately, the Christians took no advantage of this opportunity, which was never to recur.11

Urged on by Leon III, the King of Little Armenia, whose hold over his kingdom was being gravely threatened by the Mamllaks, Abdqd sent a mission consisting of no less than sixteen persons to Europe in

1274. He wrote a letter to Edward I which he entrusted to David, the chaplain of the Patriarch of

Jerusalem. This letter does not appear to have been preserved, but its purport can be gathered from the answer which Edward sent to Abdq on January 26th I275.12 Edward said that he had taken note of the love which AbaqZ bore to the Christian faith and the resolution that he had taken to relieve the Christians and the Holy Land from the enemies of the faith. He went on to say that he hoped that

Abiqd would carry out this holy project. He regretted, however, that he could send no certain news of his own arrival in the Holy Land or of the march of the other Christians, as nothing had so far been settled by the Pope.13

In 1276 two further envoys from Abaqa named John and James Vassalli14 reached the west with a

message from the il-Khan exhorting the Christians to strengthen their forces in the Holy Land and

promising to send them military assistance. These envoys, after being received by the Pope and

9 R. de Mas Latrie, Histoire de Pl'le de Chypre, vol. I (Paris 1852),

p. 432. 10 Grousset, op. cit., vol. III, p. 659. According to Lingard, it was

Abdqd who took the initiative by writing to Edward to propose the alliance (see his History of Englandfrom the First Invasion by the Romans to the Accession of William and Mary in r688, vol. II (London 1854), p. 388). Lingard failed, however, to give any authority for this statement.

11 See Arnold J. Toynbee, A Study of History, vol. VIII (Oxford I954), P. 355. The Christian leaders in the Holy Land, far from taking this opportunity to combine with the Mongols against the Mamlfiks, were misguided enough to ally themselves with the latter against Hfillgfi's hosts. This alliance, was deplored by the Armenians. It was, in fact, a mistake which was to bring utter and complete disaster upon them thirty years later. See Sir F. M. Powicke, The Thirteenth Century

(Oxford 1953), pp. i io and I67. 12 The text of this letter is given by T. Rymer, in his Foedera, Conventions, Litterae, vol. I (London I816), part II, p. 520; he

gives the date as 1274, but this is obviously intended for the

following year. 13 Sir Henry Howorth, History of the Mongols, vol. III (London

1888), p. 280. 14 According to the Chronique de Saint Denis, these envoys were

Greeks (as, indeed, their name suggests), but Guillaume de

Nangis maintained that they were Georgians. See J. Abel- Re'musat, " Memoires sur les Relations politiques des Princes Chr6tiens, et particulihrement des Rois de France, avec les

Empereurs Mongols " in the Mimoires de l'Institut Royal de France, Acadimic des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres VII (Paris 1824), pp. 346 and 347. The names themselves are certainly not

Georgian.

RELATIONS BETWEEN EDWARD I AND EDWARD II AND THE MONGOL IL-KHXNs 25

Philippe III of France, went on to the English court, but nothing seems to have been recorded of their visit there.

In 1282 Abdqd died and was succeeded by his brother Tekild~r. The new monarch, though he had been baptized as a Christian under the name of Nicholas, announced his conversion to Islam and took the name of Ahmad. This development was very displeasing to Ahmad's Mongol subjects. He also alienated the Christians in his realm by destroying their churches and imprisoning the Nestorian Patriarch Mar Yabalaha III.15 In consequence, no attempt was made during Ahmad's reign to revive the question of common action with the Christians against the Saracens.

Arghtin, Abdqd's son, greatly resented his uncle's elevation to the throne and also his conversion to

Islam; many of the Mongol leaders shared his feelings. A conspiracy was then hatched which resulted in the dethronement and death of Ahmad and the accession of Arghiin. The new ruler immediately reverted to his father's policy of friendship for the west and strong animosity to the Saracens.

Argh-in was to show great pertinacity in his endeavours to join forces with the Christian powers against the Saracens. In 1287 he sent Rabban Sauma,16 the Bishop of Uighuria and coadjutor of Mar Yabalaha III, on a mission to Europe. Rabban Sauma and his suite17 reached Rome at an unfortunate

time, as the Pope Honorius IV had just died and no successor had yet been appointed. Instead of

discussing with the Mongol envoy the question of the alliance against the Mamldiks (who were shortly to capture Tripoli and Acre), the cardinals questioned Bar Sauma closely as to the nature of his religious beliefs. Bar Sauma protested vainly that he had come to discuss the military alliance and not matters of

religious doctrine. It was most unfortunate that Nicholas IV (Giralomo d'Ascoli) had not yet been

appointed (he did not become Pope until February 1288); he was to prove an ardent advocate of the

Mongol-Christian alliance against the Saracens.18 Rabban Sauma and the other members of his mission went on from Rome to Paris, where Philippe

le Bel received him with great honour. From Paris the Mongol envoys went on to see Edward I who was then in Gascony. Sir E. A. Wallis Budge has translated from Syriac into English the following account of King Edward's reception of Rabban Sauma and those with him:19

And they went forth from that place, that is to say, from Paris, to go to the King (of) 1lndghtar (Angleterre), to Kasonia (Gascony). And having arrived in 20 days at their city (?Bordeaux), the inhabitants of that city went forth to meet them. And those who were with Rabban Sauma straightway gave to the King the Pukdana (letter of authority) of King Arghon and the gifts which he had sent and the letter of Mar Catholicus. And (the King) rejoiced greatly, and he was especially glad when Rabban Sauma talked about the matter of Jerusalem. And he said: " We the Kings of these cities bear upon our bodies the Sign of the Cross, and we have no subject of thought except upon this matter. And my mind is relieved on this subject about which I have been thinking, when I hear that King Arghon thinketh as I think." And the King commanded Rabban Sauma to celebrate the Eucharist, and he performed the Glorious Mysteries, and the King and his officers of state stood up, and the King partook of the Sacrament and made a great feast that day.

King Edward thereupon gave Rabban Sauma many gifts and also funds for his long return journey. On his way back, Rabban Sauma was well received by Pope Nicholas IV in Rome; amends were thus made for his unfortunate reception by the cardinals during his first visit.

After Rabban Sauma's return, Arghfin and his Christian wife Uruk Khdtfin'0 had their son baptized and gave him the name of Nicholas, in honour of the Pope.

15 Mar Yabalaha was an Uighur. For his treatment by Tekfidar, see the Abb6 J. B. Chabot, Histoire de Mar rabalaha III et du Moine Bar gauma (Paris 1895), p. 49.

16 " Rabban " was a prefix of respect from the word rabb (" lord "), while Sauma meant " fast "; this name had been

given to Rabban Sauma because he had been born in Lent. See Sir Wallis E. A. Budge, The Monks of Kublai Khan, Emperor of China (London 1928), p. 302, note 4-

17 One member of the mission was named Sabadin Archaon. " Archaon" is in fact Mongolian Erke'iin " Christian

[Nestorian] " priest; cf. G. Doerfer, Tiirkische und Mongolische Elemente im Neupersischen. I. Mongolische Elemente im Neupersischen

3

(Wiesbaden 1963), no. 15, pp. 123-5, who doubts the traditional etymology for this word from Greek archin. (I am indebted to Prof. C. E. Bosworth for this reference and for the further one in note 23 to Doerfer's work.)

1s A. S. Atiya, The Crusade in the Later Middle Ages (London 1938), P. 34-

19 Sir A. E. Wallis Budge, op. cit., pp. 185 f. 20 Uruk Khtitn was a great grand-daughter of Wang Khan

(Ong Khan), the Mongolian chieftain who had been converted by Nestorian missionaries to Christianity. He was better known in the West as " Prester John ".


Arghtin's great interest in the projected alliance with the Christian powers is shown by the fact that he soon sent a further mission to the west under a Genoese named Buscarello de' Ghizolfi,21 who had been in his service for some years. Buscarello and the members of his mission went first to Rome where Nicholas IV received them with honour. They then went on to Paris where Buscarello handed Philippe le Bel a letter in Uighur characters which measured nearly 6- ft. in length.22 Attached to this letter was a document in French explaining its purport. This letter was to the effect that Arghin, having heard that Philippe le Bel was about to set out for the Holy Land, would march with his army towards Egypt. He proposed that he and his troops would camp before Damascus towards February 20oth 1291,

adding: If you keep your word and send your troops at the time fixed, and God favours our undertaking, when we

have taken Jerusalem from these people, we will hand it over to you. In conclusion, Arghiin stated that his letter was written at Kundulen23 on the 6th of the first month

of summer, in the year of the cow (1289). Buscarello thereupon went on to the court of Edward I, bringing with him a bull from Nicholas IV

recommending him to that monarch. In this bull the Pope urged Edward to listen attentively to the message from Arghtin which the envoy was bringing.24

T. Hudson Taylor obtained the following interesting information from the Wardrobe Accounts of the eighteenth year of Edward I (1290):25

Buscarel (sic) arrived in London on the eve of the Epiphany, 5th January I290, accompanied by three esquires, a cook, eight horses and six garfons. He remained 13 days at the English court and in all 20 days in England. His expenses were defrayed by Edward.

When Buscarello left England, Edward I gave him a letter26 for Arghfin. In this letter Edward

complimented Argh-in on his intention of arming against the Soldan of Babylon (sic) in aid of the Holy Land and the Christian faith and thanked him for his offer of horses, etc. when he reached Palestine. Edward assured Arghtin that as soon as he had obtained the Pope's assent to the passage of himself and his army beyond the seas he would inform him by means of envoys. He said that he would send him some gerfalcons and other treasures of his country,27 as Arghtin had requested.

It was unfortunate that a renewal of the Scottish war prevented Edward from fulfilling his promise, but one cannot help asking: what could he and his forces have accomplished had they endeavoured to go on a crusade at that point ? Arghfin then had only another fifteen months of life before him; on his death the pleasure-loving and dissolute Gaykhdtfi was to succeed him. Furthermore, who would have

joined Edward had he been able to set out for the Holy Land ? Finally, in the following year, the last few remaining footholds of the Franks in Palestine were to be conquered by the Saracens.

Ren6 Grousset, in his excellent work the Histoirie de l'Asie,28 regarded the failure of the western powers to co-operate with the Mongols on this occasion as disastrous, since it was, in his view, the last occasion when joint action by the Mongols and the western powers on an adequate scale against the Saracens might have been effective. On the other hand, we have seen that, in Toynbee's opinion, the last chance of achieving this end would really have been when Hiillgfi had abolished the 'Abbasid

21 Buscarello de' Ghizolfi had been a person of some standing in Genoa, where he was entitled to be addressed as " Dominus ". He had long been engaged in trade with the East and had entered Arghfin's service soon after the latter's accession. He had his son christened Argone in honour of the Il-Khan. See L. T. Belgrano, " Rendiconto dei Lavori fatti della Societa Ligure negli anni accademici MDCCCLXV-MDCCCLVI ", in the Atti of that Society, vol. IV (Genoa I866), pp. cxxviii and cxxix.

22 This letter has been preserved in the French archives. See Abel-R6musat, loc. cit., p. 363.

23 This name is a corruption of Qonqur-Oleng, a Mongol- Turkish name meaning " the golden-brown meadow ", cf. Doerfer, op. cit., IL Tiirkische Elemente im Neupersischen (Wies- baden 1965), no. 620, pp. 161-2. It was an area some I8o miles

south-east of Tabriz which was greatly favoured by the Mongols because of its coolness during the summer and the excellent pasture there for their horses. Arghfin founded a town there which his son Oljeitti subsequently completed and made his capital in place of Tabriz; he then re-named it Sultdniya. See Hamdulldh Mustaufi, Nuzhat al-Quliib, English tr. by G. Le Strange (London 1919), p. 61.

24 This bull was dated September 3oth I289. For its text, see T. Rymer, Foedera, Conventions, Litterae, vol. I (London I816), part II, p. 713.

25 T. Hudson Turner, loc. cit., pp. 48 and 49. 28 Ibid., pp. 48 and 49- 27 The Latin phrase is: ... mittemus de nostris Girofalcis et aliis

jocalibus nostre terre. 28 Paris 1922, p. o09.

RELATIONS BETWEEN EDWARD I AND EDWARD II AND THE MONGOL IL-KHANS 27

Caliphate and had, after routing the Muslims, taken Damascus.29 Another noteworthy point is that

Argh-in himself could not have fulfilled his promise to co-operate with the Christians in the spring of 1291, since he was taken ill and died a few days later in March of that year. Moreover, it was at that juncture that Acre, the last stronghold of the Christians in the Holy Land, fell to the Saracens.30

Before his death Arghain sent a further mission to Europe. Grousset, commenting on this action, said:31

Il est admirable qu'Arghun, dans son d6sir d'abattre les Mameluks et de sauver la Syrie franque, ne se soit laiss6 rebuter par l'indiff6rence de l'Occident.

Abel-Remusat remarked that, after the last strongholds of the Franks in the Holy Land had fallen, the most eager crusading spirit was to be found among the Mongols.32

On his second mission to Europe, Buscarello de' Ghizolfi took with him a certain Zagan or Chagan, who had been converted to Christianity and given the name of Andreas, and some other Mongols, one of whom was named Moracius.33 After being received by Nicholas IV in Rome, the mission went on to Paris and London. As he had done before, the Pope sent a bull to Edward I recommending the members of the mission to him; this bull was dated December 2nd 1290.34 At the end of that month the Pope addressed a further bull to Edward I on behalf of Sabadin Archaon who had accompanied Rabban Sauma and was now a member of Buscarello's mission.35

This mission reached the west at a most unfortunate juncture, shortly before Arghain's death and the fall of the last remaining footholds of the Christians in the Holy Land.

Owing to events beyond his control, Edward once again found himself unable to leave England. That he was not, however, indifferent to the cause was shown by the fact that he sent a mission of his own to Persia. His envoy was the Geffrey de Langley of whom brief mention had already been made.

So far as can be ascertained, the only surviving record of this mission is a prosaic account,36 in bad Latin,37 of the expenses incurred by its members at various places on its journey from Genoa to Tabriz and back. These expenses were noted in the currencies of the places where they were incurred. This record contains nothing whatever regarding the audience or audiences which Gaykhatit accorded to de Langley and his co-ambassador Buscarello de' Ghizolfi. The only inference that we can draw is that their reception could not have been unfriendly, since they brought back with them a leopard in a cage; it was, no doubt, a return gift for the gerfalcons which de Langley had brought with him from England in fulfilment of King Edward's promise to Arghfin.38 This statement of expenses was compiled by Nicholas de Chartres, once of the two esquires who left England with Geffrey de Langley. It has been a matter of no small difficulty to trace the routes followed by the mission from Trebizond to Tabriz and back because of the gross mutilation of the place-names given in the record.

Attention to this record was first drawn by T. Hudson Turner in his article to which reference has already been made.39 Unfortunately, his lack of topographical knowledge led him into serious error regarding the routes followed by the mission. A Genoese scholar, Cornelio Desimoni, subsequently made a very detailed study of the sheets (membranae) comprising the record which he transcribed and published in a more logical sequence, together with a glossary and notes, in the Atti della Societei Ligure di Storia Patria.40

29 See p. 24 above. 30 Gibbon, op. cit., vol. VII, p. 443, made this comment: " What-

ever might be the vices of the Franks, their courage was rekindled by enthusiasm and despair; but they were torn by the discord of seventeen chiefs, and overwhelmed on all sides by the powers of the sultan."

31 Histoire des Croisades, vol. III, p. 727. 82 Loc. cit., vol. VII, p. 382. 38 According to 'Al al-Din 'Atd Malik-i Juvaini's Ta'rfkh-i-

Jahdn-Gushdy one of Hfildgfi's commanders called Yasa'ur Noyan had a son called Mfiraqa (see J. A. Boyle's English translation of The History of the World Conqueror, vol. II (Man- chester 1958), p. 713). There seems, however, to be no means of knowing whether Mfiraqa and Moracius were in fact one and the same person.

34 Rymer, Foedera, vol. I, part III, p. 50. 35 Ibid., vol. I, part III, p. 76. 36 The original documents, after being for centuries in the

Chapter House at Westminster, are now in the Public Record Office in London, listed under the heading " Expenses of the Embassy of G. de Langele to Tartary"; they are in the Nuncii bundle 308, nos. 13, 14 and 15. A microfilm of the record is now in the Cambridge University Library.

37 Many of the terms are distinctly anglicized: e.g. Filettes de porco, makerellus (salatus pro stauro), scisurarum par.

38 See p. 26 above.

39 See p. 23 above. 40 The title is: " I Conti dell' Ambasciata al Chan di Persia nel

MCCXCII ", in vol. XIII of the Atti, pp. 591-643.


Besides de Langley, the mission consisted of Nicholas de Chartres and another esquire, a chaplain, four men-at-arms, a trumpeter, a barber, three falconers, a cook and several garfons (garciones).

In the summer or early autumn of 1291 the members of the de Langley mission left England for Genoa, where they were to join Buscarello de' Ghizolfi and travel with him and his suite to Persia. It was fortunate for de Langley that he and those with him could travel in this way, as Buscarello had great influence with the Mongol court and was thoroughly familiar with conditions there as well as with the Mongol language. Moreover, the Genoese had great influence in the countries to be traversed. They and the Pisans had a monopoly of trade in the Black Sea area in virtue of the Treaty of Nym- phaeum which had been concluded with the Byzantine Empire in 1261.

While in Genoa the members of the mission purchased a variety of articles for the journey; these included fifteen carpets (carpitis), which were doubtless to be used as bedding, a quantity of silver plate, some armour and some squirrels' fur (fururis de scouriol).

It was probably in December 1291 that the members of the two missions left Genoa by sea for Trebizond. Buscarello de' Ghizolfi was accompanied by his brother Percivalle and the latter's son Corradin.

When Trebizond was reached in April 1292, Nicholas de Chartres and Buscarello's nephew Corradin were sent on in advance via " Sauaste " (Sebastia, now Sivas) to the Mongol court at " Cassaria "

(Caesarea Mazaka, now Kayseri) to get permission for the missions to proceed. They obtained permission, but were informed that the court would not be remaining at Caesarea and that it was pro- ceeding to Tabriz. Nicholas and Corradin thereupon went back to Trebizond, whence the whole party set out for the Mongol capital. They travelled via " Gumesho " (probably Giimtish-Khana, now Giimii~-hane) to " Papertum " (Baiburt). At Baiburt they hired fourteen horses to take them to " Sarakana ". The identification of this place has been a matter of some difficulty,41 but if, as seems probable, this name is intended for Sharaf-Khana,42 a small town or large village eleven miles north- west of the Persian town of Qifitir (which is possibly Nicholas's " Cartotya "), it gives us a useful clue to the route followed from Erzurum (" Argerone "). If this surmise is correct, the route from Erzurum must have been very much the same as that followed on the way back, which can be followed more easily because of the fuller details given. On this assumption, the members of the mission, after leaving Erzurum, would have set out south-eastwards to Arjish (now Ercis), just to the north of Lake Van, and thence, after rounding the north-eastern end of the lake, south-east again to Sharaf-Khdna; from that place it is only a few miles farther on to the south or south-east to the valley of the Qiitfir-chai. By following that valley eastwards they would have come first to the small town of Qfitfir and thence, another thirty-five miles east by north, to Khoi (Coye). From Khoi the travellers went on via Marand (Marenda) to Tabriz (Taurysium).

We do not know when-or, indeed, whether-Gaykhdtil received the envoys at Tabriz. It is possible that he may have given them an audience at AlRtdgh, a favourite summer resort of the I1- Khans. We know from Rashid al-Din43 that Gaykhdtii was at Aldtdgh during part of the summer of 691 (1292). According to Nicholas de Chartres' accounts, expenses were incurred on some unrecorded dates on a journey from Tabriz to Cartotya (probably Qiitfir as already suggested), and thence to " Latatk " and from there on to Trebizond via Erzurum. Latatk is almost certainly Alitdgh.44 How- ever that may be, Nicholas gives detailed expenses for the return journey from Tabriz to Trebizond, which began on September 22nd I1292. They evidently went by the same route as that followed on the

41 T. Hudson Turner imagined that this name was intended for Sarai, on the Volga (he also thought that " Coya " (Khoi) was Konya and that " Marenda " (Marand) was Mardin). Endeavours have also been made to identify this place with Pegolotti's Scaracenti (this was probably Qara-Qand, a place on the route from Dorubdyazid to Tabriz). According to Chabot, op. cit., p. I26, Arghfin built a summer palace at Sharaf-Khdna.

42 The name was sometimes given as Sharb-Khana.

'3 Ta'rikh-i-Ghdzdnf, ed. K. Jahn (London I940), p. 38.

SLike Qonqur Oleng, Alitagh was a favourite summer resort of the il-Khdns because of its cool climate and its excellent pasturelands. Arghfin built a palace there. See Hamdullih Mustaufi, Nuzhat al-Qulzb, tr., p. Ioo. Four years before the advent of the de Langley mission, Fr. Ricoldo di Monte Croce had travelled from Erzurum (Arcirum) to Tabriz. In so doing he passed through a " terram gratissimam et pulchram, que dicitur planiciem Delatacta ". See J. C. M. Laurent, Pere- grinatores medii aevi quatuor, Burchardus de Monte Sion, Ricoldus de Monte Crucis, Odoricus de Foro Julii, Wilbrandus de Oldenburgh (Lipsiae I964), p. I22.


outward journey, as we find them at Arjish on September 3oth. On the next day they went on to " Jaccam "; this was probably the village of Akantz, which was situated some four-and-a-half miles to the north-west. From there they travelled through two places which they called Villa Saracenorum and Villa Armenorum on their way to Erzurum; they seem also to have passed through Malizgirt (which they called " Maresgarde "). They finally reached Trebizond on October I8th 1292. From there they went on by sea to Constantinople and thence to Otranto; from the latter they travelled overland to Genoa, which they reached on January I Ith 1293. We do not know when de Langley and those with him finally reached England. We do know, however, that he was one of the ninety-two knights who were called upon to accompany the King to Gascony in I294.45

In April 1295 Gaykhatft was assassinated by adherents of his cousin Baidil who thereupon mounted the throne. Baidai, however, had only a brief reign, as he and his followers were defeated and he was put to death by Arghin's son Ghtzdn. Although he had been born and bred as a Buddhist, Ghtzdn embraced the Shi' form of Islam on his succession, in fulfilment of a promise which he had made to his Muhammadan general Nauriz in the course of the campaign against Baidfi. When he changed his faith, Ghzain broke off his allegiance to the Great Khan in Mongolia and China.

Although the Christians during the early part of Ghdzdn's reign suffered some persecution, the new ruler was no friend to the Egyptian Maml-iks whom he attacked on various occasions. After marrying the daughter of King Haiton of Little Armenia, Ghizan ceased to persecute the Christians and joined with his father-in-law in an onslaught on the Saracens. Muslim though he was, he took up the old idea of an alliance with the Christian powers against the Mamlflks. With this end in view, he sent the Genoese Buscarello de' Ghizolfi on what was to be his third and last diplomatic mission to the west.

Buscarello, after visiting Rome and Paris, went on to London which he reached early in I303. The letter from Ghazan which Buscarello handed to Edward I has not been preserved, but Edward's reply, which was written at Westminster on March 12th 1303,46 gives an indication of its contents. Ghazan had evidently complained of the long period which the Franks had allowed to elapse without any attempt being made to co-operate with the Mongols in the reconquest of the Holy Land, for Edward, in his reply, explained that the Christian states had been at war. He added, however, that, as they were now at peace, they would all unite in order to reconquer the Holy Land.

Once again, however, nothing came of these promises and good intentions. As had been the case before, events in Scotland prevented Edward from attempting a new Crusade. The rising of Robert Bruce occupied practically all the old King's energies until his death in July 1307.47 When Ghtzin died in May 1304 he was succeeded by his half-brother Oljeitii. As already recorded,48 he had been baptized as an infant and given the name of Nicholas. When he married, however, his bride persuaded him to become a Muslim; he then dropped the name of Nicholas and called himself Oljeitti (meaning " the Rich " or " the Fortunate ")49 and added the Muslim names Muhammad Ghiyath al-Din.

In the year following his accession, -Oljeitii sent two envoys to Pope Clement V, King Philippe le Bel of France, King Edward I of England and the Doge of Venice. One of these envoys was a native of Siena called Tomazo (or Tomaso) Ugi, who was the Il-Khan's sword-bearer (ildiichi or viildiichi); the Mongols called him Taimdn. The other envoy was a Mongol named Mdmldq.50

45 See Foedera, vol. I, part II, p. 8oi. Dugdale, op. cit., p. 445, stated that de Langley was then one of the retinue of Edmund Earl of Lancaster " upon whom being attending at such time as he agitated a Peace betwixt the then King of France and Brother King Edward of England, he was sent by the said King of France to recall the Constable of that Realm, then upon his March into Gascoign with an Army ". De Langley then returned to England. He died about 1331.

46 Rymer, op. cit., vol. I, part II, p. 949. Rymer gave the correct date (1303) in the margin, but put " 1302 " at the end of the letter.

47 The Dominican writer, Fr. W. A. Hinnebusch, in his book The Early English Friars Preachers (Rome 1951), paid the following tribute to Edward's sincerity:

" King Edward I was probably the only Christian prince who was entirely sincere in his desire to engage in a new crusade, and there were numerous negotiations between him and the popes concerning the proposed expedition and the tithes imposed for its support."

I have to thank my friend Father Sebastian Bullough, o.p., for this reference.

48 See p. 25 above.

19 Abel-Remusat, loc. cit., p. 392.

10 Rashid al-Din, op. cit., p. 31, mentioned a man named M~ml!q in connection with events in Gurgan during Gaykhtti's reign; it is possible that this envoy was the same person.


The letter to Edward I has not been preserved, but the one addressed to Philippe le Bel is in the French archives. It was written in the Mfighan area (just south of the Aras river) early in June I305.51 This letter contained assurances of friendship and expressed satisfaction that internal strife had ended in Persia and that the wars in Europe had also ceased. The Mongols and the western powers might therefore unite " against those who would not join them " (a vague reference to the Mamlfiks). Oljeitii added that his ambassadors Tomaso and Mimldq would explain his intentions more fully by word of mouth. No trace of the French King's answer can be found.

After their reception by the French King, the envoys crossed over to England where they arrived

just after the death of Edward I. Edward II received them at Northampton. Edward replied to

Oljeitii's letter on October 16th 1307; it was addressed to the " Excellentissimo principi, domino

Dolgieto, Regi Tartarorum illustri ".52 Edward expressed his thanks for the letter and the assurances of

friendship that it contained, and he reciprocated the II-Khan's satisfaction that there were no longer disunion and strife either in Persia or the west.

Edward II doubtless had some discussions with the two envoys respecting joint action against the Saracens. It is evident that during their time at the English court neither Tomaso nor his Mongol colleague divulged to Edward the fact that their sovereign was no longer a Christian.53 In a second

letter, written at Langley on November 3oth 1307, Edward assured Oljeitti that, unless prevented by the distance and other difficulties, he would do his utmost " to extirpate the abominable sect of Macho- met ".Y4 He went on to say:

If we are well-informed, the books of this abominable sect predict its approaching destruction. Pursue then your laudable design, and may you succeed in your intention of exterminating this villainous sect.55

Edward II then added that some good, religious and learned men were on their way to Oljeitii's court in order to convert, with the help of God, his people to the Catholic Faith. These men were " the Venerable Brother William, of the Order of Preachers, the Bishop of Lydda,56 with his venerable suite ". Edward then added: " We commend them to you, and pray you to receive them well."5'

There appears to be nothing on record to show that this mission ever, in fact, reached Persia. Furthermore, the identity of Bishop William is difficult to establish. We know from the wording of Edward's letter that he was a Dominican, and we also know from other sources that Edward II, like his father, was much attached to members of that Order.58 If, in fact, Bishop William and his suite did reach Persia they would have found a number of Dominicans already there. Members of that Order and also some Franciscans had established themselves in Tabriz in 1289-90, according to the Franciscan chronicler Jean Elemosini.59 Moreover, in 13I14 a Dominican named Guilelmus Adam came to Persia where he remained for three years. On his return to Rome, he suggested to the Pope that there should be an archiepiscopal see at Sultfniya (which Oljeitii had made his capital in place of Tabriz). This

suggestion met with approval, and a Dominican named Francus of Perugia was the first Archbishop.

51 For its dating, see Abel-R6musat, loc. cit., pp. 397 and 398. 52 Rymer, op. cit., vol. II, part I, p. 8. 53 It is noteworthy that Oljeitui, in his letter to Philippe le Bel,

refrained from giving his Muhammadan names GhiyLth al-Din Muhammad.

54 Rymer, op. cit., vol. II, part I, p. I8. 55 Quoted from Howorth, op. cit., vol. III, p. 576. It is noteworthy that there was at that time a fairly widespread belief that Islam was approaching its end. This belief was based largely on the writings and sayings of such persons as the Dominican Fr. William of Tripoli, the author of De Statu Saracenorum. According to them, the Muslims believed that Islam would cease to exist after the death of the last Caliph of the Prophet's line. As William of Tripoli pointed out, the last Caliph had lost his life after the Mongols had taken Baghdad in 1258; this was therefore an indication that the days of Islam were limited. See A. M. Throop, Criticism of the Crusades: a Study ofPublic Opinion andCrusade Propaganda (Amsterdam 1940), p. 134.

56 William could only have been titular Bishop of Lydda. The last actual Bishop, Gaufridus by name, ceased to function as such when the town fell to the Saracens in I286. Eubel, op. cit., p. 305, after mentioning this fact, stated: "Reliqui epi. Lidden sunt titulares."

57 Edward II also wrote to the Pope and to the King of Armenia on behalf of Bishop William and his suite.

58 In 1308 Edward II founded the Dominican Priory in his park at Langley (which was thereupon called King's Langley). See W. A. Hinnesbusch, o.P., The Early English Friars Preachers (Rome i951), p. 194. I am indebted to my friend Father Sebastian Bullough, o.p., for this reference. Further information regarding the establishment of this Priory is given in the Victoria County History, Hertfordshire, vol. II, p. 238.

59 Fr. R. Loenerta, op. cit., p. 138.


He was appointed in 1318. In the same year bishoprics were established at Tabriz, Maragha and elsewhere in Persia; in each case a Dominican was appointed.60

Nothing is apparently on record regarding any further attempt to establish contact between Edward II and the Mongol Il-Khdns. From what we know of Edward's character and subsequent career, it seems unlikely that he gave the matter another thought.

60 It had been one of Guilelmus Adam's proposals to the Papacy that the occupants of the archiepiscopal and other sees to be

created in Persia should be Dominicans, while those in China should be Franciscans. See Loenertz, op. cit., p. I o.

THE DEVELOPMENT OF PERSIAN CULTURE UNDER THE EARLY GHAZNAVIDS*

By C. E. Bosworth

I The Ghaznavids were a dynasty of Turkish slave origin who, in the last quarter of the tenth century,

established themselves in what is now eastern and southern Afghanistan, at first as local governors on behalf of the Sdmdnid Amirs of Transoxania and Khurdsin, and then as independent sovereigns. In the course of a thirty-two years' reign, from 388/998 to 421/1030, the greatest ruler of the line, the dynamic Sultan Yamin ad-Daula Mahmild b. Sebiiktigin, extended his empire by force of arms until it stretched from western Persia to the Ganges valley of India, thereby earning an immense contemporary renown as the champion of Sunni orthodoxy and the hammer of the pagan Hindus.' This vast empire was entirely a personal creation, and it endured for only a decade after his death; in 431/Io040 his western conquests fell into the hands of a wave of Turkmen nomads from the steppes, the Seljuqs and their fellow-tribesmen of the Oghuz.2 However, Mahmild's descendants kept possession of eastern Afghanistan, Baluchistan and north-western India for a further century and a quarter, although this truncated empire became necessarily oriented more towards the Indian than to the Persian world.3

This present paper deals not with the early-Ghaznavid Sultans themselves or their policies, but with one aspect of their age, that is, the stimulus which the constitution of the Ghaznavid empire on the eastern fringes of the Iranian world gave to Perso-Islamic culture in that region. But before embarking on a discussion of this topic, it will be useful to bear in mind certain other facts. A consideration of almost any aspect of inner Asia, including this region where the Iranian and Indian worlds meet, requires a close reference to geography and topography. It may seem surprising that any degree of political or cultural unity is possible at all in Afghanistan, the Ghaznavid heartland, for the northern part of the country, in particular, is a meeting-place of great mountain massifs and bare upland plateaux. Yet the measures of unity achieved by the great empires which have straddled this region, and the crossings of it by groups so widely-separated in time as the first Indo-European invaders of India and the armies of Turkish conquerors like Timir and Babur, show that the central ganglion of the Hindu Kush and the Pamirs have never been a serious barrier to the passage of armies or peoples.4 To take the Pamirs as a specific example: although these mountains rise to over 25,000 ft., there has been in historical times a continuous local movement of peoples, with attendant cultural influences, from the valleys on one side to those of the other, and the results can be seen today in the linguistic geography of the region. Closely-related Iranian languages appear on both sides: Wakhi, Munji and Shughni on the Oxus headwaters, Yidgha in Chitral. One finds lexical correspondences between the totally unrelated Wakhi on the upper Oxus and Burushaski in Hunza and Nagir at the extreme northern tip of West Pakistan, and between the only distantly-related Indo-Iranian languages of Iranian Wakhi and Dardic Khowir in Chitral. As Benveniste rightly says, ".... On decouvre dans les langues tris varides qui se parlent entre le Turkestan oriental, le Pamir et l'Hindukus, beaucoup de mots communs, des emprunts mutuels, une incessante circulation lexicale reliant des aires tres distantes ou separdes par de rudes obstacles."5 Modern Persian has filtered across the Pamirs and has become the language of

* The following is based on a lecture given at the Oriental Institute, Oxford, on October 3oth 1964; the references have been added later. 1 On the Sultan's image, see the present author's article,

" Mahmfid of Ghazna in Contemporary Eyes and in Later Persian Literature ", Iran IV (1966), pp. 85-92.

SSee W. Barthold, Turkestan Down to the Mongol Invasion,2 Gibb Memorial Series, N.S. V (London 1928), pp. 293-304; and C. E. Bosworth, The Ghaznavids, Their Empire in Afghanistan and Eastern Iran 994-o040o (Edinburgh 1963), pp. 2o6-68.

3 In default of a special study devoted to the later Ghaznavids, see B. Spuler, EI' Art. " Ghaznawids ".

4 On these general considerations, see K. de B. Codrington, " A

Geographical Introduction to the History of Central Asia ", Geographical Journal CV (1944), PP- 27-40, 73-91. The work of Owen Lattimore, though primarily concerned with Mongolia and the adjacent regions of Siberia and China rather than the more westerly parts of Central Asia, is rich in relevant insights; many of his important papers are conveniently collected together in his Studies in Frontier History, Collected Papers 1928- 1958 (London 1962).

5 " Mots voyagers en Asie Centrale ", JA CCXXXVI (1948), pp. 177-82.

33


literacy and official usage in parts of Hunza, including amongst the Burisho, whose own language is of course a non-literary one.6

In pre-Islamic times, semi-nomadic confederations like the Kushans and Hephthalites or White Huns straddled the plateaux and fertile valleys of eastern Afghanistan, linking this region with their Central Asian homelands. On the religious plane, there were strong Buddhist elements in northern and eastern Afghanistan, and these regions were thus linked with Tibet and China on the one hand and with Buddhist northern India on the other. All over the western parts of Central Asia, Buddhism

decayed during the course of the seventh and eighth centuries, a process accelerated by the appearance of the Arabs and their new, assertive faith of Islam, although the great Buddhist centre of Bamiyan does not seem to have become definitely Muslim till the early Saffirid period, i.e. the later ninth century, or even later.' Links with the Indian world nevertheless continued after the decay of Buddhism. Eastern

Afghanistan was not properly secured for Islam till the end of the ninth or more probably the tenth centuries, and for the preceding two or three hundred years it was ruled by local princes, epigoni of the Hepthalite rulers of Zabul. These were most likely themselves ethnically Iranian, but had close connections with India. This is clearly demonstrable in regard to the Hinduishahi dynasty of Kabul and the upper Indus valley, whose power was uprooted by Sebtiktigin and his son Mahmiid. The local rulers of Ghazna during the first half of the tenth century, the shadowy Lawiks (displaced by the

incoming Turkish slave commander Alptigin in 351/962) were related to the Hindaishthis. Nor is it

unduly hazardous to link these Lawiks with the Zunbils who ruled in Zabulistan and Zaminddwar, the

region stretching between Ghazna and Bust, in the pre-Saffirid period, and who for long formed a

powerful barrier against Muslim expansion there.8 Zamindawar had in the sixth and seventh centuries, if not indeed down to later times than this, a great shrine and pilgrimage centre devoted to the god Zfin or Zhfin, the Su-na of Chinese Buddhist travellers in these parts. The origins and nature of this cult are highly obscure, except that it was clearly not Buddhist or Zoroastrian; Marquart plausibly argued that the cult of Zin might be connected with the shrine of the Hindu Sun-God Aditya at Multdn, and

recently, Bussagli has suggested links with the pre-Buddhist religious and kingship practices of Tibet.9 Thus it was really only in the tenth century that eastern and southern Afghanistan, the area between

Zamindawar and Kabul, was fully islamized and integrated with the Muslim lands farther west. It is true that Sistan, in south-western Afghanistan, was invaded by Arab armies as early as the Caliph 'Uthman's reign and speedily Islamized, as the early appearance of scholars and traditionists with the nisba of" as-Sijistani ", and the transfer thither of the Arab politico-religious disputes between Khdriji sectaries and orthodox Sunnis, show.10 Soon after the first appearance of the Arabs in Sistin, their forces passed through Bust into Zaminddwar and clashed with the local ruler there, the Zunbil; but these were exploratory and plunder raids only. Two centuries later, the Saffdrids Ya'quib and 'Amr b. Laith penetrated as far as Kabul, but these raids too were primarily for plunder and slaves. It is far from certain that the Lawiks of Ghazna were Muslims, despite the Islamic names given to them in the sources. As for the region of Ghir in central Afghanistan, this was a pagan terra incognita until the Ghaznavid expeditions there in the early eleventh century."1

6 Cf. D. L. R. Lorimer, The Burushaski Language, vol. I (Oslo 1935-38), introd., p. xlviii: " When literate Burfisho, and there are not many of them, have occasion to write, they do so in Persian for choice, or in Hindustani." The main external linguistic influence on Burushaski has, in fact, been from the Dardic Shind of Gilgit, although there are appreciable numbers of Wakhi speakers now settled in Hunza; see ibid., vol. I, introd., pp. xlix-li.

' The contradictory evidence on the conversion of Bimiydn and its rulers, the Shirs, is discussed by G. Scarcia in his articles " Nota alla voce < Bdmiydn # della nuova edizione dell' < Enc. de l'Isldm * ", Annali dell' Istituto Universitario Orientale di Napoli N.S. XIII (1963), pp. 299-302, and " Sull' ultima <4 islamizz- azione ) di Bdmiydn ", ibid. XVI (1966), pp. 279-81.

8 See Bosworth, EI2 Art. " Hindfishihis "; and " Notes on the pre-Ghaznavid History of Eastern Afghanistan ", Islamic Quarterly IX (1965), pp. I2-24.

9 See J. Marquart and J. J. M. de Groot, " Das Reich ZTbul und der Gott Zfin vom 6-9 Jahrhundert ", Festschrift Eduard Sachau, ed. G. Weil (Berlin 1915), pp. 262-8, 272-4, 288 n. 2; M. Bussagli, " Cusanica et Serica. I La fisionomia religiosa del dio Zun (o Shun) di Zdbul ", Rivista degli Studi Orientali XXXVII (1962), pp. 84 ff. The cult of Zfin has recently been ex- haustively investigated by Scarcia in his article " Sulla religione di Zdbul. Appunti per servire allo studio del ciclo epico sistanico ", Annali dell' Istituto Universitario Orientale di Napoli N.S. XV (1965), pp. - 19-65-

10 See on Sistdn in the early-Islamic period, Bosworth, Sistdn under the Arabs, from the Islamic conquest to the rise of the affdrids

(30-250o/651-864), Reports and Memoirs of the Centre for Studies and Archaeological Excavations in Asia, Instituto Italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente (Rome 1968).

11 See idem, " The Early Islamic History of Ghfir ", Central Asiatic Journal VI (1961), pp. 120-5.

THE DEVELOPMENT OF PERSIAN CULTURE UNDER THE EARLY GHAZNAVIDS 35

When in 287/900 'Amr b. Laith was defeated in Khurasan by the Sdmdnids, the succeeding Saffirids were speedily reduced to the status of a minor, tributary dynasty in Sistan alone, and eastern

Afghanistan fell under Samdnid suzerainty. The process, begun briefly by the first Saffdrids, of drawing this region into the Perso-Islamic world, was continued under the political and military leadership of Turkish slave commanders of the Samanids, who assumed de facto power on the peripheries of the Sdminid empire. Qaratigin Isfijabi and other Turks established themselves in the south at Bust, and

Alptigin and eventually Sebtiktigin at Ghazna and Kabul, pushing back Indian influence down the Kabul river valley and then launching raids on the plains of northern India. Sebtiktigin's governorship merged into the beginnings of the Ghaznavid empire, which speedily united Afghanistan with Khurisin and central Persia as far west as JibMl and the borders of Dailam.

Ethnically, Afghanistan had long been predominantly Iranian. There were some elements on the

plateaux of southern and eastern Afghanistan, named in such sources as Istakhri, Ibn IHauqal, the H1udaid al-'dlam and 'Utbi, as being Turkish tribesmen of the Khalaj and Oghuz groups; these may well have been human debris left behind by nomadic confederations who had held the region. These Turkish groups survived intact into the Ghaznavid period and were enrolled into the Sultans' armies; the Khalji Sultans who ruled in Delhi at the opening of the fourteenth century derived from them, and the name " Khalaj " may further survive in that of the modern Ghilzai Afghans.12 Linguistically, Afghanistan was likewise predominantly Iranian, the main exceptions being the Dardic and Kafiri groups of languages and peoples in the valleys and mountains to the north of the Kabul river, the modern Niiristan (Kdfiristdn) and Chitril. These two groups were probably more territorially extensive in earlier times than they are today, for the trend in Afghanistan during the tenth and eleventh centuries was towards linguistic uniformity, with the New Persian or Firsi branch of north-eastern Iranian

emerging as dominant over the other Iranian languages. The age of the Simdnids saw the forging in Khurasan and Transoxania of New Persian as a fine instrument for literary expression, early seen in the verse of Rtidaki, Daqiqi, Firdausi and others, and in the court literature of the early Ghaznavid poets. So far as our knowledge of Pashto, the other great representative in Afghanistan today of the eastern Iranian linguistic family, is concerned, everything before the sixteenth century remains undocumented

prehistory, despite recent pronouncements from Afghanistan which would push back our knowledge of written Pashto several centuries to the Ghfirid period;13 but the hypothesis may tentatively be put forward that the beginnings of Pashto should be traced to the language of such early Iranian invaders of Afghanistan as the Sakas.14

The spread of Farsi in Afghanistan is a little-known process, yet there are indications that the Ghaznavid period was an important one here. Admittedly, there are only one or two pointers. One concerns the remote and backward region of Ghiir. When in 411/1020 Mahmfid's troops invaded

Ghfir, the leader of the expedition, Prince Mas'fid, had to take with him interpreters; clearly, standard Fdrsi had not yet penetrated to this province.15 The next century saw the remarkable rise to power in eastern Iran and Afghanistan of the Gh-iri chieftains of the Shansabini family, but there is no mention in any literary or historical source of any linguistic aberrancy in their native territory. Like the Ghaz- navids whom they supplanted, the Ghtirids had their court poets, and these wrote in Persian. What, then, could the old language of Ghfir have been ? The late Prof. V. Minorsky once mentioned to the present writer that one fantastic theory had linked it with Burushaski. More feasible is the suggestion of Prof. Georg Morgenstierne,16 that it was one of the south-eastern Iranian group of dialects which have gradually been eliminated from Afghanistan by the spread of Farsi and Pashto. Parachi (in a few villages to the north of Kabul) and Ormuri (in the L5gar valley and at Kdnigurim in Waziristan) may

12 See on the Khalaj V. Minorsky, " The Turkish Dialect of the

Khalaj ", BSOS X (1939-42), PP 417-37; and also Bosworth and Sir Gerard Clauson, " Al-Xwdrazmi on the Peoples of Central Asia ", JRAS (1965), p. 8, expressing some doubt on the original Turkishness of the Khalaj.

'x Until the recently-discovered anthology of early Pashto poetry, the

Pe.ta khazdna " Secret treasury " of Muhammad

H6tak, has been critically investigated by specialists in Pashto philology, it would seem wisest to suspend judgement on this

question, as is pointed out by G. Morgenstierne, El2 Art. " Afghdn. iii Pashto literature ".

14 This is the suggestion made to the present author by Dr. A. D. H. Bivar.

1> Abfi 1-FaCdl Baihaqi, Ta'rikh-i Mas'~di, ed. Ghani and Fayy.d (Tehran I324/1945), p. II7, Russian tr. A. K. Arends,

Istorya Mas'uda 1o3o-1o41 (Tashkent 1962), p. 129. 16 In a letter dated July 25th I964.


represent the last remnants of some of these dialects. A second pointer, admittedly a tenuous one, may lie in a study of present-day isoglosses in Afghanistan. Ghazna and Kabul are still salients of Persian speech in eastern Afghanistan, separated by a wedge of Pashto in the L6gar and Wardak valleys. This may be due to the influence in medieval times of Kabul and Ghazna as centres of Persian culture and learning, their effect still significant over the centuries, whereas farther south, so far as we can see, Pashto has extended westwards through Qandahar (a place of comparatively recent importance and of lesser cultural significance) towards Farah and Isfizir or Sabzawar. This, however, is speculative; we may have a firmer base for speculation when data has been assembled by the Linguistic Survey of Afghanistan at present being undertaken by Kabul University under the general guidance of Prof. Morgenstierne.

II

It has just been suggested in general terms that the establishment of the Ghaznavid empire brought the central and eastern parts of the Iranian world under a single political authority and at the same time gave a fillip to the supremacy of Perso-Islamic culture on the far eastern fringes of that world. This thesis now requires elaboration.

In many ways, the empire of Mahmlid was a successor-state to that of the Simanids in Transoxania and Khurasan. Mahmiid and his father Sebiiktigin both began their careers as military commanders of the Samanids, only abandoning their masters when it was evident that the Sdminid empire was disintegrating under the internal stresses set up by rebellious generals and by external pressure from beyond the Syr Darya by the Turkish Qarakhanids. To the very end, Sebtiktigin clung to his legal and official status as a slave provincial governor on behalf of the Samanid Amirs, and he never formally claimed the independence which he in reality enjoyed; the inscription on his tomb at Ghazna names him as al-Hidjib al-Ajall " Most exalted commander ", and not as Amir. Down to 389/999, Sebiiktigin and his two sons Isma'il and Mahmtid all acknowledged the Samanids on their coins."1

From the point of view of administrative structure and techniques, the continuity of the Ghaznavid empire with the Sdmdnid one can clearly be demonstrated. Ruling from Bukhdrd, the Sdminids evolved a highly-developed system for administering their territories, drawing taxation from the agriculture and industry of the oases of Khurdsan and Soghdia, and controlling the long-distance caravan trade between the Islamic lands and the Far East; above all, the Amirs grew rich on the traffic in slaves from the Turkish steppes. According to the historian of Bukhard, Narshdkhi, the Samanid administration comprised nine separate diwdns or government departments, including not only the basic financial, secretarial and military ones, but also departments responsible for espionage and police services and for the postal and intelligence network. Administrative techniques were advanced, and AbUi 'Abdalldh Muhammad al-Khwarazmi in his dictionary of technical terms, the Mafdtift al-'uliim " Keys of the sciences ", mentions that the Sdmdnids had twenty-six different kinds of official registers for recording financial and other business. The ultimate model for all this administrative structure was, of course, the Caliphal administration in Baghdad.s1

The first Ghaznavids developed an administrative system in Ghazna which was based on that of the S~mdnids, firstly because they knew of no other model to take, and secondly because there were no strong Islamic administrative traditions in the Ghazna region for them to build on otherwise. There must have been some coming and going of Sdmdnid officials from Bukhdrd or Nishapfir during the years when Turkish slave governors were ruling in Ghazna on behalf of the Amirs. During Sebtiktigin's tenure of power (366-87/977-97), we can see the emergence of three basic government departments, those of finance, correspondence and military affairs, under the Vizier, Chief Secretary and 'Arid respectively. The organization of the Diwdn-i Risdlat or Correspondence Department was the work of one of the most noted literary stylists of the age, Abti 1-Fath 'Ali al-Busti, known for his scintillating use of paronomasia and other rhetorical devices as the S'dhib at-Tajnis, and the friend of Badi' az-Zamin al-Hamadhini, Abti Mansir ath-Tha'alibi, Abli Bakr al-Khwarazmi and the

S.•hib Isma'il b. al-

'Abbad.'9 Under Mahmiid, the Ghaznavid empire expanded enormously, and the machinery of

17 Cf. Bosworth, The Ghaznavids, Their Empire in Afghanistan and Eastern Iran 994-o1040o, pp. 41, 44-7; and idem, " The Titula- ture of the Early Ghaznavids ", Oriens XV (1962), p. 217.

18 See The Ghaznavids, pp. 27-34.

10 Cf. J. Fiick, El2 Art. " al-Busti, Abfi'l-Fatih ".


government inevitably grew more complex. Two new diwdns appear, one a subdivision of the Vizier's department, an accounting office under the Mustaufi, and the other that of the Ishrdf, responsible for communications, postal services and espionage-a very necessary department for such a far-flung empire, whose Sultan was a despot ruling by fear rather than by consent.20

Continuity with Sdmdnid administrative practices was ensured by a continuity in many cases of actual personnel, for the Ghaznavids inherited many members of the old Simdnid bureaucracy. Some of these merely remained at their posts in the Diwdn of Khurasan at Nishtpiir when Mahmfid took over there. Other Persian officials migrated from Transoxania when the Qarakhanids moved in and allowed much of the old Saminid administration to run down and fall into disuse; a continuator of Narshakhi says that taxation and expenditure everywhere decreased when the Qarakhanids came.21 The power of the new and dynamic Ghaznavid empire to attract able men extended all over the Iranian world. An anecdote in Chapter XLI of the Siydsat-ndma of Nizdm al-Mulk describes how a group of unemployed Bfiyid officials and secretaries in Ray contemplate emigrating to Khurasan, where they believe that Mahmiid's well-known appreciation of scholars will bring them recognition and employment.22 Although this particular story is of dubious authenticity, we do have definite instances of men passing from Bfiyid into Ghaznavid service. The Q?di Abli 1-Hasan 'Ali Shirdzi, head of the civil administration in northern India during the reign of Mas'Uid b. Mahmfid, came originally from Bfiyid circles. However, it was the Samanid bureaucracy which provided by far the greatest number of Ghaznavid officials. Mahmfid's Vizier Abil 1-'Abbds al-Fadl Isfara'ini had been a secretary in Sdmdnid Khurdsdn, as had been the father of the Vizier of Mas'iid and his son Maudild, Ahmad b. 'Abd as-Samad; and the list could be prolonged.23

Since the Ghaznavid empire depended so much on the Sdmdnid inheritance for its political structure, it is not surprising that literary, cultural and artistic trends under Mahmild also followed the patterns established in the eastern Iranian world by the Samanids. It was the court of Bukhird which gave material backing for the literary florescence of New Persian, whilst at the same time remaining a great centre for the traditional Arabic theological, legal and philological sciences. Tha'alibi's praise of Bukhdrd at this time, prefixed to the fourth section of his literary anthology, the ratimat ad-dahr fi mahdsin ahl al-'asr " The unique pearl concerning the elegancies of contemporary people ", is well known: " In the time of the Sdmdnids, Bukhird was the meeting-place of all nobility, the centre of all authority, the place where the outstanding people of the age congregated, the rising-place of the stars of the learned scholars of all the earth and the place of pilgrimage for all the brilliant men of the time."24 But lesser courts of eastern Iran also contributed to this cultural revival by providing patronage and shelter for scholars. Amongst the Ziyarids in Gurgan and Tabaristan, the Amir Qabils b. Vushmagir himself achieved repute as a poet and prose stylist, as the subsection on him of the Tatimat ad-dahr shows.25 The poet Farrukhi Sistdni, eventually one of the adornments of Mahmild of Ghazna's court, won his initial fame at the petty court of the Muhtdaji Amir of Chaghdniydn on the upper Oxus.26 The unknown author of the geographical treatise, the HIudfid al-'dlam " Limits of the world ", seems to have worked in Giizgin, the small principality of the Farightinid family in north-western Afghanistan.

It was therefore unlikely that Mahmfid would allow his own court to fall short of the standards set by the Simanids and by these minor Iranian princes. New buildings in Ghazna were financed out of and adorned by the spoils of India, such as precious metals, and the finds of the Italian Archaeological Mission in Afghanistan at Ghazna show that Hindu statues and other objects were incorporated into the

20 Cf. M. N.zim, The Life and Times of Sultan Mahmud of Ghazna (Cambridge 1931), pp. I26-50, where he surveys the administrative system, to be supplemented by reference to Bosworth, op. cit., pp. 48-97.

21 The History ofBukhara, tr. R. N. Frye (Cambridge, Mass. i954), P. 33-

22 Ed. H. Darke (Tehran I340/1962), pp. 211I-14, tr. Darke, The Book of Government or Rules for Kings (London 196o), pp. 172-5.

23 Bosworth, op. cit., pp. 57-9.

24 ratimat ad-dahr, vol. IV, ed. Muh. Muhyi ad-Din 'Abd

al-IHamid (Cairo 1375-77/1956-58), p. Ioi, tr. in E. G. Browne, A Literary History of Persia, vol. I (London and Cam- bridge 1902-24), pp. 365-6.

25 ratimat ad-dahr, vol. IV, pp. 59-61; cf. Brown, op. cit., vol. II, pp. Io2-4.

26 Cf. Nizrmi 'Arfidi Samarqandi, Chahar maqdla, revised tr. by E. G. Browne, Gibb Memorial Series, XI/2 (London 1931), PP. 39-45-


fabric of palaces as trophies of war.27 On the intellectual level, libraries and mosques in Ghazna were enriched by the spoils of Khurasanian and other Persian collections. The library of the madrasa attached to the splendid mosque built by Mahmfid, called the 'Aras al-Falak or " Bride of Heaven ", was fitted out in this way. When Mahmfid captured Ray from the Bfiyid Majd ad-Daula in 420/1029,

fifty loads of heretical books of the Batiniyya and Mu'tazila were burnt, but the more harmless ones were spared and carried off to Ghazna.28 The rich collections of Ghazna doubtless perished in the sackings and burnings of the Ghfirids and Mongols a century or two later.

Yet it was not enough to found libraries; great luminaries of the literary and scientific worlds had to be brought to Ghazna if it was to become the Baghdad of the east. The polymath Abai r-Raihan al-Birfini, after working in his native land of Khwarazm and then wandering to the Ziyarid court in the Caspian coastlands, returned to Khwarazm and the patronage of the Ma'miinid Shths of Gurganj. When Mahmiid's troops marched into Khwarazm in 40o8/ 10I 7, al-Birfini joined the exodus of scholars from there to Ghazna, apparently of his own freewill. At Ghazna he finished his days as a kind of scientific adviser cum court astrologer to Mahmild, his son Mas'id and then the latter's son Maudfid.29 It was through this position that al-Birfini was able to accompany Ghaznavid armies into India, delve deeply in Sanskrit and the Prakrits tongues of northern India and acquire a unique knowledge of Indian religious and social practices, all of which he put into his magnum opus on India, the Tahqiqg md li i-Hind. It is indeed fortunate for human knowledge that a man with such an omnivorous and all-enquiring mind should have found himself placed in Ghazna at a time when Muslim arms were making their first

major break-through into the plains of northern India. For facilitating this alone, we should be grateful to the early Ghaznavids.

However, not all scholars were entranced by the prospect of life at Mahmfid's court. As E. G. Browne truly noted, " Sultan Mahmid has often been described as a great patron of letters, but he was in fact rather a great kidnapper of literary men, whom ... he often treated in the end scurvily enough ".30 A story in Nizrmi 'Arfidi's Chahar maqdla, which may be apocryphal but which nevertheless reflects Mahmid's strong-arm methods, describes how he sent an ultimatum to the Ma'mfinid Khwarazm-Shih Abi 1l-'Abbas Ma'muin, demanding that the Shih send to his court certain famous scholars. One of these, Ibn Sind or Avicenna, had been reared in an atmosphere sympathetic to Ismi'ill Shi'ism, and he did not relish a summons to the conservative and orthodox Islamic milieu of the Ghaznavid court; he preferred to flee across Persia and end his days as Vizier to the Kakiyid ruler of

Isfahmn, 'Ala' ad-Daula Muhammad.31

The cases of Ibn Sind and one or two others with heterodox sympathies were probably exceptional. Mahmiad cultivated the image of himself as a Maecenas, and scholars and literary men made their way to Ghazna from all over the eastern Islamic world. In particular, the Ghaznavid court acquired a group of fine Persian poets, presided over by 'Unsuri, who allegedly had the title of Amir ash-Shu'ard, Poet Laureate. The comparative cultural poverty of the region of Ghazna and Zabulistan is shown by the fact that no major figure of this group of court poets seems to have been a local man: Farrukhi came from Sistan, 'Unsuri from Balkh, Manfichihri from Damghan, Ghad~'iri from Ray, and so on.32 The volume of verse turned out must have been very great, much of it being panegyric addressed to various members of the royal family, to high officials and to military commanders, and what we have left of it

today is generally of a high literary standard. The style is comparatively simple, certainly when com-

pared with the intricacies of Seljuq and later Ghaznavid verse, and the use of imagery and the depiction of nature are usually fresh and delicate.33 The literary forbears of this eulogistic and lyrical poetry were such

S•manid poets as AbRi 1-IHasan Shahid of Balkh, Abi Bakr Khusrawi of Sarakhs, Abfi 1-Hasan

27 Cf. U. Scerrato, " The First Two Excavation Campaigns at Ghazni, 1957-58 ", East and West N.S. X/I-2 (1959), pp. 39-40; and A. Bombaci, Art. " Ghaznavidi ", in Enciclopedia universale dell' arte VI (Venice-Rome I958), pp. 6-15-

28 Bombaci, " La ( Sposa del Cielo * ", Studi orientalistici offerti a Francesco Gabrieli (Rome 1964), pp. 21-34; Bosworth, " The Imperial Policy of the Early Ghaznawids ", Islamic Studies, Journal of the Central Institute of Islamic Research 1/3 (Karachi 1962), pp. 70-2.

29 Cf. D. J. Boilot, E12 Art. s.v.

30 A Literary History of Persia, vol. II, pp. 95-6. 31 Chahdr maqdla, Browne's revised tr., pp. 85-90; cf. A Literary

History of Persia, vol. II, pp. 96 ff. 32 Bosworth, The Ghaznavids, p. 133.

33 J. Rypka, Iranische Literaturgeschichte (Leipzig I959), pp. 172-5-


Kisd'i of Merv and, above all, Rfidaki. Most of these poets were dhawa l-lisdnain, equally proficient and

productive in Arabic or Persian, and we can thus trace the stylistic origins of early Ghaznavid poetry through the Sdmdnid poets to the Arabic qasida.34 Unfortunately for purposes of comparative and stylistic study, we have extant today only a small part of this early Ghaznavid poetry, the visible tenth, as it were, of a poetic iceberg. The only diwdns which we possess in anything like completeness are those of 'Unsuri, Farrukhi and Maniichihri; the other poets are known only through fragments or citations. This is in contrast to the later Ghaznavid period, from which we have several more or less complete diwdns, such as those of Mas'tid-i Sa'd-i Salmdn, Abii 1-Faraj Riini, Sayyid Hasan and 'Uthman Mukhtdri.

Because of these movements of men, ideas and literary concepts eastwards to Ghazna, the Ghaznavid empire gradually became integrated with Khurdsdn and the eastern Iranian world in general. Once this seed was implanted, Ghazna and eastern Afghanistan began to develop a Persian culture of their own, a culture which survived the Ghiirid take-over of the Ghaznavid empire in the mid-twelfth century and endured right down to the Mongol invasion, when Ghazna's r61le as a historic centre ended for ever.

III

So far, the implanting of outside ideas within Afghanistan during Mahmiid's reign has been discussed. Although it has been noted above that the region of Ghazna and Zabulistdn was not, at the opening of the eleventh century, culturally so richly developed as say Transoxania or Khurisdn, Afghanistan as a whole was not entirely a cultural desert. It was pointed out at the beginning of this paper that it lies at the meeting-point of several civilizations, those of Iran, of India, of the Central Asian steppes and of China and Tibet. And since the Hindu Kush and the Pamirs have never inhibited the movement of people and ideas across the heartlands of Asia, and since some at least of these peoples and ideas have halted within Afghanistan, it would be surprising if the region had nothing whatever to contribute to the flowering of Perso-Islamic civilization during Mahmild's reign.

It is suggested that such a contribution may in fact be traced in the stimulus given to popular epic literature and romances during the early Ghaznavid period. Our surviving information relates wholly to such literature in Persian, but there are indications that a similar literature existed also in Turkish, probably in a less-polished literary form and circulating at an oral level. It is easy to forget that the Ghaznavid Sultans, though speedily Persianized in culture and outlook, were ethnically Turks, not far removed in time from the Central Asian steppes. Sebiiktigin was born in paganism, apparently at Barskhan by the Isiq G61 of the modern Soviet Kirghiz Republic.35 Persian and Arabic dominated the bureaucracy, the religious institution and the world of scholarship, but Turkish remained an everyday language for the Sultans and their intimates, certainly down to Mas'aid's reign and probably longer. The army was the great and enduring stronghold of Turkishness, being in large part composed of Turks from the steppes, and there were always new arrivals from this quarter thus keeping up the barbarian and unsophisticated element in the ruling institution.36 These Turks must have brought with them their tribal legends, stories and poetry. The Persian poet Manfichihri mentions Turkish poetry in one of his own verses; this would doubtless be popular poetry and not the product of cultured circles such as

Manfichihri and his colleagues formed. An interesting point here is that Maniichihri speaks of poetry in both " Turki " and " Ghuzzi ", a very early division of the Turkish dialects into an eastern, Qarluq and Uighur group, and a western, Oghuz and Qipchaq one, a division laid down, with supporting phonological evidence, in Mahmild Kashghari's Diwdn lughdt at-turk thirty or forty years later.37

Malhmfid of Ghazna's name is linked in popular imagination with that of Firdausi, author of the supreme version of the Persian epic, the Shdh-ndma or Book of Kings. A well-known version of the relations between the two men is that given by Nizami 'Artidi: that Firdausi spent twenty-five years

34 Ibid., pp. 141-6.

S5 Ntzim, " The Pand-NMmah of Subuktigin " [- the section

containing Sebiiktigin's alleged testament to his son as given in Shabdnkdra'i's Majma' al-ansdb ff t-tawdrikh], JRAS (I933), pp. 609-I i, tr. 621-2.

36 Bosworth, The Ghaznavids, pp. 56-7, 99 ff., 130.

37 A. de Biberstein-Kazimirsky, Menoutchehri, podtepersan du A zime sidcle de notre ere (Paris I886), text p. 148, tr. p. 261; K6pruili- zade Mehmet Fuad, " Gazneliler devrinde tirk si'ri ", in Tiirk dili ve edebiyati hakkinda arast'rmalar (Istanbul I934), pp. 26-32; C. Brockelmann, "

Mah.mfid al-KdAghari iiber die Sprache

und die Stamme der Tiirken im II. Jahrh.", Ki6rsi Csoma Archivum I (Budapest 1921-25), pp. 38-40.


on his masterpiece, that he brought it to the Ghaznavid court, but that Mahmiid repulsed him and offered only a miserable present. The poet then wandered westwards to the court of the Bawandids in Tabaristan. In the end, runs the story, Mahmtid recognized Firdausi's genius and wished to atone for his shabby behaviour by sending a magnificent gift of 60,000 dinars' worth of indigo; but when this arrived at Tils, the poet was already dead.38 The truth of the matter remains unclear. Arberry thinks that Firdausi made an unfortunate choice in offering what he calls " his vast epic in praise of Zoroastrian Persia " to Mahmfid, " the fanatical conformist ".39 Admittedly, the Shdh-ndma is not Islamic at all in its inspiration, but neither is its ethos specifically Zoroastrian,40 and the Ghaznavids were not averse to being connected with the glories of old Persia. When obliging genealogists concocted a pedigree for the dynasty, they were unable to get round the fact of Sebiiktigin's pagan origin, but they did manage to connect him with the last Stsdnid emperor, Yazdagird III, whose family had allegedly fled into the Central Asian steppes after the Arab invasions and had settled there, intermarrying with the local Turks.41 Rypka's reconstruction of the relations between Sultan and poet as being dependent on Ghaznavid political policy, firstly pro-Iranian against the Turkish Qarakhanids, and then pro-Arabic as links were strengthened with the Baghdad Caliphate, is attractive but hard to prove. He is right, however, in regarding the Shdh-ndma as the climax of the " feudal epic " which had arisen from the Simanid milieu, and in regarding the epics of the succeeding Ghaznavid period as constituting a new genre, the " romantic epic ".42

It is the r61le of Afghanistan in general and Mahmiid's own court in particular as the nurturers of this " romantic epic " that requires further examination. The probable survival of a popular Turkish literature amongst the extensive groups of Turks in the Ghaznavid court and army has just been mentioned. Some of these Turks became Persianized, but most of them must have been eager for literature and poetry to suit their own tastes. Their attitudes and requirements may well have affected the nature of this epic and romantic literature in Persian. Within this literature, two streams of development may be discerned. One follows directly on from Firdausi, but with a romantic element injected into the epic, pushing the heroic element further and further into the background; the other stream is that of purely romantic and lyrical idylls in verse. But a stimulus to both was, it is suggested, a contribution of the early Ghaznavid period to Persian literature.

For the Shdh-ndma was in many ways a culmination. If literature is to be regarded as the expression of a society, then the Shdh-ndma must obviously be attached to the old Persian landowning classes of eastern Iran, the dihqans. This class maintained its power and influence in

Khurdsmn, Transoxania and

Khwdrazm until the downfall of the Simanids. The tenth century geographers expatiate on the heroic virtues still cultivated by the people of these regions-the munificence of their entertainment of strangers, their general liberality, and their military prowess. Thus Maqdisi describes the people of Khwdrazm as " men who practice hospitality, with great appetites, courageous and impetuous in battle ".43 Pride in the Iranian past, its heroes and their achievements, lived amongst this class, for the spirit of this past long survived the strong social and cultural pressures of Islam; Zoroastrianism itself persisted in the more mountainous and inaccessible regions of Persia, and it was, after all, in the ninth century, two centuries after the coming of Islam, that much of the Middle Persian and Zoroastrian literature known to us today was copied. It was for an important Khurdsdnian dihqan, Abli Mansfir b. 'Abd ar-Razzdq of 'Tils, that translations into New Persian were made in 340/951 from the Pahlavi texts of the national epic, and these texts were later utilized by Firdausi and perhaps by his predecessor Daqiq.44

*' Chahar maqdla, Browne's revised tr., pp. 54--9; A Literary History of Persia, vol. II, pp. 132-9.

31 Classical Persian Literature (London 1958), p. 43. 40 Cf. T. N6ldeke, Das iranische Jationalepos2 (Berlin and Leipzig

I920), pp. 36 ff., who points out that Firdausi's attitude was certainly strongly anti-Arab, though not necessarily openly anti-Islamic.

41 Minhij-i Siraj Jfizjani, Tabaqdt-i .NJ4irf, vol. I, ed. 'Abd al- I;Iayy Iabibi, 2nd edn. (Kabul 1342-43/1963-64), p. 226; vol. I, tr. H. G. Raverty (London 1881-99), pp. 69-70.

42 Iranische Literaturgeschichte, pp. 157-8.

4' Ahsan at-taqdsim ft ma'rifat al-aqdlim, ed. M. J. de Goeje, Bibliotheca Geographorum Arabicorum, IIIP (Leiden i906), p. 285; cf. Bosworth, The Ghaznavids, pp. 32-3.

** See Minorsky, " The Older Preface to the Shih-Ndma ", Studi orientalistici in onore G. Levi della Vida II (Rome 1956), PP. 159-79 = Iranica, twenty articles (Tehran I964), PP. 260-73.


But from 389/999 onwards, Khurdsdn was in the hands of the Turkish Mahmtid of Ghazna, and Transoxania in those of the Qarakhanids. Supreme political leadership in eastern Iran passed out of native Persian hands, and although the dihqin class was still for a time influential at the local level, the

long-term trends of the new period were definitely unfavourable for it. Under the Ghaznavids, Khurfisn was ruthlessly exploited by successive Viziers and governors, themselves hard-pressed by the Sultan their master, who was avid for money to finance his campaigns in India and elsewhere. A disastrous famine, followed by plague and much rural depopulation, is recorded for 401 /I o I I. Two or three decades later, the depredations of the Seljuqs caused a disruption of trade and agriculture; land values in such places as the Nishapiir and Baihaq oases plummeted, with ruinous effect on the fortunes of the dihqdn and small landowner classes.45 By the time of the Mongol invasion, the term dihqdn had declined into the simple meaning of " peasant ".46 The decreased taste for purely heroic epics of the Shdh-ndma type may therefore be a consequence of the gradual ruin of the Iranian landed classes, although the diversion of this taste into new literary patterns was probably also a result of an increased sophistication and refinement of manners in early Ghaznavid times, expressed in a preference for the romantic over the heroic.

In fact, the example of the Shdh-ndma released a spate of Persian epic poems which has continued almost down to the present day. The late Maryan Mol6 quoted the early twelfth century anonymous Persian history, the Mujmal at-tawdrikh, in which the Shdh-ndma is called the tree and all the other poems its branches.47 The Shdh-ndma and most of its successors are based on national traditions current in the eastern Iranian world, in particular, those centred on the regions of Sistdn, Ztmindarvar and

Zabulistmn. These regions had long been famous for breeding hardy and pugnacious fighting men; Rustam is described as " the Zibuli hero ", gurd-i Zdvuli, not only in the Shdh-ndma, but also in the Middle Persian historical epic of 400 years before, the Kdrndmak-i Artashir-i Pdpakdn.48 The Shdh-ndma centres of course round Rustam and his father ZAl, but the slightly later Garshdsp-ndma, which will be considered presently, and a host of later poems, revolve round Garshasp, the Avestan Krsaspa, " He who has lean, swift horses ", and a forebear of Rustam. These poems in which Garshasp and his family, rather than Rustam, are featured, are specifically attached to Sistan and

Ztbulistmn; and there was, according to a

lost Kitdb-i Garshdsp by Abfi 1-Mu'ayyad Balkhi, cited in the Ta'rikh-i Sistdn, a fire temple at Karkfya near the capital Zarang, which was dedicated to Garshasp and had a cult in his honour.49

Under the early Ghaznavids, these regions of southern and eastern Afghanistan were for the first time in centuries the heart of a vast empire, and they supplied troops for armies which campaigned from the lower Oxus to the Ganges; contingents of Afghans (thus named in 'Utbi's at- Ta'rikh al-Tamini:

al-Afghdniyya) are specifically mentioned, as are the archers and infantrymen of Sistdn.50 One might have expected that the exploits of Mahmfid and his troops would have stirred popular imagination to the extent that epics on his campaigns might have been composed and the whole topic grafted on to the existing Iranian epic tradition popular there. Yet we have no surviving contemporary epics woven round the figure of the warrior-Sultan. It is true that there is mention of a metrical composition, the Tdj al-futah " Crown of victories ", dealing with Mahmid's exploits; since the poet 'Unsuri praises this work highly, Ndzim thought that this was probably written by himself.51 Whoever wrote it will probably never be known for certain, since it is not extant. It was not until well after Mahmid's death that a considerable literature, half romantic epic, half hagiography, grew up round Mahm-id and his son Mas'Cid as champions of Islam against the infidels in India. In this literature, historical fact diminishes as the miraculous religious element increases. This is seen in the legends accumulating round the exploits of the semi-legendary Ghaznavid soldier Sipahsalar Mas'tid Ghdzi, allegedly a nephew of

41 Bosworth, The Ghaznavids, pp. 86-9, 259-6I.

46 Cf. A. K. S. Lambton, Landlord and Peasant in Persia (London 1953), introd., pp. xxiv, xxvi.

'7 "L'6pop6e iranienne apres Fird6si", La Nouvelle Clio V (Brussels 1953), P. 380.

48 Cf. Marquart, Eradnahr nach der Geographie des Ps. Moses Xorenac'i, in Abh. der Konigl. Gesellschaft der Wiss. zu G6ttingen, Phil.-Hist. KI., N.F. III/2 (Berlin 1901), p. 40.

4.

49 Ta'rikh-i Sistdn, ed. Malik ash-Shu'ard' Bahir (Tehran 1314/ 1935), PP- 35-7; cf. Mol0, op. cit., pp. 382 ff., and Bosworth, Sistdn under the Arabs, pp. 4-5-

`o Yamini, vol. II, ed. with commentary, al-Fath al-wahbi, by Shaikh al-Manini (Cairo I286/1869), p. 84; Bosworth, The Ghaznavids, p. I 14. The mention by 'Utbi of the Afghans is one of the earliest Islamic sources thus naming them, being only antedated by the Hudad al-'dlam.

51 The Life and Times of Sul.tdn Mahma7d of Ghazna, p. I.


Sultan Mahmfid; these legends were brought together in the early seventeenth century by the Mir'dt-i Mas'ldi of 'Abd ar-Rahman Chishti.52

The absence of any contemporary literature specifically crusading in tone and glorifying Mahmiid as the spearhead of Islam in India seems to confirm the impression from the historical sources, that

Mahmid was not a fanatic bent on imposing Islamic religion on the Hindus, but was activated more

by an imperialist love of power and a lust for gold. What does occasionally seem to have happened is that actual incidents or names of people involved in the Sultan's campaigns were transplanted into the

epics of a few decades later. Thus in the Fardmurz-ndmas (at least two epics with this title are known), probably dating from the latter part of the eleventh century, one of Faramurz b. Rustam's enemies is called Jaipdl, this being the name of the HindiishThi Ra-ji of Waihind and the western Panjtb, the

great opponent of Sebtiktigin and Mahmiid.53 The Sultans who succeeded to Mahmlid and Mas'fid were also concerned with expansion into the plains of India, for a continuous stream of plunder was

necessary for the economic well-being of the empire. It was the exploits of a later Ghaznavid, Mas'tid III b. Ibrahim b. Mas'tid I (492-5o8/1099-I I 15) which formed the occasion for the composition of a remarkable panegyric in Persian on the military achievements of the whole line of Sultans. This was written in the mutdqarib metre (that employed in the Shdh-ndma) and inscribed on slabs forming part of a dado round the main courtyard of the palace at Ghazna completed for Mas'id III in 505/1112. Of it, Prof. Alessio Bombaci, director of the Italian Archaeological Mission's excavations at Ghazna, says, " The epic tone is inspired by two ideals clearly set forth in the very few verses that have survived: the Islamic ideal celebrated in the work of Mahmild and the ideal of legendary Persian tradition embodied in the obvious adherence to the pattern of the Firdausian epic. Hence, the characteristics of the

champion of the faith are confused with those of the Iranian hero ".54 Here, it would seem, is the Iranian epic genre at last specifically adapted to the greater glory of the Ghaznavid dynasty, but a

century had to elapse after the most spectacular conquests, those of Mahmtid, before this poem was

put together. The list of successors to and imitations of the Shdh-ndma in the eleventh and twelfth centuries is long.

It includes the Garshdsp-ndma, the interminable Barzfi-ndma, which runs to over 65,ooo couplets; the

Shahriydr-ndma; the Bahman-ndma; the Fardmurz-ndmas; and the Kash-ndma.55 To this period belongs also the Jahdngir-ndma, probably by Qasim Madih of Herat, of very strong Islamic religious inspiration; but the genre continues into Mongol and Timfirid times and beyond. Most of these authors are either unknown or else are very shadowy figures. One of the manuscripts of the Shahriydr-ndma attributes the

poem to the Ghaznavid court poet Farrukhi; if this is correct, it must have been the first of the post- Firdausian epics to have been composed, clearly ante-dating the Garshcsp-ndma.56 Except for one or

two, all these epics are localized in the Sistdn-Zaminddwar-Zabulistdn region, as being the home of Rustam and his line. Their aim is to supplement and fill out the work of Firdausi, who had by no means exhausted the whole contents of the national epic, but their emphasis tends to be much more on the miraculous and incredible aspects of the heroes' exploits, exploits which take place in remote lands like

India, Malaysia, Byzantium or some vague " western lands ", where the atmosphere is thick with marvels and portents. Moreover, their ethos becomes definitely Islamic, whereas the earliest epics, the Shdh-ndma and also the Garshdsp-ndma, have a monotheistic ethos which could be indifferently Islamic or Zoroastrian.

Our concern here is with the Ghaznavid stimulus to this epic literature, and of especial interest to us is the epic which comes forty years or so after the Shdh-ndma and is very definitely rooted in the region of

52 Cf. C. A. Storey, Persian Literature, a bio-Bibliographical Survey, vol. I, part 2 (London 1953), pp. Ioo6-7; and K. A. Nizami, ElI Art. " Ghdzi Miyin ".

53 Mold, op. cit., pp. 392-3 n.; cf. Nazim, op. cit., pp. 29-30, 86-8.

" The Kdfic Inscription in Persian Verses in the Court of the Ro)al Palace of Mas'fid III at Ghazni, Istituto Italiano per il medio ed Estremo Oriente, Centro studi e scavi archeologici in Asia, Reports and Memoirs, vol. V (Rome 1966), pp. 40-2. It is

regrettable that only exiguous fragments of this poem are

preserved.

55 In the nineteenth century, the Count de Gobineau was inspired by the KdIsh-ndma (of which he possessed the only apparently extant manuscript) to compose a dramatic poem called Ferydoun, on the subject of a national Iranian rising under Feridfin against the tyranny of Zahik and the Assyrians; see Mole, " Un pohme persan du comte de Gobineau ". La Nouvelle Clio IV (0952), pp. I 16-30o. 56 MolM,

" L'6popde iranienne aprbs Fird6si ", p. 385 n. I


Ghazna and Zabulistmn,

the Garshisp-ndma. In this instance, the author is indisputably known. 'All b. Ahmad Asadi Tfisi (d. c. 473/I o8o) is celebrated as the author of the oldest known New Persian vocabulary, the Lughat-i Furs, and Henri Masse considers his literary talent as little inferior to that of Firdausi.57 Asadi Tiisi wandered extensively from his Khurasinian home, and in 456-58/1064-66 composed his epic at the court of the Amir of Nakhchevin in Arrin. Its inspiration, nevertheless, is strongly Zibuli. Garshdsp is the ancestor of Rustam, and his family lives in Zibulistan; and Zahak, a tyrant reigning for a thousand years in the Shdh-ndma, appears in the Garshdsp-ndma in a favourable light, ruling as a legitimate king with the approval of the nobles of Ghazna.58 Only a few decades later than Asadi Tfisi's time, we find the Shansabdni rulers of Ghiar tracing their ancestry back to Zahdk, with the story that Zahak fled into the fastnesses of Ghiir for refuge when Feridan overthrew his rule.59 The name Zahak, Arabized into ad-Dahhak, seems to have been popular in ZTbulistan at this period; it was borne by the father of Gardizi, the early Ghaznavid historian. It seems that Asadi Tfisi used local traditions and artificially attached them to the mainstream of the Iranian epic by conveniently marrying Jamshid to a daughter of the king of Zabulistan. The Garshdsp-ndma therefore reflects popular beliefs of the Ghazna area, and it does not seem unreasonable to view the elaboration of these beliefs into a form utilizable by the poet as an expression of local pride in the region's r61le as the centre of the Ghaznavid empire.

It was mentioned (above, p. 40) that there is a second stream of development within Persian literature from early Ghaznavid times onwards, that of the poem or tale treating of romantic love and suffused with a lyrical strain. The best-known example of this is the romance of Vis u Rdmin by Fakhr ad- Din As'ad Gurgani, written in the hazaj metre around 442/1050 for the Seljuq governor of Isfahdn and based, according to Minorsky, on a much earlier Middle Persian version, used by Gurgdni either in the Pahlavi or in an early Farsi translation.60

However, primacy in time goes to others. The court poet 'Unsuri wrote a romance in the mutaqdrib metre, Wdmiq u 'Adhrd', based on a much earlier Persian romance allegedly dedicated to the Sasanid Khusrau Anfishirvmn. This work of 'Unsuri is, unfortunately, only known through a few citations in works on rhetoric and style and in the later Ottoman Turkish versions of Limi'i and Jami'i.61 But there has recently come to light in an Istanbul manuscript the important Persian romance of Warqa u Gulshdh by 'Ayyaiqi, an obscure figure otherwise unknown except for two citations in Asadi Tilsi's Lughat-i Furs.62 The late Ahmed Ate? showed that these citations from a mid-eleventh century author, the style of the romance, the use of the mutaqdrib metre, not used for romantic subjects after the early Ghaznavid period, and the actual dedication of the work as a Mihrgdn present to " Sultan Abfi 1-Qasim Mahmfid ", make its attribution to Mahmid of Ghazna's court circle quite certain. The theme is based on the unhappy love-life of the early Arabic poet 'Urwa b. Hizdm al-'Udhri, which early gave rise to a cycle of popular romances in the Islamic world. The theme of the two lovers separated by death, but with Gulshih miraculously restored to life and reunion with his beloved by the Prophet Muhammad, passed via Spain into medieval French literature as the romance of Floire and Blanchefleur. 'Ayyiiqi's version of the popular romance was probably the first verse one. Ate? further underlined the importance of Warqa u Gulshdh for Turkish literature; the subject appears early in popular literature, and in the fourteenth century a version in classical Turkish was made by Yiisuf-i Meddah.63

Can we then see a strand of Turkish influence, stimulating the composition of this early Ghaznavid work? Such an influence seems not unlikely. The numerous Turkish courtiers, soldiers and domestic slaves in MahmTid's retinue at Ghazna have already been touched upon, and their presence implies a receptive audience for both epic and romantic literature of a type familiar to the Turks in their Central

51 See the discussion of Asadi Tilsi's poetic worth by Mass6 in his Introduction to Le livre de Gerchisp, vol. II (Paris 1951), pp. xxii-xxiii.

68 See C1. Huart, " Les legendes 6piques de la region de Ghazna Afghanistan) ", Comptes-rendus de l'Acadjmie des Inscriptions et Belles-lettres (Paris i916), pp. 579-87.

1 JfizjAni, Tabaqdt-i Ndsiri, ed. Iabibi, vol. I, pp. 321 ff., tr. Raverty, vol. I, pp. 305 if.

60 " Vis u Rdmin. IV ", BSOAS XXV (1962), pp. 275-86 = Iranica, twenty articles, pp. 195-9.

61 Rypka, Iranische Literaturgeschichte, pp. 133, 173. 62 Ed. 'Abb2s Iqbdl (Tehran I319/1940), pp. 223, 305. A. Ates

(see below) points out that the two lines of 'Ayyliqi do not appear in the edition of P. Horn, Asadt's neupersisches Wirterbuch Lughat-i Furs, in Abh. der Konigl. Gesellschaft der Wiss. zu Gottingen, Phil.-Hist. KI., N.F. I/8 (Berlin 1897).

63 c" Un vieux poeme romanesque persan: le r6cit de Warqah et Gulshdh ", Ars Orientalis IV (1961), pp. 143-52.


Asian homeland, the type of epic woven round tribal origins which crystallized later into the Oghuz- ndma.

It is known that, well before Firdausi's time, the Iranian national epic made a great impression on the Turkish mind in Transoxania and elsewhere. It was because of this that the Turks identified their national hero Alp Er Tonga with the Afrasiyab of the Iranian epic, Kai Khusrau's enemy. Colnse quently, the Qarakhanids styled themselves " the House of Afrasiyab ", and a genealogy was ater- compiled for the Seljuqs tracing the family back to Afrasiyab.64 Conversely, the Turanians of the Iranian epic, by which name were originally meant the Indo-European nomadic peoples of the steppes like the Scyths and Massagetes, were identified with the contemporary Turks who had by then taken over the steppes. But the Turks also attached themselves to the Arabo-Islamic past by weaving Turkish tales round such events as the part of Abif Muslim in the 'Abbisid Revolution of I32/750. Abii Muslim became a figure venerated by the Turks of Central Asia, and according to Vamb6ry, this reverence was still discernible amongst the Turkmens and Uzbeks during the last century. Eventually, Turkish tradition made the Khurastnian Abti Muslim into a Turk himself, attaching him to the Oghuz tribe. Amongst several epic prose tales in Turkish attributed to one Abi T!Thir-i TiIsi is a historical romance on the Abfi Muslim story. One manuscript says that the story-teller was blind, ki'rgdzi, but blind bards and story-tellers are common figures in all literatures and one should not perhaps take too much notice of this. One point that is always mentioned in the tales attributed to Abti Tthir-i TiIsi is his connection with Mahmfid of Ghazna's court, the Sultan being his patron and listener to his tales. The language of these tales, according to the manuscripts, was originally Persian, but Turkish versions must speedily have followed. Characteristic of these tales is the miraculous and magical element, with much intervention by fairies and demons, all this appealing, it would seem, to the unsubtle Turkish mind. Although there are anachronistic features in the stories attributed to Abii Tahir-i Tisi which clearly belong to Seljuq and even later times, it is the conclusion of our greatest authority on the Abi Muslim cycle, Mme. Irene Mdlikoff, that Aba Tahir-i Ttisi was a historical figure, who flourished at Mahmtid's court and whose renown lasted well into succeeding centuries.65

IV To sum up, there was a definite resurgence of Persian culture in the early Ghaznavid period, and

there are a few small indications that the age was also not without significance for the development of a nascent Turkish literature and culture. This Persian culture, arising in the first place out of the Sdmdnid and Khurisdnian inheritance, began in Mahmtid's reign to have a life of its own and to evolve along distinctive lines. Of significance in this process are firstly, the tastes of both the Sultan's Persian officials and advisers and his Turkish soldiers and courtiers, and secondly, the enduring local traditions of Zabulistin, the geographical heart of the Ghaznavid empire, now linked politically with the wider Persian world. The literature surviving today from the early Ghaznavid period is not extensive, compared with what we know was in fact written. One thinks of the works of many poets, known only by the mention of their names in such works as the tadhkiras, of al-Birfini's lost history of his native Khwarazm, of the missing volumes of the bureaucrat Abi 1-Fadl Baihaqi's enormous Mujalladdt, and of other works which would doubtless throw light on the history and culture of these far eastern fringes of the Islamic world. Yet there is enough literature surviving to show how the cultural trends went, and it is hoped that the present sketch of this evolution has thrown some light on Persian culture at this time.

6 See Barthold, Histoire des Turcs d'Asie Centrale (Paris 1945), pp. 69-70, 84.

65 Abi Muslim, le * Porte-hache A du Khorassan dans la tradition ipique turco-iranienne (Paris 1962), introd.

EUROPEAN VOYAGES IN THE INDIAN OCEAN AND CASPIAN SEA (I2th-I5th CENTURIES)*

By Jean Richard

I To our minds, the Indian Ocean and the Caspian Sea represent two completely distinct entities: the

first one, an open sea connected by passages of varying degrees of narrowness with the Pacific, the China Sea and the Atlantic, and the second one, an inland sea separated from the Black Sea by the isthmus of the Caucasus. As opposed to this, the conception of Classical Antiquity, handed down to the Middle Ages through such authors as Isidore of Seville, laid down a relationship between these two maritime expanses. Since the inhabited world was entirely surrounded by the Oceanic Sea, the mare Caspium and mare Indicum were pictured as two immense gulfs opening on to that ocean, one to the northwards and the other to the southwards. Maps drawn up before the thirteenth century show this arrangement very clearly, whilst at the same time giving varying names to the different parts of the Indian Ocean-the Arabian Sea, the Persian Sea, the Indian Sea, not to speak of the Red Sea which branches off from it and points in the direction of the Mediterranean.1 As for the existence of a river (the Tanais) connecting the Black Sea to the mare Caspium, this is frequently upheld by the cartographers, but was gradually to disappear.2 These two seas (sc. the Indian Ocean and the Caspian Sea) have a common feature in that they are inaccessible to voyagers whose departure point is the Mediterranean. People in the Middle Ages do not seem to have set great store by the traditions which had circulated in Classical times concerning the possibilities firstly, of circumnavigating Africa by taking advantage of the Oceanic Sea, and secondly, of rejoining the Oceanic Sea after setting out from the Black Sea, thanks to the river mentioned above.

However, once they had the opportunity, the Europeans devoted themselves to verifying these geographical notions. A few years after the First Crusade and the establishment of the Latins in Palestine, King Baldwin I sent an expedition as far as Aila (Eilath) on the Red Sea coast, surprising its inhabitants, who rushed to flee in their ships. The King's chaplain, Foucher of Chartres, profited by this to fix exactly, for his readers' information, the distance separating the Mediterranean from the Red Sea; he estimated this at about four days' ride. He also mentions in this connection that the Red Sea intrudes like a finger between Egypt and Arabia and that it rejoins the Oceanic Sea which surrounds Egypt, Ethiopia and Numidia, i.e. the whole of Africa.3

* This paper was read by Prof. Richard to the International Congress for Maritime History held at Beirut in September 1966. It appears here by courtesy of the Chairman of the International Commission for Maritime History, Prof. Michel Mollat. The original French version will appear in the Proceedings of the Congress, along with other papers of interest to Iranian specialists, such as those of G. Le Rider, " Les navigations dans l'Oc6an indien jusqu'd la conquete arabe ", J. Aubin, Cl. Cahen and R. B. Serjeant, " La pr6ponderance islamique dans l'Ocean indien ", etc.

1 On this terminology, see the chapter devoted to the " mappe monde " in Le Livres dou Tresor of Brunetto Latini, ed. P. Chabaille (Paris 1863), pp. 151 ff. (Documents inidits de l'histoire de France). This author's Oceanic Sea is successively called the " mer d'Arabe ", the " mer de Perse ", the " mer de Inde ", the " mer de Yrcaine " (Hyrcania), the " mer de Caspe ", the " mer de Scite " (Scythia), the " mer de Alemaigne ", the " mer de Gales, c'est d'Angleterre ", the " mer de Athlans "

(Atlantic), the "mer de Libe " (Lybia) and the " mer d'Egipte " (pp. 170 ff.). The name of the Red Sea is applied in a vague fashion to a fairly imprecise area, which borders on Persia, Taprobana and Arabia (pp. I6o-I), whilst the author describes (p. 154) " un golf de la mer Oceane qui est divis6e en deux braz, un qui est de Perse et l'autre qui est d'Arabe ". Marco Polo (ed. Pauthier, p. 550) writes: " La mer de Cym si est elle la grant mer Occident ... et aussi dit-on ailleurs la mer d'inde, mais tout est la mer Occident."

2 This is, in particular, the classic representation of the " T- shaped maps ", in which the Mediterranean is roughly drawn in the form of a T. In this, the horizontal bar comprises the eastern Mediterranean, which runs perpendicular to the rest of the Mare magnum, and the Black Sea, which has a prolonga- tion in the Tanais, whilst the Red Sea is placed in the pro- longation of the eastern Mediterranean. Cf. Konrad Miller, Mappae mundi. Die iilteste Weltkarten (Stuttgart 1895-98), fascs. I and II. On the consequences of this representation of the world, see J. Richard, " L'Extreme-Orient legendaire au Moyen-Age. Roi David et Pretre Jean ", Annales d'Ethiopie II (1957), pp. 225-42.

3 Foucher of Chartres, Historia Hierosolymitana, in Recueil des historiens des Croisades [hereafter RHC], Historiens Occidentaux III, p. 432 (ad annum iI I6).

45


With regard to the Caspian Sea, it was only a century-and-a-half later that it was recognized as being an enclosed sea, this being thanks to the ambassadors Andrew of Longjumeau and William of Rubruck sent by St. Louis to the Mongols. The latter writes in his account of the journey in 1254, that it was a question of a " sea " or " lake " which Fr. Andrew, travelling to Mongolia after departing from Mosul, had gone round by the south and east, whilst he himself, starting off from south Russia, had gone round it by the north and had then returned to Syria from Batu's ordu via the west. Then he concludes, " One can travel round it in four months. Isidore is accordingly wrong when he states that it is a gulf which leads into the Oceanic Sea. It never touches this; it is completely surrounded by land."4

II

Geographical reconnaissance was only a first step. Europeans reached India from the twelfth century onwards. These were pilgrims who went to visit the tomb of the apostle St. Thomas in south India, a tomb to which the famous Letter ofPrester John to Manuel Comnenus had drawn attention; between I I7o and

II8o Bernard the Penitent, a saint of Languedoc, and around I1197 the German Henry of

Morungen visited the tomb.5 But we do not know whether they travelled to south India by sea, which remains just possible. Neither do we know whether the merchant who corrected the ideas ofJacques of

Vitry, Bishop of Acre, concerning the rite professed by the Ethiopian Christians, and who had certainly been in these countries," had himself sailed on the Indian Ocean in the opening years of the thirteenth century, or whether he belonged to the Latin community. If such were the case, one would have to

recognize the possibility that the truces between the Aiyfibid princes and the Latins of the Holy Land, which were frequently renewed, now gave Europeans the possibility of access to the Indian Ocean shores.

The Mongol conquest of Persia and Mesopotamia removed the obstacles to these journeys, and the submission of the Armenian King of Cilicia and the Seljuq Sultan of Turkey to these same Mongols guaranteed the Europeans an easy access to the territories controlled by the conquerors. As early as

1267, a pontifical letter mentions a Dominican, Vasinpace, who had travelled to the lands of the Indians and the Ethiopians.7 Other missionaries followed, the most famous being the Franciscan John of Montecorvino, who spent thirteen months in India, where his companion Nicholas of Pistoia died, before embarking for China (I290-92). Montecorvino went on to found there a Catholic Church which was to expand greatly; but his voyage opens for us relations between the West and China via the Indies route, which many other missionaries utilized after him.8

This route was studded with settlements where the Latin friars found little Christian communities of the Nestorian rite, forming well-defined, small groups which a traveller could compare with the

Jewish communities of European towns; they were warmly welcomed there.9 Certainly, side-by-side with these well-disposed Christians and highly-tolerant " idolaters ", the Muslim conquest, which had

spread out from Gujarat as far as the south of the Deccan at the end of the thirteenth and beginning of the fourteenth centuries, had installed much less tolerant rigimes. The Indian Ocean shores saw the

martyrdom of a certain number of missionaries, and in particular, the martyrdom of four Franciscans- three Italians and a Georgian-who were put to death at Thana in April I321. But their companion the Dominican Jourdain of Sdverac spent several years in " Lesser India ", i.e. in the coastal provinces

* Rubruck, ed. Michel and Wright, in Recueil de voyages et mimoires publids par la Sociitd de Giographie, vol. IV, p. 265.

6 On Morungen, see R. Hennig, "Indienfahrten abend-

liindischer Christen im friihen Mittelalter ", Archiv fiir Kulturgeschichte XXV (1935), pp. 265-80. On Bernard the Penitent, see Acta Sanctorum, apr. II, p. 676 E (Indiam quoque et

quae ibi sanctus Thomasfecit miracula vidit). For the latest study on the apostle's tomb, see B. J. Lamers, " Der Apostel Thomas in Stidindien ", Neue Zeitschrift fiir Missionswissenschaft XIV (1958), pp. 15-28, I16-30. It is known that an English bishop, Sigelm, is supposed to have been sent to India by King Alfred c. 883, and that in I 177 Pope Alexander III sent the physician Philip to " King John of the Indies "; this last had himself sent a letter to the Pope, but exactly who he was and where his kingdom was remain mysteries.

8 Renato Lef6vre, " Riflessi etiopici nella cultura europea ...", Annali Lateranensi IX (1945), p. 363-

SJ. Richard, " Les premiers missionaires latins en Ethiopie ", Atti del convegno internazionale di studi etiopici, Roma 2-4 aprile 1959 (Accademia nazionale dei Lincei, Problemi attuali di scienza e cultura, quaderno no 48), p. 325-

8 Idem, " Essor et d6clin de l'Cglise catholique de Chine (XIVe- XVe siecles) ", Bulletin de la Socidtd des missions itrangeres (1960).

9 The comparison with the scattering of Jewish communities was made in the fifteenth century by Nicolo da Conti. Cf. J. Dauvillier, " Les provinces chald6ennes ' de l'Ext6rieur ' au Moyen-Age ", Milanges Cavallera, pp. 312-4-

EUROPEAN VOYAGES IN THE INDIAN OCEAN AND CASPIAN SEA 47

of northern India, devoting himself to the evangelization of the Nestorians and Hindus, and even of some Muslims, despite all the difficulties.10 It was only after this that he left for Greater India, where he was to be raised to the dignity of Bishop of Kulam by John XXII in 1329.11 Kulam may well have had a Franciscan monastery before this date.12 The great port of the Malabar coast, centre of the pepper trade and a place where there had lived a rich and influential Christian community since the sixth century, possessed in any case a church called St. George of the Latins, andJohn of Marignolli decorated it with paintings when he stayed there in 1346-47-13 Furthermore, the missionaries found there a much- appreciated place of relaxation on the sea route connecting China with the Persian Gulf.

This route was equally the one followed by many merchants, even though the real route to Cathay was the one starting from the Black Sea and crossing Central Asia; this last was, in fact, often impractic- able because of warfare.14 India itself offered substantial resources, such as pearls and spices, and even if it was possible to reach it via Turkestan and Afghanistan,15 Europeans normally travelled there via Mosul, Baghdad and Ormuz. But it also served as a staging-post for merchants journeying to southern China, and these were numerous enough for afunduq or factory to have been built for them at Tstian- chou, the Zayton of the travellers. Peter of Lucalongo, the magnus mercator who accompanied Monte- corvino in 1291-92, was one of these merchants. Kulam, a great market for spices, was also the terminus for journeys made from Persia to India, as also from China to India.

The presence of numerous European merchants amongst the travellers who followed this maritime route, is evident from the story of the martyrdom of the Franciscans of Thana, concerning which place Jourdain of S6verac mentions that multi mercatores latini venerunt, dicentes se fuisse presentes; it was one of these, Jacopo of Genoa, who made himself responsible for bearing Jourdain's letter to Tabriz.16 The same Jourdain explains that, on the authority of nostris mercatoribus latinis, he was certain that one could travel to Ethiopia by sea. Other texts mention the existence of Genoese and Pisan merchants who had sailed on the Indian Ocean."7

They sailed predominantly in ships of the indigenous peoples. Marco Polo, who left China for India in I292,18 has given an excellent description of the huge Chinese junks. As Ibn Battiita confirms, these were the only ships in which these voyages could be safely made: " nefs en quoy vont et viennent li marchant par les isles d'Inde."19 But Jourdain of Severac has also described them, showing wonder at

10 Cf. G. Golubovich, Biblioteca bio-bibliographica della Terra Sancta e dell' Oriente francescano, vol. III, pp. 211-3; and R. Loenertz, in Archivum fratrum praedicatorum, vol. II, pp. 50-5. In his letter of January 1324, Jourdain notes that I50 baptisms were performed in two-and-a-half years; in his Mirabilia, ed. Coquebert de Monbret, in Recueil de voyages et memoires, vol. X, PP. 47, 62-3, he speaks of 300 baptisms " in ista India ", whilst Greater India offered much more favourable prospects. There was another martyrdom, that of three Franciscans, Bertrand de Malacho de Toulouse, Aaron and Pons, who were reported to have been massacred in mari Indico; cf. Golubovich, op. cit., vol. II, p. 69.

11 A. Mercati, Monumenta Vaticana veterem diocesim Columbensem respicienta (Rome 1923). His diocese included Gujarat, Konkan (Cumcatana), Malabar, and the land of the Molephatani on the Coromandel coast, and the Pope commended him to the Sultan of Delhi.

12 Thus according to the De locis, written c. 1318, which locates one of its monasteries in majori India (Golubovich, op. cit., vol. II, p. 72).

13 The account of Marignolli's journey has been edited in A. Van den Wyngaert, Sinica franciscana, vol. I, pp. 531-48. Cf. also Golubovich, op. cit., vol. II, pp. 257 ff. He mentions the " principibus illius Christianis qui Modilial vocantur, domini piperis ". These " Christian princes" granted him an allowance of ioo fanams a month (i.e. six pieces of gold, according to Ibn Battita, tr. Defr6mery and Sanguinetti, vol. IV, p. 174) in his capacity as the Pope's legate. The head of the Christian community of Kulam (the dominus Nascarinorum of John XXII) is also cited in Chinese texts; cf. W. W. Rockhill,

" Notes on the Relations and Trade of China with the Southern Archipelago and the Coast of India during the Fourteenth Century ", T'oung Pao XIV (1914), PP. 434-5. See also Ibn

Batilta, vol. IV, p. 99, and Marco Polo, ed. Pauthier, p. 644. 14 R. Lopez, " Nuovi luci sugli Italiani in Estremo Oriente prima

di Colombo ", Studi Colombiani III (Genoa 1952), PP. 337-98; Luciano Petech, " Les marchands italiens dans l'empire mongol ", JA CCL (1962), pp. 549-74.

15 Cf. Lopez, " European Merchants in Mediaeval India ", Journal of Economic History IV (1943), pp. 164-84; Petech, op. cit., pp. 558-9.

16 Golubovich, op. cit., vol. II, p. 71. 17 Chronicon XXIV generalium, in ibid., vol. II, p. 69. In 1343 the

Genoese Tommaso Gentile arrived at Ormuz with several companions, who continued their journey towards China (Lopez, " Nuovi luci . . ."). Between 1361 and 1369 there arrived in Cyprus " un Genevois marchant qui avoit demeur6 en Ynde la maior cinquante ans, et fut approuve devant le roy l'estat et bonne vie dudit marchant, et que des merveilles d'Ynde ile en pouvoit mieux parler ... que ... plusieurs autres qui s'estoient ventez qu'ils avoient estez en Ynde la Maior" (E. Blochet, " Neuf chapitres du Songe du Viel Pelerin ", Revue de l'Orient chritien IV (1899), pp. 374-5).

18 Cf. Giovanni Vacca, " Un documento cinese sulla data del ritorno di Marco Polo ", Studi Colombiani III, pp. 45-8: the embassy to which the Polos attached themselves had intended to start in i290 by the land route, but later decided to follow the sea route.

19 Marco Polo, ed. Pauthier, pp. 534-6; Ibn Battfita, vol. IV, p. 91 (" One can only sail on the China Sea in Chinese ships ").


their great size and heavy loads, whilst at the same time passing a severe judgement on their sailing qualities and crews.20 Marco Polo estimated that there were ten times as many ships making the journey between India and China than between India and the countries lying to the west; it was therefore easy to make the trip, since ships were plentiful and large in size. Between Kulam and the Persian Gulf ports, and above all Ormuz, traffic was also brisk.21 Like the missionaries, merchants got passages on ships making this trip, and the constructional techniques used in these ships astounded them.22

Nevertheless, as Guillaume Adam affirms for us, certain Genoese had deemed it necessary to launch their own ships on the Indian Ocean in order to trade there.23 It is a great pity that we do not know more about this matter. Did these Genoese of the opening years of the fourteenth century make use of local techniques ? Or did they introduce their own methods of shipbuilding ?24 Did they man them with sailors brought from Europe, regarded by the Genoese as more fearless than the Eastern sailors ? In any case, the fact seems indisputable.

If the route from Ormuz to Kulam easily lent itself, because of the volume of commercial traffic, to the conveyance of travellers and their goods, the Europeans undoubtedly found it less easy to obtain passages on ships linking India with the east coast of Africa, which would give them access to Ethiopia. The links existed (Montecorvino appears to have made contact with some Ethiopians during his stay in India), and Jourdain of Severac attests to them. But they were probably less used. At the time of their journey to Ethiopia, which took place a little before 1316, the Dominicans Guillaume Adam (author of the De modo Saracenos extirpandi) and Raymond Etienne (who wrote the Directorium ad

passagium faciendum which was attributed to " Brocard ") spent twenty months at sea, nine of which were spent at Socotra waiting for a ship.25 As for the route linking south India with Egypt and Arabia it was probably much travelled, but Christians were not advised to follow it on account of the hostility shown to them by the Sultanate of Aden, master of the straits. Marco Polo and Guillaume Adam, as well as others, complain about this attitude, which adversely affected communications between Ethiopia and the rest of the Christian world.26

20o Mirabilia, ed. Coquebert de Monbret, p. 62: " Navigia quae navigant in Cathay sunt praemaxima, et havent super corpus navigii plus quam C chameras, et portant cum bono vento vela X; et sunt grossissima, facta de tribus tabulis, ita quod ordo tabularum primus est sicut tabulae in magnis nostris, secundum per transversum, tertium iterum per longum, et est fortissimum negotium. Verum est quod non vadit multum as mare; illud Indianicum nunquam vel raro frangitur, et quando movetur, quod reputatur apud eos nimis et periculum (sic), nostri nautae qui sunt huc reputarent tempus optimum. Unus enim de hominibus istius patriae ibi, sine mendacio, reputaretur in mari pro C de illis et plus ". The " hulk "

(coque) which carried Odoric of Pordenone held a good 6oo men (ed. Cordier, p. 84). Marignolli, who mentions these junkos, left Zayton on St. Stephen's Day (December 26th), and arrived at Kulam on Palm Sunday; this seems to have been a very quick voyage.

21 Marco Polo mentions in particular the import by the Indians of horses from Ormuz, from Kish and also from Zufar in South Arabia (ed. Pauthier, pp. 614-5).

22 Cf. Odoric (who spent twenty-eight days on board ship, the time taken for the trip from Ormuz to Thdna), p. 7o: " Une manihre de nefs que il nomment jasses, et s'en sont les ais joins ensemble par une manihre de glui sans nul fer. Je entray en une, mais je ne y pus point trouver de fer." Also Jourdain, Mirabilia, p. 6i: " Navigia autem istarum Indiarum sunt mirabilia. Nam, licet sint permaxima, non sunt cum ferro conjuncta, sed suta cum acu et cum filo facto de quaddam herba. Nec sunt navigia desuper cooperta, inde aperta, et intrat sic aqua quod semper vel quasi oportet stare homines in sentina ad extrahendum aquam." On these ships which were " sewn together ", cf. Jean Poujade, La route des Indes et ses navires (Paris 1946), pp. 2oo-3, and J.-P. Roux, Les explorateurs du Moyen-Age (Paris 1961), p. i05.

23 "Jam enim Januenses soli naves faciunt in mari predicto Indie, non tamen causa hic posita [he is talking about naval warfare] sed spe lucri." Ch. Kohler, who edited this text (RHC, Documents arminiens II, p. 553), does not seem to have noted this particular point. An Arabic text of 1462 mentions that some Frankish ships were said to have reached India, the east coast of Africa and Madagascar, but there are difficulties in making use of this document (cf. R. Hennig, Terrae incognitae, vol. III (Leiden 1938), pp. I44-7).

24 There is certainly no question of the introduction into the Indian Ocean of the enormous ships which the Genoese were about to perfect in the course of the fourteenth century. Cf. J. Heers, Gines au XVe siecle (Paris 1961), pp. 267-80.

25 RHC, Documents armeniens II, pp. 387, 549-55; G. Ferrand, " Une navigation europ6enne dans l'Ocean indien au XIVe siicle ", JA, ser. 11, vol. XX (1922), p. 307; A. Kammerer, " Le p6riple de l'Afrique A travers les Ages ", Bulletin du Comiti des travaux historiques. Section de geographie LIX (1944), pp. 45-53. See also R. Loenertz, La sociitd des Frires Pirigrinants, vol. I (Rome 1937), passim.

2s Marco Polo, ed. Pauthier, pp. 698-706, tells the story of an Ethiopian bishop, seized in Aden when returning from a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, and sent back after being castrated; this outrage provoked a war between Ethiopia and Aden in 1288. Cf. also Richard, " Les premiers missionaires latins en Ethiopie ", p. 328, and Lef6vre, " Riflessi etiopici nella cultura europea ...", p. 372. Certain travellers reached Ethiopia by land, through going up the Nile, like the Venetian Bragadino, at a date after 1350. We do not know which route was followed by Pietro Rombulo c. 1407, nor that taken by the Ethiopian ambassadors who reached Italy in 1306 (0. G. S. Crawford, Ethiopian Itineraries ca. 14oo00-524, Hakluyt Society, ser. 2, vol. CIX (Cambridge 1958)). Concerning the most- frequented land route, see the text edited by Iorga and given in Hennig, Terrae incognitae, vol. III, pp. 64-70.


The writings of Guillaume Adam and Raymond Etienne have a place in the literature about

projected crusades. The Indian Ocean could, indeed, offer possibilities for crusading activities. Already in I182, a baron of the Kingdom ofJerusalem, the turbulent Renaud of Chatillon, had sought to exploit these potentialities. His idea was to ensure for himself a base by occupying Aila, and then launch a naval force on the Red Sea. Under his auspices, five galleys were carried on the backs of camels and re- assembled. Two of them blockaded the little island of Gray (the Jazirat Fir'aun) which was used as the citadel of Aila; the other three, manned by 300 troops, attacked and pillaged the Egyptian ports, and

intercepted ships carrying merchants and pilgrims. It became necessary for Saladin in turn to fit out a fleet in the Gulf of Qulzi-m, manned by sailors from the Maghrib, before the situation could be changed. In March 1183, the force which was blockading Aila was destroyed. In July, the other ships were

surprised on the IHijdz coast. The sailors fled to dry land, but were surrounded and captured; all of them were massacred without pity, because of the threat which they had dangled over the Holy Places of Islam.27

In Guillaume Adam's time, the Latins no longer possessed any bases near the Red Sea. But by now, the crusade had taken on another shape, that of a vast concerted operation with the eastern rulers hostile to the Mamelukes of Egypt.

The initiative for a naval war in the Indian Ocean against the Mamelukes apparently came from Arghun, the I1-Khanid ruler of Persia. We know from Bar Hebraeus that in 1290 Arghun took into his service 900 Genoese sailors, of whom 700 went direct to Baghdad whilst the other 200 took ship on the Tigris at Mosul (they had presumably got ready in Upper Mesopotamia the wood which they intended to use for shipbuilding).28 John of Winterthur tells us that they spent a winter in Baghdad, working at the construction of two galleys, and that one of the Genoese took it into his head to desecrate a mosque, causing a violent riot.29 Finally, Guillaume Adam informs us that after having travelled down the river as far as Basra, the Genoese split into two groups, one Guelf and the other Ghibelline, and massacred each other; this prevented the realization of the project of commerce-raiding planned by the Mongol ruler (1291).30

The project must nevertheless have impressed itself on the minds of all the Latins who frequented the shores of this sea, across which there plied so many ships bound for countries subject to the Sultan of Cairo. Jourdain of S6verac himself exclaimed in I324, " If His Holiness the Pope were to fit out two galleys on that sea, what a benefit it would be! What destruction and losses for the Sultan of Alex- andria! Who will tell this to our most Holy Father, the Pope ? "31

Guillaume Adam had worked out a much more elaborate scheme. His aim was to make effective the boycott of Egyptian ports proclaimed by the Papacy in 1291, which he realized full well was very little respected by the European merchants. In order to do this, he thought it possible to cut off the supplying of Egypt with foodstuffs destined to be re-sold to these merchants. This import of foodstuffs was essentially carried on through the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden, and the Dominican estimated that it would be enough to block the Gulf with a small squadron.

Three or four galleys and 1200 men would suffice,32 and Guillaume Adam suggested choosing the

27 The Muslim historians, through whom we know about this episode, attribute to Renaud a desire to destroy Mecca and Medina; but it is more likely that he conceived of the project as a vast plunder operation, similar to the one which he had in I 18I launched as far as Taima against the caravan route. Cf. G. Schlumberger, Renaud de Chdtillon,prince d'Antioche, seigneur de la Terre d'Outre-Jourdain (Paris 1898), pp. 244-9, 255-83.

28 Bar Hebraeus, Chronicon Syriacum, ed. and tr. Bruns and Kirsch, vol. I, p. 620. It was the presence of these Latins at Mosul which made the Kurds who were besieging the Christians of Arbela decide to lift the siege.

29 John of Winterthur, Chronicon, in Archiv fiir schweizerische Geschichte XI, p. 52: " Dum multi Christicole in Baldach civitate maritima, dedita cultui Machmeti, applicuissent et unus ex eis, nacta oportunitate, fenestram unam per quam Sarraceni Machmeti sanctuarium quoddam tangendo adora- bant, stercore suo in ejus contemptum fedasset, et hoc ydolatre

comperuissent, eos seviendo peremissent si non ad asilum confugissent."

30 De modo Saracenos extirpandi, in RHC, Documents armdniens II, p. 551. On the Mongols' use of Latin mercenaries, see J. Richard, " An Account of the Battle of Hattin Referring to Frankish Mercenaries in Oriental Moslem States ", Speculum XXVII (1952), pp. 173-4.

31 Cf. Loenertz in Archivum fratrum praedicatorum, vol. II, p. 53. 32 Guillaume Adam suggested that these men could be paid either

by simply granting them indulgences (it being understood that the captured booty would give them adequate profit), or else by handing over to them the money which the Church was getting from merchants who sought relief from excommunica- tion after having traded with Alexandria. On this project in general, cf. De modo Saracenos extirpandi, in RHC, Documents arminiens II, pp. 549-55, and A. Kammerer, " Le p6riple de l'Afrique A travers les ages ", pp. 46-53.


men from amongst the Genoese, as being the best sailors and the most avaricious in the pursuit of gain. Their fighting qualities were much superior to those of their intended adversaries, and they would be able to get the upper hand over the very numerous ships, " brigs and shallops ", and the thousands of Muslim and Indian merchants, with whom they would have to deal.33 Moreover, the Indian coasts and the islands in the Indian Ocean were the haunt of large numbers of pirates, whose efforts could be concentrated against Aden and the other coastal towns. Guillaume Adam knew of the specific case of

Socotra, whose Christian inhabitants were regarded by the Saracens with hatred,34 and who possessed some impregnable refuges. It would be easy to bring together from amongst these pirates forty or fifty ships each carrying five or six hundred men. The monopoly of the merchants of Aden was indeed endured with impatience by those whom they excluded from their commerce, notably the Indians of the islands and the subjects of the Mongols of Persia.

This would have facilitated the establishment of bases for shipbuilding, for grounding the ships during the winter, for repairs and for the storage on land of plunder. Kish, Ormuz, the Dive islands

(Laccadives and Maldives, not yet occupied by the Muslims),35 the ports of south India (Thina, Cambay, Kulam), would have furnished excellent bases, especially the latter, where timber was

plentiful. Guillaume Adam also advised the occupation of the islands off the Arabian coast, which would have facilitated the blockade of the Gulf of Aden.

The project was never put into practice. With the death of Oljeitii (1316), Mongol Persia entered into relations with the Egyptian Mamelukes and relaxed its links with the West. The boycott of Egypt itself grew less rigid; after 1330 the Pope entered into diplomatic relations with the Mamelukes. For their part, the Genoese corsairs had plenty of other spheres for their activities.

III

It is worth noting that the Caspian Sea opened to European voyagers possibilities similar to those offered them by the Indian Ocean; in the period just after the Mongol conquest, certain travellers may well have preferred a voyage across the Caspian to a voyage by land.36 But activity on this sea by the

indigenous peoples of its shores was probably not very extensive. In any case, before the close of the thirteenth century, Marco Polo, speaking of the mer de Gelachelan, points out that " ores nouvellement les marchans de Gennes nagent par ceste mer, par nefz qu'ils ont porte et mis dedens ".37 Then again, he tells us that " soie geele " (i.e. the silk of Gilin) was fetched from the southern shores of this sea. When the Genoese set off from their factories in the Crimea and on the Kuban, they doubtless found it useful to transport small ships and launch them on the Caspian, rather than ship their goods across the fluid frontiers of the Mongol powers and of the petty principalities, Muslim and Georgian, of the Caucasus

region. We do not know the exact place where these ships were launched on the sea, but it is reasonable to suppose that it was at the end of the route which led from Matrega to the ports of the Lesghian coast of Daghestan. The Franciscan missionaries, who converted to the Catholic faith a considerable part of the Kaitak people, followed this route.

It is with reference to this Christianity of Lesghia that between I390 and 1400 we hear once again of Europeans launching ships on the Caspian. Tamerlane's invasions had placed these Christian

communities in such straits that a group of Europeans banded together to launch a small squadron

"8 These mediocre fighting qualities were well-known. Like the Mamelukes in the sixteenth century, Saladin had to utilize sailors from the Maghrib against the Franks, and Ibn Batt~fia, vol. IV, pp. 59-60, mentions that Abyssinian warriors were

placed on ships sailing over the Indian Ocean. 34 Marco Polo, ed. Pauthier, pp. 653, 675, also mentions the

corsairs of Socotra, as he does those of Gujardt and the Indian coast; according to him, they fitted out and armed a hundred

ships a year. On the Christianity of the Socotrans, see further Marco Polo, who speaks of an Archbishop of Scotra and of one of his suffragans residing on another island (Cyriac, Arch- bishop of Socotra, in 1284 took part in the election of the Catholicos Yahballaha III, cf. Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis II, pp. 456, 460), and Nicolo da Conti, who as late as 1459 mentions the Nestorians of Sechuteran. Cf. Dauvillier, " Les

provinces chaldeennes ' de l'Extdrieur' au Moyen-Age ", pp. 277-8.

35 Ibn Batpita took part in the conquest of one of these islands. Marignolli, in Sinicafranciscana, vol. I, pp. 547-8, mentions the " priest of the idols " of one of the islands, whose son, carried off as a slave by pirates, had been sold to a Genoese merchant and baptized, and whom he baptized himself. In the Maldives, Islam had been received at an earlier date; Ibn Battfita, vol. IV, p. 130, quotes the Queen Khadija as being their ruler.

36 Rubruck seems only to have crossed it near the mouth of the Volga (Recueil de voyages et me'moires, vol. IV, p. 279).

37 Ed. Pauthier, vol. I, p. 44. The editor assumed that the Genoese ships must have reached the Caspian " via the Black Sea and the canal joining the Don to the Volga ", but this seems dubious.


which could contribute to the defence of these Caucasian Christians. Yet another Genoese, Antonio Reccana, took command of this expedition, which effectively carried the war to the shores of the Muslim lands. However, the defence of Christianity very soon gave way to a desire to exploit commercial possibilities. Reccana used for trading boats built to defend the Kaitak. Pope Boniface IX was thus obliged to turn this initiative to his own account by organizing in 1399 a crusade under the leadership of the Franciscan Vicar of the region, Antonio Solpan.38

IV

In this way, crusade and commerce were intertwined in the Caspian Sea as much as in the Indian Ocean. In both cases, this interplay of interests made the European sailors decide to launch on these waters, where no Western power exercised any authority, ships built and manned by themselves. In this, the Genoese took first place, even if some merchants and missionaries had already taken advantage of indigenous shipping and used the maritime routes already dealing with this traffic.

But from the thirteenth century onwards, other Genoese had envisaged the possibility of sailing their ships from the shores of Europe directly to those of India, by circumnavigating Africa; contemporary geographical knowledge led men to believe that this route was very much shorter than it was in reality. It was probably in 129I--the very same year in which Arghun's Genoese mercenaries were building their galleys at Baghdad-that two other well-equipped galleys, whose personnel on board included two Franciscans, left Genoa to sail to India via the Atlantic. It is known that this expedition, that of the Vivaldi brothers, perished somewhere along the African coasts, at the same time leaving behind a memory which left an impression in rumours circulating well into the fifteenth century. According to these, it was supposed that one of the galleys had run aground in the Gulf of Guinea, but that the other one had reached the land of Prester John, where its crew had been detained and had perpetuated its stock there through inter-marriage.39 However, as an Italian author wrote c. 1315, there was no need at all to risk such a voyage when the route to India across the Mongol empire was open.40

After the fourteenth century, the situation was altered. The Mongol empire in Persia collapsed. Ottoman expansion had progressively debarred Europeans from access to Mesopotamia and the shores of the Black Sea (the last Genoese lord of Matrega had been expelled from the town c. I475). Further- more, the Mamelukes controlled all access to the Red Sea in the interests of a more-and-more grasping financial policy, and they imposed an irksome control over the Mediterranean ports frequented by Europeans.41 Neither the Caspian nor the Indian Ocean were accessible any longer.

At the same time, exploration of the coasts of Africa had progressed.42 The appeals of the Emperor of Ethiopia, PresterJohn, at grips with a formidable Muslim onslaught, made intervention by European Christendom in the Indian seas imperative. As early as 1455, Usodimare had invoked the precedent of the Vivaldis in order to draw attention to the possibilities of going round Africa by the south. From

148I onwards, the Portuguese sought systematically for a solution to this problem;43 in 1486, Bartholo- mew Diaz's discovery crowned their efforts.

It is a point not without interest that the historian can be an onlooker of the realization, in a different context, of Guillaume Adam's project. The coasts of India, with Diu, Goa and Calicut, and the Persian Gulf coasts (Ormuz fell into Albuquerque's hands in I5o8) provided the Portuguese with the indispens- able bases for blockading Egypt by intercepting the trade from India. The Mameluke Sultans, driven back at bay, launched on the Red Sea fleets which had elements of a genuine Muslim coalition-sailors

38 Cf. J. Richard, " Les missionaires latins chez les Kaitak du Daghestan (XIVe-XVe siecles) ", Trudi XXV. Mezhdunarod- nogo Kongressa Vostokovedov [Proceedings of the 25th International Congress of Orientalists], Moskva 1960 vol. III (Moscow 1963), pp. 6o6-I i.

39 G.-H. Pertz, Die llteste Versuch zur Entdeckung des Seeweges nach Ostindien (Berlin 1859); Belgrano, in Atti della Societa ligure di storia patria, vol. XV, I891; Hennig, Terrae incognitae, vol. III, pp. 94-103. D'Avezac placed this voyage in 1285, cf. Notice de dicouvertes faites au Moyen-Age dans l'Ocean Atlantique antirieure-

ment aux grandes expiditions portugaises du XVe silcle (Paris 1845), pp. 22-5.

40 " Transitus nunc patens est per magnos Tartaros, eundo versus Aquilonem, deinde se in orientem et meridiem congyrando " (Pietro d'Abano, cited in d'Avezac, op. cit.).

41 Cf. Ahmad Darrag, L'Egypte sous le rigne de Barsbay, Institut frangais de Damas (Damascus i96I), pp. 21o-I6, 222-37.

42 Hennig, Terrae incognitae, vol. III, pp. 206-20, 230-6, etc. 43 Geo Pistarino, " I Portoghesi verso l'Asia del Prete Gianni ",

Studi medievali, ser. 3, vol. II, 596i, pp. 75-137; Kammerer, op. cit., pp. 53-8.


from the Maghrib, an Ottoman admiral-but the Portuguese were nevertheless assured of mastery in the Indian Ocean for a century, and henceforth, the products of the Indies ended up at Lisbon and not at Aden, Jidda and Alexandria. The discovery of a passage to India by the south-east had in fact allowed, in altered circumstances, the realization of projects to break the Egyptian near-monopoly of trade in the Indian Ocean, projects which had been elaborated at the end of the thirteenth and the beginning of the fourteenth centuries.

ISLAMIC PHILOSOPHY AND ISLAMIC MODERNISM: THE CASE OF SAYYID JAMAL AD-DIN AL-AFGHANI1

By Nikki R. Keddie

Recent years have dealt death blows to a number of cliches about Islamic history and culture, clich6s which often stemmed from the heavy concentration of past Orientalists on the early centuries of Arab culture, rather than the whole span of Muslim civilization. Among these cliches is that which says that rationalist philosophy with a Greek base died in the Islamic world after the twelfth century A.D. Even in the Western Islamic world Muhsin Mahdi has shown a living Averroist tradition that influenced Ibn Khaldfn, and it is known that Ibn Khaldfin was translated into Turkish in the eighteenth century. In the Persian-influenced Eastern Islamic world, and especially in Iran itself, there was a living philosophical tradition that remained unbroken through the nineteenth century, and certain works of philosophers like Avicenna continued to be taught even in the religious schools. Some Islamic modernists, notably Jamal ad-Din al-Afghini, Muhammad 'Abduh and Muhammad Iqbdl, were well acquainted with Islamic philosophy.

Reference to 'Abduh as a neo-Mu'tazilite may have some justification, but it appears to me to reflect the Orientalist tendency to refer heavily to the early theological controversies of Islam in describing Islamic culture, and to play down the influence of philosophy except on a very restricted circle and period. Many of the ideas which 'Abduh is assumed to have got from the Mu'tazilites he could as easily have got from the philosophers, whom he studied intensively in Egypt under the guidance of Afghani. To this reader, at least, the Risdlat at- Tauhid reads like a work heavily influenced by the Muslim philosophers. Unfortunately, there is not time here to document this point by point.

More certain is the heavy influence of the philosophers on Afghani himself. We are now fortunate to possess a catalogue of his books, which documents the word of Rashid Rida and others that Afghani was much interested in Muslim philosophy and helped to reintroduce its study into Egypt,2 where he influenced a significant group of young reformers through his teachings.

At first glance it may not be clear why the essentially Aristotelian and neo-Platonic systems of the medieval Muslim philosophers, which had been outmoded in the West for centuries, should prove so attractive to an early generation of Muslim reformers. On closer examination, however, one can see several features of this philosophy that help account for its appeal to Afghani and his followers. First of all, traditional Muslim philosophy with a Hellenistic base, orfalsafa, exalted reason above literalist interpretation of the scriptures as the basis for perceiving truth. The workings of the world were to be explained on a rational basis, and not by an appeal to authority or tradition. Falsafa considered the truths of science to be part of its domain, and believed in a lawful universe that worked according to principles accessible to the human mind. Even though the science and the natural law of the traditional philosophers were far from those of the nineteenth century West, the very idea of a rationally ordered world comprehensible to the human mind was far closer to nineteenth century ideas than were non-philosophic interpretations of Islam.

Secondly, and perhaps most important, the traditional Muslim philosophers had worked out a way of dealing with apparent contradictions between scriptural and philosophic truth that was applicable to conflicts between traditional Islam and modern thought. The philosophers taught that mankind was divided into an dlite, who were alone capable of understanding philosophic or scientific truth, and the mass of mankind, for whom literalist scriptural religion was needed. Without the religious law, backed by the sanctions of vivid rewards and punishments in the afterlife, most men would follow

1 This paper was first read at the International Congress of Orientalists, Ann Arbor, Michigan, August 1967.

2 Iraj Afshir and Asghar Mahdavi, eds., Documents inddits concernant Seyyed Jamdl-al-Dfn Afghdni (Tehran 1963), PP. 5 if., 14 if.

53


an egoistic and anarchic path, and a well-ordered society would be impossible. Thus the prophets had

wisely brought scriptures to meet the needs of the majority of men, while at the same time strewing them with hints of a higher truth that would be recognized only by the philosophical 6lite. The

philosophers assumed that they were following the path of the prophets when they wrote with different

degrees of frankness for different audiences, and Afghdni followed this path of the philosophers. The

Refutation of the Materialists, and the 'Urwa al-Wuthqi articles that glorify Islam were written for a mass

audience; while recorded words and articles critical of the Islamic religion, such as the famous Answer to Renan, were directed toward a small elite.

The use of different levels of argument for different audiences had several clear advantages for

Afghdni and his followers. Firstly, as with the traditional philosophers, it could help ward off persecution by the orthodox community. Secondly, it opened to the modernists a mass audience whose chief

loyalty was to Islam, and who could be moved toward self-strengthening or reformist goals most

readily when these were stated in Islamic terms. Afghani, with his vision of rescuing the Islamic world from encroaching Western Christian conquest, was concerned to arouse Muslims by appealing to what moved them most. It is indicative of his sensitivity to mass sentiments that all of Afghani's militantly pro-Islamic and pan-Islamic writings and talks date from 188o or after; this was the period when Muslims generally were reacting to a series of territorial losses to the Russians, French and British by a

stronger identification with Islamic unity.3 While adapting his words to changing mass moods Afghani was also adapting the philosophers' technique to new ends; no longer were the masses simply to be

encouraged to follow their religion literally, but their religious loyalty was also to be used to bring about

political goals: chiefly Muslim unity and resistance to Western encroachments.

Philosophy, mysticism and Shi'ism had for centuries been intertwined in various combinations in

Iran, where it is now certain that Afghdni was born and received his basic education.4 It is thus

impossible to say with certainty of each element of his thought that it had a clearly philosophical, rather than mystic or Shi'i, base since parallel ideas can often be found between representatives of these different schools. Yet reports from his Egyptian pupils and the rarely cited Persian articles that Afghani wrote in India show that he reserved his highest regard for philosophy and considered it the guiding soul of all knowledge.5

It is unclear whether it was from Iranian philosophers or from other mystics or heretics that Afghani got the idea, which he both wrote and spoke, that the Koran has an infinity of meanings. In any case, this basically mystical or heterodox notion was used by Afghani in his writings to justify a progressive, evolutionary view of human knowledge. Since the Koran has an infinity of meanings, no one generation can exhaust its significance and achieve perfect truth; rather each generation can discover more of these meanings and add to the sum total of human knowledge. In Afghani's Persian article, " The Benefits of Philosophy ", his adaptation of a mystical idea to a modern progressive meaning is clear:

[The Koran] is the comprehensive exemplar of the macrocosm. Each individual is a letter, each species a word, each race a line, and each microcosm a page in it; and each movement and change an elucidation and annotation of it. No end exists for this great Book. .... In each word, and even in each letter, of it, so many mysteries and secrets are hidden that if all the sages of the past and present had the lifetime of Noah, and each one solved a thousand mysteries and uncovered a thousand secrets each day, nonetheless they would remain incapable of fathoming it, and would confess their inability.

.... Since man's perfection in reason and life is

in accord with the extent of his knowledge of the book of the world and his own state, it is clear that human

perfection can have no limit or end. ...."

3 Cf. Albert Hourani, Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age, 1798-1939 (London 1962), pp. 103-8; and Niyazi Berkes, The Develop- ment of Secularism in Turkey (Montreal 1964), Pp. 253 ff.

SFor some of the proofs of Afghdni's Iranian birth and education see Nikki R. Keddie, "Sayyid Jamil ad-Din al-Afghdni's First Twenty-Seven Years: The Darkest Period ", Middle East

Journal XX, 4 (1966), pp. 517-33; and " Afghdni in Afghani- stan ", Middle Eastern Studies I, 4 (1965), PP. 322-49.

6 Some of the relevant articles, published both in India and Iran as Maqdldt-e jamdlyyeh, will be translated in my forthcoming An Islamic Response to Imperialism: The Political and Religious Writings of Sayyid Jamdl ad-Din al-Afghdni (Berkeley and Los Angeles 1968). French translations of some of these articles are in a forthcoming book by Mrs. Homa Pakdaman.

6 Translation from Maqdldt-e jamdlyyeh, to appear in my An Islamic Response to Imperialism: ...

ISLAMIC PHILOSOPHY AND ISLAMIC MODERNISM 55

Here Afghani recognizes that he is deviating from the traditional Muslim philosophers who, he writes, erred in their belief that the Greeks and they had achieved a final version of truth.7 Afghani, while praising the traditional philosophers highly, thus does not advocate the return of a traditional mode of thought which assumed that the final truth of science and philosophy had already been achieved; he suggests the alteration of philosophical rationalism to make room for the continual

change and growth in human knowledge. It may appear to an outside observer that, in choosing to teach a modified form of Islamic philo-

sophy, Afghani was picking a tortuous route toward modern scientific and political thought, which

might have been approached more directly from its original sources. Such a view would ignore one of the major sources of Afghani's continuing appeal to Muslims; namely, that he found indigenous Muslim sources for most of the new ideas that he presented, rather than having to take them from Christian Westerners. At a time when the Christian West had been achieving military victories over the Muslim world for a century, and when Westerners tended to denigrate Muslim intellectual and cultural achievements, the pure Westernizers in the Islamic world were open to the charge of collaboration with the Muslims' main enemy. Every people tries to find indigenous roots for needed innovations, and the desire to do so is strongest when the main outside source of innovation is a military and religious enemy. The Islamic philosophical tradition provided something that was clearly indigenous and Islamic but could at the same time be used to open the doors of science and innovation.

There were thus elements in the Muslim philosophical tradition that could be adapted to Afghani's major goals of arousing both the 6lite and the masses to resist Western encroachments and to reform and strengthen Muslim society. The idea of varying one's arguments to accord with the nature of one's audience, which accounts for many of the contradictions between Afghani's various writings, allowed him with a clear conscience to say or write whatever might be the most effective in a given situation. To an Indian audience, when arguing in favour of using national languages, he said that linguistic ties were much more powerful than religious ones; while shortly afterwards to a general Muslim audience he argued that Muslims had superseded the more primitive state of concern with language or nationality." In the Refutation of the Materialists, aimed at a mass audience, he argues for the superiority of religion in general and Islam in particular to any system that might tend to cast doubt on religious dogmas. In his Answer to Ernest Renan's lecture on " Islam and Science ", however, Afghani expresses to an 6lite European audience a far more sceptical and philosophical view of religion. Religion is seen as having had the positive function of leading mankind from savagery to civilization. This was accomplished when prophets, here called " educators ", imposed obedience on mankind. " This obedience was imposed in the name of the Supreme Being to whom the educators attributed all events, without

permitting men to discuss its utility or its disadvantages."8 Subsequently, however, religion became a bar to progress. The conclusion of this article sums up Afghani's views on the relations between religion and philosophy:

It is permissible ... to ask one's self why Arab civilization, after having thrown such a live light on the world, suddenly became extinguished, why this torch has not been relit since, and why the Arab world still remains buried in profound darkness.

Here the responsibility of the Muslim religion appears complete. It is clear that wherever it became established, this religion tried to stifle science and it was marvelously served in its designs by despotism.

... Religions, whatever names they are given, all resemble each other. No agreement and no reconciliation are possible between these religions and philosophy. Religion imposes on man its faith and its belief, whereas philosophy frees him of it totally or in part. How could one therefore hope that they would agree with each other? ... Whenever religion will have the upper hand, it will eliminate philosophy; and the contrary happens when it is philosophy that reigns as sovereign mistress. As long as humanity exists, the struggle will not cease between dogma and free investigation, between religion and philosophy; a desperate struggle in which, I fear, the triumph will not be for free thought, because the masses dislike reason and its teachings are only

'This point is made in " The Benefits of Philosophy ", Maqdldt-e jamdliyyeh (Tehran n.d.).

8 These contrasting articles have been translated: " Pages peu connues de Djamil ad-din al-Afghdni ", tr. Mehdi Hendessi,

Orient 6 (1958), pp. 123-8; " Pages choisies de Djamal ad-din al-AfghSni: La Nationalit6 (djinsiya) et la religion musulmane ", tr. M. Colombe, Orient 22 (1962), pp. 125-30.


understood by some intelligences of the 6lite, because, also, science, however beautiful it is, does not completely satisfy humanity, which thirsts for the ideal and which likes to exist in dark and distant regions which the philosophers and scholars can neither perceive nor explore.9

This article contains within itself the explanation of why Afghani chose to put on an orthodox religious guise when speaking to a mass audience. The masses are moved only by religious arguments, while the more truthful rational and scientific arguments can appeal only to a small elite. Afghani expresses the hope that the Muslim religion can be reformed, as was Christianity, to lessen the stifling power of dogma, while the masses presumably will be left with enough religious faith and injunctions to satisfy their cravings and keep them in order.

This is not to say that Afghani was entirely consistent. Even within the Answer to Renan there is variation between the optimism of the reformer or revolutionary in the early passages, and the pessimism of the medieval philosophers about the masses at the end. But contradictory tendencies in a complex individual facing almost insoluble problems and exposed to a host of traditional and modern influences are not to be wondered at. If Afghani thought the masses would respond warmly only to a religious appeal, this helps explain why he made what were essentially political appeals in the name of religion. Defence of Islam was the main theme of his widely-known writings like the Refutation of the Materialists and the ' Urwa al- Wuthqd articles; but a study of these works in the context of his life and activity shows that his concern was not at all to strengthen admiration for Islam, as is the case for some modern apologists, but rather to harness Islamic sentiment in an anti-imperialist political struggle.

With Afghani, as with 'Abduh and Iqbal after him, the methods of the philosophers were thus used for ends the philosophers would never have accepted-to appeal to men beyond the restricted elite to change their ideas and to engage in political activity. With later generations of political thinkers in the Muslim world new combinations of traditional and modern ways of thought were found, and the Islamic philosophers became no more the source of direct inspiration, but rather an object of generalized admiration together with other Islamic cultural leaders. One has the impression that the traditional distinction between the religious and political ideas that should be stated to the masses and the truth to be reserved for the 6lite, which in Afghani had a philosophical basis, but which is also found in non- philosophic Muslim traditions, retains its force in the Islamic world today. This may be one of the sources of Afghmni's continued popularity among Muslims.

* A complete English translation of this article is in my forthcoming An Islamic Response to Imperialism: ... The French is in

Jamal ad-Din al-Afghdni, Refutation des Materialistes, tr. A.-M. Goichon (Paris 1942), pp. I74-85.

SOME MINOR MONUMENTS IN KHURASAN

By William Murrie Clevenger

During the period when I served as American Consul in Mashhad, I was able to visit and photograph a series of structures in the region north and east of that city (Fig. i).x One of these monuments, which is either a pair of ruined towers or the foundations of a ceremonial arch, clearly dates from the Seljuq period. These, called D6 Bardr (D6 Baradar, " the Two Brothers ") by local residents, are located in a saddle of the ridge of mountains between the ruined caravanserai Robit Sharaf and

" U. S. S. R.

Sarak

NISHAPUR M Rob"t SharaF

ChAHT -

Lan 'garak*

8r

Morduran

ROWb

Fig. i. Location of monuments.

Mozdurdn. The other buildings are all domed mausolea dating from the Mongol (I1 Khdnid) period and are located along the valley of the Kashaf Rild. Although none of these buildings is a major monument, each has certain distinctive and interesting features. As far as I know these buildings have not been mentioned either by Muslim historians or geographers or by Western travellers.2 The fact that none is near the present Mashhad-Sarakhs road probably accounts for their having escaped the attention of recent travellers.

1 I am indebted to Mr. David Stronach for his encouragement in preparing the material I collected for publication. Dr. William B. Trousdale of the Smithsonian Institution, Washing- ton, D.C., visited several of the sites with me and contributed

greatly to my understanding of the architectural features of these structures and assisted me in photographing and measur-

ing them. Dr. S. M. Stern of Oxford University graciously assisted me with the transcription and translation of the various inscriptions and advised and encouraged me in writing this article. Finally, I am grateful to Mr. Abdol-IHamid Molavi, a retired employee of the Shrine of the Imim RezA

and noted local historian of Mashhad, who first called my attention to these monuments.

2 Colonel C. M. MacGregor visited this area in 1875 and travelled along the valley of the Kashaf Rfid on his way from Mashhad to Sarakhs, but did not mention any of these monuments. Cf. Narrative of a Journey through the Province of Khorassan and the N. W. Frontier of Afghanistan in 1875, vol. II, pp. 6 and 8. Lieutenant-Colonel F. M. Bailey, on his return from his mission in Central Asia, also passed along this route in 1920 without mentioning these structures. Cf. Mission to Tashkent, pp. 288 ff.

57 5A


Dj Bardr (Dj Barddar) D5 Barar are located near Robat Sharaf and 8 km. from the village of Chekudar in the saddle of a

pass over the mountains separating the Sarakhs plain from Iranian Khurdsin proper (Pls. Ia and Ib). Although the present Mashhad-Sarakhs road crosses this range of mountains to the north and west of this point, local villagers still pass by these towers on their way to Mozdfiran, a short distance away. D6 Barar, then, were on the direct route between Rob4t Sharaf and Robat MThi. This location and the structural evidence outlined below suggests a ceremonial function on the principal highway between the great Seljuq centres of Merv and Nishapfir.3

0 1 2 Metres

Fig. 2. Diagram of the Dd Bardr.

These structures are constructed of brick on a rough-hewn stone foundation (P1. IIa). My examination indicated that what remains is of solid brick construction, but I cannot exclude the possibility of a rubble core. Each is the mirror image of the other and has a stairway leading to the top of the structure as it now stands (Fig. 2). Bricks are laid both in a common bond and in a double bond pattern and are also used to form decoration at two corners of each structure and in inscriptions on both faces (Pls. IIb, IIc and IId). They are of two sizes, 25 X 25 X 5 cm. and 26 x 26 x 6 cm. and are set in mortar. The decoration and inscriptions set in both faces of each tower indicate that at one time they were sub- stantially higher than they are now (Pls. IIb and IIc). The fragment of inscription on the western structure (P1. IIb) is just legible and reads 'azza nasruhu (" May his victory be glorious ") and probably followed a name and title.

Bricks are scattered about in the general area, but it is impossible from the quantity to judge the former size of the buildings. There is no indication in the form of visible foundations or other evidence of other contemporary buildings, fortifications or walls. The towers themselves would have been unsuitable as fortifications because the stairways located in the round abutments on each stump open out in opposite directions. Watch towers would probably have been constructed on the ridges overlooking this strategic pass, where a greater range of vision would have been possible. Their function was, then, probably ceremonial. This impression is reinforced by the existence of the remains of an elaborate inscription. The fact that this inscription is vertical rather than horizontal and that the letters on both sides face away from the centre axis suggests that these stumps formed part of a gate or portal. It is interesting to speculate that these are the bases of a ceremonial arch similar to the roughly contemporary one at Qal'a-i-Bist.

3As late as the fourteenth century IHamd Allah Mustawfi described this route as the main thoroughfare, mentioning both Roblt MAhi and Rob t Abginah. Cf. Nuzhat al Qulab,

translated by Guy Le Strange, E. J. W. Gibb Memorial Series, XXIII, (i919), p. 169. Andr6 Godard identifies Robdt Sharaf with RobAt Abginah: Athdr-e Irdn IV, p. Io.

SOME MINOR MONUMENTS IN KHURASAN 59

The Domed Mausolea The domed mausolea, Langarak, Chahdr Tatqi and Mazdr-i Sangvar, are all located near the

Kashaf Rild between Mashhad and Ab Ravin. All probably date from the first half of the fourteenth century. Although none is impressive in size and all have the simple derivative character of provincial architecture, each adds new features to the form of the mausoleum. A remarkable feature of all three is the fact that they have quite distinct facades and are all oriented towards the north-east. The back wall, then, generally faces Mecca. None, however, has any trace of a milhrb.

0 1 2 I I e Metres

Fig. 3. Diagram of Langarak.

Langarak This tower is the smallest and simplest of the three (Fig. 3). It is located 55 km. from Mashhad via

the Sarakhs road, about 40 or 4I km. on a direct line. It stands apart from any building or structure some distance from the village of Langarak. The most striking and unique feature of this tomb is the decorative brick facade (Pls. IIIa and IIIb). A possible precedent for this form may be seen in the Mausoleum oflmImzida Muhammad Bistim Mirza at Bistam.4 Scaffolding holes are visible in the

facade, but not in the interior. There are several points of resemblance between the tomb at Langarak

and the Bistam mausoleum. In both cases the outside walls of the building are carried up to a height where the squinches are entirely concealed (Pls. IVa, IVb and IVc). The general treatment of both

4 This portal, however, is offset to the left of the axis of the building and serves the function of an entrance hall. 'The portal at Langarak is almost free-standing. Arthur Upham Pope dates the mausoleum at Bist~m as late thirteenth century. Similar portals were set in round tomb towers, for example, the tower

at Khiov and the tomb of the daughter of Arghfin Aghd at Salmds. Cf. A Survey of Persian Art, vol. II, " Islamic Archi- tecture ", H., Fourteenth Century, p. Io85; also vol. IV, pls. 343, 344 and 350.


buildings below the dome is similar in the use of depressed panels and simple pilasters to vary the wall surface of the sides and back of the monument. In both cases these panels culminate in an arch, a particularly flat one in the case of Langarak. The outside walls of the mausolea at

Bist.m and Langarak

appear to have been plastered to about two-thirds of their present height, those of Langarak up to 3 m. The construction of Langarak is entirely of brick set in mortar. The bricks are of two sizes,

25 X 25 X 5 cm. and 27 X 27 X 5 cm. The back and two side walls are all pierced by a door in the centre of each wall and a window above it. These doors have been filled in. The dome is constructed of a double thickness of brick laid in common bond (Pls. IVd and Vc). In each layer certain bricks are set out as studs to assist the masons in constructing the dome. Clearly the second layer of bricks is an afterthought, since it covers the windows which existed in the inner dome. But the construction of the outer layer is very similar to that of the inner and would appear to be from the same period. There is a staircase located on the south-eastern side of the building above ground level leading to the roof at the base of the dome (P1. IV b).

The interior is extremely simple and devoid of decoration except for a band of protruding bricks set at an angle immediately below the dome (P1. Vb). The original eight windows, which were sealed when the outer dome was added, are clearly visible from the interior. Below the dome is a smooth band that could have provided space for a painted inscription. If so, no trace remains. The squinches are extremely simple. Embedded wooden beams at the bottom of the squinches hold the fabric of the building together. The interior walls have been plastered up to the level of the bases of the squinches (P1. Vd). There is no evidence of there ever having been a milhrb.

There are two tombs, neither of which is located in the centre of the mausoleum. One is completely plain; the other, the larger of the two, has a headstone measuring 315 (from the floor) x 31 x 21 cm. (P1. Va). Three faces are decorated with inscriptions which read as follows:

(front, facing the tomb)

Yt~'. LL -AK'~ Y~u. .. (3l\> $J1)l IjW1 C(t,Jy\ EW \ 3Uk c cii c

"... Lord of the Righteous, Sultan of the Saints, Proof of the Youths, ... of the People of Mortification and Religion, Bdbd Zang-i Shir, may his grave be fragrant."

(left side, facing south-west)

LC U Li Z

" Written on the date the twenty-third of Sha'bin al-Mu'azzam in the year 818, written by Hasan bin Ja'far."

(rear)

;1" j" ~t cLo~ a)JJ

" Allah, Muhammad, 'All, .Hasan, .Husain."

Reading these inscriptions is difficult. The writer apparently left out a stroke in •& J1 and made a spelling error in

"A5I in the first inscription. The actual inscriptions are crudely

carved in inelegant Arabic. I have been unable to find further information to identify either Bdbd Zang-i Shir or IHasan bin Ja'far. The date 818 A.H. (I4I5 A.D.) is later than the architectural evidence would date the building. The fact that the second tomb like the first is above ground suggests that neither contains the remains of the original occupant of the building.

The entire structure gives the impression of being crudely and roughly built. Of the three monuments located in the area of the Kashaf Rtd, this mausoleum would appear to be the earliest and probably dates from the first years of the fourteenth century.

Pl. Ia. Do Bardr (Dj Barddar) from the north-east.

Pl. Ib. Approach and terrain over which the Merv-Nishpiir road may have passed.

Pl. IIa.

Eastern structure illustrating stone foundation and stairw

ay.

Pl. IIb. W

estern structure with brick inscription.

P1. IIc.

Eastern structure w

ith brick inscription. P

I. IId. Inward face of the eastern structure show

ing brickwork.

Pl. IIIlla. Langarakfafade (photo: Trousdale).

P1. IlIb. Detail (photo: Trousdale).

P1. IVa. View from the north-west. Pl. IVb. View.from

the south-east showing stairs leading to the roof.

Pl. IVc. View from the south-east (rear). P1. IVd. Brickwork of dome (photo: Trousdale).

Pl. Vb. Interior (photo: Trousdale).

P1. Va. Grave and headstone (photo: Trousdale).

Pl. Vc. Interior of dome (photo: Trousdale).

Pl. Vd. Interior plastered wall (photo: Trousdale).

Pl. VIa. Chaher Taqi from the east with ruined stairway on the right. P1. VIc. Fafade.

Pl. VIb. View from the south (photo: Trousdale).

Pl.

VIIa.

Interior (photo: T

rousdale). P

l. V

IIb. Interior of dom

e (photo: T

rousdale).

Pl.

VIIc.

Interior showing stonew

ork (photo: T

rousdale). P

l. V

IId. Interior squinch (photo:

Trousdale).

P1. VIIIa. Interior foundation (photo: Trousdale).

Pl. VIIIb. Vaulted crypt (photo: Trousdale).

PI. VIIIc. Opening made by vandals.

Pl. IXa. Mazdr-i Sangvar from the north-west.

Pl. IXb. Fagade (photo: Trousdale). Pl. IXc. View from the south-east.

Pl. Xa. Interior showing squinches and dome (photo: Trousdale).

Pl. Xb. Interior of front entrance (photo: Trousdale).

Pl. Xc. Corner pedestal (photo: Trousdale). Pl. Xd. Kite-shaped squinches (photo: Trousdale).

P1. XIa. Boulder foundation (photo: Trousdale).

P1. XIb. Remains of a flanking arch (photo: Trousdale).

Pl. XIc. Foundation of second site at Sangvar.


Chahdr Tdqi This mausoleum lies north of the present Mashhad-Sarakhs road near the village of Cholaqi about

35 km. from Mashhad. A glance reveals that this is a finer and more finished building than the tomb at Langarak (Pls. VIa, VIb and VIc). While this mausoleum is clearly a member of the same genre, there are several distinguishing features in addition to the finer workmanship (Fig. 4). Chahar Taqi has a stone foundation, and stone is used in the interior and in the construction of the facade. In addition,

0 1 2

Metres

Fig. 4. Diagram of ChahIr Tdqi.

the construction of the dome and the remaining drums at its base suggest that originally the building had a double dome. In this respect Chahar T.iqi shows a marked resemblance to the so-called Harfiniyya at Tils. The doors, too, of Chahar Tatqi resemble this building. It is probable that a brick arch which has since disappeared surmounted the lower doors and that the window above formerly had a wooden beam to support the superior brickwork. The use of depressed panels and pilasters on all four sides resembles Langarak, but the work of this building is both more sophisticated and more graceful. This decoration, as at Langarak, suggests that the exterior walls were carried up to a point


above and concealing the squinches. Like the earlier monument, a stair from the east side, now in ruins, led from above ground level to the roof at the base of the dome. Some plaster remains on the fagade, and, like Langarak, the scaffoldry holes are clearly visible.

The finish of the interior, like that of the exterior, is clearly finer than Langarak, but the basic proportions and the design of the squinches is the same (Pls. VIIa, VIIc and VIId). Like Langarak the fabric of the structure is tied together by embedded wooden timbers visible at the base of the squinches. The dome is of brick laid in common bond and was plastered (P1. VIIb). It has four windows and apparently is slightly flatter than a hemisphere. No traces of decoration nor of an inscription remain, but again just under the dome there is a row of bricks set with protruding corners and room for a painted inscription. In the interior since the present ground level is approximately 80 cm. below the original floor level it is possible to see the stone foundations (P1. VIIIa). These, like the hewn stone of the interior walls and the brickwork throughout, are set in mortar. The interior walls are stone up to I8o cm. from the level of the original floor. The interior was plastered, but the plaster has almost entirely fallen away from the stonework, while still adhering to the brickwork above. This plaster is 2 to 5 cm. thick and consists of a rough mortar-like substance underneath covered with a finer slip.

In the centre of the mausoleum is a vaulted crypt, the top of which represents the former floor level (P1. VIIIb). This crypt is of brick construction and its interior was plastered. Its entrance was below floor level and from the east side of the building, but the tomb has since been opened by vandals from the interior of the mausoleum (Pl. VIIIc).

Chahar Tdqi is later in date than Langarak and probably was built a few years after the Hartiniyya at Tfis. Pope and Wilber place this latter building in the early fourteenth century.5

Mazar-i Sangvar The village of Sangvar is only about io km. from Mashhad on a direct line, but by motorable road

this distance is almost twice as great. It is located on the north-west side of the Kashaf Rid near the larger village of Kanebist. The open quality of Mazir-i Sangvar is quite striking and unique (P1. IXa, IXb and IXc). The foundation is of boulders, but the building is entirely of fired brick set in mortar and laid in common bond (Pls. Xc and XIa). The bricks are of two sizes, 27 X 30 X 5 and 27 X 27 X 5 cm. Local villagers, who have made generous use of these bricks for their own purposes, informed me that they weighed 72 and 6 kilos respectively.

The building, in fact, consists of four pedestals surmounted by a dome. From the outside the open portals consist of more than one-third of the length of each side. This effect is even more pronounced to an observer inside (P1. Xb). Here the width of the openings is more than half the interior dimensions of the walls. The architectural function of the four corner pedestals is not so much that of a wall, but to carry the weight of the dome (Fig. 5). The eight open windows piercing the drum of the dome also add to the open quality of the building. The dome is particularly flat. I was unable to determine on the basis of examination of the site whether the original structure had a double dome, but on the basis of contemporary practice this is very likely to have been the case.

The fagade of the building evidently consisted of a porch formed of a rather flat arch with wings on either side. The doorway was once divided into a door and a window above a by beam which has since disappeared. To the right and left of the door there is evidence that the facade included flanking arches

(P1. XIb). The faqade was plastered. Plaster also appears to the left of the portal on the western side. An interesting feature of the interior is the kite-shaped squinches which resolve the interior square at a

level just above the portals not into an octagon, but into a sixteen-sided figure which supports the drum of the vault (Pls. Xa, Xc and Xd). As already indicated this drum is pierced by eight windows at the apex of each portal and at the four corners of the interior square. Above these windows another series of kite-shaped squinches resolve into a virtual circle supporting the dome (P1. Xa). There is a slight difference between the curve of the squinches and that of the flatter dome.

The interior has been plastered and the scaffolding holes remain unplugged. In contrast to Langarak and Chahatr Tftqi there is no area which could have been used for a painted inscription. There is,

6 A. U. Pope, op. cit., vol. II, pp. Io72 if. Donald N. Wilber, The Architecture of Islamic Iran, the II Khanid Period, pp. 145 if.


however, the trace of what might have been reddish brown paint on the stucco under one of the

squinches. There is no remaining evidence of a tomb or crypt, although the area in the centre of the building has been dug out.

The architectural evidence above indicates that this building dates from the second quarter of the fourteenth century, but its extraordinarily open quality and the fact that there is no place for either an

0 1 2

Metres

Fig. 5. Diagram of Mazdr-i Sangvar.

inscription or a milhrib raises some question as to its function. It is interesting to speculate whether it was, in fact, designed as a garden pavilion. This function would not necessarily have prevented its builder or another notable from having been interred there at a later date.

In the same village, Sangvar, there are the remains of a circular stone foundation (P1. XIc). Local residents indicate that within their memory a second structure similar to the Mazar existed there.


Conclusion These minor monuments may serve to fill some gaps in the rich mosaic of Iranian architecture.

Taking advantage of my amateur status in the field, I have hazarded some speculations on the functions of two of these buildings. If the stumps of D6 Barar are, in fact, the base of a ceremonial arch, this will add a new type of building to the tableau of architecture in Iran and to the achievement of Seljuq builders. A precedent for such a free-standing arch exists, of course, at Qal'a-i Bist in Afghanistan. Further, if Mazdr-i Sangvar was constructed at least initially for use as a garden pavilion, it is the earliest example of this form known still to be standing in Iran. In any case its open quality is unique in my experience. The use of a partially free-standing facade as part of a mausoleum at Langarak is also remarkable. The existence of these three buildings, Langarak, Chahar Taqi and Mazdr-i Sangvar with the mausolea at Ti-s and Sarakhs gives an indication of the revival of architectural activity in the fourteenth century in north-eastern Iran.

THE IRANIAN PRESS, 1941-1947

By L. P. Elwell-Sutton

The period covered by this review is the six years following the abdication of Ri~a Shah on Septem- ber I6th 194I, after the Allied invasion of the previous month (" the events of Shahrivar "). The index contains the names and particulars of all periodicals known to have been published at least once in Iran during this period. The total is 464, of which 433 were in Persian and the remainder distributed between Armenian, Turkish, Kurdish, English, French, Russian and Polish (the order of listing in the index is that of the original alphabet in each case).*

'The period 1941-47 has been selected for study, partly for practical reasons (the writer was in Iran for the greater part of it and was able to examine most of the papers mentioned), but mainly because the Shah's abdication was a clearly defined turning point in the history of the Iranian press. During his reign the policy of " gleichschaltung " had steadily reduced the periodicals of the country to a hard core of some fifty, mostly published in Tehran and many of them official publications. There were only two dailies of any consequence, Ittild'dt (No. 60) and Iran (No. 81), and a handful of others, all following in their limited editorial comment the line set down by the Government. The significance of 1941 may be summed up by saying that, of the 464 titles recorded in the index, only 98 had appeared before September 1941, and 57 of them dated from the 'twenties; only 41 were in active publication at the time of the change of regime, and only a third of these survived for more than a year.

It was left to the new papers to introduce the outspoken style that was to characterize the Iranian press over the next decade or more. Typical was one of the first, Iqddm (No. 69). Florid in style, strongly nationalist, and hostile to Allies and Axis alike, it was distinguished, like others of its class, by its methods rather than by adherence to any clear principle or policy. Such papers became a forum for the expression of individual views, without much regard for consistency or constructiveness, and in many cases served as little more than vehicles for the whims and prejudices of some wealthy backer- when they did not fulfil some even less reputable purpose.

One gain was that internal affairs (external affairs were circumscribed by the Allied censorship) were discussed with the utmost freedom. In every department of the nation's life, problems now had to be solved by the elected representatives of the people instead of being dictated by an all-powerful and frequently far-sighted monarch, and the directors of the press considered it their duty to acquaint these

* For a survey of the political developments of this period reference may be made to: L. P. Elwell-Sutton, " Political Parties in Iran 1941-48 ", Middle East Journal III (1949), PP. 45-62; and Franciszek Machalski, " Political Parties in Iran in the Years 1941-1946 ", Folia Orientalia III (1961), pp. 135-70.

The most comprehensive index of the pre-1941 Iranian press is: Muhammad Sadr Hdshimi, Tdrikh-i Jard'id va Majalldt-i Iran, 4 vols. (Isfahan 1948-53).

This incorporates all the information in: H. L. Rabino, " La presse persane depuis les originesjusqu'd nosjours ", Revue du Monde Musulmane XXII (1913), pp. 287 sqq.; and E. G. Browne, The Press and Poetry of Modern Persia (Cambridge 1914)-

It does not make use of: L. Bouvat, " La presse a Tehdran en 1915 ", Revue du Monde Musulmane XXX (1915), pp. 274 sqq.; Ali Norouz6, " Registre analytique de la presse persane ", Revue du Monde Musulmane LX (1925), PP. 35 sqq.; or R. Lescot, "Notes sur la presse iranienne ", Revue des L9tudes Islamiques XII (1938), pp. 261 sqq. These latter sources contain additional scraps of information.

For the period 1941-47 the only published sources are: L. P. Elwell-Sutton, " The Press in Iran Today ", Journal of the Royal Central Asian Society XXXV (1948), pp. 209-19;

two lists of Persian papers in:

Amiizish va Parvarish XIV, 3 (1944), PP. I59-67 and Akhgar, nos. 6/7/8 (1946), pp. 178-81; no. 9 (1946), p. 57;

and a list of Polish publications in Iran:

Jakub Hoffman, " Bibliografia drikow polskich w Iranie ", W Drodze, no. 15 (1943), p. II; no. 13(3I) (1944), p. IO.

65

6


representatives with their responsibilities. Political and economic questions took pride of place: the formation of parties, the rise and fall of cabinets, the position of the Throne, the evils of bureaucracy, the food situation, the danger and reality of inflation, the tribes, the minorities. Most papers, regardless of the social status of their backers, talked of social revolution, but only in the most general terms. Almost all thought it their duty to attack the Government.

The history of 1942 indeed is that of the struggle between the two sides for an agreed level of permissible freedom-culminating in the wholesale suppression of December 8th. The weapon used by the Government was not provided by the Constitution, which declared the press to be free, but by the Martial Law Regulations, which obtained in Tehran and in many other parts of the country throughout virtually the whole of the period we are considering. Under these the authorities could suppress, for a prescribed period, any publication printing anything " against the actions of the Govern- ment ". Such suppressions became in fact a regular feature of journalistic life during this period, the first cases occurring as early as January 1942 (Iqddm, Sitdra (No. 233), Tajaddud-i Irdn (No. 135)). These were accompanied by the discussion of more permanent measures to regulate the press, measures that-given the recent release from the strict control of the ex-Shah's reign-were far from popular, and whose mere consideration indeed was sufficient to bring down Suhaili's government in July 1942. Perhaps no press legislation would ever have reached the statute book, had it not been for the Tehran bread riots of December 8th 1942, which gave rise to a state of panic in the midst of which the new Premier, Qavaim al-Saltana, was able to force through a number of drastic measures. Among these was the wholesale suppression of the Tehran press, and the publication in their place of a Government news-sheet, Akhbdr-i Riz (No. 44). In the ensuing vacuum the Majlis was persuaded to pass the Law of December 24th amending the Press Law of 1908, the main effect of which was to make it necessary for all periodicals, past, present and future, to operate under licence. Moreover no more than one licence could be issued to the same person, and both the licencee and the editor (who could be the same person) were required to have certain financial and educational qualifications. In certain circumstances the licence could be withdrawn. This was correctly and indignantly recognized by the press as conferring powers of control on the Government that had not existed even in Ri2z Shah's time-at least, on paper. In fact, however, the power to revoke a licence was very rarely invoked, and the authorities continued until the ending of martial law to rely on the suppression system. It may have been hoped that the restricting of licences to one per individual would prevent an offending publisher from continuing the dissemination of his ideas through the medium of one of his other journals, but any such hope was soon disappointed. A great many licences were issued, and provided that at least one token copy of the paper appeared, that the licencee committed no criminal offence, and that he remained alive, his licence continued valid. Although each licence had to be held by a different licencee, many of these were " men of straw ", presumably suitably rewarded for holding their licences at the disposal of any publisher whose main newspaper was so unfortunate as to merit suppression. In spite of military regulations to the contrary, the practice of bringing out a suppressed paper under another name became so common that no attempt was even made to conceal it.

The ingenuity displayed in devising variations on the theme seemed to have an artistic rather than a practical inspiration. Two things all versions had in common. The new paper had precisely the same layout and make-up as the old, with the exception of the changed title, and it contained somewhere on the front page a reference to its predecessor and progenitor that made it quite clear what its purpose was. Thus there might be a prominent paragraph expressing sorrow at the suppression of "our respected colleague A...", and adding that until its release subscribers would be receiving copies of

B... Such notices generally printed the name of the suppressed paper in prominent type, often using the original title block. In still more brazen examples the title block would actually appear in its normal position at the head of the page, with no more than the words " B ... in place of" printed in small type above it. Needless to say, the newsboys invariably sold the paper under its old name.

The authorities often contented themselves with the first suppression, allowing the substitute to continue unmolested. Sometimes however they suppressed the substitutes in their turn, and there developed a war of attrition between the patience of the military authorities and the success of the publishers in finding alternative licences. Papers with a political party behind them had an obvious

THE IRANIAN PRESS, 1941-1947 67

advantage in such a battle. The Ttida Party used at different times as many as fifteen aliases for their two principal organs, Rahbar (No. 218) and

.afar (No. 287). On the other hand, Muhammad Mas'fid's

weekly, Mard-i Imriiz (No. 356), which held the record as the most suppressed paper, only once appeared under another name, and that briefly when its own licence had been withdrawn completely. As against this, Irdn-i Md (No. 89) once produced ten alternatives running-and a few months later proudly displayed them on the walls of the Press Club at the celebration of its (the paper's) third birthday!

A number of licences existed solely for this purpose, and never appeared under their own steam. They were generally tied to one paper or group, but a few changed loyalties from right to left and back again with bewildering ease. A periodical normally published once a week might lend its name to a daily publication for the other six days, a practice that sometimes resulted in grotesque combinations; for instance, the monthly woman's magazine Biddri-yi Md (No. 116) once appeared as a daily in place of the Tilda Party organ Rahbar.

The grounds for suppression were rarely stated, or it would have become even more obvious than it was that, while sometimes justified on moral or other grounds, they were normally political; as history shows, the incidence of suppression on right or left varied strictly with the complexion of the government in power. Thus in April 1943 it was directed mainly against the right and centre. In the following autumn, heralding the approach of elections, the blows fell fairly evenly on both sides. During 1944 however the press remained comparatively undisturbed.

Meanwhile steps were being taken, other than through the medium of legislation, to guide if not to control the press, by strengthening the somewhat nebulous Department of Press and Propaganda, which, as a relic of Ri2i Shih's more strictly orientated institution, had under a bewildering series of Directors been attempting through press, radio, films, music, lectures and so on, to instil into the public a sense of civic responsibility. Until the middle of 1943 it had had little effective to do with the press; but in September of that year it was taken over by Ibrahim Khaja Niri, himself ajournalist and writer of note as well as being one of the leading lights of the moderate right 'Addlat Party. A man of more vigorous personality than his predecessors, he soon found himself in conflict with the press. His attempts to guide it along the lines that he considered sound culminated in a notice issued in February 1944, in which he urged editors to be more circumspect in their criticisms, particularly of Government officials, and announced that a council had been set up to watch over the conduct of the press and to take legal action where justified, including assistance to individuals who were libelled. Though he toned down some of these remarks in a broadcast a few days later, claiming that he had never intended any kind of censorship, his outspokenness was too embarrassing for a government already on the verge of collapse, and he was relieved of his duties, to be followed into the wilderness only a few days later by Suhaili, the Prime Minister who had appointed him.

After Kh1ija N-iri's departure the Department was disbanded, and attention was focused rather on the attempts of the press themselves to organize. A Press Union formed in August 1942 to defend the liberty of the press had gradually gained in strength, and at the same time had moved politically towards the left, to merge with the Freedom Front, formed in July 1943 by a large group of centre and left-wing papers, but by the end of 1944 wholly identified with Tida Party and Soviet policy. This trend, together with certain political developments, led in due course to the formation of an opposition group, about which something will be said in a moment.

First however a word is necessary on the relations between the press and the Allied occupying powers. The latter were concerned, apart from purely military censorship, with the possible effect on public opinion of critical articles and comment in Persian newspapers. Of these there was a plentiful supply, given the wholesale disruption of the economy of the country brought about by the occupation. For a time the Allies were content to rely on negative pressures, requests for the suppression of offending papers, and so on. But it soon began to be recognized that something more positive was needed. This is not the place for a general discussion of the propaganda methods used by the occupying powers in

Iran during the war; we are concerned only with their impact on the press. Part of this took a very direct form. The British were the first in the field with a sequence of periodicals-an English daily newspaper (No. 446), a Persian weekly political commentary (No. 137), a fortnightly children's news-

paper (No. 4o5), and a monthly woman's magazine (No. 289). The Russians were the only other foreign


power to publish periodicals in local languages, and these mainly in their zone of occupation (Nos. 43, 128, 192, 439, 442); their Russian-language daily (No. 450) was also quoted freely in the Persian press. The Poles during 1942 and 1943 produced a number of periodicals for their own nationals, military and civil, and later on the Americans had a daily newspaper for their forces. Mention may also be made of the Iran-America Relations Society's monthly magazine Irdn va Amrikd (No. 91), though this was a duly licenced publication.

The Russians attached rather more importance to the permeation of the local press, and they were skilled in selecting for encouragement-by way of cheap or free newsprint or direct financial aid- organs of opinion that already had a natural inclination to support their point of view. These were to be found mainly among the publications of the T-ida Party, which, as the international tension between the great powers sharpened during 1944, tended more and more to lose their moderate and reforming elements and to concentrate on the international scene. Iran, as virtually the only meeting point during the war between the Soviet Union and her Western Allies, was the first to feel the effects of this conflict. So it was that the Iranian press found itself dividing up very much along the lines of the Anglo-Russian split, and using the convenient labels " left " and " right " to designate the two sides.

The right-wing press thus naturally gravitated towards support of and by British policy, though neither was as whole-hearted as its equivalent on the other side. Nor was the point of view so clear-cut, since the " right " was to a large extent a negative reaction against the " left ". So far as it had any focal point, it was the Irada-yi Milli Party of Sayyid Ziya al-Din TabdtabT'i, which by the end of 1944 was beginning to be taken seriously as a rival to the T-ida Party, and in consequence was being thrust- as much by its left-wing enemies as by its own supporters-into the position of leader of the right-wing, anti-Toida opposition.

This situation became explicit in the oil concession crisis of the autumn of 1944, and particularly after the rejection of the Russian request by the Prime Minister, St'id. The attack on the Government from the left, headed by members of the Freedom Front, took the line of opposition to St'id as representative of the ruling class, rather than of active advocacy of the oil concession; terms like " reaction- ary " and " imperialist " became the current coin of political abuse. However the first overt move came from the right. On October 28th some thirty papers, headed by Sayyid Ziya's own organ Ra'd-i Imriiz (No. 213), but including mildly left publications like Sitdra, issued a manifesto supporting Sa'id's oil policy. Ten days later, on November 8th, some forty papers of the left issued a counter- manifesto-just in time to celebrate St'id's resignation.

During this period there had been some rather tentative measures of suspension against the left- wing papers, but with Bayat's assumption of office the wind started to blow in the other direction. In both cases however the substitute system, now highly organized, ensured that all but the least important papers continued publication unchecked. The adverse conditions for the right did not last long, and in December they felt strong enough to organize a rival group, styled with some lack of originality the Independence Front. A curious and weakening feature of this new grouping was its decision to avoid a partisan line, which meant among other things the exclusion of Irada-yi Milli papers like Ra'd-i Imrziz.

The next few months, until Bayat's fall on April 17th 1945, saw a wave of left-wing suppressions with almost complete freedom for the right. The left-wing papers were released when Hakimi came into office, and with the ending of the war in Europe, the growing evidence of Anglo-Russian tension, and the arrival of a Labour government in Britain, the anti-British line of the left became overt, and was hardly matched by the rather feeble response of the right. Long-standing and popular grievances-the activities of the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company or the Iranian claim to Bahrain-were exploited for all they were worth. New phrases were introduced into the political vocabulary-the" policy of balance ", that which favoured the party demanding it, and the " one-sided policy ", that which did not. In spite of opportunities for Iranian journalists to visit Europe, and the arrival in Tehran of correspondents from British, American and other papers, the interests of the Iranian press remained strictly parochial.

Suppressions were resumed with the arrival of a new Prime Minister, Sadr, in June. To begin with these fell fairly equally on both sides; by August however it was the left that were the chief sufferers, and in October there was scarcely a left-wing paper appearing under its own name, though there were


still enough substitutes available for their point of view to be adequately represented. Nevertheless there was some justification for a telegram addressed in September to the London Conference of Foreign Ministers by twenty-six left-wing papers-including now Ra'd-i Imrfiz, whose editor Muzaffar Firiz had

quarrelled with Sayyid Ziya during the summer-protesting against the dictatorial methods of the Sadr government.

All this however was put in the shade by the metamorphosis of the Azarbayijan Tfida Party into the

Azarbdyijdn Dimukrat Party, and the ominous threat of a separatist movement in the north-western

province. The left underwent an abrupt change of front, abandoning their appeal to international

authority and asserting that the movement was purely domestic and popular; the right on the other hand came out openly in favour of British and American intervention, though both sides were firm in their rejection of any partition of the country. When IHakimi succeeded Sadr as Prime Minister in

November, he began as usual by reversing the policy of his predecessor and releasing most of the

suppressed papers. Before long however most of the left-wing press were once more suppressed, and in

January 1946 there was even some tightening up against the right. By now however the Dimukrat revolt in the north-west was complete, Iranian troops had been prevented by the Russians from inter-

vening, Hakimi's request for direct negotiations in Moscow had been ignored, and the Iranian case had been referred to the Security Council. On January 2oth Hakimi resigned, and for nearly two months the Tehran press enjoyed unprecedented freedom.

Qavam al-Saltana, appointed Prime Minister at the end of January, was primarily concerned with

discovering a way through the tangled relations of his country with the Soviet Union; his decision to leave the press to its own devices for the time being was the natural result of this policy, but it also

encouraged the right wing to provide him with a rope with which to hang them when the time came. His selection of Muzaffar Firiz as Director of the Press and Propaganda Department (which had been

coasting along since its revival in the autumn of 1944) might also have served as a warning; it would have been hard to imagine that ambitious man playing a passive role in a position of authority. How- ever in the meantime the tone of the right-wing press became steadily more violent and unrestrained- in contrast to the left, which remained on the defensive; the anti-Russian campaign reached its climax when it was learnt that Soviet troops would not be out of the country by the agreed evacuation date, March 2nd 1946. Hiir (No. 420), which, under its various aliases had for some months printed as its main daily headline the number of days remaining till the evacuation of foreign troops, now openly accused Russia of breaking the terms of the Tripartite Treaty of 1942, and this line was followed by other papers of the right.

Against this storm of vituperation the left-wing press had no retort; they sought refuge instead in

attempts to cast doubt on the genuineness of the British evacuation, and produced a variety of other red

herrings-none with much effect on public opinion. The decisive blow against the right was to come from a higher quarter. In the middle of March Qavim returned from his negotiations in Moscow; quietly allowing the Majlis to come to its appointed end, he then struck. All the major right-wing papers were suppressed, and their replacement by substitutes was effectively discouraged by a threat to arrest their editors-a threat made more cogent by the actual imprisonment of Sayyid Ziyt and several of his followers. Those who escaped this fate went into hiding. With the signing of the Irano-Soviet

Agreement in April, the triumph of the left was complete. The next six months saw the Tfida press at the height of its influence. During the long drawn-out

negotiations with the Azarbayijain authorities, Qavam seems to have decided to allow the left as much rope as had been allowed to the right earlier in the year-and, as events were to show, for the same purpose. Meanwhile Toida journalism was free to try its strength. Developments took place in two fields. There were several new provincial publications-in Gurgin (No. 392) and Pahlavi (No. 195), where there were no rival papers, and in the southern towns of Shiraz (No. 189) and Yazd (No. 219), hitherto considered to be entirely under British influence. In the capital a number of new weeklies were started, aimed at special groups-youth, women, teachers; Mardum (No. 36o), a former Toida daily, reappeared as a rather distinguished literary monthly. Outside the Tida papers proper, the liveliest publication was Iran-i Md, which gained such a reputation for independence that it was even considered worthy of being affiliated as a separate unit to the left-wing party coalition formed in August.


The triumph of the left wing found expression in a scurrilous anti-British campaign, which reached its peak of virulence in comment on the strike of the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company's workers in July 1946. In an attempt to divert attention from the situation in the north, the suggestion was made that Britain was plotting to annex the province of Khiizist~n, and to extend her influence generally in the south of Iran. As a diversionary move it was not an unqualified success, for it not only lent colour to the general belief that the Russians were trying to do the same in the north, but also enabled the remaining voices on the right to claim that the movement in Azarbayijan was causing similar upheavals elsewhere. At all events anti-British feeling never reached the heights that it did five or six years later, and by the late summer of 1946 the TPida press was beginning to adopt a slightly defensive note on this subject, and even to show a mild interest in British life and institutions.

A special case was the growth of the Azarbdyijan press, which up to the end of 1945 had been concentrated in Tabriz, with one outpost in Ardabil. Most of the Tabriz papers closed with the arrival of the Dimukrat regime; but the left-wing ones remained, and were quickly supplemented by others. In addition local journals appeared in Rid'iya (No. 437), Zanjan (No. 435) and Miyana (No. 441) for the first time. But more significant than these developments was the wholesale adoption of Turkish as the medium of the written word (it has always been that of the spoken). Observers might well have been forgiven for seeing in this a move towards separation of the province from the rest of the country. It was paralleled by the use of Kurdish for a handful of periodicals published in Mahabid, the capital of the Kurdish Republic; these were the first Kurdish papers to appear in Iran.

The Persian press was by no means stagnant during 1946, in spite of the one-sided scope for political comment. Over one hundred new titles appeared, though admittedly many were short-lived. Even the right wing was not completely silenced. The most significant of their papers was Atish (No. 7), which made its first appearance in April, when the fortunes of its colleagues appeared to be at their nadir. Its views would not have been considered outspoken a month before, but now they were sensa- tional. Needless to say it was soon suppressed, but it survived this, and later became one of the most

important representatives of the right. A few others appeared spasmodically, and it was the editors of these and other suppressed right-wing papers who during the summer formed themselves into the National Front (later to be dominated by the figure of Muhammad Musaddiq). At an early meeting of this group the newly arrived American Ambassador, George Allen, made some pungent remarks on the subject of the freedom of the press, arousing the ire of the left wing, but gaining the respect of the journalistic profession as a whole. This incident could be said to have marked the transition from Britain to America as the power thought most likely to save Iran from the Russians.

A less controversial organization of journalists was the Iranian Press Association, formed in June 1946. The founder-members of this were mostly of the centre and moderate left, the only left-wingers being Mahmtid Tafai2uli of Irdn-i Md and Khusrau Iqbdl of Nabard (No. 381); indeed an unwritten rule excluded representatives of political parties, and the Taida papers did not join. Other founders were Ahmad Maliki of Sitdra; Abu'l-Qasim Amini of Umid (No. 75), a relative of the Prime Minister; Hamid Rahnama, son of Zain al-'Abidin Rahnama, publisher of Irdn; Muhammad 'All Mas'fidi, nephew of 'Abbas Mas'fidi, founder of Ittild'dt; Dr. Khanlari, founder of the literary monthly Sukhan (No. 237); and Ahmad Namdar of Paikdr-i RaZ (No. 131), a former employee of the German Embassy interned at Ardk during the war. Although its constitution contained the usual high-sounding phrases, its early activities were largely of a social nature, including for instance receptions for Louis Saillant, Secretary-General of the World Federation of Trade Unions, and for the three Tida Party journalists appointed to the Cabinet in August. In January 1947 it affiliated to the International Organization of Journalists.

Signs of a split between the Prime Minister and his left-wing supporters were beginning to show in press comment as early as May, and with the formation of the Dimukrat-i Iran Party in July the first tentative steps were taken to suppress some of the more obstreperous publications on the left. By September the breach was an open one, with papers of both sides attacking the other freely. All this was in curious contrast to events on the political stage-the admission of three Ttida members to the Cabinet, the formation of the left-wing coalition group consisting of the Dimukrit-i Iran, Dimukrat-i Azarbryijan, Tfida, and Iran Parties, and the arrest of a number of right-wing figures-for instance


Shirvdni of Mihan (No. 375)-during the September Bakhtiyari plot scare. Politics only caught up with the press in October when the Qashqd'i rising in Fars enabled Qavam to expel the Tilda ministers (and Muzaffar Firtiz) from the Cabinet, and to establish his own Dimukrdt-i Iran Party as the leading political force in the country.

The abruptness of the change was reflected in the press. Right and moderate papers, which had scarcely appeared since the spring, now began to publish once more; one of the most noteworthy was Aitish. At the same time the Dimukrat-i Iran Party launched its own papers-Dimukrdt-i Irdn (No. 188), Bahrdm (No. I I3), Diplimdt (No. 193), Farmdn (No. 302), Kdrgardn-i Irdn (No. 315). The Press Associa- tion was brought virtually into the service of the Government, left-wingers like Mahmild Tafazzuli were ousted, and in many respects it became indistinguishable from a branch of the Dimukrat-i Iran Party. This process was continued and intensified after the collapse of the Azarbayij*n regime in December 1946. Ahmad Aramish, the new Minister of Labour and Propaganda and licencee of Diplfmdt, was elected President of the Association, and very little secret was made of the fact that its aim was to regiment the press in the interests of the Government. This was made easier and more likely by the way in which the press as a whole rallied behind Qavam after his dazzling success in bringing to an end the separatist movement in the north-west. Only the left-wing papers failed to join the chorus, but their line was defensive, and the most interesting feature was the virtual abandonment of the anti- British campaign and its replacement by attacks on American policy. Many of course of the extremer left-wing papers disappeared; those in Shiraz and Yazd had gone in November, and the Azarbdyijin Dimukrdt papers did not survive the collapse of the regime. In Tehran the two main Tilda papers, Rahbar and

.Zafar, both disappeared for a period, after strenuous efforts to muster sufficient replacements,

and Irdn-i Md only managed to keep alive under its second alias. After the great purge of the Tfida Party in January 1947 Mardum emerged as the Party's official organ, and at the same time the tone of Tfida Party editorials became moderate and almost sweetly reasonable. But it was long before the left-wing press recovered from the consequences of this defeat, and certainly up to the end of 1947 it played a very unimportant part in the affairs of the day.

Meanwhile the right-wing papers were beginning to emerge from suppression, though their tone, like that of their extremist colleagues on the other wing, was mild. When the start of the long-delayed elections in January gave the signal for a new opposition movement, it came from neither right nor left. Instead there was a new grouping of nationalist papers of various shades, amongst which the most prominent were Iqddm, Atish and Ddd (No. 173). As the only outspoken critics of the Government at this time, they were the frequent victims of suppression during the first half of 1947. On June 17th however, martial law was at last lifted in Tehran, and with it went the mechanism used by the Govern- ment for disciplining of the press by suppression. The opposition were not slow to take advantage of this, and in the absence of immediate Government action Government supporters took the law into their own hands. On the evening of June 26th groups of armed men (almost certainly DimukrSt-i Iran Party members) broke into the presses where the next day's issues of Ddd, Atish and Iqddm were being printed, and broke up the formes. The three papers appeared the next morning in the form of short broadsheets devoted entirely to protests against these actions. A day or two later that part of the martial law provisions relating to the press was restored, and the three above papers together with Sadd-yi Vatan (No. 277) and Qiydm-i lrdn (No. 3 1') were suppressed, and three editors arrested; replacements for Iqddm and Atish were seized before they had left the printers.

This, however, was the last serious attempt to control the press. About the same time Aramish lost his post as Minister of Labour and Propaganda, and the close links between the Press Association and the Government began to dissolve. In September 'Abbis Mas'tidi, who on his return from Europe had naturally become one of the leading spirits in the Association, emerged as the leader of the opposition to Qavam's oil agreement with the U.S.S.R., and from this time the Press Association was no longer linked officially with the Dimukrtt-i Iran Party. Now, at any rate until the dramatic events of I95I, the ball was with the moderate press. The most important paper to rise to the top was Kaihdn (No. 339). This evening daily had always been inclined to the left, and at times had been violent in its views. In the middle of 1946, however, the licencee, Dr. Misbahzada, a former Director of Press and Propa- ganda, returned from a tour of the United States with somewhat altered views. Still sincerely pro-


gressive in outlook, his experiences abroad had taught him to despise the methods of his Iranian

contemporaries. He set out to make his paper both a reliable and comprehensive source of news and a sober and intelligent commentator on day-to-day affairs. By the middle of 1947 he had gone far towards achieving both these aims; the paper's editorials in particular-both Misbahzdda's own and those written by his editor, 'Abd al-Rahmin Faramarzi-set a standard not reached by any other Iranian paper of the day. His reward came in the shape of a circulation of some 2o,ooo, second only to

Ittild'dt with 40,000 or 50,000, and comparing with a maximum of 4000 or 5000 for any other daily. Even this last figure was high in the context of Iranian publishing at that time, a fact explained by

the comparatively restricted level of literacy and the large number of competitors for attention. During the period 1941-47 nearly thirty papers at one time or another achieved the status of" national dailies ", though it must be added that not more than eight (Ittild'dt, Irdn, Irdn-i Md, Rahbar and its successor

Mardum, Sitdra, Kashish (No. 332), Mihr-i Irdn (No. 372)) were published with more or less unbroken

regularity. The remainder should perhaps rather be classified under the heading of " political weeklies ".

Of these there might well be as many as fifty appearing at any given time. To a large extent indeed

they played the role of the booklet and pamphlet in some other countries. Some were organs of political parties; some aired the views of independent groups or even individuals; some were designed to appeal to sectional interests. All were of small circulation ranging from a maximum of 2000 down to 500 or even less. But their influence on public opinion should not be underestimated on this account, since their views were widely disseminated and often quoted by their more well-established contemporaries.

Rather larger in circulation were the " popular magazines ", also for the most part weekly, but

distinguished by their emphasis on entertainment. Ittild'dt-i HaJtagi (No. 62) was the most important, with a circulation of some 15,ooo; not far behind were Umid, Sabd (No. 272), Taraqqi (No. 136) and Tihrdn-i Musavvar (No. 14I), ranging between 0,000ooo and 5000. All these carried more photographs and illustrations than their political colleagues. In an intermediate position were the digests, notably the highly successful Khandaniha (No. 17'); and the satirical weeklies, often written in a semi-colloquial language, of which Bdbd Shamal (No. 95) was the most important.

The last category includes the " literary magazines ", of which the outstanding examples during the period under review were Ayanda (No. 34), Sukhan, Mardum and rddgdr (No. 423), though there were many others of an ephemeral nature ranging from the popular Rdh-i Nau (No. 207) to

philosophical and historical journals like Jilva (No. 144) and Mdd (No. 347). In the same category so far as appearance and layout are concerned were the specialized and official publications, of which Amazish va Parvarish (No. 31) and Majalla-yi Kdr (No. 313) may be cited as examples.

The pattern of the Tehran press was repeated in the provinces on a smaller scale, though in general there was greater stability. Out of some eighty provincial licences, as many as forty or fifty would be in use at any given time. These figures do not include the Azarbdyijan Dimukrat publications of 1946, which were not officially licenced. Isfahdn led with sixteen licences, and Shir tz, Tabriz, Rasht, Mashhad and Hamadin came next. However with improving communications the main sources for the news of the day were more likely to be the big Tehran dailies like Ittild'dt and Kaihdn, so that there was rarely justification for a local daily as well; the normal frequency was seldom more than two or three times a week. Circulation too was likely to be very small, the figure given in some cases being as little as 15o. Nevertheless many of them were well-established, and included some of the oldest papers in the country; Badr-i Munir (No. 102) of Raslht for instance had been publishing regularly since 19I9.

As the figures quoted at the outset showed, publications in languages other than Persian were the exception, and in fact the only local language officially recognized was Armenian, which boasted four papers in Tehran and one in Tabriz. Of the ten Turkish periodicals, eight were unlicenced publications of the autonomous rigime in Azarbayijan, and two of the Soviet occupation authorities. The three Kurdish periodicals also appeared only under the Dimukrat government. Thirteen newspapers and magazines in European languages were intended primarily for foreign nationals living temporarily in Iran.

Ownership of the press in Iran had not at this period developed in such a way as to facilitate the rise of press monopolies, other than that exercised negatively by the Government. The very fact that it was


virtually impossible for a newspaper to pay its way seemed to militate against any trustification of the

press; an additional paper in a chain might well be a liability rather than an asset. A periodical tended to be treated rather as an expensive but desirable instrument for political or personal ends. If therefore " chains " were formed, it was rather for the purpose of providing respectable publishers with satellites for the publication of items that would not look well in the columns of their principal organs. The

proprietors of both Ittild'dt and Kaihdn were known to own a number of smaller papers precisely for this

purpose. So far from the papers in such a chain speaking with one voice, the object was rather to enable the owner to speak with many. Another motive for the building up of a chain was to have a reserve of licences as a safeguard against the inconveniences of suppression. It is often difficult to trace these chains, owing to the provision of the law that no individual might hold more than one licence; each

paper in fact had to have a different nominal owner, and association between them could only be

guessed at from internal evidence, frequency of appearance as substitutes for one another, or inside

knowledge. Though a number of the larger papers employed a full-time staff of writers and reporters, journalism

was still largely the spare-time occupation of men (and occasionally women) earning or receiving their

living in other fields, rather than a profession in itself. The legal profession contributed the highest quota, as might be expected; bureaucrats, both public and private, came next in the scale, followed

closely by teachers. Other professions-medical, technical and so on-accounted for the rest, together with a few in business and commerce.

Few newspapers owned their own printing facilities at this time, probably not more than nine or ten out of the forty or so presses in Tehran that printed newspapers. The picture was rather different in the

provinces. Most of the newspaper-owned presses (for example, Ch~p-the only rotary press in the

country-belonging to It.tild'dt,

Khudkdr belonging to Mihr-i Irdn, Kaihan to the newspaper of the same name, and Sirfis belonging to Kashish) also printed other newspapers, not necessarily connected with their proprietors. The Shu'lavar Press was unique in being owned by a political party, the Tfda, and

printed Rahbar, Zafar and other left-wing papers. Other important presses not primarily associated with

any particular paper were Matbf'ait, Mazahiri, Chihr, Taibn and Rangin. The quality of printing was in general not high, and all composing was done by hand, the first Linotype machines only being introduced into the country (by Ittild'dt) in the 'fifties. Newsprint, rigidly controlled by the Allies during the war, was by 1946 coming mainly from the United States and the Soviet Union. Estimates made in

1944 and 1947 put the annual consumption by the periodical press at 530 and I200 tons respectively, an increase due rather to expanding size and circulation than to an increase in the number of

publications.

PERIODICALS PUBLISHED IN IRAN BETWEEN 1941 AND 1947

A. IN PERSIAN

I. A'in (The Law). Licencee: Muhammad Taqi Muqtadiri. First published in Tehran on April 24th 1944, possibly as continuation of Ufuq (q.v.). Irregular, normally weekly. Left-wing bias; joined the Freedom Front, and signed the anti-Sa'id manifesto of November I944. In May 1945 appeared under the auspices of the Tehran Chamber of Commerce (editor: Amir Nigahbin), and began to move over to the right, becoming more commercial in scope. It was suppressed in July 1946, and replaced by Andarz and Ufuq (q.v.).

2. A'in-i Isldm (The Law of Islam). Licencee: Nusratallah Nfiriyani. First published in Tehran on March 21st I944. A religious weekly advocating an Islamic revival.

3. A'in-i Ddnish;igzydn (The Law of the Students). Directors: Rahim Muttaqi Iravani and 'Abbis Urdibadi. Monthly publication of University students, first published during 1945-

4. A'ina-yi Sharq (The Mirror of the East). Licencee: Ashraf Ahmadi. First published in Tehran on August 8th I947. Weekly. Moderate right and nationalist in tone.

5. A'ina-yi Fdrs (The Mirror of Fars). Licencee: Kazim Pizishki. Editor: Dr. Shahabi. Monthly, small circulation. Moderate right. First published in Shiraz in 1945 or I946.


6. Ab va Khdk (Water and Soil). Licencee: Dr. Taqi Bahrimi. Editor: Amir Hfishang Nizam. First published in Tehran on May 7th 1942. Irregular fortnightly agricultural magazine. It was suppressed in the winter of 1946-47 for criticism of the Ministry of Agriculture, but did not reappear after its release in May 1947.

7. Atish (Fire). Licencee: Sayyid Mahdi Mir Ashrifi. First published in Tehran on April i8th 1946. Mir Ashrafi had in December 1945 published Jang as a supplement to Arzi (q.v.). Also interested in Atish, at any rate in its early stages, was Pfiyani, proprietor of the Levantour Travel Agency. The paper acquired fame as the only outspoken right-wing paper to be published at that time. It was suppressed in May and again in July, being replaced briefly by Falak (q.v.). On its reappearance in October it became daily instead of weekly. It was suppressed in December for its attacks on Russian policy, being replaced by Bdzpurs (q.v.), and again in February 1947, being replaced successively by Alif-bd, Mard-i Irdn, Falak and Tihrdn-i Imrlz (qq.v.). In June 1947 Atish figured in the incident in which the Kaihan and Did Presses were attacked by members of the Dimukrat-i Iran Party, and the Atish formes broken up (v. also Ddd and Iqddm). A fortnight later Atish was suppressed and the licencee arrested for three weeks; Falak replaced it for one day. At this time the paper was one of the leaders of the opposition to Qavam al-Saltana.

8. Atishbdr (The Tinder-box). Licencee: iraj Zandpfir. Editor: Jaldl Maslih. First published in Tehran on November 7th 1946 (though this issue claimed that a previous one had appeared in September). Irregular weekly organ of the Taida Party. In December it briefly replaced Zafar (q.v.).

9. Atishgdh (The Fire-temple). Licencee: IHusain Vakilzida. First published in Isfahan in 1944. Ceased publication May 1945.

io. Artish, Majalla-yi (The Army Magazine). First published in Tehran in 1944. Ministry of War monthly edited by Col. Alhmad Baharmast, well-known as actor and dramatizer of the Shdhndma of Firdausi.

I . Arzfi (Desire). Licencee: Asadallah Mir SipShi. Editor (1943): Shukfih-i Aqdas Mir Sipahi. First published in Tehran on April 3oth 1943. Weekly. Suppressed in September 1943 for one month. Signed the pro-Sa'id manifesto in October 1944, and joined the Independence Front. Replaced HMr (q.v.) in February 1945 and was suppressed. Reappearing as the organ of the Armdn-i Milli Party, it was suppressed four more times in 1945, being replaced by Kdnun (q.v.) in August. By the end of the year it was markedly royalist in tone. In December a supplement under the name of Jang (War) was issued by Mir Ashrafi, subsequently licencee of Atish (q.v.). Arzif was not suppressed again until January 1947, when it was replaced for three days by Mard-i Milli (q.v.); in July it replaced Iqddm (q.v.), but was suppressed before publication. Arzi was always strongly nationalist, and more anti-foreign than most papers of the right.

12. Arshitakt (The Architect). Licencee: Iraj Mushiri. First published in Tehran in September 1946. Monthly organ of the Society of Iranian Architects.

13. Armdn-i Milli (The National Desire). Licencee: Abu'l-Qasim Arbabzada. First published in Tehran on October I2th 1944. Replaced Daryd (q.v.) for two months in January 1945. Later again appeared independently as an evening daily. At this time it was markedly left-wing in tone, and later supported the Azadi (Freedom) Party. In December 1945 it was suppressed and replaced by Bidar&-yi Md, Zabdn and Nidd-yi IHaqiqat (qq.v.). It reappeared irregularly during 1946.

14. Arvang (meaning uncertain). Licencee: Taqi Murtaiavi. First published in Hamadan in August 1946. Neutral weekly.

I5. Aryd. Licencee: Muhammad 'All Muhammadiyan. Editor: Muhammad Kashifi. First published in Kirmanshah in January 1947. Twice weekly. Neutral, devoted mainly to advertizements.

16. Arydn. Licencee: Zabihallah Qadimi. Editorial Board: Husain La'l, Dr. Vusfiqi, Mahmfid Minfi, Eng. Aqa Miri. First published in Tehran on March 7th 1946. Irregular weekly. Qadimi was the publisher of the Aryan Annual. The paper also had some connection with Shahrivar (q.v.).

I7. Azarbdyijfn. Licencee: 'All Shabistari. Editor: (1942) A. hams, (1945-46) Ahmad Mfisavi. First published in Tabriz in December I941. Tfida Party organ, violently opposed to the Central Government. Reappeared in September 1945 as the official organ of the newly-formed Dimukrat-i Azarbayijan Party. After the setting up of the autonomous Government in December it was published entirely in Turkish. It ceased publication in December I946. Shabistari was Governor-General of Azarbayijan during the latter half of 1946.

18. Azarbdyij'n. Licencee: Dr. Ibrahim Barzgar. First published in Tehran on August 7th I943. Shown as Azari in the 1943 list of licences, but as above in 1944. It does not seem to have appeared after 1944.

19. Azdd (Free). Licencee: 'Abd al-Qadir Azad (writer and nationalist). First published in Mashhad from 1923 to 1928. Reappeared in Tehran on March 3rd I942. Thrice-weekly evening paper, organ of the Istiqlal (Independence) Party. Beginning as a somewhat chauvinistic publication it veered towards the Tfida


Party during 1943, but supported Sa'id in October 1944 and joined the Independence Front. It was frequently suppressed, being replaced in March 1945 by Da'vat (q.v.) and in June 1946 by Vijdan (q.v.) 'Abd al-Qadir Azad was imprisoned under Rii• Shah for political (fascist?) activities.

20o. Azdd, Ndma-yi (The Free Journal). Licencee: Isma'il Khalili, (later) Afrasyab Azdd. Editor (1946): Ahmad Shiriq. First published in Tehran on April 23rd 1942. Moderate right. Suppressed for a fortnight in June 1942. After the general suppression of December, it did not reappear until August 1943, and in the following month it was suppressed for six weeks. It appeared very irregularly thereafter, though it signed the pro-Sa'id manifesto of October 1944. It was suppressed again in June and September 1946.

21. Azddagdn (Free Men). Licencee: 'Abdallah 'Izzatpidr. First published in Tehran in 1925 and at least until 1938. Reappeared on August 17th 1942. In March 1943 it became the organ of the Nihiat-i Milli Party. Suppressed in April, it was replaced by Iran Zamin (q.v.). During 1944 it moved to the left, and in November was one of Sd'id's Freedom Front opponents. It was suppressed in the same month and replaced by Manshir (q.v.); thereafter it continued to appear erratically.

22. Azddi (Freedom). Licencee: 'Ali Akbar Gulshan-i Azadi (writer and poet). First published in Mashhad in August 1925. Neutral, semi-official.

23. Azddf-yi Khalq (The Freedom of Mankind). Licencee: 'Adil Khal'atbari. Editorial: Mme. Fakhr-i 'Uzmi, M. Kalantari. First published in Tehran on February 15th 1945. Originally published in place of Taraqqi (q.v.), it was immediately suppressed. Released in July, it appeared weekly for a time. In July 1946 it replaced Azddi-yi Sharq (q.v.). See also Ayanda-yi Irdn, Ayanda-yi Mihan.

24. Azddi-yi Sharq (The Freedom of the East). Licencee: 'Abdallah Razi. Editor: Rukn al-Din Humayfin Farrukh, (1947) I. M. Sajjadi. Weekly. First published in Tehran on June 27th, 1946. In July 1946 it was

suppressed for publishing a rumour that the Shah was to marry Stalin's daughter (v. also Ahan), and was replaced by Azddf-yi Khalq (q.v.). It reappeared in July 1947.

25. Azddi-yi 'Aqida (Freedom of Opinion). Licencee: Munir Shah Bayati. Editor: Mahmfid Munshi and board. First published in Tehran on June 29th 1947. Weekly.

26. A•hr (The Alarm). Licencee: Ja'far Pishavari (one of the " 53 " imprisoned by Riid Shah in 1937 on charges of communism, he helped to found the Tuda Party, and was elected as deputy for Tabriz in 1943. His credentials were however rejected by the Majlis. In 1945 he became leader of the Dimukrat-i Azarbayijan Party and subsequently Prime Minister of the autonomous Government. After its collapse he escaped to Soviet territory). A?Lir was started by the Kava group in Tehran on May 23rd 1943, and soon became strongly Tfida. It was a member of the Freedom Front and signed the anti-Sa'id manifesto. It was suppressed in August 1945 and, though released in April 1946, did not reappear. Its licence was cancelled in February 1947.

27. Aghdz (The Beginning). Licencee: 'All Muhammad 'Amiri. Editor: Mustafa 'Amiri. First published in Tehran on March 2ist 1946. Twice weekly. Moderate left, conciliatory towards Russia, though not necessarily pro-Russian.

28. Aftab (The Sun). Licencee: (1944) Danish Naubakht, (1946) Sayyid Mujtaba Fatimi. First published in Tehran on December 2nd 1944. It was suppressed for three months in March I945, and again in July, being replaced by Shamdl, Akhtar, Jum'a and Naubakht (qq.v.). In March 1946 it appeared in place of Yazddn (q.v.), and in June in place of Khirad (q.v.). In the winter of 1946-47 it reappeared as an evening daily supporting Qavam al-Saltana. Naubakht was the son of Habiballah Naubakht advocate of Aryanism, and throughout its existence Aftdb showed sympathy with Germany and Nazism. It appears to have faded out during the first half of 1947.

29. Aftdb-i Tdban (The Radiant Sun). Licencee: IHiji Banani Madani. Editor: Rahsipar. Originally published in Tehran (or Rasht?) in 1929. Reappeared in Tehran in July I942, but not relicenced after the general suppression of December 1942. Rahsipar subsequently published razdin (q.v.).

30. Aftab-i Sharq (The Sun of the East). Licencee: Sayyid 'Ali Amufizgar (writer and educationist). First published in Mashhad from 1923 to approximately 1938. Reappeared in Tehran in June 1946 as replacement for Zandagi (q.v.). Reappeared in Mashhad in December 1946, thrice-weekly. Moderate right.

31. Ami~zish va Parvarish (Teaching and Education). Organ of the Ministry of Education. First published in Tehran in March I925 as Ta'lim va Tarbiyat. Editor: (1940) Dr. Lutf 'Ali Sfiratgar (b. I901, university professor), (1944) IHabib Yaghma'i (b. 1902, poet, v. Yaghma), (1947) Muhsin Shamlfi. Published monthly up to 1945 (the name was changed in August 1938). It then ceased publication until March 1947, when a single issue appeared.


32. Ahan (Iron). Licencee: Mahdi Qa'ini. Editors: Isfandydr Buzurgmihr, 'Abd al-Majid Badi'. First published in Tehran on July 19th 1944. Weekly, with one page in English. Buzurgmihr was formerly on the staff of Ittild'dt and Mash'al (qq.v.). In October 1944 the paper was suppressed after the licencee had been involved in a kidnapping case. In December it joined the Independence Front. In April 1945 it reappeared with an editorial board consisting of Muhsin Fakkfir, Murtaid Zadfar, Muhammad Vali Sh~mlli and Mahdi Qy'ini. In August it reappeared, under the editorship of Riia Vaziri, as the organ of the Omnibus and Public Vehicle Owners' Union, with Mu'ayyiri, Mihrani and Mahmfid Vafar as editorial board. It continued somewhat irregularly, with a moderate left tone, until July 1946, when it was suppressed for publishing a rumour that the Shah was to marry Stalin's daughter (v. also Azddi-yi Sharq). Released in August, it replaced the T-ida paper Shdhbdz (q.v.), and was immediately suppressed. It did not appear after its subsequent release.

33. Ahangar (The Blacksmith). Licencee: Sayyid Murtaid Rdvandi. Licenced for Isfahdn in April 1946. The local daily organ of the Tfida Party.

34. Ayanda (The Future). Licencee: Dr. Mahmfid Afshar (b. 1895, lawyer and writer). First published in Tehran from 1925 to 1928. Reappeared on November 9th 1944, and appeared regularly until 1947, when the licencee left for Europe. A monthly magazine commenting neutrally on domestic and foreign affairs.

35. Ayanda-yi Irdn (The Future of Iran). Licencee: 'Abd al-Rahman Farimarzi. First published in Tehran in 1928 by Jamdl 'Adil Khal'atbari, and continued irregularly as a weekly until 1941. In December 1941 it reappeared as an evening daily, but was suppressed in February 1942 on the grounds that the licencee was a government employee. It was replaced in May 1942 by Kaihdn (q.v.). The Khal'atbari family later published Ayanda-yi Mihan (q.v.). Ayanda-yi Irdn did not reappear after the general suppression of December 1942.

36. Ayanda-yi Bashar (The Future of Mankind). Licencee: Nasrallah ShShravdn. First published in Tehran on September 9th 1946, in place of 'Ali Bdbd (q.v.); is not known to have appeared independently.

37. Ayanda-yi Mihan (The Future of the Nation). Licencee: 'Adil Khal'atbari. Editor: Mme. Fakhri 'Adil Khal'atbari. First published in Tehran on October 31st 1942 (v. Ayanda-yi Iran), but not relicenced after December 1942, though it was included as a member of the Independence Front in December 1944. See also Azddf-yi Khalq.

38. Ittihdd (Unity). Licencee: Sayyid Kdzim Ittihad (editor Irdn (q.v.) 1927-30, founded Umid (q.v.) March 1930). First published in Tehran in 1925. Re-licenced in March 1943, but did not reappear until March I4th 1947. Evening daily, moderate left, but supporting Qavim al-Saltana. It was suppressed in May I947 and replaced by Muzhda (q.v.).

39. Ittihld-i Milli (National Unity). Licencee: Sayyid Muhammad Hashimi. First published in Tehran on July I3th 1943.

40. Ittifiaqdt (Events). Licencee: 'All Muniri Hamadmni. First published in Tehran on May 5th 1943, it

was suppressed for seven months in August, and did not appear regularly after its release.

41. Akhbar (News). Licencee: IHusain Quli Musta'an. Licenced for Tehran on February 2nd 1943, and published daily as successor to the official Akhbr-i Ri7z (q.v.). Ceased publication in March 1943.

42. AkhMbr-i Irdn (News of Iran). Licencee: Muhammad Mashdyikhi. First published in Tehran on December 19th 1946, in place ofJibha (q.v.). Suppressed in March 1947, and never appeared independently.

43. Akhbar-i Tdza-yi Riqz (Fresh News of the Day). Published in Mashhad as the official organ of the Soviet Army of Occupation. Editor: M. Pikhfilim. Appeared daily from 1941 until the evacuation of Soviet troops in May 1946.

44. Akhbdr-i Riiz (News of the Day). A daily evening news-sheet published in Tehran by the Government on December 9th 1942, after the general suppression of the press. Succeeded by Akhbr (q.v.) on February 2nd 1943.

45. Aktar (The Star). Licencee: Muhammad 'Ali Khalili. First published in Tehran on May 23rd I943. Originally supported Sayyid 2iya, and was suppressed for three months in August I943. It later came under Court influence, and in May 1945 replaced Aiftdb (q.v.). In November 1945 it went over to the extreme left, appearing as a replacement for Daryd (q.v.) until its own suppression. In January 1947 it again appeared independently, under the editorship of Turab

Sult.npiir, as an exponent of Bakhtiyari aspirations. In July

1947 it appeared as a replacement for Rastgi (q.v.).

46. Akhtar-i ShamJl (The Star of the North). Licencee: Sayyid Baqir Karriibi. First published in Tabriz in 1943 or I944 (or may be the same as one published in I927). Cautious in tone, with leanings to the right; it served as a local government gazette. The licencee was expelled from the Soviet Zone after an issue expressing pleasure at the forthcoming evacuation of Iran. The paper reappeared in January 1947, after the collapse of the autonomous Government, as a weekly supporting the Central Government.


47. Akhgar (The Spark). Licencee: Amir Quli Amini (v. Isfahdn). First published in Isfahan on July 6th I920, by Fathallah Vazirzada. Transferred in 1928 to Amini, who continued to publish it until 1942.

48. Akhgar (The Spark). Licencee: Col. Ahmad Akhgar (b. 1889, retired army and gendarmerie officer). Editor: Kaivdn Sami'i. First published in Tehran in September 1945 as an irregular collection of instalments of new books, mostly by the publishers. Religious and academic.

49. Adib (The Scholar). Licencee: Sayyid Isma'il Yamani. Editor: Ahmad Shdmlaf. First published in Tehran on February 8th 1946. Weekly at first, later irregular. Right-wing.

50. Irdda-yi Fdrs (The Will of Fars). Licencee: Asadallah Khavari. First published in Shiraz in March 1946. Local organ of Sayyid Ziya's Irada-yi Milli Party. It was suppressed in August 1946, and reappeared in February 1947.

51. Ardk, Ndma-yi (The Arak Journal). Licencee: Sayyid Bdqir Mfisavi. First published in Arak in 1933, though printed in Tehran. Published weekly, it expressed no marked political views, and concentrated on the affairs of western Iran.

52. Arzhang (Mani's Workshop). Licencee: 'Abdallah Vazirzida (art teacher). First published in Isfahin in April 1925. A small circulation humorous weekly. After the change of regime in 1941 it leaned towards the left.

53. Aras (The River Araxes). Licencee: Asadallah Tabitaba'i Diba. First published in Tehran in October 1945 as replacement for Iran-i Md (q.v.), which it also replaced in December 1945 and December 1946. It never appeared independently.

54. Arghavdn (The Judas-tree). Licencee: Ahmad Qurbani. Editor: Muhammad Mir Tahiri. First published in Tehran on March 2 st 1946. Popular weekly, published irregularly.

55. Armaghdn (The Souvenir). Licencee: Vahid Dastgardi (I88I-I942, scholar and literary figure). First licenced for Isfahan on June 28th 1918, as a literary weekly. Transferred to Tehran on April 22nd 1919, as monthly organ of the Anjuman-i Adabi-yi Iran, and published regularly until 1942. Literary, scientific and social topics.

56. Istakhr (Persepolis). Licencee: Muhammad Husain Istakhr (b. 1888, lawyer). First published in Shiraz in August 1919 and until 1927. Reappeared in May 1942 as a weekly. It was right-wing and anti-Tfida, and became the official organ of the Qashqa'i rising in October 1946.

57. Istiqldl (Independence). Licencee: 'Ali Muniri. First published in Tehran on April 27th 1946. Left- wing weekly. In June 1946 it replaced Firishta-yi Azddi (q.v.).

58. Ustuvdr (The Constant). Licencee: Abu'l-Fazl Tahmdsibi. First published in Qum on July 17th 1935- Weekly.

59. Isfahan. Licencee: Amir QulI Amini (ex-Mayor of Isfahan, collector of folklore, benefactor). First published in Isfahan in 1941. Weekly, also twice-weekly. It was suppressed for a period in May 1943. In April 1946 it was the organ of the Azddi Party (v. Ddryd). See also Akhgar (No. 47).

6o. It.tild'dt (Information). Licencee: 'Abbas Mas'idi (b. 1893). First published on July I ith 1926 (a licence in this name was issued during the previous year to 'All Akbar Salimi (v. Gulhd-yi Rangdrang), but it is not clear whether this was the same). I.ttild'dt began as a publication of Mas'fidi's news agency. A daily evening paper, it became almost from the first the leading newspaper in the country. It was also the first paper to instal a rotary press (in 1937). Read chiefly for its excellent news service and its classified advertisements, its comment on political affairs was generally neutral, though it normally received a subsidy from the government in power, and from time to time served through its leading articles as a vehicle for the government viewpoint. From the same stable came I.t.ild'dt-i Haftagi and Journal de Tehran (qq.v.); Mas'tidi also had a controlling interest in a number of other papers, such as Tihrdn-i Musavvar and Mash'al (qq.v.), which he sometimes used to publicize news and views too " strong "for the more sober

I.t.tild'dt. Both he and his brother were founder- and committee-

members of the Iranian Press Association. In later years 'Abbis Mas'fidi became a senator and distinguished elder statesman.

61. I.t.ild'dt-i Irdn (Information of Iran). Licencee: Sayyid Isma'il Khalili. First published in Tehran on July 3ISt 1943. Only a few issues appeared. It signed the pro-Sa'id manifesto of October I944.

62. I.t.ild'dt-i Haftagi (The Weekly Information). Licencee: 'Abbas Mas'fidi (v. I.t.tild'dt).

Editor: Ahmad Shahidi, (1947) Farrukh Kaivini (b. 1922). First published in Tehran on March 22nd 1940. Popular illustrated weekly.


63. Ufuq (The Horizon). Licencee: Sayyid Ja'far Azmayish. Editors: Husain Razavi, Ahmad Balakhani. First published in Tehran on July 28th 1943. A left-wing paper published irregularly for about a year. It was suppressed in May 1944, and replaced by A'in (q.v.). In March 1945 it appeared in place of Nabard-i Imraz (q.v.). In April 1946 a special issue was published describing itself as the organ of the Gurz7h-i Ta'dvun (The Co-operation Group), and connected with the newspapers Istiqldl, Mihr-i Mfhan, Manshiir, Nauruiz-i Irdn and

'Ali Bdbd (qq.v.). In July 1946 an issue of Parvarish (q.v.) was published, which appeared to be in place of Ufuq; in the following September Ufuq itself was published in place of A'in.

64. Ufuq-i Asyd (The Horizon of Asia). Licencee: Dr. Asadalldh Zahidi. First published in Tehran in May 1945. A member of the Freedom Front. In August 1945 it replaced Rahbar (q.v.) for one day. It reappeared in March 1946 and again in April, when it was headed Bdzdr (The Market), and described as the organ of the Ittihadlya-yi Azadikhahan va Raushanfikrdn-i Bazar (Union of the Freedom-lovers and En- lightened Thinkers of the Market), v. Shahbdz.

65. Afkdr-i Irdn (The Thoughts of Iran). Licencee: 'At.'allah

Khusravani (merchant). Editor: Dr. Khusrau Khusravani. First published in Tehran on February 26th, 1943. Did not appear after mid-1944, when the editor became an official in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

66. Afkdr-i Khalq (The Thoughts of Mankind). First published in the Soviet Zone of Occupation in about October 1941. Soviet propaganda sheet.

67. Iqtisdd (Economics). Journal of the Ministry of Commerce. Editor: Shuja' al-Din Bayat Maki. Licenced for Tehran in 1943-44. Previously published as Ndma-yi Iqtisdd va Bdzargdni (q.v.).

68. Iqtisdd va Bdzargdni, Ndma-yi (The Journal of Economics and Commerce). Monthly journal of the Ministry of Commerce. First published in Tehran in May 1941. See also Iqtisdd.

69. Iqddm (Endeavour). Licencee: 'Abbas Khalili (writer, Islamic leader). First published in Tehran from December 1921 to February 1923. Reappeared in January 1942, and continued to take the violently nationalistic line that had characterized it before. It showed anti-Allied tendencies during the war (some twenty years earlier Khalili had been condemned to death in absentia by the British authorities in Iraq), and attacked the Tripartite Treaty of 1942. In 1943 it was a whole-hearted supporter of Sayyid Ziya, but later this attitude changed. During 1944 it attacked the Millspaugh Mission, and in the autumn it joined the Freedom Front in opposing Sa'id, though at the same time it was against the grant of a Russian oil concession. In 1946 it swung over to the right as a result of the Azarbayijan and Soviet evacuation crises. Owing to its violent tone it was frequently suppressed. In June 1945 it was replaced by Nidd-yi Azddf and Muzaffar, in January 1946 by Tihrdn-i Musavvar, and in December 1946 by Tihrdn-i Musavvar, Bdzpurs, Muhit and Kdnun (qq.v.). In January 1947 Khalili was imprisoned for two months. The paper figured in the attack on the Dad Press in June 1947 (v. Ddd and Atish), and in July Khalili was again arrested and the paper suppressed, being replaced by Kdnufn and Arzii (qq.v.). Khalili was released in early August.

69a. Uqiydniis (The Ocean). Licencee: Turab Bagiri. First published in Shiraz in 1943 or 1944. The local

Tfida Party organ, it was suppressed in 1945.

70. Alburz (The Elborz Mountains). Licencee: Shukrallah Kaihin. First published in Rasht in 1927 and again in 1941. In February 1946 it was the organ of the Jangal Party, and later of the Dimukrit-i Iran Party in Gilan.

71. Alif-bd (The Alphabet). Licencee: Rahim Saffiri. First published in Tehran on July I6th 1945- Transferred to Rasht in December 1945, where with Ghadir Bishaban as editor it appeared weekly and then daily. It was independent in outlook and critical of Tuida policy. In March 1946 it reappeared as a weekly in Tehran, and was soon suppressed, probably for its support of Sayyid Ziya; it was replaced by KIh-i Nifr (q.v.) in April. In June it was seen again in Rasht, but returned to Tehran in February 1947 to replace Atish (q.v.) briefly. It reappeared in Tehran in July 1947.

72. Alvand (The Alvand Mountain). Licencee: Akbar Sharifi Amina. First published in Hamadan in

I925. Reappeared as a fortnightly in the summer of 1946. 73. Imriz va Fardad (Today and Tomorrow). Licencee: 'Ali Shahidzada Giidarzi. First published in

Tehran on April 28th 1943. Originally published as the organ of the Hamrahin (Comrades) Party founded by Mustafi Fitih, one-time senior Iranian employee of the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company. After the split in the party in April 1944, Imriz va Fardad became the organ of the new Iran Socialist Party, while Sham' (q.v.) became the organ of the Hamrahan. Imraz va Fardad was a member of the Freedom Front and an opponent of Sa'id. In January 1945 it was suppressed for six months for attacks on the Americans, but did not reappear after its release.


74. Amvdj (Waves). Licencee: Mustafa Jabiri. Editor: Husain Manfichihr. First published in Tehran in the winter of I945-46. Weekly. Moderate right and religious in tone. It was connected with Nakhshab (q.v.), and supported Qavam al-Saltana. It reappeared in July 1947.

75. Umid (Hope). Licencee: Abu'l-Qasim Amini. Editor: 'Ali Asghar Shamim, (later) Nasrallah Falsafi (b. 1904, official of Ministries of Posts and Education, school and university teacher, historian, former editor of Mihr and Amazish va Parvarish (qq.v.)). First published in Tehran from March 8th 1930 to the end of 1937, also in 1939 by Sayyid Kazim Ittih~d (v. Ittihid). Reappeared on January 7th 1942, as a mildly political weekly with a humorous and satirical turn. It was suppressed for a month in June for anti-religious statements. In October it was apparently bought by Musharraf Nafisi (economist, Minister of Finance 1941-42), but the new licence of February 1943 was issued to Amini (as shown above). It was again suppressed in September 1943- At the end of 1944 it was a member of the Freedom Front and an opponent of Sa'id, but later it developed a more neutral line. Amini was a founder-member of the Iranian Press Association in June 1946, and later a

leading figure in Qavdm's Dimukrat-i Iran Party. It was by now a well-established weekly, rather more serious than some of its rivals.

76. Amfr-i Kabir (The Great Prince). Organ of the Amir-i Kabir Youth (students of the Ddr al-Funfin College, founded in 185 1 by Mirza Taqi Khan Amir-i Kabir, Chief Minister to Nisir al-Din Shih). First published in Tehran on January 23rd 1944.

77. Andarz (Advice). Licencee: 'All Safavi. First published in Tehran on July Ist 1946. A special edition

replaced A'in (q.v.) on July I7th. The paper was suppressed in August 1946.

78. Insdn-i Azdd (The Free Man). Licencee: Sayyid Ibrahim Bani Sadr. Editor: Javad Sa'idi Firfizabadi (v. Ddddr). First published in Tehran on January 27th 1946, weekly. It was suppressed for three months in

May, but in the same month a supplement entitled Sitdragdn (Stars), a popular film magazine, was published with Asghar Qalibdf and Baqir Samimi as editors. Insdn-i Azdd was one of a group including Khdvar Zamin, Marddn-i RGiz, Sabd and Ddddr (qq.v.). At first progressive and anti-ruling class, it later adopted a more moderate line.

79. InsdnZyat (Humanity). Licencee: M. Fakhra'i. Editor: Muhammad 'All Sakhi. First published in Tehran on March Ist 1947, weekly, moderate right. It was suppressed for a month in May.

8o. Inqildb-i Sharq (The Revolution of the East). Licencee: Dr. Abu'l-Qasim Ahmadi. First published in Tehran in the spring of 1946.

81. irdn. Licencee: Zain al-'Abidin Rahnami. First published in Tehran in 1916, but in the direct line of succession to Rizndma-yi Vaqdyi'-i Ittifdqfya (1851), Irdn (1871), and Iran-i Sultadni (1902); it could therefore

legitimately claim to be the oldest Iranian newspaper still publishing. Rahnama (writer, diplomat, elder

statesman) was exiled by Riia Shah in 1935, and the paper was handed over to Majid Muvaqqar, publisher of the magazine Mihr (q.v.). Rahnama resumed the licence on his return in the autumn of 1941, and on December

19th 1941, issued Irdn in a new format, with editor 'All Asghar Farasyfin; Muvaqqar changed the name of his

paper to Mihr-i Irdn (q.v.). Irdn was suppressed for one day in October 1942 for a slight on the Shah, but otherwise had an uneventful career, remaining firmly neutral. On Rahnama's appointment as Ambassador in Paris in 1945, the paper was taken over by his son HIamid (b. 1912); the latter was a founder- and committee- member of the Iranian Press Association in June 1946.

82. Irdn-i Imraz (The Iran of Today). Licencee: Muhammad Hijazi (b. 1895, writer and novelist, official of the Ministry of Posts). Editor: Nazirzdda. First published in Tehran on March I5th 1939. An illustrated

monthly emanating from the Department of Propaganda, it ceased publication in the summer of 1942. 83. Irdn-i Bdstdn (Ancient Iran). Licencee: Saif-i Azad. First published in Tehran from January 2Ist

1933 to 1937, when the licencee went to Europe. He returned at the end of 1946, and Irdn-i Bdstdn reappeared briefly on July 17th 1947. In its pre-war days it was a weekly magazine bearing the swastika on its front page and containing a considerable amount of German propaganda.

84. Irdn-i Buzurg (Great Iran). Licencee: Asadallah Akrami. Editor: F. Murtaiavi. First published in Tehran in May 1945, weekly. In September it replaced Rastdkhiz-i Iran (q.v.), and was suppressed for two months. It reappeared as a daily in November 1945, but was published irregularly. In May 1946 it was the organ of the left-wing Jibha-yi MillZyin. In January 1947 it reappeared with a rightist bias.

85. Iran-i Javdn (Young Iran). Licencee: Dr. 'Abd al-IHIamid A'zami. Editor: Lutf 'All Siratgar (v. Amazish va Parvarish). First published in Tehran on July 6th 1943.

86. irdn gamin (The Land of Iran). Licencee: Mme. Mu'azzam Daulat. First published in Tehran in 1927 by Mirza Mfisa Khan Daulat. Reappeared in May 1943 as replacement for Azddagdn (q.v.), but never had any independent existence.


87. Irdn-i Kunini (Present-day Iran). Licencee: Griguir Yiqikyin (b. 188o, teacher, playwright). First published in Tehran (in Persian and Armenian) from October I934 to January 1936. Reappeared on April 6th 1942 as a weekly. In its early stages it was neutral in colour, but later showed strong leanings towards the right. It was suppressed for a month in April 1943, but otherwise had an uneventful career until 1946. It was a member of the Independence Front, and later supported Sayyid Ziya. Though it was not one of his party organs, it was suppressed after his arrest in March 1946, and did not reappear.

88. Irdn Kida. Licencee: Muhammad Muqaddam (also spelt Mahmid Mughdam) (b. 1909, philologist, university professor). First published in Tehran in August 1944. A literary, philological and historical magazine, published irregularly.

89. Irdn-i Md (Our Iran). Licencee: JahSngir Tafa?iuli (government and diplomatic official). Editor:

Mahmuid Tafaiiuli (brother of the above, b. 1918, teacher-v. also Bahdr and Nabard), also Isma'il Pfirvali, Khusrau Iqbal, Hurmuz, Dr. Dihna'i. First published in Tehran on June 13th 1943. It originally succeeded Nabard (q.v.) as organ of the Paikfir Party. It was always left-wing and generally extreme, while at the same time preserving an independent line. Owing to its outspoken style, it was often suppressed. It was replaced by Nabard in March 1945 (twice), and by Nabard and Shahbdz (qq.v.) in June. Between August and November 1945 it was replaced successively by Shahbdz, 'Ali Bdbd, Tihrdn-i Musavvar, Yaghmd, Aras, Dunyd-yi Imraiza and Ragbdr (qq.v.). Reappearing in November, it was again suppressed at the end of December and replaced by Nabard, Taghmd, Aras, 'Ali Bdbd and Shahbdz. On its release in February 1946 it flirted with Qavam's Azadi Party, but then swung over to the Tfida Party, joining the latter's coalition with the Iran Party in August 1946. In June Mahmfid Tafaiiuli was a committee-member of the Iranian Press Association, but he was dropped when that organization became more closely affiliated to the Government. In December 1946 Irdn-i Md was suppressed and replaced first by Mazdd and then by Aras, which lasted until the release of irdni-i Md itself in April 1947. Irdn-i Md withdrew from the Tfida Party coalition in January 1947-

90. Irdn-i Nau (The New Iran). Licencee: Ja'far Jahdn (b. 1905, lawyer). Editorial Board: Ndsir Zandi, Muhammad Durri, Khusrau Mustaufi, 'Ali Akbar Akhlfqi, (later) Majid Mtzandarani Ha'iri. First published in Tehran on February 25th 1945, weekly. Jahan was a member of the 'Adalat Party (v. Nidd-yi 'Addlat), and joined the Irfda-yi Milli Party in April 1945, his paper becoming one of the party's official organs. In March 1946 it replaced Sadd-yi Va/tan (q.v.) and was suppressed, not reappearing until January 1947.

9'. Irdn va Amrikd (Iran and America). Licencee: Dr. 'Ali Farahmandi. Editor: 'All Vahid Mizandarini and editorial board. First published in Tehran in February 1946. Organ of the Iran-America Relations Society. Monthly magazine in Persian and English.

92. Isrd'il. Licencee: Dr. Kuhan. First published in Tehran on April 25th I946, weekly. It represented Jewish interests, and had leanings towards the left. It was suppressed for a short period in February 1947.

93. Imdn (Faith). Licencee: Muhammad Bihbihdni Khurasdni. Editor: Mahmfid Shahabi. First published in Tehran in February 1943. A religious magazine published at irregular intervals.

94. Injd Tihrdn-ast (Here is Tehran). Tehran Radio magazine, first published in Tehran in May 1947, and appearing two or three times a month. It was preceded by a printed programme bulletin, of which about seven issues were published weekly in the autumn of 1946.

95. Bdbd Shamal. Licencee: Eng. Riia Ganja'i (railway engineer, university professor). First published in Tehran on April i5th 1943. A weekly satirical magazine dealing in colloquial language and style with the political topics of the day. It was widely read, but ceased publication between October 1945 and August 1947, while Ganja'i was in Europe.

96. Bdkhtar (The West). Licencee: Nasralldh SaifpTir Fdt~imi (teacher, writer). Editor: IH.usain

Fatimi (brother of the above, later Minister of Foreign Affairs under Dr. Musaddiq, executed 1953). First published in Isfahan in December 1933. Reappeared in Tehran in July 1942 as an evening daily, though an Isfahln edition seems to have appeared at the same time for a while. With Ddd and Sitdra (qq.v.) it supported Qavam in the December 1942 crisis. It was suppressed twice in 1943. Although originally a member of the Freedom Front, it was prominent in the Independence Front at the end of 1944, and during 1945 became an organ of Sayyid 2iya's Irada-yi Milli Party. There was also influence from the Bakhtiylri and Qashqa'i chiefs and from the Isfahan mill-owners. The paper ceased regular publication after the licencee's departure for Europe in April 1946, though it reappeared briefly in June in place of Azdd (q.v.).

97. Bdzpurs (The Investigator). Licencee: Eng. 'A. ValI (actor, producer). Editor: 'Isa Bihzidi. First published in Tehran on September 8th 1946, in place of Tihrdn-z Musavvar (q.v.), and in December in place of Atish and Iqddm (qq.v.). It never appeared independently.


98. Bdzi-yi Kfidakdn (Children's Play). Licencee: Ibrahim Bani Ahmad. First published in Tehran in March 1945. A magazine for " tiny tots ".

99. Bdstdn (The Ancient World). Licencee: Dr. Nusratallah Bastdn. First published in Tehran on March 8th 1945. Appeared in March 1947 in place of Jibha (q.v.).

Ioo. Bdnk-i Milli, Ndma-yi (Journal of the National Bank). Editor: Dr. Abu'l-Ziya. First published in Tehran in January 1934. Monthly bulletin of the National Bank published in Persian, French and English editions.

ioi. Bdnia (The Lady). Licencee: Dr. Fakhrd'I. Editor: Mme. Nayyir Sa'idi (b. 1920, writer, broadcaster, feminist, wife of Muhammad Sa'idi, v. Ndma-yi Rdh). Technical Editor: Frederic Tallberg. First published in Tehran in 1945. A monthly women's magazine, with leanings to the left.

102. Badr-i Munir (The Shining Moon). Licencee: Sayyid Jalil al-Din Badri. First published in Anzali (mod. Pahlavi) in April 1919, and transferred to Rasht in 1924. A somewhat old-fashioned and colourless weekly.

103. Badi' (The Rare). Licencee: Dr. Jamdl Badi'zada. Editorial Board: 'All Akbar Safipfir, Dr. Basiti, Javad Faiil (novelist), Faraj allah Shahin. First published in Tehran in March 1944, weekly (fortnightly in 1946). Illustrated magazine on popular level, irregular.

104. Barq (Lightning). Licencee: Ghulrm .Husain

Musahib. First published in Tehran on May 26th 1943. Suppressed for three months in 1943. Reappeared in June 1946 is replacement for Azdd (q.v.), but was suppressed after a few days.

105. Bashar (Mankind). Licencee: Dr. Kiyd N-iri. Licenced for Tehran in May 1944. An organ of the

Tfida Party, member of the Freedom Front. First appeared as replacement for Zafar in October and November 1944, and in June, August and December 1945. It first appeared independently in April 1946 as the weekly organ of the Tfida Party Youth Organization. In December 1946 it replaced Rahbar (q.v.) for one day.

io6. Banafsha (The Violet). Licencee: Ahmad Mudunpfir. Editors: Manslir Gilanshah, Asghar Raiavi. First published in Tehran on February 23rd 1947. Popular weekly.

107. Bunydd (The Foundation). Licencee: IHamid Marvasti (lawyer). First published in Tehran on December Ist 1944. Suppressed a week after its appearance. Member of the Independence Front. In February 1945 replaced HMr (q.v.), and in September 1945 Sadd-yi Irdn (q.v.).

lo8. Bahdr (Spring). Licencee: Khusrau Iqbal (lawyer). Originally published in Mashhad in February

1917 by Aqd Shaikh Ahmad Bahdr (government official, relative of the Poet Laureate). Reappeared in Tehran on March 2 Ist 1942, as the organ of the Paikar Party, anti-Tiuda. Mahmuid Tafa?iuli (v. Irdn-i Md) was on the editorial board. It was suppressed twice during 1942, and did not reappear after the general suppression of December, its place being taken by Nabard (q.v.).

0o9. Bahdr-i Irdn (The Spring of Iran). Licencee: Muhammad Husain Mujdhid (b. 1898). Editor: Muhammad Kazim Raushandil. First published in Shiriz in December 1930.

IIo. Bahdr-i Nau (The New Spring). Licencee: Ghulam Ri2a Haravi. Editor: Asadallahi. First published in Tehran on June I Ith 1946. Nationalist periodical published irregularly. In August 1947 it reappeared under the editorship of Sayyid 'All Rii• Shahristani, claiming to represent the interests of government employees.

II I. Bihtarin-i Khdndanihd (The Best of the Readable Things). Licencee: Sadiq Bahrim Naraqi. First published in Hamadan in September 1946. Fortnightly " readers' digest ".

I I2. Bihddsht, Majalla-yi (The Health Magazine). Ministry of Health monthly first published in Tehran in May 1946, and edited by Dr. Muhammad Hafizi and editorial board.

I 3. Bahram (Mars). Licencee: 'Abd al-Rahman Faramarzi. Editor: Parviz Khatibi. First published in Tehran in February 1943 as replacement for Kaihdn (q.v.). It reappeared in April, but was suppressed after five days. At the beginning of 1944 it became the organ of the 'Adilat Party, until it was superseded in May by Nidd-yi 'Addlat (q.v.). On its reappearance in October it had joined the left, being a member of the Freedom Front and an opponent of Sa'id. It was suppressed for three weeks in December. In January 1946 it reappeared as a replacement for the Tfida paper

.afar (q.v.). In November 1946 it was adopted as daily evening organ of

Dimukrat-i Iran Party and published from the Party Leader's secretariat, with Ahmad Arimish (party secretary and for a time Minister of Propaganda) as editor. A fortnight later it was suppressed for ten days, on Qavaim's own instructions, for a premature attack on the Dimukrat-i Azarbayijan Party. In January it was superceded by Diplumdt (q.v.), and became the weekly organ of the Dimukrat-i iran Youth Organization. It ceased publication a few weeks later after rumours of a breach with the Dimukrat-i Iran Party.

7


I14. Bahman (The Avalanche). Licencee: IHusain 'All Bahrdmi. Editor: Amir NMsir Khudayar, (later) Ibrahim Abri, Manfichihr Shahryari, Mahdi Tabibi. First published in Tehran on December 31st 1944. It reappeared in April 1945 and in March 1946. In September 1946 an " extra " was published as a broadsheet of the I'tiddl Party. In May 1947 it reappeared as a weekly. On June 20oth 1947, Rdstgii (q.v.) appeared under the auspices of the Editorial Board of Bahman, but the following week Bahman itself appeared, under the editorship of Ghiyds al-Din Jazayiri, as organ of the Istiqlal Party.

115. Biddri (The Awakening). Licencee: Sayyid Muhammad Riia Hashimi (b. 19oo, teacher). First published in Kirmdn in 1923, weekly, left-inclined.

116. Biddri-yi Md (Our Awakening). Licencee: Mme. Zuhra Iskandari Bayat. First published in Tehran in May 1944. Monthly organ of the Tida Party Women's Organization. Member of the Freedom Front. It did not appear after 1944, except as replacement for Armdn-i Milli (January 1946) and Rahbar (December 1946) (qq.v.).

I 1"7. Bisitiin (Mt. Bisitfin). Licencee: Mahdi Farahpidr. Editor: Sa'ddat. First published in Kirmdnshah in September 1919, and again in 1925. Reappeared in 1943 as the local daily organ of the Tuda Party.

118. Pdrs. Licencee: Failallah Sharqi (formerly secretary of British Consulate in Shiraz). First published in Shiraz (as Fdrs) from September 1919 to November 1921 by Mirza Aqa Fursat al-Daula Shirazi and Failallah Khan Banin (as above). Reappeared in March 1943, thrice-weekly, right-wing and anti-Tfida.

Ii9. Pdrs-i Qadim (Ancient Fars). Licencee: Muhammad IHusain Mujahid (v. Bahdr-i Irdn). First published in Shiraz in 1933(?), and again in 1942. Not re-licenced after the general suppression of December.

120. Pdymardf (Intercession). Licencee: Muhammad Vakil. First published in Tehran on September i9th 1946, weekly.

I21. Parcham (The Flag). Licencee: Sayyid Ahmad Kasravi (I890-1946, lawyer, writer, reformer). First published in Tehran in March 1942. Organ of the Azadagan Party. It was of pan-Asiatic tendencies, favourable on this ground to Japan, and hostile to minorities and separatist movements, as in Az~rbayijdn. It also defended the activities of the ex-Shah. It was suppressed for three days in July 1942. Although re-licenced in February 1943 after the general suppression, it did not reappear until April 1944, and then briefly as a weekly. Kasravi, who had incurred the hostility of the religious classes, was murdered by political opponents in March 1946.

122. Parcham-i Isldm (The Flag of Islam). Licencee: Dr. Sayyid 'Abd al-Karim Faqihi Shirazi (doctor of medicine). First published in Tehran on March 2 Ist 1946, weekly. A religious periodical of liberal tendencies, accused by other religious groupings of being under Tfida influence.

123. Parkhdsh (Strife). Licencee: Dr. Hasan Anvari. First published in Isfahan in the summer of 1946, weekly. Issued from the same office as Khirad (q.v.). It was suppressed in June 1947.

124. Parvarish (Education). Licencee: Mir Ahmad Madani. Editors: Husain Iqbil, .Husain

Razdni. First published in Rasht in December 1923. Reappeared in Tehran in July 1942. Weekly organ of the Mihan Parastdn Party. It was suppressed in July 1943, and again in May and October 1944. It was a member of the Freedom Front and a signatory of the anti-Sa'id manifesto. It replaced Ddryd for a few days in March 1945, and Ddd for one day in August. In July 1946 it reappeared, apparently in place of Ufuq (q.v.), and was suppressed some weeks later. In October it appeared as an organ of the Jangal Party (v. Alburz and Furig.h).

125. Pand (Advice). Licencee: Dr. Hasan Nafisi. First published in Tehran on August I3th 1944. Weekly organ of the Kar Party, controlled by Dr. Musharraf Nafisi (v. Umid). It supported Sa'id in the 1944 oil crisis, and was also an opponent of the Millspaugh Mission. It reappeared briefly in the summer of 1945.

I26. Pildd (Steel). Licencee: Muhammad Javad Turbati. Editor: (1943) N. Pisyan, H. Kha-ja Nasiri. First published in Tehran in April 1943, weekly. Member of the Freedom Front and signatory of the anti- Sa'id manifesto. It was suppressed at the beginning of 1945. During 1946 and 1947 it appeared irregularly, and in August 1946 replaced Shahbdz (q.v.) for one day.

I17. Paydm (The Message). Licencee: Sayyid Muhammad Payami. First published in Tehran in 1934. Reappeared on April 16th 1942, weekly. It did not reappear after the general suppression.

128. Paydm-i NJau (The New Message). Literary monthly of the Irano-Soviet Cultural Society. First published in Tehran in September I944. Contained contributions by leading young Iranian writers.

129. Pirizi (Victory). Licencee: Muhammad Murta~avi. First published in Tehran on April 28th 1946, weekly. It was at first connected with the Azadi Party. Suppressed in July I947.

I30. Paig.dm (The Message). Licencee: Muhammad 'All 'Azimi. Editor: 'Abd al-Rasil 'Azimi. First published in Shiraz in February 1944, daily. Claimed by the Tiida Party as a supporter.


131. Paikdr-i Ri~z (The Battle of the Day). Licencee: Ahmad Namdar (b. 1910, bank official, German

Embassy clerk, interned by British). First published in Tehran on April 2Ist 1946, weekly. Editor: Mustafi 'Aliyabadi. Technical Editor: Frederick Tallberg (v. Bdni). In May 1946 it was suppressed for an anti- Russian cartoon, and replaced by Rdstgf and Ragbdr (q.v.). In June Ndmddr became secretary of the Iranian Press Association, and later took on the editorship of Bahrdm and Diplimmdt (qq.v.), when they were official

organs of the Dimukrit-i Iran Party. In March 1947 Paikdr-i Riz reappeared as a daily.

132. Paik-i Tihrdn (The Messenger of Tehran). Licencee: Sayyid Ihyd. First published in Tehran on

July 6th 1946, irregular weekly. In January 1947 it replaced Fardd (q.v.) for a week.

133. Paimdn (The Promise). Licencee: Sayyid Ahmad Kasravi Tabrizi (v. Parcham). First published in Tehran on November 22nd 1933. A literary monthly. Reappeared in 1942, but was not relicenced after the

general suppression.

134. Tabriz. Licencee: IHusain Fashang<hi Tabrizi. Editor: Husain Umid. First published in Tabriz from December I8th I9I0, to 1912, and again in 1918. It was still appearing in 1938. It reappeared during 1943, and continued until 1945. In December 1946 it appeared once more as a daily.

135. Tajaddud-i Irdn (The Renewal of Iran). Licencee: Sayyid Muhammad Tabataba'i (b. c. 1900, religious family). First published in Tehran on April 27th 1927. A daily of religious leanings. It appears to have been published more or less regularly up to 1942; it was suppressed in January and June of that year, and did not reappear after the general suppression of December.

136. Taraqqi (Progress). Licencee: Lutfalldh Taraqqi. Editor: Ibrahim Mudarris. First published in Tehran on July 14th 1923, and again in March 1929. Reappeared on June 5th 1944. Popular weekly magazine with political interests. It signed the pro-Sd'id manifesto of October 1944. In January 1945 it was suppressed for three months and replaced by Azddi-yi Khalq (q.v.). Taraqqi was the Iranian Press Association's delegate to the World Press Conferences in London and Prague in March and June 1947.

137. Tafsfr-i Khabarhd-yi Jahdn (Commentary of the News of the World). First published in Tehran in 1942. Weekly (later fortnightly) publication of the British Embassy in Tehran, distributed free by post. Ceased publication in August 1947.

138. Tund-bdd (The Hurricane). Licencee: Muhammad Husain Khija Nuri. First published in Kirman in October 1946, weekly. Hostile to the Tiida Party.

139. Tauffq (Success). Licencee: Muhammad 'Ali Taufiq (son of the founder). Editor: (1943) Parviz Khatibi (v. Bahrdm), Abu'l-Qasim IHalat (satirical poet), IHusain Farzam Bihbfidi. First published in Tehran in November 1922 by Ijusain Taufiq (d. February 1940). From I942 onwards it was a left-wing weekly magazine of satirical and somewhat violent style. It was a member of the Freedom Front and a signatory of the anti-Sd'id manifesto. It was suppressed for a fortnight in August 1942, and for similar periods in January 1944 and June 1945, for four months in October 1945 and for a fortnight in February 1947.

140. Tihrdn-i Imraz (Tehran of Today). Licencee: Muhammad Kishvari RSd. First published in Tehran

on February i3th 1945, in place of Mihan (q.v.). In December 1945 it replaced Ddryd (q.v.). It appeared independently in 1946, and was suppressed in June. In February 1947 it replaced Atish for a few days.

141. Tihrdn-i Musavvar (Tehran Illustrated). Licencee: Ahmad Dihqin (theatre manager, assassinated May 1950). Editor: Eng. 'Abdallah Vald (v. Bdzpurs). First published in Tehran in December 1929 by 'A. Ni'mat. Reappeared on August I8th 1942, and a week later was suppressed for two months for a caricature of the ex-Shah. It was one of the papers controlled by 'Abbas Mas'uidi (v. I.ttild'dt). It was again suppressed in

April 1943, when it was strongly left-wing, a member of the Freedom Front, and a signatory of the anti-Sa'id manifesto. In January 1945 it replaced Mihan (q.v.), and in September Irdn-i Md. Later it became more

neutral, and after the Azarbayijan crisis of December 1945 it swung over to the right. In February 1946 a special issue replaced Iqddm (q.v.) for a brief period. The normal weekly edition was suppressed for a fortnight in August 1946 and again in September, when it was replaced by Bdzpurs (q.v.). In December 1946 it again replaced Iqdadm for a few days, while continuing its normal weekly edition.

I42. Jibha (The Front). Licencee: Ahmad Zirakzada. First published in Tehran on October 2nd 1945. Replaced Shafaq (q.v.), the organ of the Iran Party, and eventually superseded it in that capacity. Zirakzada used to write for Marddn-i Kdr (q.v.); his paper, which was left wing, showed especial interest in world affairs. It was suppressed five days after its first appearance, but released a week later. In November 1946 it was again suppressed, and replaced by Nabard-i Imraz for one month, AkhMbr-i Irdn for two-and-a-half months, and Bastdn for two-and-a-half months (qq.v.). It was released in June 1947, but suppressed after a fortnight, being replaced by Nabard-i Imraz.


I43. Jiddl (Strife). Licencee: Muhammad Taqi Anzalichi. Editors: Mahmfid Khalil Muzhdachi, Ibrahim Anzalichi. First published in Tehran on April 22nd 1946. Outspoken weekly, moderate right.

144. Jilva (Splendour). Licencee: M. N. Shari'atzada (b. 1909, official of the Ministry of Finance). First published in Tehran in July 1945. Philosophical monthly published by the Graduates' Society of the Faculty of Philosophy and Divinity of Tehran University.

145. Jum'a (Friday). Licencee: Ddnish Naubakht (v. Aftdb). First published in Tehran in July 1945 as replacement for Aftdb. A single issue appeared on March 22nd 1947, in support of Qavim al-Saltana.

146. Jung-i Ashufta (The Confused Miscellany). Licencee: 'Imdd

'Ass.tr.

First published in Tehran on March 29th 1945 (as Ashufta, the name being changed a year later). Pocket-sized weekly succeeding r~-ya (q.v.). Originally a supporter of the Irdda-yi Milli Party, it swung over to the left, and finally settled down somewhat right of centre. It was always strongly nationalist. In April 1947 it was suppressed.

147. Javanan (Young Men). Licencee: Ja'far Jahan (v. Irdn-i Nau). Editor: Muhammad Murtazavi. First published in Tehran on August I7th 1942. Reappeared in March 1943 as the weekly organ of the

Javanin-i Irin Party. In September it became a daily, but later was superseded by Irdn-i Nau.

148. Javdnmarddn (The Brave Men). Licencee: Mir Zaki Kumpani. Editor: Ja'far Shahid. First published in Tehran on June 3rd 1946, weekly.

149. Jaudat (Excellence). Licencee: Ghulam IHusain HIabiballahi. Editor: Hasan Jaudat. First published in Ardabil from 1927 to 1938. Relicenced in 1943-44. Member of the Freedom Front.

I50. Jahdn-i Ayanda (The Future World). Licencee: Habiballah Amfizgar. First published in Tehran on March 3rd I945.

151. Jahdn-i Pdk (The Pure World). Licencee: Muhammad Karim Farhang. Editor: IHusain Yazddniyan. First published in Tehran on July I6th 1946, thrice weekly. In February 1947 it reappeared as a weekly magazine, and was suppressed in May. Moderate left, with anti-religious tendencies.

152. Jahdn-i Pizishki (The World of Medicine). Licencee: Dr. Mahmfid Najmdbddi (b. c. 1905, medical writer and historian). First published in Tehran on February 12th 1947. Medical monthly.

153. Jahdn-i Fardd (The World of Tomorrow). Licencee: Amir Mir Hadi. First published in Tehran on October I8th 1944. Weekly organ of the Khfizistan Merchants' Association. Signed the pro-Sa'id manifesto of October 1944. In March 1945 it issued a special students' number. In May 1946 it reappeared as a left-wing weekly, and in December as a special edition of Sarbdz (q.v.). In June 1947 it reappeared as a weekly edited by Sayyid IHusain Hdshimi; at the end of this month a special issue appeared in place of Nihiat (q.v.), but this was disowned in the following issue of Jahdn-i Fardd.

154. Jahdn-ndma (The Planisphere). Licencee: Muhammad Husain Jahan-namd. Editor: Habiballih Zfi'l-Qadar. Originally published in Shiriz in 1924. Reappeared on December 7th 1945, and appeared irregularly thereafter.

155. Jahdn-i Nau (The New World). Licencee: Mir Husain Hijfazi (b. 1902). Editors: 'All Maqsfiri Kirmani, IHusain IHaqayiqi. First published in Tehran in June 1946. Popular literary monthly, similar in format to Rdh-i Nau (q.v.), of which Hijdzi was previously editor.

156. Chand Guftdr (A Few Sayings). First published in Tehran in June 1947 by Muhammad Karim Farhang as an irregular series of booklets replacing Jahdn-i Pdk (q.v.).

157. l.allaj

(The Cotton-Carder). Licencee: IHasan HIallaj. Editors: (1945) Kam l Bani Sadr, (1947) Muhammad Nikpfir. First published in Tehran in September 1919 and until after 1931. The paper took its name from the founder's one-time occupation. Reappeared in Tehran in September 1942. It was a member of the Freedom Front and an opponent of Sa'id. It replaced Nijdt-i Iran (q.v.) in January 1945, and was suppressed. It was again suppressed in March I945, and replaced by Shahbdz; it reappeared briefly in June. In March 1947 it reappeared as an evening daily, mildly left. In May it was suppressed for two weeks and replaced by Nidd-yi Azzdd (q.v.).

I58. I.aydt-i

I.sfahan (The Life of Isfahan). Licencee: Dr. 'Abd al-IHusain Muhyi. First published in Isfahan in the autumn of 1946, weekly.

I59. Khdvar (The East). Licencee: Ahmad Faramarzi. Editor: 'Abdallah Faramarzi. First published in Tehran on April 20th 1945, two or three times a week. Moderate right. Ahmad Faramarzi used to write for Mihr-i Iran (q.v.).


16o. Kldvar Zamin (The Land of the East). Licencee: Ghulam Husain Tald'i. Editors: IHasan Dilshad, Mir Muhsin Mfisaviyan Mahdavi. First published in Tehran on May Ist 1943, evening daily. At first leftish in outlook, it was suppressed in August and in December 1945, being replaced by Salahshfir (q.v.) on the second occasion. It reappeared in May 1947, when its tone was more to the right, but anti-American.

161. Khdvar-i Nau (The New East). Licencee: Mahmfid Turabi. First published in Tabriz in 1943-44. Tfida Party organ and member of the Freedom Front. After December 1945 it was written mainly in Turkish. It ceased after December 1946.

162. Khabar (News). No licence was issued for this title, but on June 24th 1947, Nidd-yi Azddi (q.v.) appeared with this heading, and continued daily until July 4th, when it was replaced by Nasim-i Shamdl (q.v.) with the same heading; at the same time an explanation of its relations with Nidd-yi Azddf was promised. However on July 6th Nidd-yi Azddi appeared as before, without the promised explanation; but from July 9th the paper continued as Nasim-i Shamdl. It was moderate left.

163. Khabarddr (Attention!). Licencee: IHusain Muravvij. First published in Tehran on February I9th 1945. Represented the interests of government employees. It was suppressed for a fortnight in June 1945.

164. Khabarhd-yi Ddnishgdh (News of the University). First published in Tehran in November 1946. Monthly bulletin issued by the Publications Department of Tehran University.

I65. Khujasta (The Auspicious). First published in Tehran in September 1942. Did not reappear after the general suppression.

I66. Khadang (The Arrow). Licencee: Muhammad Jamdli Ashtiyani. First published in Tehran on October 22nd 1944, and issued irregularly during 1945. In March 1946 a single issue appeared as the weekly organ of the Jam'iyat-i Tihran-i Javdn, with an editorial board consisting of Ghulam Husain Ahi, 'Ata'allah Amir Jamshidi, Adib Sadrd'i, Rishid Ibrahimi, Muhammad Mahyar, and Kazim Afjah. A month later it appeared as the daily evening organ of the Ahan Party, edited by Husain Jamali, Muhammad Mahyar, Adib Sadrd'i and Iraj Akhgar. This was equally short-lived.

167. Khirad (Wisdom). Licencee: Hasan Kurbakandi. First published in Isfahan in 1943-44. Transferred to Tehran on March 2nd 1946, with Murtazi Bishlrat (v. Aftdb) as editor, and published irregularly until June, when it was suppressed and replaced by Aftdb and Mihr-i Afdq (q.v.). In the winter of 1946-47 it reappeared in Isfahan as a daily, edited by IHusain 'Imadzada, Rahim Mahir al-Naqsh and Ahmad Anvari. It was suppressed in June 1947. Khirad was connected with Parkhdsh (q.v.).

168. Khuriish (Clamour). Licencee: Mahdi Mahmfidzdda. First published in Tehran on November 22nd 1945, fortnightly. Prior to its appearance it had signed the pro-Sd'id manifesto of October 1944. In June 1947 it reappeared as Khuriish-i Irdn, with Dr. Hamid Mahmfidzada as licencee, and Mahdi Mahmfidzdda, Mme. Akhtar, and Hfishang Shahabi as editors. It seems to have been connected with Nauriz-i Irdn (q.v.).

169. Khazar (The Caspian Sea). Licencee: Dr. Isma'il Sang. First published in Tehran in May 1944.

170. Khilj'-i Irdn (The Gulf of Iran). Licencee: Yfisif Ukhuvvat (b. 1887, merchant). Editor: 'Abd al-Husain Ukhuvvat. First published in Bfishihr in December 1929. Appeared twice weekly.

171. Khdndanihd (Things Worth Reading). Licencee: 'Ali Asghar Amirani. First published in Tehran in August 1940o. Monthly till December 1941, then weekly. A pocket-size magazine consisting of extracts from the Iranian press, chosen impartially. It was suppressed for a month in September 1945, but otherwise remained unmolested. It enjoyed considerable popularity, and from 1946 was published twice a week.

Khandanihd-yi Nau: see 458. 172. Khurshid-i Irdn (The Sun of Iran). Licencee: Husam al-Din

PazargSd, (later)

Bah. al-Din Pazargdd.

Editors: (1947) T. Pazargad, Qasim Sharif Husaini (cartoonist). First published in Shiriz from January Ioth 1924 till 193o. Reappeared as a weekly in Tehran in July 1942. It was suppressed for a fortnight in October 1942, and three times during 1943. It was a member of the Independence Front and pro-Sa'id, and later favoured Sayyid Ziya. It was suppressed for three weeks in June 1945, and ceased publication later in the year. In February 1947 it reappeared, and was suppressed a fortnight later, being replaced by Nihiat (q.v.) until its release in April.

I73. Ddd (The Cry for Justice). Licencee: Abu'l-Hasan 'Amidi Niri (b. I903, lawyer). Editor: Mustafi Alamitti. First published in Tehran on November I3th 1942, daily. Supported Qavam in the crisis of Novem- ber 1942. In 1943 it began to take a leftish line, being suppressed in July for an attack on the Shah. It was a member of the Freedom Front in 1944 and an opponent of Sa'id. In 1945 it was suppressed twice, being replaced by Parvarish in August and Nauruz-i Irdn in December (q.v.). It continued to take an extreme left-wing


line until the autumn of 1946, when it began to follow the lead of QavTm al-Saltana. In the early summer of 1947 it began to attack Qavdm's government, this time in company with papers of the right. In June 1947 its press was one of those attacked by members of the Dimukrat-i Iran Party (v. Atish). Ten days later Ddd was suppressed; 'Amidi Nfiri was not however arrested, and after three weeks the case was dropped. He was one of the founder-members of the Iranian Press Association, and remained on the committee after its reorgani- zation.

174. Daddr (The Righteous). Licencee: Javdd Sa'idi Firfizabadi (v. Insdn-i Azdd). Editor: Eng. Bihnigdr. First published in Tehran on March 3oth 1947, weekly. It was suppressed in May, and the editor arrested, but was released a month later. Moderate left.

175. Dddgustari (Justice). First published in Tehran on March 29th 1947, by Kamal Bani Sadr, under the licence of Gfti (q.v.); but Khalil Inqilib, holder of this licence, later stated in Kaihdn that this use was un- authorized. The paper described itself as the organ of the Gurfih-i Kdrmandan, and apparently had some connection with Shiva (q.v.). It did not reappear.

176. Ddrd'i (Wealth). Licencee: Ahmad Akhavan. First published in Tehran on September 26th 1946, neutral.

177. Ddryd. Licencee: IHasan Arsanjdni (b. 1922, lawyer, agricultural expert). Editor: Ibrdhim Fakhrd'i (v. Furihgh).

First published in Tehran in May 1944. Left-wing. One of the first to protest against the presence of American oil experts in Iran in 1944. It was a member of the Freedom Front and a signatory of the anti- Sa'id manifesto. It was suppressed twice during 1944, and twice during 1945, being replaced in January by Nidd-yi iHaqiqat, Armdn-i Milli, 'Ali Bdb and Parvarish (qq.v.), and in October (it had been released in July) by Muzaffar, Zan-i Imriiz and Akhtar (qq.v.). It was released in December, but again suppressed and replaced by Akhtar. In March 1946 it reappeared as the organ of Qavam's Azadi Party, advocating the calling of a Con- stituent Assembly, but was discontinued after the summer.

178. Ddmpizishki (Veterinary Medicine). Monthly organ of the Veterinary College, published by the Ministry of Agriculture. First published in Tehran in 1937 with 'Abdallah Hamidi (1902-43, medical doctor) as editor. In 1943 it was relicenced with Dr. Maimandi Nizhdd as editor.

179. Ddnish (Knowledge). First published in Tehran in 1945. Organ of Association of Graduates of Iranian Teacher Training Colleges.

18o. Ddnish-i Isfahdn (The Knowledge of Isfahan). Licencee: Muhammad 'All Danish Khurdsagmni (poet,

local government). First published in Isfahdn in 1930. Reappeared in 1945 as the weekly organ of the new Workers' Union formed in opposition to the Tilda Party Union. It ceased publication during 1946.

181. Ddnishkada-yi Pizishki (The Faculty of Medicine). Licencee: Dr. Nusratallih Qasimi. Editorial Board: Dr. Amir A'lam, Dr. Mustafat Habibi. First published in Tehran in February 1943. Monthly organ of the Medical Faculty of the University of Tehran.

182. Ddnishvardn, JNdma-yi (The Scholars' Journal). Weekly organ of the Anjuman-i Danishvardn-i Iran. First published in Tehran on August 9th 1942, but did not reappear after the general suppression of December.

183. Darafsh-i Irdn (The Banner of Iran). Licencee: Imami Ahari. First published in Tehran on August 5th 1946. Moderate left. Ahari in October 1947 spoke out in the Majlis against the proposed Soviet oil concession.

Dastdviz: see 459-

I84. Dastiar (The Precept). Licencee: IHusain Quli Musta'amm. Editor: Turab Sultanzada. First published in Tehran on June 27th 1946, and suppressed ten days later.

185. Da'vat (The Call). Licencee: Muhsin IHaddTd (Principal of the DAr al-Funun College). First published in Tehran on January 23rd 1944. Member of the Independence Front. In March 1945 it replaced Azdd (q.v.) and was suppressed. It reappeared in March 1946 in a special edition entitled Jahdn-i Ddnish (The World of Knowledge), edited by Muhammad

HI.asan Nasir al-Din

S.hib-al-Zamani and Muhsin Qandi,

students of the Pahlavi Secondary School.

186. Dalir (The Hero). First published in Tehran on June 3rd 1946, by N.N. An anonymous right-wing broadsheet suppressed after the first issue.

187. Damdvand (Mt. Damavand). Licencee: Fath al-Din Fathi. First published in Tehran on July 5th 1943. Left-wing weekly affiliated to the Tfilda Party, and a member of the Freedom Front. It was frequently suppressed during 1944. In August 1945 it replaced Farmdn (q.v.) for a few days. It reappeared in January 1946, and was published irregularly throughout the year.


i88. Dimukrdt-i Iran (The Iranian Democrat). Licencee: Dr. Hishim Afrashta. Editor: Ibrdhim Iftikhdr. First published in Tehran on October 24th 1946. Official daily organ of the Dimukrat-i Iran Party. It was suppressed for a fortnight in April 1947 for printing Qavam's name before that of the Shah.

I89. Dand (The Humble). Licencee: Ghuldm 'All Parvizi. Editor: Iraj Zandpuir. First published in Shiraz in October 1946 in place of the Tfida Party organ Suri7sh; it was itself suppressed in November.

190. Dunyd-yi Isldm (The World of Islam). Licencee: Sayyid Muhammad 'All Taqavi. First published in Tehran on October 12th 1946. Religious weekly. It was suppressed for three weeks in April 1947.

191. Dunyd-yi Imriza (The World of Today). Licencee: Husain Farshid. Editor: A. B. Shafazand. Licenced for Isfahan in 1943-44, but apparently did not appear there. In October 1945 it replaced Irdn-i Md

(q.v.) in Tehran for a week, and in December it replaced Rahbar (q.v.) for one day. In July 1946 an edition in Persian and English appeared in Tehran with violent attacks on British imperialism. Only two or three weekly issues were published.

192. Dist-i Irdn (The Friend of Iran). First published in Tehran in 1943, twice weekly, by the Soviet Embassy. From the spring of 1946 it was printed in Moscow.

193. Diplmmdt (The Diplomat). Licencee: Ahmad Aramish (secretary-general of the Dimukrat-i Iran Party, Minister of Propaganda in 1947). First published in Tehran on January 15th 1947. Superseded Bahrdm (q.v.) as organ of the Dimukrat-i Iran Party leader's secretariat. It concentrated on foreign affairs, and was edited by Ahmad Namdar (v. Paikdr-i Rfz). Daily at first, it later became less frequent.

194. Didabdn (The Watchman). Licencee: Ahmad Afshar RSd. First published in Tehran on August 21st 1943, as the weekly organ of the Milliyfin-i Iran Party, a pro-German group, though also member of the Freedom Front. Reappeared in June 1945 and continued irregularly for about nine months.

195. Dailam. Licencee: Dr. Azadi Dailami. First published in Pahlavi in June 1946. Tfida Party organ. 196. Daihim (The Diadem). Licencee: Dr. 'Ali Qaizada. Editor: Dr. IHabiballahi. First published in

Tehran on November 28th 1943, weekly. Ceased during 1944. 197. Rdd (The Magnanimous). Licencee: 'All Sultani. Editors: Rahmatallih

.Habibi, Ahmad Sultani,

'Ali Sadiq. First published in Tehran on September Ioth 1946, weekly. Favourable to Qavam. 198. Rdz (The Secret). Licencee: Abfi Turab Rizini. Editor: Eng. Muhsin Rizini. First published in

Burfijird in 1943-44, weekly.

199. Rdstgzi (The Truthful). Licencee: Dr. HIasan Qazi. First published in Tehran in place of Paikdr-i Riiz (q.v.) on May i9th 1946. Reappeared as a weekly on June 2oth 1947, edited by Dr. Ghiyvis al-Din Jazayiri and the editorial board of Bahman (q.v.). A week later however Bahman itself apppeared as above, while Rdstgif was published by an editorial board consisting of Hasan Shisha, Taqi Shisha and 'Abd al-Razzaq Yazdkhasti. It was suppressed in July and replaced by Yak Dunyd and Akhtar (qq.v.).

200. Rdsti (Truth). Licencee: Parvin Gunabadi. Editor: Baqir 'Amill. First published in Mashhad in 1943. Organ of the Khurasan branch of the Tfida Party, member of the Freedom Front, and signatory of the anti-Sa'id manifesto. Ceased publication in December 1944.

201. Rdh, Ndma-yi (The Road Journal). Literary monthly published by the Ministry of Roads, and edited by Mulhammad Sa'idi (senior official of the Ministry and husband of Mme. Nayyir Sa'idi, v. Bdnii). First published in Tehran in March I939, and re-licenced in March I943; but later in the year superseded by Rdh-i Nau (q.v.).

202. Rdh-i Pirizi (The Road to Victory). Licencee: Eng. Javid Farrukh. First published in Tehran in August 1946. Weekly railway magazine.

203. Rdh-i Nifat (The Road to Salvation). Licencee: Ibrahim Nijat (d. I947). First published in Isfahin from August 1915 to 1935. Reappeared in 1941, when it took a moderate left line. In March 1947 it was re-licenced in the name of the founder's son Nijaitallih Rih-i Nijit, with Muhammad Sadiq Najafi as editor.

204. Rdhnama (The Guide). Licencee: Dr. Muhammad Mir Sipisi. First published in Hamadan in August 1946. Weekly organ of the Tiida Party. Suppressed in December 1946.

205. Rdhnamd-yi Zandagi (The Guide of Life). Licencee: IHIusain Quli Musta'an (writer and translator, v. Akhbr). First published in Tehran in November 1940. Fortnightly magazine, published by an official of the Department of Press and Propaganda. It ceased publication in March 1942.

206. Rdhnama-yi rahad (The Guide of the Jews). Licencee: S. Mashhadiyan. First published in Tehran in September 1944. Jewish monthly.


207. Rdh-i Nau (The New Road). Licencee: Muhammad Sa'idi (v. Ndma-yi Rdh). Editor: Husain HIIijdzi (v. Jahdn-i Nau). First published in Tehran in I943. Literary monthly published by the Ministry of Roads. It ceased publication in 1945-

208. Razm (Battle). Licencee: Dr. Faridfin Kishhvarz (child doctor, Minister of Education in Qavdm's cabinet, August 1946). First published in Tehran on May Ioth 1943. Organ of the Tfida Party, but rarely published independently. It originally replaced Rahbar (q.v.), and again in August 1943, November I944, August and December 1945, and December 1946. On September 21st 1946, it appeared for a short time as the weekly organ of the Tfida Party Youth Organization.

209. Rastdkhiz (Resurrection). Licencee: Muhammad Yakta'i. Licenced for Tehran in 1943-44. Re- appeared in May 1945, and again in May 1946. On the second occasion it was the organ of the Iran Party Youth Organization, edited by Majid Yaktd'i.

21o. Rastdkhiz-i Irdn (The Resurrection of Iran). Licencee: Miss Irindukht Taimfirtash (b. c. 1912, daughter of Minister of Court under Rida Shih who died in prison in 1933). Editor: (1944) Munir Mihran (V. Nirii va Rdsti). First published in Tehran on November I4th 1942, by Miss Taimfirtish's brother, Mihrpfir Taimfirtash, but did not reappear after the general suppression until April 1944. It was connected with the Mihan Party, and was generally left-wing, being a member of the Freedom Front and a signatory of the Anti- Sa'id manifesto. At first a weekly, in May 1945 it became an evening daily. It was suppressed in June 1945, being replaced by Zandagi (q.v.), and in September, being replaced by Irdn-i Buzurg. It was released in January 1946, but ceased publication later in the year. It was noted for its outspoken style.

2I11. Rasmi-yi Kishvar, Rfzndma-yi (The Official Newspaper of the Country). Official gazette of the Majlis, being a combination of Muzdkardt-i Majlis and Majmii'a-yi Huqiuqi (qq.v.). Editor: Sayyid Muhammad H~shimi. First published in Tehran on February I Ith 1945.

212. Rasmz-yi Vizdrat-i 'Adlzja, Majalla-yi (The Official Magazine of the Ministry of Justice). First published in Tehran in June 1928. Superseded by Majmai'a-yi HIuquqi (q.v.) in

1943. 2 3. Ra'd-i Imriz (The Thunder of Today). Licencee: Muzaffar Firfiz (member of Qajar family, Minister

of Labour and Propaganda in August 1946). Editor: Hakim Ilahi. First published in Tehran on October Ist 1943, as the daily organ of Sayyid Ziyd's group. It supported the Millspaugh Mission and Sa'id's oil policy. In April 1945 it was suppressed for one day. Later in the year it broke with Sayyid Ziya and began to develop a left-wing line; in August it was suppressed for some months and replaced by Ristd (q.v.). It appeared irregularly during the first half of 1946, but ceased after Firfiz joined Qavim's government. One issue appeared in April 1947, while Firfiz was Ambassador in Moscow.

2I14. Ragbdr (The Shower). Licencee: 'All Asghar Shamim. Editor: Mahmfid Dizhkam. First published in Tehran on November I Ith 1945, as replacement for Irdn-i Md (q.v.). Reappeared independently as a moderate left weekly on April 29th 1947.

215. Riz-i Mahshar (The Day of Judgment). Licencee: Hakim Ma'ani. Editor: Parvin Ma'ani. First published in Tehran in October 1946. Moderate right weekly. (v. also 'Aqida.)

216. Ristd (The Village). Licencee: MustafA Shah 'Ala'i. Editor: Nusratallah Mu'iniydn. First published in Tehran on September 2nd 1944, as organ of the Agricultural Society. In August 1945 it replaced Ra'd-i Imriz (q.v.) for one month, and in November it replaced Sadd-yi Vatan (q.v.) until March 1946, when it was itself suppressed. In July 1947 it replaced Nihiat (q.v.) for one day.

217. Rah al-Qudus (The Spirit of Holiness). Licencee: Abu'l-Qdsim Pfir IHusaini. First published in Kirman in March 1946. Literary weekly of leftish leanings.

218. Rahbar (The Leader). Licencee: Iraj Iskandari (relative of Sulaiman Iskandari, member of Qijar family and titular founder of Tfida Party. Traj Iskandari was Minister of Commerce and Industry in Qavim's cabinet in August I946). First published in Tehran on May Ist I943, as the official daily organ of the Tiida Party. It was suppressed a week after its appearance for a fortnight, and replaced by Razm (q.v.), which also replaced it in August and December I943 and in November 1944. It was one of the leaders of the Freedom Front and of the anti-Sa'id group. In August 1945 it was suppressed and replaced by Razm, Ufuq-i Asyd, Nidd-yi Haqiqat, Mans/iir, Shu'lavar and Shamshir-i Imraz (qq.v.). It reappeared in November, but was suppressed a month later and replaced by Razm, Dunyd-yi Imraza, Shamsh/ir-i Imraz and Mardum (qq.v.). It was released in February 1946, and run by an editorial board including Iskandari, Parvin Gunabadi (v. Rdsti), Ahmad Qaisimi (v. Nidd-yi Gurgdn), Ihsan Tabari and Anvar Khaima'i. In December 1946 it was suppressed and replaced by Bashar Kdr va

Ddnish, Razm and Biddri-yi Md (qq.v.). It did not reappear, being superseded by Mardum (q.v.) in January 1947. During its lifetime its circulation rose from 500 to 5000.


219. Rahbar-i Tazd (The Leader of Yazd). Licencee: Dr. Murta~a Yazdi (doctor, Minister of Health in

August 1946, executed 1955). Local organ of the T-ida Party. It was suppressed in November 1946, but some further issues appeared late in

1947. 220. Rahnamd (The Guide). Licencee: Mahdi Rahnama (son of the founder). First published in Tehran

from August 1907 to April 1908, by Mirzd 'Abd al-Rahim Khan Shirdzi (lawyer). Reappeared on July i9th 1943- 221. Zabdn (The Tongue). Licencee: Jabbar Baglhchabdn. Licenced for Tehran in 1943-44, and signed

the anti-Sa'id manifesto of November 1944, though it had not yet appeared at that time. On January 17th 1946, it appeared as replacement for Armdn-i Milli (q.v.).

222. Zabdn-i Zandn (The Tongue of Women). Licencee: Mme. Sadiqa Daulatdbadi (b. 1888, feminist leader). First published in Isfahan from May 1919 to January 1922 as a newspaper, then transferred to Tehran as a magazine. Reappeared irregularly in Tehran in 1944. Monthly women's magazine.

223. Zabdn-i Mu'allimin (The Tongue of the Teachers). First published in Tehran in the spring of 1946 as a supplement to Zabdn (q.v.). A Tfida publication devoted to the interests of teachers and educational workers, but not apparently circulated to the general public.

224. Zaban-i Millat (The Tongue of the Nation). Licencee: Sayyid 'Abbds Islami. First published in Babul in 1944, left-wing weekly. On June 17th 1944, it appeared in Tehran.

225. Zubda (The Cream). Licencee: A. 'Alizada. First published in Tehran on October 6th 1946. Weekly digest of the Iranian press.

226. Zan-i Imriaz (The Woman of Today). Licencee: Mme. Badr al-Mulfik Bdmdad (b. 1907, teacher, educationist). Editors: Farhang Riman, Miss KSrdar. First published in Tehran on May 6th 1944. Women's weekly of leftish tendencies. It was suppressed in September 1945, and did not appear independently thereafter. In November however it twice replaced Ddryd (q.v.).

227. Zandagi (Life). Licencee: Sayyid Husain Amfizgar (b. 1902, teacher, railway official). First published in Tehran on March 2Ist 1944, daily. Joined the Independence Front in December 1944, but resigned in January 1945, and began to swing over to the left. In July it replaced Rastdkhfz-i Irdn (q.v.). The Azarbayijan crisis of the winter of 1945-46 caused it to revert to its former outlook, and throughout 1946 and 1947 it was of moderate right tendencies. In June 1946 it was suppressed and replaced by Aftdb-i Sharq.

228. Sipar (The Shield). Licencee: Asadallah Mir-i Shab. Editors: Abu'l-Qasim Sahi, Dr. Mir-i Shab. First published in Tehran on June Ioth 1946, moderate left weekly. It was suppressed for three months in September 1946.

229. Sipantd. Licencee: 'Abd al-Husain Sipanta. First published in Isfahan in January 1944, weekly. Supported the interests of local industrialists.

230. Sapidriad (The White River). Licencee: Khalil Nau'i. First published in Rasht in 1942. It was not relicenced for Rasht after the general suppression of December 1942, but on March 6th 1946 it appeared in Tehran, edited by 'Abbas Zarbdifi, IHamid Lankurani, 'Ali Akbar Salih and Dr. 'Ali Farsi. It was progressive and anti-foreign. It was suppressed in September, and in June 1947 it reappeared weekly under the editorship of Ahmad 'Irfin (v. 'Irfdn), and published at first from the Ddd offices (q.v.).

231. Sapida (Dawn). Licencee: Eng. FathallTh Mushiri. Editors: Badr Salihin, Mahmfid Izadi. First published in Hamaddn in 1945 or 1946, weekly. Local organ of the Dimukrat-i Iran Party. See also Sapida-dam.

232. Sapida-dam (Dawn). Fathallah Mushiri. Editor: Mahmfid Gharatbrrani. First published in Tehran on September 19th 1946, two or three times a week. Although apparently published by the same licencee as Sapida (q.v.), the two appeared concurrently. It was a moderate periodical interested in social reform. It was suppressed for three months in November 1946.

Sitaragdn: see 460. 233. Sitdra (The Star). Licencee: Ahlmad Maliki. Editor: Mahdi Maliki. First published in Tehran in

July 1937, daily. A weekly edition was also published in 1941 and 1942. Its political outlook varied throughout its career from neutral to left-wing. In 1942 its contributors included Arslan Khal'atbari, Muzaffar Firfiz (v. Ra'd-i Imrzz), Jalali Na'ini (v. Kishvar), Janabzada (v. Saiha-yi Asmdni) and 'Amidi Nuiri (v. Ddd). It was suppressed twice during 1942, and in the November crisis supported Qavam (with whom it always had some connection). In 1943 it was a member of the Freedom Front. It moved over towards the right in 1944, when it supported Sa'id's oil policy and became a member of the Independence Front. During 1946 however it showed marked leftward tendencies until the autumn, when it swung back to the centre. Ahmad Maliki was a founder- and committee-member of the Iranian Press Association in June I946.


234. Sitdra-yi Azarbdyijdn (The Star of Azarbayijan). Licencee: Hilal Ndsir. First published in Tabriz in January 1945. Daily organ of the T-ida Party Workers' Union.

235. Sitdra-yi Gharb (The Star of the West). Licencee: Sulaimdn Yiinisi. Editor: Hishmat Pir Daulatzada. First published in Tehran on June I2th 1946, weekly. Showed special interest in the affairs of Kirmnshath.

236. Sahar (Dawn). Licencee: Dr. 'All Farahmandi. Editor: A. Mu'izz (v. Hidliwiid). First published in Tehran on April 2Ist 1945. Ceased publication when Farahmandi became an official of the Ministry of Education.

237. Sukhan (The Word). Licencee: Dr. Parviz Natil Khdnlari (b. 1913, poet, university professor, Minister of Education 1962-64). Editor: Dr. Zabihallah Safa (university teacher). First published in Tehran in June 1943. A literary monthly of advanced outlook and high quality, which published the work of new young writers.

238. Sarbdz (The Soldier). Licencee: Farhang Riman. First published in Tehran on October 26th 1946. Popular Army weekly, apparently connected with Muzaffar (q.v.).

239. Sarbdz-i Surkh (The Red Soldier). Editor: HIasan-fighli. First published in Rasht in January 1942. Twice-weekly Soviet propaganda sheet in Persian and Turkish.

240. Sarguzasht (The Adventure). Licencee: Sayyid IHusain Mustafavi. Editor: Sayyid Husain Hashimi. First published in Tehran on June I Ith 1944. Member of the Independence Front and signatory of the pro- Sa'id manifesto. In December 1944 it replaced Kishvar (q.v.), and in November 1945 Sadd-yi Irdn (q.v.). It reappeared briefly in December 1946, and as a weekly in July 1947.

241. Sarnavisht (Destiny). Licencee: Javad Majidzdda Sahba (d. May 1945). First published in Isfahan in 1943-44. Weekly supporting the interests of local landowners. Ceased publication on the licencee's death.

242. Surissh (The Herald). Licencee: 'Abdalldh 'Afifi. First published in Shiraz in July 1943. Local daily organ of the Tfida Party and member of the Freedom Front. It was suppressed for two months in October 1945, and again in October 1946.

243. Sa'ddat-i Bashar (The Prosperity of Mankind). Licencee: Muhammad Javdd Hfishmand. Editor: Javdd Lijurdi. First published in Tehran from 1929 to 1935 (v. Irdn-i Kunini). Reappeared in February 1942 two or three times a week, sometimes daily. It was suppressed for a fortnight in October 1942. Religious in tone, it devoted a good deal of space to advertising.

244. Sa'ddat-i Gharb (The Prosperity of the West). Licencee: Farahmandi. Editor: Sa'ddat. First published in Kirmdnshah in March 1945, twice a week. Local organ of the Tiida Party Worker's Union.

245. Salahshfir (The Gladiator). Licencee: Muhammad Husain Nabavi. Editor: 'All Hdshimi. First published in Tehran in May 1944. Weekly organ of the Vahdat-i Milli Party. In October 1945 it replaced Kaihdn, and in December Khdvar Zamin (qq.v.).

246. Siydsat (Politics). Licencee: 'Abbds Iskandari. First published in Tehran from September 7th I921 until after July 1924. Reappeared in February 1942 as the daily organ of the Tfida Party. It was suppressed in September 1942, and did not reappear.

247. Siydsat-i Imraz (The Politics of Today). Licencee: Muhammad Javid Kirmani. First published in Tehran on May 5th 1944.

248. Simurgh. Licencee: 'Abbas Muhtasham Niri. First published in Tehran on January 23rd 1944, as a weekly. Reappeared in February 1945, but was suppressed after a fortnight.

249. Shdhid (The Witness). Licencee: Hiishang Farzad. Editor: Sayyid Isma-'il Rahimi. First published in Tehran on June 27th 1946, irregular weekly.

250. Shlhin (The Falcon). Licencee: H.abiballahAqizada.

Editor: Muhammad Daihim. First published in Tabriz in 1929. Reappeared on February 8th 1947, weekly.

251. Shabdhang (The Morning Star). Licencee: Dr. Zabihallah Safa Shihmirzadi. Editor: Mahmiid Piir Slihi. First published in Tehran on August 20th 1944, weekly. It opposed Sa'id during the oil crisis of November 1944, while rejecting the proposed oil concession; later it reversed its position and joined the Independence Front. It was suppressed twice in 1945, and in March 1946 for a year.

252. Sharaf (Honour). Licencee: Ism~'il Davuidiyan. First published in Tehran on October i4th '944, left-wing weekly. It reappeared in June 1947 as a daily, and was suppressed after ten days.


253. Shu'lavar (The Flaming). Licencee: Muhammad Shu'lavar. First published in Tehran on June 25th 1944. Originally a Tfida Party organ, and signatory of the anti-Sa'id manifesto. It replaced Rahbar (q.v.) for one day in September I945. In October 1946 it reappeared as a twice-weekly moderate left periodical. It was suppressed for a fortnight in February I947-

254. Shafaq (The Twilight). Licencee: Dr. Shams al-Din Jazayiri. Editor: Murtaza Musavvar Rahman. First published in Tehran on May 13th 1943. In November 1944 it became the weekly organ of the Iran Party, a group of left-wing intellectuals; in March 1945 it became daily. It was suppressed for a month in October 1945, and again in January 1946, being replaced on both occasions by Jibha (q.v.), which finally superseded it. In October 1946 it reappeared as the weekly organ of the Vahdat-i Iran Party, a breakaway from the Iran Party after the latter's affiliation with the Tida Party (v. Mard-i Irdn).

255. Shafaq-i MatbiF'dt (The Twilight of the Press). Licencee: Ahmad Chaman-ara. First published in Tabriz in 1944-45. Member of the Freedom Front. Affiliated to Farydd (q.v.).

256. Shamdl (The North Wind). Licencee: 'Abbas Kadivar. First published in Tehran on May 23rd 1943. A popular semi-political monthly with anti-communist leanings. In March 1945 it replaced Aftdb (q.v.).

257. Shamshir-i Imraz (The Sword of Today). Licencee: Sayyid Kazim Vafd'i. Editor: Sayyid Mfisd Khalili. First published (as Shamshir) in Tehran on August 27th 1943. It was suppressed immediately after publication. It reappeared as a weekly in June 1944, and as a daily in November. In September and December 1945 it replaced Rahbar (q.v.). It reappeared independently for a brief period in March 1946; in February 1947 it replaced Zafar (q.v.). On being suppressed, its licence was cancelled at the licencee's request.

258. Sham' (The Candle). Licencee: Muhammad Farhad Mu'tamid. Editor: Dr. Hasan Vaziri. First published in Tehran on April 2nd 1944. Superseded Imruiz va Fardd (q.v.) as the organ of the Hamrdhan Party, after that paper had split away. It ceased publication in June.

259. Shangld (The Sprightly). Licencee: Javid Mir Ahmadiyan. Editor: Shdyista. First published in Tehran on June 23rd 1943. Comic weekly. It was suppressed in September 1943, but reappeared three weeks later as a children's paper. It reappeared once more in March 1944.

260. Shikhi (The Joke). Licencee: Mansfir Khushnfidi Pazdrgad. Editor: 'Ala al-Din Pazargadi. First published in Tehran on March 27th 1944. Humorous weekly of rightist tendencies. Reappeared in July 1947.

261. Shahdb Irdn (The Meteor of Iran). Licencee: Dr. 'Ali Yfisif Sabfinchi. Editors: Muhammad 'All

Zajjaji, Eng. Murtaa Nfirbakhsh. First published in Tehran in 1943-44.

262. Shahbdz (The Falcon). Licencee: Rahim Namvar. Editor: (1944) Dr. Zabihallah SafS (v. Sukhan). First published in Tehran on May 15th 1943, as replacement for Mihan-parastdn (q.v.). It reappeared for a month in August 1943, and again in August 1944. It was a member of the Freedom Front and a signatory of the anti-Sa'id manifesto. In October it replaced Farmdn, and in November Farmdn and Nijdt-i Irdn on alternate days. During 1945 it replaced IHall'j in March, Zafar in June, and Irdn-i Md in July, August and December (qq.v.). In April 1946 it reappeared as Bdzdr, the organ of the Ittihldiya-yi Aztdikhahan va Raushanfikran-i Bazar (v. Ufuq-i Asyd). Later it appeared as a daily organ of the Tfida Party. It was suppressed for five weeks in August 1946, being replaced by Pzldd and Ahan (qq.v.). In December 1946 it replaced Zafar for one day. It reappeared for a few days in April 1947, and again in June.

263. Shahrabani, Ndma-yi (The Police Journal). Editor: Qudrati Mansfiri. First published in Tehran in December 1935. Reappeared in November 1941, and again in August 1944. Weekly journal of the Police Department.

264. Shahr-i Farang (The Peepshow). Licencee: Mustafa Jabiri. Editors: Hasan Gulbaba'i, IHusain Mujarrad. First published in Tehran on February 26th 1944, weekly. In March 1945 it replaced Nabard-i Imriz (q.v.). Connected with the Ittilhtdiya-yi Bikiran (Union of Unemployed).

265. Shahrydr (The Sovereign). Licencee: Hasan 'Ali Qarakani. First published in Tehran on July lioth I946, right-wing weekly. It was suppressed for a week in October 1946, and again for three months in Decem- ber, when it was replaced for a short time by Nidd-yi Azddi (q.v.).

266. Shahrir. Licencee: Dr. Rahim Qadiri Nizhad. Editor: Dr. Sa'id I'tis.mi, Dr. 'Abd al-'Ali Imami, Ihsanallah Shafa. First published in Tehran in March I946. Medical monthly.

267. Shahrivar. Licencee: Dr. Sayyid Nusratallah Amanpiir. First published in Tehran on February 2nd I945. Irregular weekly, connected with Aryan (q.v.). It was suppressed for four months in March 1945, and its licence was cancelled in February 1947.


268. Shida (The Luminous). Licencee: Muhammad Taqi Pfir Husaini. First published in Tehran in September 1946. Left-wing weekly opposed to the Dimukrdt-i Iran Party and Muzaffar Firfiz. It was connected with Qalandar and Sapidriid (qq.v.). Suppressed shortly after publication.

269. Shirdz. Licencee: Dr. 'Abd al-'Ali Dihqdn Shirdzi. Editor: 'Atd Agah. First published in Shirdz in 1943-44. Weekly " readers' digest ".

270. Shivd (The Eloquent). Licencee: Hfishang Mir Mutahhiri. First published in Tehran in the summer of 1946. Philosophical monthly. See also Shivd.

271. Shivd (The Method). Licencee: Hfishang Mir Mutahhiri (v. Shivd). Editor: Ahmad Nautdsh. First published in Tehran on March 14th 1947. Weekly organ of the printing workers. It was suppressed two months later.

272. Sabd (The Breeze). Licencee: Abu'l-Qasim Pdyanda. First published in Tehran in July 1943. Popular weekly. In 1945 it supported the Mardum Party. In May 1946 it was suppressed for a few weeks for a caricature of Stalin.

273. Sadd-yi Isfahan (The Voice of Isfahan). Licencee: Muhammad 'Ali Mukarram. First published in Isfahan in February 1921. Relicenced in April 1943. Literary weekly.

274. Sadd-yi Irdn (The Voice of Iran). Licencee: Sayyid Muhammad Sfdiq Sarmad (1907-60, poet). First published in Tehran on March Ioth 1942, daily (later weekly). It was reformist and Islamic, and latterly right-wing. It was suppressed for ten days in July 1943. It was one of the leaders of the Independence Front and a signatory of the pro-Sa'id manifesto. It was suppressed in June 1945 and again in September, when it was replaced by Bunydd and Ndhid (qq.v.). In November it was replaced by Sarguzasht and Kdniin (qq.v.). In January 1946 it was released, only to be suppressed before appearance; it remained so until December, but did not reappear after its release.

275. Sadd-yi Kirmdn (The Voice ofKirmdn). Licencee: 'Abbis Sd'id (1891-1845). Editor: Pfir Husaini. First published in Kirman in March 1926. Ceased after licencee's death on September 28th

1945. 276. Sadd-yi Mardum (The Voice of the People). Licencee: Muhammad IHusain Faripfir (lawyer). First

published in Tehran on July Ist 1946, evening daily, later one to three times a week. Organ of the Mardum Party. It was suppressed for two months in August 1946, and again in January 1947, when it was replaced by Nidd-yi Millat (q.v.). It reappeared in April, but a fortnight later was again suppressed for ten days, and replaced by Nidd-yi Millat.

277. Sadd-yi Va.tan (The Voice of the Fatherland). Licencee: Sayyid 'Ali BishSrat. Editors: (I?fahdn)

Ghulam Husain Kavfisi, Muhammad Hiusain Tadayyun; (Tehran) Nusratalldh Mu'iniyan. First published in

Isfahan in 1943-44. Suppressed in November 1944, it reappeared in Tehran on October 27th 1945, as a right- wing supporter of Sayyid Ziyd. It was suppressed in November 1945 and January 1946, being replaced by Rfistd and Irdn-i Nau (qq.v.), and (in August 1946) by Nihiat (q.v.). It reappeared in March 1947, and was suppressed for two-and-a-half months in April. Two days after its reappearance it was suppressed again, and Bish~rat was arrested and detained for three weeks.

278. Safa (Purity). Licencee: 'Abd al-S.hib

SafS'i H•'iri (b. 19o09,

government official). First published in Sari in June 1944. Local organ of the Tfida Party. Became a magazine in January 1947.

279. San'at (Industry). Licencee: Dr. Mahdi Bazargan. First published in Tehran on May 8th 1943.

Engineering monthly, irregular. 280. Siir (The Trumpet). Licencee: Dr. Parviz Sadiq. Editor: Sultan Muhammad 'Amiri. First pub-

lished in Tehran on March I Ith 1944. Reappeared in January 1945, and in October 1945. On the last occasion it claimed to represent the interests of doctors and health workers.

281. S.rat

(The Face). Licencee: IHusain Nikravan. First published in Rasht from 1924 to 1931. Re- appeared in mid-1942 as the evening daily organ of the local Tfida Party.

282. Saiha-yi Asmdani (The Heavenly Cry). Licencee: Muhammad Janabz&da (writer). First published in Tehran in September 1921. Reappeared on August I5th I942. It did not reappear after the general suppression, being superseded by Nidd-yi Asmdnz (q.v.). See also Sitdra.

283. Tabaristdn. Licencee: Ri~a Shams al-Ma'ali Ma'rifat (b. 191 I, teacher). First published in Tehran on July 29th 1946, weekly. Mainly concerned with the affairs of Mazandaran.

284. Ths. Licencee: Mir Murtaza Hamidi Rii'in-tan Mfisavi (d. 1944, educationalist). Editor: Dr. Ahmad Salim. First published in Mashhad in September 1935. After 1941 it was left-wing and pro-Tfida. It reappeared during 1946.


285. Tuti (The Parrot). Licencee: Dr. Sayyid IHasan Tabataba'i. First published in Tehran on April 29th 1942. Popular weekly.

286. Tiffdn-i Sharq (The Tempest of the East). Licencee: Asadallah TufSniyan. Editor: IHusain Parvin. First published in Tehran on June 16th 1943, weekly. Moderate right, favourable to Sayyid Ziya. It was suppressed for a fortnight in November

1945. 287. Zafar (Victory). Licencee: Ri?a. Risti (secretary-general of the Workers' Union). First published in

Tehran on June 22nd 1944. Daily organ of the Tfida Party Workers' Union. It was a member of the Freedom Front and signatory of the anti-Sa'id manifesto. It was frequently suppressed, and replaced by Bashar (October and November 1944), by Bashar and Shahbdz (June 1945), by Bashar and Mardum (August 1945), by Bashar, Nidd-yi Haqiqat (twice) and Bahrdm (December 1945), and by Shahbdz and Atishbdr (December 1946) (qq.v.), It reappeared in January 1947 after the collapse of the Azarbayijan regime and the reform of the Tfida Party, but continued to take its previous extreme line in contrast to the moderation of its colleague Mardum (q.v.). It was suppressed in January and again in February, and replaced by Shamshir-i Imriz and Firishta-yi Azddi (qq.v.), after which Zafar did not reappear. Riista was arrested in April 1947, and released on bail in November.

288. 'Alam (The World). Licencee: Dr. 'Abd al-Husain Mir Sipahi. First published in Tehran on June 25th 1944- Weekly organ of the Ahrar-i Iran Party. Member of the Freedom Front and signatory of the anti- Sa'id manifesto. Replaced Mihan (q.v.) in July 1945, and Ddd (q.v.) in December 1945.

289. 'Alam-i Zandn (The World of Women). Monthly women's magazine published by the Public Rela- tions Bureau of the British Embassy in Tehran from the autumn of 1943 to September 1945.

290. 'Alam-i rahad (The World of the Jews). Licencee: Eng. Bustdni. Editor: Habiballih LSvi. First

published in Tehran in the autumn of 1945. Organ of the Deputies of Palestinian Jews in Tehran.

291. 'Addlat (Justice). Licencee: Ibrdhim Khaja Nfiri (v. Bahrdm and Nidd-yi 'Addlat). First published in Tehran in 1942.

292. 'Addlat-i Irdn (The Justice of Iran). Licencee: Eng. Ahmad 'Alavi. First published in Tehran on June I Ith 1947, weekly.

293. 'Irfdn (Knowledge). Licencee: Ahmad 'Irfin (1893-1951). First published in Isfahdn in September 1924 as a literary monthly, and in August 1927 as a daily to thrice-weekly newspaper.

294. 'Asr-i Iqti&dd (The Age of Economics). Licencee: Dr. Mahmfid Kaihan. First published in Tehran on November 6th I929. Weekly, later monthly, organ of the Tehran Chamber of Commerce. Signed the pro-Sa'id manifesto.

295. 'Ayr-i Umid (The Age of Hope). Licencee: Sayyid Fakhr al-Din Raiavi (inspector in Registration Department). Editor: Sayyid Muhyi'l-Din Raiavi. First published in Kishdn in the autumn of 1946, daily. Largely devoted to advertisements, such political leanings as it showed were favourable to the Dimukrit-i Iran Party.

296. 'Ayr-i Inqildb (The Age of Revolution). Licencee: 'Abdalldh Faryar (son(?) of the founder). First published in Tehran on January Ist 1915, by Mirzi Aq~ Khan Faryar Hamaddni (1881-1945). Reappeared on July 13th 1946, irregular daily. Left-wing and anti-imperialist.

297. 'Aqfda (Opinion). Licencee: Muhammad Sidiq Shthtbhdi. Editor: A. Hakim Ma'ani. First published in Tehran on September 12th 1946. Moderate right, mildly religious weekly issued by the Kamal Cultural Club, and connected with Rfiz-i Mahshar (q.v.). In December 1946 it replaced Vijddn (q.v.). Re- appeared independently in July 1947 as a weekly, and was almost immediately suppressed.

298. 'Alf Blba. Licencee: Muhsin Hunaryar. Editor: Muhsin FarzSna. First published in Tehran on February i3th 1945, as replacement for Ddrye (q.v.). In September and in December 1945 it replaced Irdn-i Me (q.v.). First appeared independently in June 1946 as a left-wing weekly. It was suppressed in August and replaced briefly by Ayanda-yi Bashar (q.v.). Though released in October, it did not reappear.

299. Fanis (The Lantern). Licencee: Sayyid Mustafa Safavi Rid. First published in Tehran on May 19th I946. Nationalist weekly.

300. Farda (Tomorrow). Licencee: Baqir Nik-anjSm. Editor: Sayyid 'All Hashimi HI.'iri

(b. 1902).

First published in Tehran on August 27th 1943, weekly. It was suppressed for a week in January 1947, and replaced by Paik-i Tihran (q.v.). It was neutral and connected with Mihr-i Iran (q.v.).

301. Firishta-yi Azddi (The Angel of Freedom). Licencee: Muhammad Mir Mutahhiri. First published in Tehran on April o20th 1946, weekly. Extreme left-wing. It was suppressed for six months in June 1946, being replaced for a time by Istiqldl (q.v.). In February 1947 it replaced

.afar (q.v.), and was itself suppressed in April.


302. Farmdn (The Command). Licencee: 'All Shahanda. Editors: 'Abbds Shahanda, Ja'far Nadim, Hadi Hidayati. First published in Tehran on June 12th 1943, as an evening daily. Moderate to extreme left, some connection with Qavam al-Saltana. In 1944 it was an organ of the Azadi Party. It was suppressed once in 1943, and twice in 1944, when it was replaced by Shahbdz (q.v.). Member of the Freedom Front and signatory of the anti-Sa'id manifesto; during 1945 it followed generally the Tfida line. It was again suppressed in August 1945 (replaced by Damdvand), in December 1945, and in May 1946 (replaced by Nasim-i Shamdl-qq.v.). In December 1946 it reappeared as Farmdn-i Kdrgardn (The Command of the Workers), being the organ of the newly-formed Ittihadiya-yi Sandikdhd-yi Kdrgaran-i Iran, backed by the Dimukrat-i Iran Party. In this capacity it was superseded in January 1947 by Kdrgardn-i Irdn (q.v.), and in March 1947 Fdrmdn reappeared in its old form of evening daily. A supplement entitled Khurdsdldn (Young People) appeared in September 1944 with an editorial board consisting of Iraj Naudfishani, Abu'l-Fail Sakha'i, Ahmad Nakhust and Jamshid Biglari.

303. Furighh (Brightness). Licencee: Ibrahim Fakhra'i (lawyer). First published in Tehran in January 1928. Reappeared on March 21st 1945. It was suppressed for two months in September 1945, and in Decem- ber 1945 briefly replaced Ddryd (q.v.), after which it did not reappear. In the early part of 1946 Fakhra'i was General Secretary of the Jangal Party in Rasht.

304. Furzghh-i irdn (The Brightness of Iran). Licencee: Eng. Fdrigh Samiyan. First published in Tehran on July 2nd 1946, weekly. In September 1946 it replaced 'Ali Bdbd (q.v.).

305. Furihar (The Essence). Licencee: Eng. Farhdd. First published in Tehran on July 20oth 1946, in place of Sadd-yi Vatan, and was immediately suppressed. It never appeared independently.

306. Farhangistdn, NJma-yi (The Journal of the Academy). Monthly journal of the Iranian Academy. Editors: (1943-44) Rashid Yasimi (1896-1951, writer and poet), (1947) HIabib Yaghma'i (v. Amizish va Parvarish). First published in Tehran from April 1943 to June 1944. Reappeared in the spring of 1947.

307. Farydd (The Cry). Licencee: Husain Quli Katibi. First published in Tabriz in mid-1943, twice weekly. At first pro-Tfida, during 1945 it began to break away. It was not published during the Democrat r6gime in Azarbayijan, but reappeared after December 1946, giving general but not uncritical support to the central government.

308. Fikr-i Javdn (Young Thought). Licencee: 'Ali Azda Gilani (b. 1895). First published in Rasht from 1926 to 1930. Reappeared in 1942, weekly.

309. Falak (The Firmament). Licencee: I'ti id Muzaffari. First published in Tehran on July 6th 1946, in place of Atish (q.v.). An independent issue appeared in January 1947. It replaced Atish again in February and July 1947.

310. Qalandar (The Dervish). Licencee: Hasan 'Ali Rafi'. Editor: Murtaia Rafi'. First published in Tehran on June 26th 1946, weekly. Humorous colloquial comment on political affairs (cf. Bdab Shamal).

311. Qjydm-i Irdn (The Rising of Iran). Licencee: Hasan Sadr. First published in Tehran on May 2nd 1943, weekly. Strongly nationalist and anti-foreign. It was frequently suppressed, and ceased publication for about six months at the end of 1946. Shortly after its reappearance in May 1947 Sadr was arrested and detained for a few days. In July his paper was again suppressed for a month, and he himself threatened with prosecution -later abandoned.

312. Qiydm-i Sharq (The Rising of the East). Licencee: Muhammad Shahrukhi. Editors: Hasan Hashtrfidi, Iraj Faravashi. First published in Tehran on September 2Ist 1946. Weekly organ of the Graduates' Association of Iran.

313. Kar, Majalla-yi (The Labour Magazine). Monthly periodical of the Ministry of Labour and Propa- ganda, first published in Tehran in December 1946. In addition to Persian, the magazine contained in alternate issues a French or English section, mainly a translation of the Persian.

314. Kdarzdr (Battle). Licencee: Riia Sams.m-niya. First published in Tehran on April 4th 1946, weekly.

315. Kdrgardn-i Irdn (Workers of Iran). Licencee: Eng. Baqir Niv. First published in Tehran on January 7th 1947, superseding Farmdn (q.v.) as the weekly organ of the Union of Syndicates of Iranian Workers, backed

by the Dimukrat-i Iran Party. It ceased publication after about three months, but reappeared in June.

316. Kdr va Ddnish (Work and Knowledge). Licencee: Khadija KishTvarz (wife of Dr. Faridfin Kishavarz, v. Razm). First published in Tehran on December 9th 1946, for one day in placed of Rahbar (q.v.), but otherwise never appeared independently.


317. Kdrvdn (The Caravan). Licencee: Sayyid Muhammad Bdqir Nayyiri-fard Zavvara'i. Editor:

Sayyid 'Ali Asghar Nayyirl Zavvara'i. First published in Tehran on September 16th 1943, weekly. Member of the Independence Front, signatory of the pro-Sa'id manifesto, and later supporter of Sayyid 2iya. It replaced Kishvar (q.v.) in June and in July 1945; in August it was suppressed for three months. It did not reappear until November 1946, when it replaced Vidadn (q.v.). In July 1947 it reappeared as an independent weekly; it was

suppressed a week later.

318. Kdriktair-i Pirizi (The Victory Caricature). Licencee: Muhammad Murtaiavi. Editor: Muhsin Davallu (cartoonist). First published in Tehran on June 12th 1946. Only one issue appeared. Left-wing; Davallu contributed political cartoons to Irdn-i Md (q.v.) and other left-wing papers.

319. Kdrikdtar-i Shiikhi (Humorous Caricature). A comic paper published in Tehran in November 1944. Apparently only one issue appeared, and details of licencee and editor are not recorded.

320. Kdanun (The Hearth). Licencee: IHusain Muti'I (b. 1901, writer). Editor: HIaziqi. First published in Tehran on March 21st 1938. During 1942 it was transferred to Isfahdn for a time, but reappeared in Tehran in May 1943. In 1944 it came out in support of Sayyid Ziya, was one of the first to oppose the proposed Soviet oil concession, signed the pro-Sa'id manifesto, and joined the Independence Front. In February 1945 it replaced Hzfr (q.v.); in August it replaced Arzf, in September Hi~r and in December Sadd-yi Irdn (q.qv.). It was

suppressed throughout the whole of 1946, but replaced Iqddm in January 1947. In June 1947 it reappeared as an independent weekly, with Muhammad Muti'i as assistant editor. Only a few issues were published, but in

July it again replaced Iqddm for one day.

321. Kdnzn-i Agahi (The Advertising Club). Licencee: Farhang Fard. First published in Tehran on

February 2nd 1942. Commercial journal devoted mainly to advertising. Did not reappear after the general suppression.

322. Kabitar (The Pigeon). Licencee: Riid Lutfi Larijani (b. 1909, lawyer). First published in Tehran in November 1942; it was suppressed in December, just before the general suppression. It reappeared in April 1943 and was immediately suppressed, and again briefly in August 1945.

323. Karddr va Guftdr (Action and Speech). Licencee: Muhammad 'All Akhbdri. Appeared briefly during 1942 in Tehran.

324. Kirmdnshdh. Licencee: Farajallah Kdviyani. First published in Kirmdnshah in I908 by Ahmad Vaziri Fasih al-Mutakallimin, and again in 1930 by Kaviyani. Thrice-weekly paper of conservative tendencies. At one time it supported the 'Adalat Party.

325. Kisrd (Chosroes). Licencee: IHusain Za'imi (b. 1904, lawyer). First published in Tehran on Decem- ber 23rd 1944, weekly. A member of the Independence Front in 1944, towards the end of 1945 it developed a revolutionary tone, though in somewhat theoretical vein. Later it became much more moderate. In spite of its earlier outspoken style, it was never suppressed.

326. Kishdvarzi, Majalla-yi (The Agriculture Magazine). Ministry of Agriculture monthly. Editor: Dr. Murtaid Gulisurkhi. First published in Tehran in i930 as Faldhat. Reappeared in March 1943, and again in March 1946.

327. Kishvar (The Country). Licencee: Jalali Na'ini (b. 1914, lawyer). First published in Tehran in November 1944, daily. Member of the Independence Front, signatory of the pro-Sa'id manifesto, and later one of Sayyid 2iya's party organs. A month after its first appearance it was suppressed and replaced by Sarguzasht (q.v.); it reappeared in May 1945, but was suppressed a fortnight later and replaced by Nasim-i Sabd and Kdrvdn (qq.v.). It was released in July for a month, and then again suppressed for four weeks, being replaced by Kdrvdn. Released at the end of August, it continued without further mishap until March 1946, when it was suppressed together with all the other pro-Sayyid 2iya papers. It reappeared weekly in January 1947. (See also Sitara and Bdk/tar.)

328. Kilid-i Nijadt (The Key of Salvation). Licencee: Ri~azada. First published in Tabriz in the spring of 1945. Suppressed by the Soviet authorities after one issue.

329. Kamdli (Perfection). Licencee: Sayyid 'All KamalI (religious family). First published in Hamadtn in 1930. Devoted mainly to official notices.

330. K~apdl (The Club). Licencee: Masih Azid. First published in Tehran on May I2th 1946. Moderate left.

331. Kidak (The Child). Licencee: 'Abbas 'All Rfibhni Najafbhidi. First published in Tehran in mid- I945.


332. Kifshish (Effort). Licencee: Shukrullah Safavi. First published in Tehran in September 1922, daily. Generally neutral, it was suppressed twice in 1943, was a member of the Independence Front, signed the pro-Sa'id manifesto, and favoured Sayyid Ziydt. After the latter's arrest in March 1946, it took up a wholly central position.

333. Kaukab-i Gharb (The Star of the West). Licencee:

H.Iji 'Abdallah Mustashar 'All Ni'mati. Editor:

Sayyid 'Abd al-Karim Ghairat. First published in Kirmdnshith from 1932 to 1937. Reappeared in the autumn of 1942. A religious and conservative periodical published twice a week.

334. Kfihistdn (The Highlands). Licencee: Dr. Ismd'il Ardalan. First published in Tehran on February 26th 1945, irregular weekly. It was especially interested in the affairs of Kurdistan.

335. Kih-i Nfr (The Mountain of Light). Licencee: Sulaiman Anfishirvni. First published in Tehran on April 7th 1946, in place of Alif-bd (q.v.). Never appeared independently.

336. Kahkashdn (The Milky Way). Licencee: Mahdi Hamidi (b. 1914, poet and novelist). First published in Tehran on October 2nd 1946. Described as weekly, but only one issue appeared.

337. Kaifar (Revenge). Licencee: Dr. Shakibi. First published in Tehran on August 2nd I942. Con- tinued irregularly until September 1943, when it was twice suppressed, the second time for an attack on the Royal Family. In general its tone was moderate left and social reformist; it was a signatory of the anti-Sa'id manifesto, though not actually appearing at the time. In September 1945 it replaced Damdvand (q.v.). It finally reappeared in August 1947 as a weekly edited by Amir Nijit and Asadallah Khal'atbari. See also Umid.

338. Kaivdn (Saturn). Licencee: Rabi' Ans.ri.

First published in Riid'iya in the spring of 1941. Re- appeared from 1944 to 1945, as a left-wing publication, member of the Freedom Front, but critical in the autumn of the Azarbayijan Dimukrit Party. After the latter came to power, Kaivdn was transferred to Isfahin, where it appeared in the spring of 1946 as a weekly edited by Abu'l-Qasim Shahidi. By the autumn it had become a supporter of the Dimukrat-i Iran Party, and later it returned to

Rii•'iya. 339. Kaihn (The World). Licencee: 'Abd al-Ralhmin Fardmarzi (b. 1897, poet and writer-v. Ayanda-yi

Irdn). Editor: Mustafa Misbahzada (lawyer). First published in Tehran on May 24th 1942, as successor to Ayanda-yilrdn. An evening daily of left tendencies, opposed to foreign interference. When relicenced on January Ioth 1943, Faramarzi and Misbahzada had changed places, but in April, when the latter became Director of Press and Propaganda, Faramarzi took over full responsibility. It was suppressed three times during 1943, being replaced on the first occasion by Bahrdm (q.v.), and during 1943 and 1944 was anti-Allied and anti- American. It was a member of the Freedom Front, but opposed the grant of a Soviet oil concession. During 1945 it was markedly pro-Russian; in October it was suppressed for five days, and replaced by Salahshkir (q.v.). After Misbahz~da's return in the summer of 1946 from an extended visit to the United States the policy of the paper began to change; it took a more moderate line, and began to veer away from Russia. By October 1946 it had become openly anti-Tfida. At the same time it began to develop its news service, with the result that by the winter it had the next largest circulation to Ittild'dt. Its influence however was as much due to its more outspoken and yet reasonable attitude in political questions.

340. Guftdr (Talk). Licencee: Jalli Hukmi Isfahini. Editors: Sayyid Yahyd Sina, Lutf 'All Sidqi. First published in Tehran in 1944. One issue appeared at this time, but nothing more until January 1947, when it

reappeared as a cultural weekly. 341. Gulistdn (The Rose Garden). Licencee: Muhammad Taqi Gulistan. Editor: Nikaimand. First

published in Shiraz in 1918, daily. Concerned mainly with local and provincial news.

342. Gulhd-yi Rangdrang (Many-coloured Flowers). Licencee: Shahidzdida. Editor: 'Ali Akbar Salimi (writer and publisher). First published in Tehran in January 1934. A popular pocket-size literary monthly, published sporadically after 1944.

343. Gumruk-i Irdn, Majalla-yi (The Iranian Customs Magazine). First published in Tehran in November 1929, irregular monthly.

344. Giti (The Globe). Licencee: Khalil Inqilhb Azar. First published in Tehran on June 25th 1943. The first daily organ of the Tida Party Workers' Union. It was suppressed for three months in 1943, and again in 1944. It did not appear after 1945 (but see Dadgustari).

345. Gildnshahr (The Land of Gilan). Licencee: Muhammad S~adiq Kiichiki. First published in Rasht in March I946. Probably connected with the Jangal Party (v. Furagh).

346. Gila-mard (Man of Gilan). Licencee: Mu'tamid Damavandi. Editor: Ghadir Bishaban (v. Alif-bd). First published in Rasht in the summer of 1946. Neutral weekly.


347. Mdd (Media). Licencee: Muhammad Kaivanpfir Mukri (writer on Kurdish philology, religion, folklore, etc.). First published in Tehran in August 1945. Literary and archaeological monthly.

348. Majalla-yi Tdrikhi (The Historical Magazine). Licencee: 'All Akbar Tashayyud. First published in Tehran on July 8th 1942. Relicenced after the general suppression, but did not reappear.

Majmfi'a-yi Imriiz: see 46I. 349. Majmi'a-yi HIuqiqiz va Majalla-yi Rasmz (The Legal Collection and Official Magazine). Official

publication of the Ministry of Justice, first published in 1937, and incorporating (after 1943?) Majalla-yi Rasmi-yi Vizdrat-i 'Adllya (q.v.). Editor: Shams al-Din Amir 'Ald'i. Superseded in 1945 by Ruizndma-yi Rasmi-yi Kishvar (q.v.).

Majmi'a-yi Khiisha: see 462. 350. Muhfit (The Circumference). Licencee: Muhammad Muhit Tabitabd'i. First published in Tehran

on September Ist 1942, as a magazine. Reappeared briefly in April 1945, but prior to this had joined the Independence Front. In January 1947 it replaced Iqddm (q.v.) for one day.

351. Madd'in (Ctesiphon). Licencee: Hfishang Kavfisi. First published in Tehran in December 1943. Non-political illustrated monthly.

352. Madanmyat (Civilization). Licencee: Sayyid Husain Mutarjimi Madani. First published in Tehran in 1945 (?). Reappeared on August 7th 1947, edited by Sayyid Murtaki Madani (science teacher) and Mahmfid Mirza'i, as the organ of the Majma'a-yi Javdnan-i Islami. It had some connection with Muzhagdn (q.v.).

353- Muezdkardt-i Majlis (The Majlis Debates). First published in Tehran in November 1926. Superseded in February 1945 by Rfizndma-yi Rasmi-yi Kishvar (q.v.).

354. Murabbi (The Educator). First published in Tehran on August 25th 1942. Popular weekly. Possibly connected with Gulhd-yi Rangdrang (q.v.).

355. Mard (The Man). Licencee: Ahmad 'All Biglari. Editor: Nfiralllh Larudi (former Arak internee). First published in Tehran on September 8th 1946, irregular weekly. Nationalist.

356. Mard-i Imrziz (The Man of Today). Licencee: Muhammad Mas'fid Qummi (c. 1905-48, popular novelist, lawyer). Editor: Farmdnfarmayan. First published in Tehran on August 21st 1942. The stormy petrel of the Iranian press. It held the record for the largest number of suppressions of any paper published between 1941 and I947. This was largely due to its violent, outspoken and often scurrilous manner, and to its policy, at any rate up to 1945, of subsisting on a form of blackmail. It was frequently sold by newsvendors at inflated prices, such was the demand for it. In 1943 it was the weekly organ of the Paikar Party; it signed the pro-Sd'id manifesto of October 1944, and was one of the moving spirits in the formation of the Independence Front. Finally in October 1945, after at least fourteen suppressions since its first appearance, its licence was cancelled; Nidd-yi Azddi (q.v.) appeared briefly in its place. In April 1946 its licence was restored, and it appeared during the following month. Its tone was much more moderate, and greater space was given to the propagation of its nationalist and patriotic policy, which, stripped of its earlier excrescences, appeared in a more favourable light. In March 1947 however Mas'fid was arrested for a violent attack on the Government (and released soon after), and in the following month the paper was again suppressed for a fortnight. In October 1947 it offered a reward of Rls. I,ooo,ooo (about ?5000) for the assassination of Qavam al-Saltana. In fact, it was Mas'fid himself who fell to an assassin's bullet in February 13th 1948.

357. Marddn-i Riiz (Men of the Day). Licencee: Hdtdi Amir IbrShimi. Editorial Board: IHusain

Ihtishdmzida, Mahdi Amir, Eng. Riiz Razmrdi, Eng. I. Karim, Ahmad HSshimi, Nasir Vaziri. First published in Tehran on January Ioth 1945, weekly. It represented the interests of railway officials, but also took a moderate left line in general affairs. The group running it had some connection with Dr. Musaddiq and Dr. Riizada Shafaq. See also Marddn-i Kdr.

358. Marddn-i Kdr (Working Men). Licencee: Lutf 'All Amir Ibrahimi. Editors: Ahmad ZIrakzida, Majid Ibrahimi. First published in Tehran on April 22nd 1924. Reappeared on August 28th I942. Organ of the Gurfih-i Mardin-i Kar. Moderate left, member of the Freedom Front. It was suppressed in November 1942 and twice during 1943. It did not appear after 1944. See also Marddn-i Riz.

359. Mard-i Iran (Man of Iran). Licencee: Sayyid Mahdi Pirasta. Editor: Amir Hfishang Asghari. First published in Tehran on April I Ith 1946, irregular evening daily. It was suppressed in July for six weeks, and again in September. In October 1946 it reappeared as the organ of the Vahdat-i lrSan Party, a breakaway from the Iran Party when the latter affiliated to the Tiida Party. It was suppressed after two days. In February 1947 and again in March it replaced Atish.

8


360. Mardum (The People). Licencee: Safar Nau'i. Editor: Naraqi. First published in Tehran on February 2nd 1942, as the daily organ of the Anti-Fascist Society. Among its backers were Mustafa Fatih (v. Imriiz va Fardd) and members of the Tfida Party like Iskandari (v. Rahbar) and Buzurg 'Alavi (novelist). Its line was then primarily anti-fascist and anti-dictatorship, coupled with mild demands for internal reform. It seems to have been popular at first, but it also aroused violent opposition, especially from the military and official classes, and this resulted in a sharp fall in circulation and its suspension after a month on financial grounds. When it reappeared three weeks later, it was apparently under the control of the extremist elements in the group, from which Fatih had now withdrawn; it was suppressed for a fortnight in April, but there was no marked change in policy until September, when the licence was taken over by Dr. Riz Ridmanish (Tfida leader and a survivor of the " 53 "). It now became an official organ of the Tfida Party and pro-Russian. Nevertheless, although it was suppressed three times during 1943, its tone remained moderate, and after May of that year it was somewhat overshadowed by the newly-founded Rahbar (q.v.). In 1944 it became a weekly. It supported the Russian oil concession, and signed the anti-Sa'id manifesto. About this time it ceased regular publication, and acted as replacement for Zafar (q.v.) in August 1945, and for Rahbar in December. In the autumn of 1946 it reappeared as a monthly edited by Ihsan Tabari (v. Rahbar) and Jalal Al Ahmad (novelist, teacher). In January 1947 a daily edition superseded Rahbar as the official organ of the Tfida Party-by way of emphasizing the party's new policy of moderation. It was suppressed for three weeks in May, and in October was almost the only paper to support the draft Soviet oil agreement.

361. Mard-i Milli (The National Man). Licencee: Dr. Nasir Garfisiysn. First published in Tehran on May 3oth 1946, weekly. Moderate left. In January 1947 it replaced ArzGi (q.v.).

362. Mazdd. Licencee: Muhammad Hurmuz. First published in Tehran on December 23rd 1946, in place of Irdn-i Md (q.v.). Never appeared independently.

363. Muzhda (Good News). Licencee: Dr. Farfiq. Editor: Sayyid Muhammad Mahdi M-isavi. First published in Tehran on February 24th 1947, weekly. In May it replaced Ittihad (q.v.), and was suppressed.

364. Muzhagdn (The Eyelashes). Licencee: Mansfir Amini. Editors: Muhammad Mir Tahiri, Mme. Mihri Ghaffari. First published in Tehran on April 28th 1947, weekly.

365. MashritUyat (Constitutionalism). Licencee: Muhammad Husain Mashdyikh Fariddni (b. 1914, educationist, diplomat). Editor: Muhammad Nisir Dadkhah. First published in Tehran on May 3oth 1945, irregular. Moderate left. In March 1946 it reappeared as a weekly, becoming daily in the autumn. It was suppressed in January 1947. In July it reappeared as a weekly edited by Hishim Mashayikh Fariddni and Amir Nigahban.

366. Mash'al (The Torch). Licencee: Ja'far Sa'idi. First published in Tehran on November 21st I942. After the general suppression of December, it reappeared in August 1943 edited by Muhammad 'Ali Mas'fidi (nephew of 'Abbds Mas'fidi (v. Ittild'It), b.

1913). 367. Maylahat (Welfare). Licencee: Ahmad Lankurani Muhajir. Editor: Muhammad 'All Btyar. First

published in Tehran in 1943-44. Left-wing, member of the Freedom Front, and signatory of the anti-Sa'id manifesto. It reappeared briefly in November 1945 as a Tfida Party publication.

368. Muaffar (The Victorious). Licencee: Husain Kai Ustuvan. First published in Tehran on May Ist 1945. Left-wing weekly. In June it replaced Iqddm (q.v.), and in October Ddryd (q.v.). During 1946 it was published regularly, its tone moderating towards the end of the year. It was suppressed in January 1947, and again in March-this time for an article attacking the U.S.A.

369. Mansh/r (The Charter). Licencee: Sayyid 'Abbas Bani Sadr. First published in Tehran on November 3rd 1944, in place of Azddagiln (q.v.). Later it appeared as an organ of the Iran Socialist Party. In September it briefly replaced Rahbar (q.v.).

370. Mihr (The Sun). Licencee: Majid Muvaqqar (business man with interests in Khfizistan; see also Mihr-i Iran). First published in Tehran in May 1933 until 1940. Literary monthly. Reappeared on September Ioth I942. It was not relicenced after December, but two monthly editors of Mihr-i Iren in similar format appeared in February and March 1943.

371. Mihr-i Afadq (The Sun of the Horizons). Licencee: Akbar Qajar. Editor: Murtai: Bisharat. First published in Tehran on July 24th 1946, in place of Khirad (q.v.). Never appeared independently.

372. Mihr-i Iarn (The Sun of Iran). Licencee: Majid Muvaqqar (v. Mihr). Editors: A. H~shimi IH•a'iri, A. Shaikhi. First published in Tehran on December I9th I941I (v. Iran). In its early days it was the organ of

the 'Adalat Party, favoured the employment of foreign advisers, and generally represented the interests of the


mercantile classes, especially those in Khhizistan. In 1943 it became the organ of the Paikdr Party. Among its contributors were Ibrahim Khhja Nfirl (v. 'Addlat), Ahmad Fardmarzi (v. KEdvar), IHasan Sadr (v. Qiydm-i Irdn), Sfiratgar (v. Amfzish va Parvarish), and Bahar (poet-laureate and Minister of Education in I946, d. April 1951, v. Nau-Bahdr). It was suppressed for six weeks in April 1943. In April 1945 Muvaqqar left for the U.S.A., and leased the paper for three years to HIa'irl and Shaikhi. In common with other papers of a neutral character, its circulation began to fall as the political situation sharpened during I946. Towards the end of the year Muvaqqar returned from the U.S.A. and took over the business side.

373. Mihr-i Izad (The Love of God). Licencee: Sayyid Muhammad Rifi Husaini Al-i-Hashimi. First published in Shiraz in April 1946, twice-weekly. The licencee was the nephew of a local mulld, but the general tendency of the paper was to the left.

374. Mihr-i Mihan (Love of Country). Licencee: Dr. Mahmfld Sharvin. First published in Tehran on March 21st 1946, weekly. Moderate left. Suppressed in November 1946 for five weeks.

375. Mihan (The Nation). Licencee: Abli Talib Shirvdni (b. 1891). First published in Isfahdn in August 1919, and in Tehran from June 192 1 until March 1926. Reappeared on June 26th 1943. To begin with it was left-wing, a member of the Freedom Front, and signatory of the anti-Sa'id manifesto, though opposed to the grant of a Soviet oil concession. In January, February and July 1945 it was suppressed and replaced by Tihrdn-i Musavvar, Tihrdn-i Imriz and 'Alam (qq.v.) respectively. After its reappearance in September 1945 it began to veer to the right, becoming anti-Russian over the Azarbayijan situation. Its tone however remained moderate, and it thus survived the wave of suppressions in March 1946, continuing throughout the summer as virtually the only representative of the right. In September Shirvani was arrested on suspicion of complicity in the Bakhtiydri rising, but released two months later. Thereafter his paper resumed publication three times a week.

376. Mihan-parastdn (The Patriots). Licencee: 'Ali Jalali. First published in Tehran on March 27th 1943- Daily organ of the Mihan-parastan Party. It was suppressed for six weeks in April, and replaced for a time by Shahbdz (q.v.). After its release it continued to appear irregularly until 1945.

377. Ndkhudd (The Captain). Licencee: Amir Mu'azzami. First published in Tehran on October Ist 1946, weekly.

378. Ndquis (The Bell). Licencee: A. Bihgii. Editors: M. Sajjddi, A. 'Askari Rankfihi. First published in Tehran in 1944. Reappeared in September 1946 as a weekly. Moderate left. Suppressed for a period in November 1946.

379. Ndma-yi Pizishkdn (The Doctors' Journal). Licencee: Dr. Sayyid Muhammad Mir Damadi. First published in Mashhad in 1943. Reappeared after an interval in August 1946. Medical monthly.

380. Ndhid (Venus). Licencee: Ibrahim Nahid. First published in Tehran from April 192I till 1933. Re-

appeared on January 4th 1942, two or three times a week, dealing with political questions in satirical vein. It was suppressed for two months in August 1942. It supported Sayyid Ziya in 1943, joined the Independence Front, and signed the pro-Sa'id manifesto. In October 1945 it replaced Sadd-yi Irdn (q.v.) for about a month.

381. Nabard (Battle). Licencee: Khusrau Iqbal. Editor: Tafaiiuli (v. Irdn-i Md). First published in Tehran as organ of the Paikar Party on July 24th 1942. It was suppressed for six weeks in September. In March 1943 it superseded Bahdr (q.v.), but in April it was suppressed and Iqbal arrested and interned at Arak. It was replaced briefly by Nabard-i ImrGz (q.v.), and in June 1943 superseded by Irdn-i Md (q.v.). It was a signatory of the anti-Sa'id manifesto of 1944, but did not reappear until March 1945, when it twice replaced Irdn-i Md, as also in June and December. It did not appear apart from this, but Iqbal was a committee-member of the Iranian Press Association and delegate to the World Press Congress in Prague in June 1947.

382. Nabard-i Imrtz (The Battle of Today). Licencee: Jahangir Tafai2uli (v. Irdn-i Md). First published in Tehran on April I8th I943, in place of Nabard (q.v.), and immediately suppressed. When Tafaiiull received the licence for irdn-i Md in June 1943, Nabard-i Imraz was transferred to Mas'fid A'zami Zangana. It reappeared in February 1945 (having in the meantime joined the Freedom Front and signed the anti-Sa'id manifesto), edited by Anjavi Shirizi, but no longer a Paikar Party organ. It was immediately suppressed, and replaced at intervals by Ufuq and Shahr-i Farang. In March 1946 a special number entitled Ddnishgdh (The University) was published by the Students' Union of the Law Faculty of Tehran University. In November 1946 and July 1947 it replaced Jibha (q.v.).

383. Nijdt (Salvation). Licencee: 'Abdallah Nijat. Editors: Amir Nijat, Majid Nijit. First published in Tehran in 1909 by Muhammad Nijat (1877-1933). Reappeared in Tehran on August 8th 1946. Moderate right weekly. It was suppressed for a period in October 1946 and in May 1947.


384. Nifat-i Irdn (The Salvation of Iran). Licencee: Zain al-'Abidin Furfizish (b. 1897, lawyer). Editor: Sayyid Isma'il Khalili. First published in Tehran from December 1921 to 1926. Reappeared in March 1942. At first it took a religious line, though also interested in political and social questions. In March 1943 it was the organ of the reformist Khalq Party. It was suppressed twice during 1943, and again in November 1944, when it was replaced by Shahbdz (q.v.). It was by now left-wing, a member of the Freedom Front, and a signatory of the anti-Sa'id manifesto. In January 1945 it was suppressed and replaced by

I.alldj (q.v.); there was a

further suppression in August. During 1946 it was an organ of the Iran Socialist Party, and supported the Azarbayijan Dimukrit regime. By the end of the year it had become more moderate, and during the summer of 1947 swung over to a moderate right position.

385. Nakhshab. Licencee: Riid Pfir Salar. First published in Tehran in May 1944. Reappeared in February 1947 as a weekly. The group publishing it, who also published Amvaj (q.v.), included Capt. Matini, a former Arik internee.

386. Nidd-yi Azddi (The Call of Freedom). Licencee: 'Ali Azddi Farazi. Editor: Muhmfid Nikpfir. First published in Tehran on July 19th 1944. Member of the Independence Front. In June 1945 it replaced Iqddm (q.v.) and was immediately suppressed. In July it replaced Nidd-yi 'Addlat, and in October Mard-i Imrfiz, in December 1946 Shahrydr, and in May 1947 Ilalldj (qq.v.). Thereafter it continued to be published independently as an evening daily, and later as a weekly. In June 1947 it simultaneously appeared in place of Khabar (q.v.).

387. Nidd-yi Asmdni (The Heavenly Call). Licencee: Muhammad Janabzida (v. Saiha-yi Asmdni). Editor: 'Ali Ja'fari. First published in Tehran on June 23rd 1943. Member of the Independence Front and signatory of the pro-Sa'id manifesto.

388. Nidd-yi Juniib (The Call of the South). Licencee: Muhammad Baqir Tangistmni.

First published in Tehran in October 1911. Reappeared in Bfishihr in the summer of 1946.

389. Nidd-yi IHaqfqat (The Call of Truth). Licencee: Dr. Kdzim Vaziri. Editor: Shams Tabrizi. First published in Tehran on August I7th 1943. It was suppressed a week after its first appearance, and again three weeks after its release in the following December. Though not publishing, it signed the anti-Sd'id manifesto and joined the Freedom Front. In January 1945 it replaced Ddryd for one day, in September Rahbar for one day, in December Zafar for a fortnight, and also in January 1946, and in February Armdn-i Milli (qq.v.).

390. Nidd-yi Khurdsdn (The Call of Khurasan). Licencee: Dr. Nfih

Khurasdni. First published in Mashhad in September 1946, twice weekly. Moderate left.

391. Nidd-yi 'Addlat (The Call of Justice). Licencee: Ibrdhim Khija Nfiri (b. 19o00, lawyer, writer, government official-v. also 'Addlat and Bahrdm. Editors: Ja'far Jahdn (v. Irdn-i Nau), Dr. Ahmad Human (lawyer). First published in Tehran on May 29th 1944, superseding Bahrdm as organ of the 'Addlat Party. It opposed the Millspaugh Mission in 1944, and followed a centre nationalist line. In July 1945 it was suppressed for six weeks and replaced by Nidd-yi Azddi (q.v.). After its reappearance it moved over to the right as a result of developments in Azarbayijdn. It ceased publication in the spring of 1946.

392. Nidd-yi Gurgdn (The Call of Gurgan). Licencee: Ahmad Qasimi (local Tfida Party secretary). First published in Gurgan in April 1946. Local organ of the Tfida Party in Persian and Turkmenian.

393. Nidd-yi Millat (The Call of the Nation). Licencee: Mustafa Tabdtabd'i. Editor: Ghulam Riiz Farrukh Munshi. First published in Tehran on April 22nd 1945. Organ of the Mardum Party, superseded in July 1946 by Sadd-yi Mardum (q.v.), which however it replaced in January and April 1947.

394. Nidd-yi Mihan (The Call of the Nation). Licencee: Asadallah Tifianiydn (v. Tf~fdn-i Sharq). First published in Tehran on October 17th 1942, but not relicenced after the general suppression.

395. Nasim-i Shamdl (The Breeze of the North). Licencee: Harirchiy~n Sa'i (since 1934). First published in Rasht in 1907, and later in Tehran, by Sayyid Ashraf al-Din Husaini (d. 1934). Reappeared in March 1942. Right-wing. It was suppressed in October I942, and reappeared in April 1943. It was a member of the Independence Front and a signatory of the pro-Sa'id manifesto. It was suppressed in January 1945, but shortly afterwards appeared in place of Hir (q.v.), and was suppressed in February and again later in the year. In February 1946 it reappeared as an organ of the left, published by the Jam'iyat-i Javanin-i Iran. In May 1946 it replaced Farmdn. Thereafter it was published independently at irregular intervals. In July 1947 it appeared in place of the as yet unlicenced Khabar (q.v.).

396. Nasizm-i Saba (The Gentle Breeze). Licencee: IHusain Kiihi Kirmani (poet, writer, folklorist, d. 1957). First published in Tehran in March I923. Reappeared on January 5th 1942. It was suppressed in August


1943, and did not appear regularly thereafter. In November and in December 1944 it replaced HMr, in June 1945 Kisbvar for a fortnight, and in October once again Huir (qq.v.). It was suppressed for twelve months in December 1945, and never reappeared.

397. NaqsL-i Jahdn (The Picture of the World). Licencee: Husain Nfir-i Sadiqi. First published in

Igfahan on November 3oth 1907. Reappeared in 1943, daily.

398. Naubakht. First published in Tehran in July 1945 by Danish Naubakht in place of Aftdb (q.v.). Apparently not officially licenced.

399. Nau-Bahdr (The Early Spring). Licencee: Malik al-Shu'ara Bahar (1886-195i, poet, Minister of Education in 1946). First published in Mashhad on October 3rd 191o, and in Tehran from 1915 to October

1923. Reappeared in Tehran on February 22nd 1943, edited by R. Safavi. It was suppressed twice in April 1943, and again in August. It ceased publication during 1944, but joined the Freedom Front and signed the anti-SA'id manifesto.

400. Nir (Light). Licencee: Muhammad Khalisizada (leading Shi'a divine, with record of political activity in Iraq, later founded theological college in Kazimain, where he died c. 1964). First published in Tehran on April 24th 1945. Religious, rather obscurantist weekly, favouring Sayyid Ziya though not actually attached to his party. In May 1946 it was suppressed and replaced by Vazffa (q.v.).

401. Nar-afshdn (The Radiant). Licencee: Mme. Shaukat Salami. Editors: M. Afghami, Sayyid Abu'l- Hasan 'Alavi. First published in Bfishihr in August 1930. Moderate right weekly.

402. Nifrbakhsh (The Illuminating). Licencee: Sayyid 'Ali Muhammad Nfirbakhsh. First published in Tehran on September 26th 1946. Fortnightly mazagine.

403. Nauruiz (New Year's Day). Licencee: Asadallah Naurfizi Va'iz-i Nfiri. First published in Qazvin on June 9th I926. Reappeared in March

I943.

404. Nauruiz-i Irdn (The New Year's Day of Iran). Licencee: 'All Naurfizi. Editor: M. Naurfizi. First published in Tehran in July 1942. It was suppressed for two months in September. Left-wing in politics, it joined the Freedom Front and signed the anti-Sa'id manifesto. In May 1944 it was suppressed for three months. In September 1945 it replaced Parvarish (q.v.), and was suppressed a month later. It reappeared as an independent weekly in November, but in December replaced Ddd (q.v.) for one day. In 1946 it continued its left- wing line. It was discontinued towards the end of the year, and reappeared in May 1947, under the editorship of Mahmfid Ghaffari, taking a more moderate line.

405. Nau Nahalan (Young Saplings). First published in Tehran in the winter of 1943-44 by the British Embassy. Weekly (later fortnightly) children's newspaper. Ceased in April 1947.

406. Nihiat (The Rising). Licencee: Muhammad Shiva. Editor: M. Navazish 'Ali Aflatfinpfir. First published in Tehran on August 8th I946, in place of Sadd-yi Vatan (q.v.), and suppressed the same day. On March 2 Ist 1947 it reappeared in Tabriz as a weekly. In June a special number ofJahan-iFardda (q.v.) appeared ostensibly in its place, but this was later disowned. In July it was replaced by Ruistd (q.v.).

407. Nihiat-i Milli (The National Rising). Licencee: 'Abd al-.Husain

Khalili. First published in Tehran on July 26th 1943. Suppressed in September.

408. Nahang (The Whale). Licencee: 'Ali Razi. First published in Tehran on May 19th I943, as the organ of the Az Jan Guzashtagan. Published irregularly, and suppressed for periods of several months in June 1943, May 1944 and April 1945.

409. Nfrii (Strength). Licencee: A. Tamaddun Khurasani. First published in Tehran in October 1945. An irregular periodical representing the interests of teachers.

4Io. Nira-yi Milli (The National Strength). Licencee: Dr. Muhammad 'Ali Burhin Nau'parast. Editors: Rukn al-Din Humayfin Farrukh, Mahdi Iskandari. First published in Tehran on November 2Ist I943. Re- appeared in March 1945, and again in February 1946, this time as the weekly organ of the Ittihiadiya-yi Asnaf-i Kargaran va Pishavaran, a trade union organisation connected with Sayyid 2iya's Irada-yi Milli Party. It was suppressed in March 1946, and though released in December did not reappear.

411. Niri va Tandurusti (Strength and Health). Licencee: Irani. First published in Tehran on January 8th 1945, by the Nirfi va Tandurusti Society.

412. Nirz va Rasti (Strength and Truth). Licencee: Manfichihr Mihran. Editor: Mmine. Munir Mihran. First published in Tehran in the autumn of 1943 by the Paikar Party as a fortnightly supplement to Irdn-i MJ (q.v.). Later it became weekly. It was devoted entirely to sport.


413. Vijddn (Conscience). Licencee: Muhammad Mus.hib.

First published in Tehran on June I8th 1946, in place of Azdda (q.v.) and immediately suppressed. In October it appeared independently, but was suppressed a fortnight later and replaced by Kdrvdn and 'Aqida (qq.v.). Moderate right, it was connected with the 'Addlat Party.

414. Vah.dat-i

Milli (The National Unity). Licencee: Dr. Ja'far Qudsi. First published in Tehran on July I5th 1946, weekly. Reappeared in June 1947, with an editorial board consisting of Vdsiqi, Farhdd Safa- niya and Farazdaqi.

415. Varzish-i Ddnishgdh (University Sport). Licencee: Badr al-Din Ndsiri. Editor: Suhrdb Ghaffdri, Parviz Taliqani. First published in Tehran in November 1946. Monthly magazine devoted to Tehran University sport.

416. Vazifa (Duty). Licencee: Sayyid Muhammad Bdqir Mfisavi H.ijazi

(lawyer, writer on religious topics). First published in Tehran on June 29th 1944. Right-wing supporter of Sayyid Ziya's IrSda-yi Milli

Party, member of the Independence Front and signatory of the pro-Sa'id manifesto. In May 1945 it replaced Nir for three months, and in December Hir for the same period (qq.v.). In August 1947 it reappeared independently.

417. Hardz (The River Haraz in Mdzandaran). Licencee: Sayyid Muhammad Taqi Taqavi (b. 1915, teacher). First published in Tehran on March 24th 1944, weekly. Member of the Independence Front. It was suppressed for a time in 1945, and ceased publication after the middle of 1946.

418. Hardambil (The Easy-going One). Licencee: 'All Qambar Tabrizi. First published in Tehran on July 4th 1946. Comic political weekly (cf. Bdba Shamal and Qalandar).

419. Hunarmandan (The Artists). Licencee: Failallah Bayigan. First published in Tehran in October 1944.

Art magazine. 420. Hiir (The Sun). Licencee: 'Ali Javahir Kalam (b. 1895, teacher, writer). First published in Tehran

on April 22nd 1943, weekly. It was suppressed in August for a cartoon slighting the Shah. Reappearing thirteen months later as a daily, it supported Sa'id in the oil crisis, and joined the Independence Front. It was

suppressed in November 1944 for ten days and replaced by Nasim-i Sabd, and again in December for seven months, during part of which time it was replaced by Nasim-i Sabd, Sarguzasht, Nasim-i Shamdl, Arzil, Bunydd and Kdnfin (qq.v.). After its release in July 1945 it became a daily organ of the Irada-yi Milli Party. It was again suppressed towards the end of August 1945, and replaced by Nasim-i Sabd, Kdni7n, Naszm-i Sabd (again), and

Vazifa (q.v.). Hiir was released on January 26th 1946, but suppressed before appearance and again replaced by Vazifa until its suppression in March on the arrest of Sayyid Ziya.

421. Hzfshmand (The Intelligent). Licencee: Sayyid Abu'l-Qdsim Hfishmand. First published in Tehran on June 25th 1944, weekly. Signatory of the pro-Sd'id manifesto. Reappeared in February 1947.

422. Haliwad (Hollywood). Licencee: Amir Mu'izz (broadcaster, film maker). First published in Tehran in the autumn of I943. Fortnightly film magazine, published irregularly until the beginning of 1946.

423. rddgdr (Remembrance). Licencee: Dr. 'Abbas Iqbdl (1896-1955, historian, university professor). First published in Tehran in July 1944. High quality literary monthly, containing articles by distinguished scholars. Backed by 'Abbas Mas'fidi (v. I.ttild'dt).

424. razddn (God). Licencee: Manfichihr Rahsipar (v. Aftdb-i Tdban). Editor: Ja'far Mansiiriyan, Husain Ramtin. First published in Tehran on June 25th 1943, weekly. Nationalist and royalist, and opposed to Sayyid Ziya; connected with Nihiat-i Milli Party. In October 1944 an art supplement was published under the title Hunarpfshagdn (Artists). Tazdan was suppressed for a fortnight in July 1945.

425. Yaghmd. Licencee: Habib Yaghmf'i (b. I902, poet). First published in Tehran in June 1922. Re- appeared on September 6th 1945, in place of Irdn-i Md (q.v.); it was suppressed a fortnight later. In December it again replaced Irdn-i Md for one day. During 1947 it reappeared as a literary monthly.

426. Tak Dunya (One World). Licencee: Muhammad 'All Bayitr. First published in Tehran on August 8th 1946, weekly. Of violent left-wing tendencies, it was suppressed before the publication of the second number. In July 1947 it replaced Rdstgi' (q.v.) for one day.

427. raumiya (The Daily). First published in Tehran in November 1944, evening daily. 428. ra-ya (The Yo-yo). Licencee: 'Imad 'Ass~ar. First published in Tehran in 1930. Reappeared on

February I8th 1944, weekly. Member of the Independence Front, signatory of the pro-Sa'id manifesto, supporter of Sayyid Ziya. It was suppressed in September and in October 1944. In March 1945 it was superseded by Ashufta (v. Jung-i Asl•hufta).


B. IN ARMENIAN

429. Alik (The Wave). Licencee: Dr. Vartan Hovanesean. First published in Tehran in 1930. Daily organ of the Dashnak Party, neutral outlook.

430. Arevelk (The East). First published in Tabriz in 1944. Left-wing. 431. Aruseak (Venus). Licencee: Nazarean. First published in Tehran from 1934 to 1936. Reappeared

on February 22nd 1942, but was discontinued in the following August. 432. Bobogh (The Bogeyman). Licencee: Haik Karakash (b. 1893, actor, government official). First

published in Tehran from January 1920 to 1930. Reappeared in 1942 (possibly earlier), but was not relicenced after the general suppression (v. Veradznund).

433. Veradznund (The Regenerator). Licencee: Haik Karakash (v. Bobogh). First published in Tehran in 1929, daily. During 1946 it favoured the Russians.

C. IN TURKISH

434. Azar (The month of Azar). First published in Zanjan in March 1946. Official Azarbayijan Dimukrat publication. Ceased after the reoccupation of Zanjan in November 1946.

435. A~arbdyijadn Dimukrdt (The Azarbayijan

Democrat). First published in Tabriz on September 22nd 1946. Monthly organ of the Azarbayijan Dimukrdt Party. Ceased publication after December 1946.

436. Azdd Millat (The Free Nation). First published in Tabriz on February 24th 1946. Official organ of the Azarbayijan National Assembly. Ceased publication after December I2th 1946.

437. Oraimnya. First published in Riia'iya on January 24th 1946. Local organ of the Azarbayijan Dimukrat Party.

438. Javdnlar (Young Men). First published in Tabriz on May I8th 1946. Organ of the Azarbayijdn Dimukrat Youth Movement.

439. Shafaq (The Twilight). First published in Tabriz in August 1945. Organ of the Irano-Soviet Cultural Society in Tabriz. Literary monthly with some articles in Persian. Contained a large proportion of Soviet cultural propaganda, but little or no politics.

440. Ghalaba (Victory). Licencee: Muhammad Biriya (Azarbayijan Dimukrat leader, Minister of Education in autonomous Government). First published in Tabriz in 1946.

441. Fidd'i (The Devotee). First published in Miyana in 1946. Azarbdyijan Dimukrdt organ. " Fida'i " was the term applied to the locally raised Democrat troops.

442. Vattan Ytlanda (On the Road of the Fatherland). Editors: Sh. HIasan, Riia Quliyiif, Maj. Ja'far Khanddn. Propaganda periodical published by the Soviet occupation authorities. First published in Tabriz on October IIth 1941.

443. rani Sharq (The New East). First published in Tabriz in 1946. Azarbayijan Dimukrat organ.

D. IN KURDISH (see also 463 and 464) 444. Kurdistdn. First published in MahAbad in December 1945. Fortnightly organ of the Kurdistan

Dimukrdt Party.

E. IN ENGLISH

445. Dispatch. First published in Tehran in 1944. Publication of the U.S. Army Persian Gulf Service Command, sold only to U.S. Army personnel. Ceased with the evacuation of American troops at the end of I945.

446. Tehran Daily News. First published in Tehran in the autumn of 1942. Daily publication of the British Embassy. Ceased publication in October 1945.

F. IN FRENCH

447. Journal de Tehran. Licencee: Javad Mas'fidi (b. I909, brother of 'Abbas Mas'fidi--v. It.tild'dt). First published in Tehran in 1934, daily. One of the

It.tild'dt group. Signatory of the pro-Sa'id manifesto. It consisted largely of translations of feature articles from

I.t.tild'dt, foreign news items from the Agence France


Presse and other foreign agencies, French feature articles from the Paris press supplied by the French Embassy, and occasional original articles by Iranian writers in French. In November 1944 and for about six months a special Saturday edition, edited by the French Embassy Press Section, was published under the name Samedi.

448. La Nouvelle Europe. First published in Tehran in 1943. Editor: Jerzy Lenczowski. Monthly bulletin of the Polish Information Service.

449. Messager de Tehran. Licencee: Franqois Malik Karam (leader of the Assyrian community). First published in Tehran from September 2nd 1925 to 1936. On June I6th 1946, a single issue appeared containing a section in English as well as French. Malik Karam was connected with the Azddi Party and Irdn-i Md (q.v.).

G. IN RUSSIAN

450. Novosti Dnya (News of the Day). First published in Tehran in the autumn of 1941. Daily publication of the Soviet Embassy, later thrice weekly. It containing comparatively few references to Iranian affairs, except in the form of Tass messages relayed from Moscow.

H. IN POLISH

451. Nasz Przyjaciel (Our Friend). First published in Tehran on November Ist 1942. Catholic weekly. Discontinued December 1943.

452. Polak w Iranie (Poles in Iran). First published in Tehran on June Ist 1942. Weekly publication of the Polish Ministry of Labour and Social Welfare. Discontinued in December

1943. 453. Polska Jagielloniska. First published in Tehran in February 1943. Editor: Tadeusz Dzieduszycki.

Irregular. 454. Przeglad Polski (The Polish Review). First published on January Ist 1943, by the Conservative-

Monarchist group. Editor: Konstanty Rdultowski. Monthly, discontinued in March 1943.

455. Slowo Polskie (The Word). Editor: Stefan Bros. First published in Tehran on December 15th 1942. Monthly organ of National Party. Discontinued in April 1943.

456. Zew (The Call). First published in Tehran on June 25th 1942. Weekly cultural and educational journal issued to Polish troops. Discontinued in October 1942.

457. -iarnko Prawoslawne (The Seed of Orthodoxy). First published in Tehran in January 1942. Editors: Michal Boierianow, Wsiewolod Jeskow. Monthly journal of the Orthodox Pastorate. Discontinued in November 1943.

ADDENDA

A. IN PERSIAN

458. Khdndanihd-yi Nau (New Things Worth Reading). Licencee: Ahmad Anvari. First published in Igfahdn in the middle of 1946.

459. Dastdvfz (The Document). Licencee: 'Ali Naqi Bihrfizi. First published in Shirdz in the spring of 1946, daily.

460. Sitdragan (The Stars). Licencee: Asghar Qdlibaf. First published in Tehran (?) in the summer of 1946, weekly magazine.

461. Majmii'a-yi Imriaz (The Collection of Today). Licencee: Mahdi 'Ali Sabzavari. First published in Sabzavar in 1946, monthly.

462. Majma'a-yi IKhsha (The Collection of Ears of Corn). First published in Tehran in I944. Monthly guide to publications in Iran.

D. IN KURDISH

463. Hildl (The Crescent). First published in Mahhbad in I946. Literary magazine. 464. Hawar (The Cry). First published in Mahibid in I946. Literary magazine.

LURISTAN IN THE FIRST HALF OF THE FIRST MILLENNIUM B.C.

A preliminary report on the first season's excavations at BgbN Jgn, and associated surveys in the Eastern Pish-i-Kuih.

By Clare Goff Meade

Introduction In the Spring of 1963 and Autumn of 1964 the writer conducted two one-month surveys in the

province of Liristdn in the Central Zagros. The first, undertaken in collaboration with the Danish Archaeological Expedition to Iran, covered the western half of the province, and the following year work was continued in the east. As a result of these surveys it was possible to suggest a tentative historical framework for the area from the fifth to the first millennium B.C.2 However, it was clear that such a reconstruction, based on surface finds alone, would contain many misconceptions and in the second season the site of Bdbd Jan, near Ntirabdd, was chosen as being suitable for excavation: not only did its size and position indicate that it must have been an important local centre in the early first millennium but surface sherding suggested a sequence dating back to the Neolithic.

PART I: THE EXCAVATIONS The excavations at Bdbd Jan were begun on September 3rd 1966 and continued for two months.

They were sponsored by the Institute of Archaeology of the University of London. The team comprised Dr. C. L. Goff (Director), Mr. P. Bellwood (field assistant and surveyor), Mr. I. Kinnes (field assistant and bone specialist), and Miss Anne Searight (conservation and catering). Mr. G. Hewitt (architect) joined us for the first two weeks of the excavation to begin the survey of the site, and Mr. H. Abri of the Iran Bastan Museum undertook much of the photography of the pottery and small finds. Our representative from the Iranian Department ofAntiquities was Mr. M. Imani. We employed about thirty local workmen and three pickmen from Takht-i-Jamshid.3 The Area

The Pish-i-Kiih, or " Land in front of the mountain ", is that part of L-iristan which lies directly to the east of the Kabir KiGh-the massive range which separates the province from Mesopotamia

1 For a resum6 of the Danish excavations in 1963 see J. Meldgaard, P. Mortensen and H. Thrane, " Excavations at Tepe Guran, Lfiristan, Preliminary report of the Danish Archaeological Expedition to Iran ", Acta Archaeologica XXXIV (I963), PP- 97 ff. For the subsequent season in 1964 see H. Thrane, " Archaeological Investigations in Western Lfiristin, Preliminary report of the Danish Archaeological Expedition to Iran 1964 ", Acta Archaeologica XXXV (1964).

2 These interim conclusions were presented in the form of a doctoral thesis by C. L. Goff, New Evidence of Cultural Develop- ment in Lziristdn in the Late Second and Early First Millennium, submitted to the University of London in June 1966 (hereafter: Goff, thesis, 1966).

3 In addition the writer would like to take this opportunity of thanking the following people and institutions who helped us while on the excavation and in the course of the surveys. From the Iranian Archaeological Service I am indebted to Mr. H. Mashoon and Mr. A. Pourmand, Directors-General of the Iranian Archaeological Service, for permission to work in the area and to study and record the collections of Lfiristin pottery in the Iran Bastan Museum; to Dr. E. Negahban and Mrs. Nabil, the head of the Lfiristdn Department in the Museum, and Mr. Taghi Asafi who accompanied me on the survey of 1964. I am also grateful to the Departments of

Education in Kermanshah and Khorramabad and their sub- offices in Haft Chashmeh, Nfirdbhd, Alishtar and Kfih-i-Dasht for their hospitality, help and provision of guides. Particular thanks are due to Mr. Mohammad Reza Jazayeri of the Khorrambdid Department of Education, who acted as host and companion on both surveys, to our guide Mr. Qubadi, and numerous other tribespeople, villagers and sepah ddnesh who provided horses, accommodation and local information.

Thanks are otherwise due to J. Meldgaard, H. Thrane and P. Mortensen of the Danish National Museum of Copenhagen, who generously allowed me to co-operate in their project and to study their material in Copenhagen; to Mr. D. Stronach and the British Institute of Persian Studies for help with accommodation, arrangements and loans of equipment; to Miss Kay Wright, my companion on the 1964 survey; to Dr. R. H. Dyson and Dr. T. C. Young, Jr., for providing information about material from IHasanlfi, and to the latter for loans of excavation equipment from Godin Tepe.

Our work has been financed by Wolfson Fellowships from the British Institute of Persian Studies; by grants from the Pilgrim Trust, the Gerald Avery Wainwright Near Eastern Fund, the British Academy, the University of London, the Ashmolean Museum, and from the city museums of Bolton and Birmingham.

105


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(Fig. I). It consists of two main divisions, a warm, low-lying area or Garmsir, which forms the winter pastures of the local tribes to the west, and to the east a high, cooler area or Sardsir, where the summer settlements lie. The two areas are divided by the Kfih-i-Sefid, a range almost as great as the Kabir Kilh, which starts south of Kermanshah and runs south to Khorramab~d. At the beginning and end of its course it forms a continuous ridge, but in the centre it is broken up into a series of lesser mountain chains which offer a passage for the migrating tribes.

Despite its proximity to Mesopotamia, the Pish-i-Kfih is relatively isolated from it and was little influenced by it culturally in antiquity. Since the passes over the Kabir Kfih are high, and difficult to cross, it follows that the only way to enter the area from the west is to skirt the range either to the north or south; either to come south-east from Sulaimdniyya and the Diyvla passes or to move north up the Kerkeh from Khtizistan. It is, however, closely linked with the Iranian interior, particularly with the group of plains centred on Kermanshah and their southward extension to Burujird. A further point to be noticed is that within the Zagros even a relatively small area, such as the Pish-i-K-ih, can contain widely differing cultures within a single period. The main cultural divisions run longitudinally in a north-east, south-westerly direction along the linked chains of valleys that lie between the major ranges, and they often fail to leap these mountain barriers into the next line of valleys running parallel to the west or east. Thus at several periods, the Kiih-i-Sefid divides the Pish-i-Kfih into two cultural provinces and is, in turn, isolated from the Nihawand and Burujird valleys by the Kih-i-Garin.

The Eastern Pish-i-Kzh4 (Fig. 2) Baba Jan is situated in the eastern half of the Pish-i-Ktih between the Kfih-i-Sefid and Kfih-i-Garin.

This is a fertile, well-watered area, drained by the upper reaches of both the Saimarreh and the Kashgan, and it comprises both wide, intensively-cultivated plains and upland pasture. The extreme north of the region south of Harsin is occupied by the Kakiwand plateau, a broad expanse of barren, rolling country about 24 km. across and rising to over 2000 m. in the centre. Its northern edge rises in a series of isolated peaks-Kiih-i-Ddfid, Chia Wizan, Gul-i-Ndb or Aftabron. Settlement patterns on and around this plateau are dependent on the tributaries of the Saimarreh, particularly the Ghiz, which starts as a great fan of tributaries rising in springs in the foothills to the south of the Kiih-i-Garin, or in Kaleao, south of Niir~bdd. Around the spokes of the " fan " stretch the wide alluvial plains of Chawari and Khawa, east of the main road, and their westward extensions to Sarabgar and Delfan. The streams collect in the Badavar, a deep, swiftly-flowing river, which runs along below the plateau and is fed by minor rivulets coming in from the north through the narrow valleys of Sinjdbi, Mir 'Ali, Tii-i-Nabi and De Espi. Between Chia Wizan and Gul-i-Ndb the Badavar unites with a second string of tributaries draining the northern part of the plateau, and the united river, now renamed the Ghiz, cuts through the plateau in a huge curve to meet the Saimarreh. On its way it is joined by the Ab-i-Tarazek which rises in an important circle of springs behind Chia Wizan, and by the Khangari from behind Gul-i-Ndb.

Below the watershed between the Ghiz and the Kashgan one finds a very similar pattern of plain and plateau. The large alluvial plain of Alishtar, formed around the upper reaches of the Kashgan, is closely comparable to Khawa, while to the west, the rolling hills of Mirbeg, a southward extension of Delfan, are cut by minor tributaries into deep fissures which support small fertile oases. Below Alishtar one enters the drainage area of the Ab-i-Khorramitbd, which is aligned culturally with the south.

The broad plains, which form such a striking feature of the eastern part of the province are enormously fertile with prosperous villages, and, at Alishtar itself, a sizeable town with schools and a modern hospital. Ancient settlement in certain respects reflects the modern plan. Sites are surprisingly uncommon, but when they occur tend to be large-Giriran in Alishtar is over 400 m. across and 12 m. high.5 Smaller tribal settlements, graveyards and rumours of" bronzes " tend to be rare.

4 On the geography of Lfiristan in general and the Eastern Pish-i-Kfih in particular, see Sir Aurel Stein, Old Routes of Western Iran (1940) (hereafter: Stein, I940), pp. I89-313; Miss F. Stark, " The Bronzes of Lfiristin ", Geographical Journal LXXX (1932), pp. 335 f. and " The Pusht-i-Kfih ", Geographical Journal LXXXII (I933), Pp. 247 f.; J.V.

Harrison, " South West Persia-a Survey of Pish-i-Kfih in Liaristin ", Geographical Journal CVIII (1946); C. J. Edmonds, " Pish-i-Kfih and Bala Giriveh ", Geographical Journal LIX (1922) (hereafter: Edmonds, 1922), pp. 335 f.; E. F. Schmidt, Flights over Ancient Cities of Iran (1940).

5 Stein (1940), pp. 280-5.

LUJRISTAN IN THE FIRST HALF OF THE FIRST MILLENNIUM B.C. 109

Once into the river valleys and around the springs on and below the plateau, however, the situation changes, and one finds numerous groups of smaller sites, associated in the early first millennium with large graveyards, or graveyards by themselves, either dug into the summits of older tepes or on bluffs overlooking the river. Most of these settlements are extremely difficult to reach except on foot or horseback, since they lie either on the summit of the Kakiwand-Aftabron plateau or along the Badavar and Khangari river valleys, which are protected from the main plains farther east by narrow, rocky passes. The key to this settlement pattern can possibly again be sought in the character of the modern settlement. The whole of the area from the Kaktwand plateau to South Mirbeg is today occupied by five related tribal groups,6 who, when they migrate to the warmer valleys of the west, leave only a few families behind in the village to " caretake ". A typical eastern settlement, therefore, consists of a small group of mud-brick houses, a much larger group of tents and the cemetery. As we shall see, it is almost certain that similar conditions prevailed in the early first millennium.

Bdbd Jdn Baba Jan (Fig. 3) lies in a natural amphitheatre close to the low Ghiz-Kashgan watershed on the

southern edge of the Delfan plain. To the north and north-west the summits of the tepes command a view of the river valley, up which runs the main track to NoirtbSd, the Delfan plain and, in the far distance, the plain of Khiwa and the Nihivand pass. To the south, easy routes lead into Mirbeg, while to the south-west the main migration route' of the NOr 'Ali and Mirbegi to their summer pastures runs back into Rumishgan and Koih-i Dasht. The site is also within striking distance of Sarabgar, which lies at the end of the more northerly route from Hulilan up the Saimarreh across Sarkashti and down the Khangari valley.

The position is, therefore, of some strategic importance, and it seems probable from the extent of the early first millennium occupation and the size of the buildings associated with it, that at this period the site may have formed the modern equivalent of Nirabad, the present local administrative centre, and have been the headquarters of a local chieftain. These strategic conditions, however, may have been initially less important than the presence of two springs in the immediate vicinity and of the large expanse of rolling farmland, which, in a good summer, produces large crops of wheat.

The ancient settlement comprises a large central mound with smaller tepes to the east and south- west, and the town, at any rate in the penultimate phase of occupation, spread out along their flanks into the surrounding fields.

The Central Mound is approximately oval in shape and is orientated east-south-east by west-south- west. Its flat summit measures about 60 m. by 30 m., and it is about 120 m. wide across the base. To the north and north-west, the side of the prevailing winds, it drops steeply for 15 m. to one of the springs and its accompanying watercourse, but its sheltered, eastern flank shelves away more gently to the low saddle separating it from the smaller East Mound.8 To the south it continues as a broad ridge 150 m. long which terminates in a low mound, now serving as the local burial ground.

The East Mound is somewhat conical in shape, measuring about 85 m. across the foot, and, like the central mound, is more steeply contoured on the side of the prevailing wind. It rises only 4"'50

m. above the western saddle but on the east is over twice that height above the surrounding fields. A second spring lies approximately 130 m. to the south.

Central Mound Excavations A preliminary inspection of this mound showed that it was the centre of the settlement during the

early first millennium. Although its west and south-west flanks were pitted with robber trenches, these did not extend onto the flat summit except at the extreme southern edge, where the remains of large

8 The best summary of the tribal movements is given in Edmonds (1922). Present-day groupings in the area are as follows: Kakdwand: Kfih-i-Dufid, Chia Wizan and Haft Chashmeh; Auldd Qabdd: from Badavar-Ghiz junction and De Espi in the north to the Aftabron plateau on Gul-i-Nab in the south; Itiwend: Sarabghar and the Khangari valley; Nfir 'Ali:

around NfirabTd in Delfan; Mirbegi: Mirbeg plain in extreme south.

' It is significant that the last five stages of this route are all marked by groups of prehistoric sites, and four of them contain mounds of the early first millennium.

8 A datum of Ioo m. was established on the " saddle ".


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stone walls could be seen protruding just below the surface of the mound. Excavations were accordingly started in the vicinity of this trench and by the end of the season had been extended to cover an area measuring 40 x 37 m., extending over the whole of the western half of the summit.9 In addition soundings were made on the steep south-west flank of the mound to test the lowest levels of occupation; on the ridge running down to the Islamic graveyard, and in the fields immediately to the east of this graveyard.

The first millennium settlements The upper three levels on the summit of the Central Mound all belong to a single period lying within

the first quarter of the first millennium B.c. For the purposes of this paper this period will be known as Bdb~ Jan B.

Level 3 The earliest of these settlements, 3, is so far known only from small soundings. It appears to have

consisted of small stone houses, which may have been deliberately destroyed and their foundations filled with rubble to make a solid foundation for Level 2. It was surrounded by a large buttressed wall.

Level 2 With Level 2 (Fig. 4) we reach the first of the " fortified manors " which are the most interesting

feature of the site so far discovered. Nothing but a single layer of stone foundations remained and in many cases these had been incorporated into the foundations of the later manor in Level I, making the extent of the original wall a matter of guess-work. Those that survive have a very distinctive character in that they are made up of small pebble-like stones, faced along much of the exterior with massive boulders (P1. Ia).10 The missing superstructure must have been of mud brick.

The plan is simple, comprising a long room c. 4"-30

m. by 17-50 m., adjoining a rectangular court

9- 6o m. across. Presumably other rooms lay north of the court in the area still to be excavated. At the corners, and around the outer wall, are smaller rectangular or L-shaped rooms which probably continued upwards in the form of towers (P1. Ia). The " manor " must thus have resembled the fortified farmhouses and villages common to all parts of Iran wherever there is a strong nomadic element in the population. There were virtually no internal features remaining in the building, apart from paved floors in two of the rooms surrounding the courtyard. There were also the remains of an excellent floor in the courtyard, in this case composed of a layer of hard greenish-grey clay overlying roughly laid flagstones. We could find no traces of post-holes corresponding to the ones found in this area in Level I, and assume that this area was probably unroofed.

Level I The Level I " manor " (Fig. 5) appears to have been a rebuilding of Level 2, but on a more massive

scale and to a more sophisticated plan, which indicates contact with the more civilized areas to the north. The main unit of court and reception room was retained, the Level 2 walls in these areas being in the main incorporated into those of Level I. The central courtyard, however, has been converted into a columned hall, while the corner towers have been replaced by further long reception rooms, which, to the west of the building, have been prolonged to form the sides of a shallow alcove.

Level I lay just below the surface of the mound and, as in Level 2, little remained except stone foundations. Definite floors could be distinguished only at the southern end of the " court " where a line of stone paving lay at a slightly higher level to the existing foundations (P1. Ib). All traces of superstructure for the walls had likewise been ploughed away, but the bricky character of the fill and virtual absence of any rubble suggests that again it was of mud brick. The foundations themselves were

)The excavation was based on a grid of ten metre squares separated by baulks I m. wide which were finally removed for photography. The actual grid-units are, therefore, II m. square.

10 This type of construction is apparently also found at IHasanlfi III in Azerbaijan (personal communication from Dr. T. C. Young, Jr.).

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extremely massive-they were often three courses high (e.g. P1. Ia), and it sometimes took up to three workmen to shift a single stone-suggesting that the original builder had a large labour force at his disposal.

The hall The central hall was entered from the east through a narrow doorway marked by a stone threshold.

The entrance to the long room beyond was presumably directly opposite between a pair of decorative buttresses: the position of the original threshold was marked by a small door-socket lying on a pillar of stones at a slightly higher level to the rest of the foundations.

The roof was supported by at least one, and probably two, rows of columns. The position of the main row is marked by three post-holes (I-III, Fig. 5), running parallel to the long axis of the hall but somewhat east of centre, and there may have been a further wooden post resting on the patch of stones IV. The position of the second, less regular row is indicated by post-hole V on the edge of the paving, and by two flat stones VII and VIII, which could have supported pilasters at the ends of the two buttresses. These pilasters would be neatly aligned with posts II and III, and similar flag stones VI and XI lie against the east wall opposite posts I and IV. Post V is unique in having no " pair ". Post X in the north-east corner appears to be part of a secondary structure, a high hearth on a patch of stone flooring associated with a short cross wall. This would have divided the northern end of the hall into two compartments screened off from the main living area.

As with modern L-iristan living-rooms, the rows of posts would have been linked longitudinally by heavy beams, with the roof being laid on smaller slats placed transversely from beam to beam. It should be noted that this superstructure was unlikely to have been of any great height, or weight. This can be deduced both from the size of the posts involved and the unsatisfactory nature of their settings. The holes extended only as far as the stone superstructure of the Level 2 floor. The end of the post had then been placed in position and large flat stones had been rammed in around the sides to steady it. In post-hole I we found what may have been the remains of a " ghost " 18 cm. in diameter. The contrast of these rather amateurish settings with the massive column bases of the Burned Buildings at IHasanlfi is striking.

The paved area at the southern end of the hall communicates with the exterior of the building by a stone drain. It seems to have been either a light-well, or else possibly an area where rather messy domestic duties were carried out, which had to be sluiced down at regular intervals."

The alcove Beyond the " long room " at the western end of the building was a long, shallow alcove ornamented

by decorative stone buttresses (P1. Ia). Although this arrangement suggests a portico, no trace of any post-holes could be found in the area, though it is possible that the enormous stones edging the Level 2 floor-which here lies very close to the Level I floor-were used as supports for wooden columns. One would have expected the main entrance of the building to lie in this area, but no trace of its position could be found in the outer wall, which was unusually well preserved to the height of three courses. The area immediately beyond appears to have been open courtyard and contained a single inhumation (P1. IIb) accompanied only by a small painted pot.

The outbuildings Extensions to the south of the main building exposed an open enclosure, bounded to the west by a

stone street possibly leading to a small stairwell (P1. IIa).12 Soundings on the south-west ridge indicated that the main manors were surrounded by small stone houses.

11 At the moment the hall is certainly surrounded by rooms on three sides, leaving little space for windows. There may, however, have been an open space on the unexcavated northern side. Ian Kinnes was of the opinion that many of the animal bones found in the region of the stone floor showed signs of deliberate chopping and dismemberment, suggesting that it

might have been an area where animals were slaughtered. A similar paved area is found at the end of modern nomad tents and serves as a repository for household goods-both bedding and other articles such as skins, bowls of mast, etc.

12 The plan resembles stairwell plans elsewhere; but the actual area involved appears to be rather small to accommodate steps.

LfURISTAN IN THE FIRST HALF OF THE FIRST MILLENNIUM B.C. 115

Comparisons The plan of Level I is obviously related to those of the Burned Buildings in Level IV at IHasanla.13

Here we have the same large hall with a single or double row of columns down the centre, pilasters along the walls, a central hearth and a paved area communicating with the exterior by a drain. In both cases these halls are surrounded by narrower rooms which seem to have served as storage and working areas. But there are also certain significant differences. Not only is the Bftbt Jan structure a good deal less carefully planned and more " provincial "-as is only to be expected-but the two buildings, though superficially similar, seem to have developed from slightly different architectural traditions. At Hasanlii, the main room is undoubtedly the Central Hall, around which the smaller chambers cluster. If one examines the Bbftb Jin foundations carefully one can see that the rooms to the north-west, west and south, are built as a unit, with massive walls up to 2 m. thick. The north-east and east walls of the hall, on the other hand, are much lighter constructions and in the south-east corner of the buildings are not bonded in to the major walls. It looks as if the builders were still perhaps thinking in terms of the older Level 2 building traditions of a long reception room or rooms opening off a central court. However, in deference to new ideas coming in from the north, they decided to roof in the courtyard. Being unused to dealing with wood, their methods of setting wooden columns were extremely clumsy and, despite the increased importance of the hall, the main reception room still held an important position in the scheme of things.

A further point to be considered is whether the building had a second storey. The thickness of the main walls makes this seem likely. There are also deposits of objects found just below the summit of the mound, which may have fallen from a higher floor level-but could equally well have tumbled from a flat roof. And if there was a second storey, did this extend over the now roofed-in hall? Or was the hall perhaps only one storey high-forming a lower area in the centre of the building, with its flat roof forming a first-floor " courtyard " for the second storey rooms surrounding it ?14 Such an arrangement is fairly common in the village architecture of western Turkey, though I have yet to see it in the less elaborate houses of central Liiristan. Any final reconstruction of the two manors, however, will have to await the excavation of the remaining third of the summit of the tepe.

HasanlGi IV apart, there seem to be important parallels between the manors of Bifbd Jdn I and 2 and later Achaemenid architecture.15 The Achaemenid columned hall is, of course, directly paralleled both at HasanlGi and Bdbd Jan, where Level I may represent an intermediate stage in the transmission of this particular building unit to the south. Less obvious at Hasanli is another distinctively Achae- menid feature-the use of corner towers, which flank columned porticoes, running along the sides of the building. As we have seen projecting corner towers are a major feature in Level 2, and in Level I these develop into a buttressed facade between projecting side rooms, which could possibly be ancestral to the Pasargadae porticoes.

Pottery The pottery from the three upper levels16 is of the type known as " genre Lfiristdn "17 and can be

divided into common, medium and coarse ware.

13 R. H. Dyson, Jr., " Problems of Protohistoric Iran as seen from HIasanl ", JNES XXIV (1965), figs. 4 and 5 and pp. 198-9.

14 This would be in complete contrast to IIasanlfi where Dyson (Dyson, JNES XXIV, p. 198) definitely postulates a two- storied hall with or without balconies.

15 For plans of Achaemenid architecture at Pasargadae and Persepolis see H. Frankfort, The Art and Architecture of the Ancient Orient (1958), p. 217, fig. og9 and p. 219, fig. Iio. The parallels between Iasanlfi IV and Pasargadae have been drawn several times: Dyson, JNES XXIV, p. 198; E. Porada, Ancient Iran, the Art of pre-Islamic Times (1965), p. 145. Porada would see an Urartian origin for the porticoes.

16 The absence of floor levels, and the undoubted disturbances which took place in antiquity during successive rebuildings of the manors make it impossible to work out a reliable sequence.

Fragments from a single vessel have been found in all levels from the top soil to the rubble fill underlying Level 3.

1 This terminology was originally employed by Ghirshman to describe tombs containing bronzes and horse trappings found in Level I at Tepe Giyan together with an unusual type of burnished buff ware which had its closest parallels in Lfiristan to the west: G. Contenau and R. Ghirshman, Fouilles du Tpde-Giyan pres de Ndhavend i931 et 1932 (1935) (hereafter: Giyan), p. 75 and pl. XVI. These tombs are now more correctly designated Giyvn I' and comprise tombs 1-6, together with tomb 52: T. C. Young, "A Comparative Ceramic Chronology for Western Iran, 1500-500 B.C.", Iran III (1965), pp. 62-8. Young includes only graves 1-5 in Period I' but an examination of the pottery collections in the Louvre shows that graves 6 and 52 were also of the same type and presumably

[continued on next page


Common ware (P1. IVa-b) is of medium thickness (7-8 mm.), hard, strong, well levigated, with inclusions which range from barely visible sand particles to crushed grits. It breaks with a fairly even fracture, and is either handmade or thrown on a slow wheel."s The colour varies from off-white, through cream to peach, pale orange and a light reddish brown, though a warm buff is the shade most frequently occurring. The surface is normally wet smoothed, and often several shades lighter than the interior due to firing processes. Only rarely do we have definite evidence for a slip. The finer fragments are usually burnished, often rather carelessly. The paint is usually reddish brown-greenish on overfired, vitrified sherds-and, although some of the decoration is of very fine quality (e.g., Fig. 6, No. 12), much is extremely crude, lacking either skill or imagination (Fig. I i, No. 8).

Medium ware: the large storage vessels and pithoi (Fig. 6, No. 24) are either made from a heavier variety of common ware or, more frequently, from a rather " biscuity " fabric with closely-packed grits, which breaks with an uneven fracture. The outside is wet smoothed but the interior is often untreated and rather friable and flaky. " Dirty " buff or reddish brown fabrics are the most common. The jars are normally decorated with applied cordons and impressed motifs.

Coarse wares are invariably coarse and friable with closely-packed black or brown grits. The colour ranges from reddish brown to black and the exterior is often smoke blackened. A lugged hole-mouth jar (Fig. 10, No. 22) occurs most frequently-also small jugs, jars and cups.

Grey wares: a minute percentage of the pottery is in fine wheel-made grey ware and would seem to

represent imports from other areas.

Shapes The repertoire of reconstructable shapes found this season was somewhat limited. The most fre-

quently occurring vessels were: (a) Simple jars with large belly, slim neck and pinched rim (Fig. 6, Nos. I and 2; and P1. IVb)

varying in size from the small examples illustrated to large storage vessels.

(b) Small bowls, usually with a horizontal handle and inturned rim (Fig. 6, No. 7; and P1l. IVa). Other forms occurring fairly regularly include:

(c) Deep, sinuous-sided bowls with vertical strap handles (Fig. Io, No. 19 from the East Mound). (d) " Flower pots " (Fig. 6, No. 8). (e) Deep hole-mouthed jars with reinforced rims (Fig. 10, Nos. 20 and 21 from the East Mound). (f) Sinuous-sided bowls (Fig. 6, Nos. 4 and 5). (g) and (h) A variety of handles, and of trough and tubular spouts from an assortment of cups,

larger jars and jugs (Fig. 6, Nos. 9, , I, I14, 14, 7-19). Some of these must have resembled the basket-handled " teapots " which turn up frequently in private collections from the area

(compare Fig. 6, Nos. 17 and 19, and Fig. IO, No. 24 with Fig. I I, No. 5). A small " milk jug "

(Fig. I I, No. 6) also seems to have been in vogue, as well as larger vessels, only fragments of which survive (Fig. 6, No. I4).

Types rarely occurring are (i) Solid or hollow pedestal bases (Fig. 6, Nos. 3 and 15). Handles were often ornamented with

animal heads (Fig. 6, No. 18) or flat knobs (Fig. 6, No. 20).

18 The tiny percentage of fast wheel-made sherds must represent either scatter from the East Mound-where such wares

predominate-or importations.

continued from previous page] contemporary. Lfiristdn pottery was otherwise known only from private collections or illicit digging. Examples from the Louvre are published in Giyan, pp. 80-5, pls. XVII and XVIII; and from graves in the Kakiwand plateau by A. Godard, " Bronzes du Lfiristdn ", Ars Asiatica XVII (I931), pls. LXVI-LXVIII. Unusual ritual vases in the shape of a man are published by R. Ghirshman, Persia, from the Origins to Alexander the Great (1964), p. 82, pl. io8 and p. 320, pl. 391.

Zoomorphic vases are collected in R. Ghirshman, " Notes Iraniennes XI: Le Rhyton en Iran ", Artibus Asiae XXV

(1962), p. 57 f. particularly fig. io; and L. Vanden Berghe, " Quelques Vases Theriomorphes Iraniens ", Artibus Asiae XV

(1952), pp. 233-40. A complete collection of all this pottery, together with numerous unpublished examples from the Iran Bastan Museum and from private collections in Tehran, can be found in Goff, thesis (1966), pp. 174-2o09 and pls. 107-33.

Fig. 6. " Genre Liristdn "pottery from Central Mound, Levels I-3. (Scale I: 4.)


Fig. 7. " Genre Liristan " pottery from Iran Bastan Museum, published by kind permission of the Archaeological Service.

We have yet to find definite evidence for the most dramatic " genre Lfiristan " vessel occurring in private collections-the ritual " tea-pot " with attached horizontal spout and both side and basket handles (Fig. 7, Nos. I and 2) though fragments of twisted handles (Fig. 6, No. 21) and large body sherds (Fig. 6, No. I2) may perhaps be derived from them. These jugs, like similar examples from Tepe Sialk, most probably come from tombs rather than private houses.

Designs The repertoire of designs is also limited. The three most often occurring are the line of " kites ",

often combined with the Kassite cross (Fig. 6, No. 16; P1. IVb left, compare Fig. 7, Nos. I and 2), rosette (Fig. 6, No. 12, compare Fig. I I, No. 8) or similar simple motifs; the pendant triangle (Fig. 6, Nos. 2 and 6, and P1. IVb centre and right); and the " dotted band " (Fig. 6, Nos. 7 and 8). Less usual are zig-zags, cross-hatching (Fig. 6, No. 15), nets (Fig. 6, No. 5), chequers (Fig. 6, No. 20 and fragments like Fig. 7, No. 3) and, on the smaller cups and jugs, " double axe " or " butterfly " arrangements (Fig. 6, No. Io; Fig. I I, No. 6). Significant is the use of large circular blobs in lines (Fig. 6, No. I o) or on the apexes of triangles (Fig. I i, No. 7).

East Mound In order to test the smaller mound we laid out a shallow stepped trench, 5 m. wide and 44 m. long,

running from the crown to its eastern edge, where a robber trench had exposed several metres of deposit. Since this robber trench furnished evidence for a dramatic change in the character of the pottery between the upper and lower levels of the mound, we decided to test these lower deposits by making a deep sounding, 5 m. by 8 m. long down to virgin soil, in its immediate vicinity (Fig. 9 Section). This trench was subsequently extended 4 m. to the west to clarify the stratigraphy in Level iv but in this area was not carried down below Level iv into the lowest level.19

19 This enabled us to obtain a preliminary picture of the stratigraphy, but as the following account will indicate the con- figuration of the mound is such that considerably more work remains to be done before the total picture emerges. The

levels and level numbers given here should accordingly be taken as provisional and may well need to be revised in subsequent seasons.

LURISTAN IN THE FIRST HALF OF THE FIRST MILLENNIUM B.C. 119

Level i consisted of a series of small, stone-built, terraced enclosures, linked by retaining walls and extending right over the summit and down the gently shelving shoulder of the mound (Pl. IIIa). Below these enclosures we reached several somewhat amorphous floors which sloped up to the north, and which may be better represented in the centre of the tepe (Level iv); and then two further well- marked building levels, va and vb.20 In Level va (Fig. 8, No. I and P1. IIIb) the style of architecture changes and we uncovered a well-preserved, mud brick house, which may have been burnt, with two or three rooms, and a great quantity of well-preserved pottery and small finds. Room I in particular produced several reconstructable pots (Fig. 0o, Nos. 16-19), an iron dagger, a set of iron tools, stone and glass beads, and an Assyrian cylinder seal of the ninth-eighth centuries B.C.21 Its south and east walls were built on stone foundations sunk into trenches. The north wall, however, appears to have been reused from Level vb. It was built of well-defined mud-bricks measuring 0.35 cm. square by 12-13 cm. thick and was still standing to a height of I m. 30 cm. in section. Otherwise little of Level vb was recovered beyond wall footings (Fig. 8, No. 2). In the south east corner of the trench the edge of a small room may represent a slightly later phase of construction.22 A line of post-holes connecting the corner of this room to the north wall presumably marks the position of a door. That more impressive architecture awaits our discovery in this level is indicated by fragments of wall tiles, with chequer-board designs reminiscent of the pottery of Sialk B.23

Pottery The sequence obtained from the East Mound is still incomplete, though two main phases can

already be distinguished. In Level vb (Fig. Io, Nos. 20-30) the pottery is virtually identical to that of the Central Mound.

New are bowls with flaring rims (Fig. Io, No. 23). Unusual features include a grey ware sherd with incised common ware decoration (No. 30) and worn vessels of the Giydn IV horizon, which must have been dug up from the earlier deposits on the Central Mound and re-used in antiquity.24

In Level va, Room I,25 " genre Liiristan " pottery persists, but develops new characteristics. Painted fragments are much rarer. Instead we find a great quantity of plain wares often in a brownish or greyish mottled fabric. This possibly derives from a conflagration, but fragments of a rather similar ware were also found on the summit of the Central Mound. Some of the shapes, e.g. deep jars with paired handles (Fig. Io, No. 19), are identical with common ware fragments from the Central Mound. Others, such as a rather metallic-looking bowl with a sharply inturned rim, ornamented by a horizontal handle and rim knob, appear to be more sophisticated versions of earlier types. Other vessels are a coarse ware jar with paired lugs (No. 17) and a medium coarse ware jug with wide spout (No. 16).

The intermediate levels between i and va produced very little pottery beyond coarse, vitrified sherds, the exception being the goblet (Fig. Io, No. 15) in a fine, wheel-turned, white ware, which has a surprising resemblance to vessels from Sialk V (Sialk II, P1. IV, I and 2).

The pottery from Level i represents a new phase of development which will be termed Bdbd Jan A. Its fabric is undoubtedly related to that from Phase B. The main innovation is that the bulk of the vessels were thrown on a fast wheel and have well-marked wheel ridges on the surface (cf. P1. IVc). As on the Central Mound, the fabric can be divided into common, medium and coarse wares.

Medium wares are made from a light brown, medium-textured clay with large, black grits that give the surface a speckled appearance, rather like a hen's egg. Otherwise the exterior is smoothed and sometimes burnished. The pots made from this fabric are usually rather thick-walled and heavy.

20 The present numbering is the result of work undertaken in the second season.

21 See H. Frankfort, Cylinder Seals (I939), pl. XXXIV, for a practically identical example; and Stein (1940), pl. XVIII, nos. 28 and 30, which are of a similar style from a " genre Lfiristan " tomb in Mauyilbak Tepe (Nfirabid) about I km. from Bibd Jan.

22 These stone footings lay on the vb floor and our excavations in 1967 showed them to have been a part of Level va.

23 R. Ghirshman, Fouilles de Sialk pris de Kashan, vol. II (1939) (hereafter: Sialk II), pl. XI 6 et passim.

24 For the Giy~n sequence see Giyan. The presence of Bronze Age pottery in Iron Age levels probably explains the mixed Giydn III/II " genre Lfiristan " tomb groups reported by Stein from Mauyilbak, Niirdbdd, Stein (1940), pp. 294-7-

25 The pottery from Room II was quite unlike that of Room I, but was identical to that of the Level i terrace directly above. Either this room was reused in a later period, or more probably this discrepancy is the result of pitting from the higher level which was very obvious in the north section.

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Pl. Ia. West facade of Bilbi Jian "Manors" viewed from north, showing the buttressed alcove of Level I overlying the foundations of a Level 2 tower.

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Pl. IVa. Small "Genre Luiristan" Bowls.

Pl. IVb. "Genre Luristan " jars.

Pl. IVc. Trefoil-sprouted jar from East Mound, Level i.


Common wares, by contrast, are made from a fine, hard, well-levigated clay, with small, often barely visible inclusions, usually white sand, or crushed grit. It breaks with a fairly even fracture. The colour range extends from a whitish-buff, through a deep peach-pink, to pale or dark orange. The surface is often much lighter than the core. Burnishing occurs on the finest examples, and is usually rather streakily applied to the rims of bowls, or to their interiors.

Coarse wares: genuine coarse wares occur very rarely, but fragments of pithoi ribbing and cable decoration are common in all levels.

Red wares: a very few, really fine sherds, have a light red slip and are burnished.

Shapes The most characteristic shape is the open bowl, sometimes with carination, and a great variety of

ledge, or nail headed rims (Fig. i o, Nos. 3-8 and 13-14). Also common are bowls with a form of inturned rim (Fig. IO, Nos. 9-I I) and hemispherical bowls with a simple pinched rim (Fig. Io, No. 12). All these bowl forms may have a horizontal loop handle on or below the rim suggesting a link with earlier levels (Fig. Io, Nos. I2-14, compare Fig. 6, No. 7).

Less common are jars with trefoil spouts. (P1. IVc); jars with upright spouts (Fig. 0o, No. 2); bowls with flaring rims, which again seem to carry over from Phase B (Fig. Io, No. I, compare No. 23) and a bell-shaped situla. Numerous jar rims, often flanged like the bowls, were also recovered, but no complete vessels.

Thus there seems to have been a definite line of development from Phase B to A, but this was accompanied by changes in building techniques and house alignments, and possibly by the destruction by burning of the house in Level va. The clue to these disturbances may lie in the amorphous intermediate levels, to be examined in greater detail next season.

External Comparisons and Dating The cultures of the Western Zagros from about 1250 B.C. to 400 B.C. have recently been divided

into three main phases, Iron Age I, II and III, roughly corresponding to HasanlGi Levels V, IV and IIIb and a, and extending from I1250-I000 B.c., 000oo-800 B.C. and 700-400 B.C. respectively.26

Although there is general agreement about the earliest and latest stages of the sequence there is still some dispute about the group of cultures in the Central Zagros, which comprise Sialk Necropolis B, the " genre LUristan " pottery, Giyan II and Achaemenid Village I. All these sites are characterized by the appearance of burnished buff wares with painted decoration in red, and Sialk, Giyan and LiiristIn also show marked similarities in vessel shapes and in the painted designs, particularly in the use of a pendant triangle. Collectively they appear to span the gap between HasanlGi Levels IVc and IIIa, and R. H. Dyson, Jr. would place them all in the early stages of Iron Age III, with Sialk starting c. 8oo B.C., Lfiristdn 750 B.C. and Giyan I 650 B.C. T. C. Young, Jr., on the other hand, would make Sialk at any rate Iron Age II. The excavations at Bdbd Jan would certainly seem to support this latter theory.

Bdba Jdn A The culture of the East Mound, Level i is quite clearly within the Iron Age III horizon. Ledge rim

bowls, trefoil spouts and upright beak spouts all have close parallels in Hasanlfi IIIB and Ziwiye as does the bowl with flaring sides and bowl with horizontal loop handle, both of which continue from the BbSt Jan B phase.27 The spouts also have parallels in Achaemenid Village II-III at Susa,28 which is dated by tablets to the fifth and fourth centuries B.c., and the trefoil spouted jar from Level i has an

26 Space prohibits a more detailed outline of the sequence. The following discussion should be read in conjunction with Dyson, JNES XXIV, and with T. C. Young, Jr., " A Com- parative Ceramic Chronology for Western Iran, I500-500 B.C.", Iran III (1965), PP- 53-85 and " The Iranian Migration into the Zagros ", Iran V (1967), pp. 11-34.

27 Young, Iran III, fig. I, nos. 3, 5 and fig. 2, no. I; Dyson,

JNES XXIV, pl. XLIV IIIB (centre), fig. 7, second line, centre; fig. LL, bottom (from Ziwiye); fig. I3, IIIB, left; fig. 7, base of page, centre. For Bdbd Jdn parallels see discussion on p. 121 above.

28 R. Ghirshman, " Village Perse-Ach6Mmnide ", MDP XXXVI (1954): upright spouts probably terminating in a beak, pl. XXXVIII, G.S. I22Ib; trefoil spout, G.S. I22 c.

Fig. io. Pottery sequences from East Mound. (Scale 1: 4.)

Fig. I . Representative pottery from Bronze Age (Nos. I-4), Iron Age II (Nos. 5-7) and Iron Age III (No. 8, etc.) periods from Pish-i-Kizh and Mahf Dasht. (Scale I: 4.)


almost identical parallel from Pasargadae.A9 This suggests that the upper levels of the mound date to the latter half of the sixth century.

That the culture in LUristSn, though not necessarily at Btbd Jan itself, extends back to the seventh century, is suggested by survey material from other sites in the Pish-i-Kfih and from the large plain of Mahi Dasht, west of

Kermmnshdh. Here typical Bibd Jan A ledge rim bowl sherds are found on

mounds associated with painted wares of the wheel-turned A fabric, ornamented with a repertoire of designs which are quite distinct from those of Phase B. These include dashes and solid triangles on the rims of bowls (Fig. II, Nos. II and 12), " pot-hooks " (Fig. II, Nos. I0-15) and hanging loops (Fig. I I, Nos. Io and 25). The first three motifs all have parallels in seventh-century Ijasanlfi IIIB and at Ziwiye.30 They also turn up in Achaemenid Village I,31 which can possibly be dated to about the middle of the seventh century.32 However, these designs may have continued far longer in the south than in the north for the hanging loops, loops surrounded by dots, and fence designs also turn up infrequently in the lowest level at Pasargadae.33 Moreover on the Mahi Dasht one finds three sites containing recognizably Achaemenid pottery,34 some of which is painted with " swans ", comparable to examples from Susa.35 Whether the painted material from Lfiristan itself represents the stage intermediate between Bibd Jan A and B, and will be found in the amorphous Levels ii-iv is still an open question. However, it clearly ties in the Achaemenid Village I with the Iron Age III phase, rather than with the late Iron Age II cultures which precede them.

Bdbd Jdn B The Baba Jdn A phase, as we have seen, is separated from the earlier B phase by considerable

disturbances, which are reflected throughout the whole of the Eastern Pish-i-Kiih.36 The earlier B~bd Jan B phase thus seems to be a distinct cultural entity, rather than an earlier phase of A, and one quite clearly related to the Iron Age II-IHasanlif IV group farther north. Not only are there striking parallels in the architecture but most of the pottery shapes also have their best prototypes in this earlier culture. These include ritual teapots with horizontal attached spouts, basket-handled teapots, deep bowls with paired handles, solid pedestals, open pedestals, animal-headed lugs, slightly biconical jars and simple handleless jars.37 Tab handles are not found but related forms certainly occur.38 At the same time there is very little of the grey ware so common at IHasanlfi and certain forms foreshadow later periods. These include the bowls with horizontal handle and bowls with flaring sides mentioned above and the jar with paired lugs (from Level va) (Fig. Io, No. 16), which has parallels both with Achae- menid Village I and HasanlUi III.39 The Assyrian cylinder seal gives a terminus post quem for Level vb of either the ninth, or the eighth century.40

29 Ibid., pl. XXIV, 6. Compare pl. IV c. 80 Dyson, JNES XXIV, fig. 9. 31 Ghirshman, MDP XXXVI, pl. XXXII. 32 Ghirshman (ibid., p. 19) dates the beginning of the village to

the middle of the seventh century on the basis of tablets which, according to Scheil, should be attributed to the last quarter of this century. There is, however, between Levels I and Levels II-III, a period during which the village was deserted and it seems likely that this followed on the sack of Susa by the Assyrians in 639 B.c. A mid-seventh century date is also accepted by Dyson and Young.

33 Cf. D. B. Stronach's forthcoming publication Pasargadae. Loops: pl. (5): I; pl. (io): xo-i2. Shapes and dots: pl. (Io): i9. Fences: pl. (io): 20-21.

34 Compare the following: Flat bowls: fig. Io: 17; Stronach, loc. cit., pl. 6: I6.

fig. o0: 18; Stronach, loc. cit., pl. 6: 14i. fig. io: 9; Stronach, loc. cit., pl. 6: 20. fig. Io: 24; Stronach, loc. cit., pl. 6: 24.

Simple bowls with ring base: fig. Io: 28; Stronach, loc. cit., pl. 9.I7.

Flat bowls also turn up in Achaemenid levels at Nimrud: M. E. L. Mallowan, Nimrud and Its Remains, vol. I (1966), p. 298, top left, lower vessel. Cf. fig. Io: 17. There are altogether six sites of this period on the Mahi Dasht, the two main ones, from which most of the published material is taken, are Chia Nargis in the centre of the valley north of the main road and Sardb-i-Firfizbbid at the southern tip. Space prohibits a more detailed publication of the plain but the information contained in Young, Iran III, on this area was originally based on my 1963 survey and made available to him in a personal communication.

35 Cf. fig. i I, nos. 19 and 27 with Ghirshman, MDP XXXVI, pls. XXXII and XXXIV, 6.

36 Below p. 128. 37 For examples from IHasanlfi IV see Young, Iran III, fig. 6, nos.

5 and 8-9; fig. 7, nos. 4-5 and 9; and Dyson, JNES XXIV, fig. 13, 4, left. For Baba Jan examples see discussion on p. I 16.

38 The pithos (fig. 6: 22) must have been furnished with some form of horned handle.

39 Young, Iran III, fig. 2: 9; Ghirshman, MDP XXXVI, pl. XXXI, G.S. 864.

40 See p. I 19 above and note 21.


Finally, the crude triangular designs on the Hasanlil IIIb41 bowls would appear to reflect the end of the " triangle ware " tradition rather than its peak. Bdbd Jan B would therefore seem to have flourished in the eighth century, perhaps starting as early as the ninth century, though the virtual absence of grey ware would seem to argue against too early an inception. Level va is probably seventh century-but if we are right in assigning Achaemenid Village I to the mid-seventh century, the culture must have died out before 650 B.c. This would have allowed a century or a century and a half in which the Iron Age II cultures of Azerbaijan penetrated south through the Zagros. Similarly the destruction of Hasanlh IV-possibly by Urartu-need not have been reflected farther south where Urartian influence did not extend.

If Bdbd Jan B is late Iron Age II, however, the same must also be true of Giydn I1-which is simply a local wheel-made version of the " genre Liristdn " pottery-and Sialk VI (Necropole B).

Parallels in shape between Sialk and .Hasanlfi

IV have been documented by Young.42 In particular, the ritual " teapot " with horizontal spout is very common, whereas the ledge rim bowl-the hallmark of the Iron Age III phase-occurs only once, and then in an obviously late tomb (No. 74) otherwise containing a pilgrim flask.43 Other Sialk forms also occurring in Lfiristan are " teapots ", small " milk jugs ", pedestal bowls and handles with animal-headed lugs,44 but the closest parallels with Laristdn obviously lie in the designs. Jars with pendant triangles, sometimes terminating in blobs occur ad nauseam in both areas,45 as do rows of blobs,46 chequer boards,47 and triangular decoration on the sides of spouts.48 On the other hand none of the most typical Iron Age III designs occur at Sialk. Parallels in metal types are less common but several varieties of armour button current at Sialk turn up at Bibd Jan.49 Again the social organization of the two cultures seems to have been remarkably similar. At Sialk we have evidence for the sudden appearance of a rich, warrior aristocracy, who were buried in tombs containing horse trappings and other rich bronzes. This would also appear to have been the situation prevailing in Lfiristdn during the richest phase of the " Liiristan bronze " culture, and, as is argued below, there is considerable evidence for associating this period with that of Bibd Jan B. The lack of even closer parallels between Sialk VI, Loristdn and IHasanlfi IV can perhaps be explained by the fact that the two cultures seem to represent parallel development from related Iron Age I sources, rather than a single culture. Whereas the origins of Bibd Jan B may lie in Azerbaijan or Kurdistan, those of Sialk VI are undoubtedly Khorvin, near Tehran.50 As with Liristin a grey ware Iron Age II culture seems to have penetrated south in the ninth century, or in the case of Sialk probably earlier, developed new characteristics of which the most dramatic is the reintroduction of painted pottery and survived when the more northerly cultures disintegrated.

As to whence the new characteristics derived, Young and Dyson both point to a dual source:

41 Dyson, JJNES XXIV, fig. i o, top. 42 Young, Iran III, p. 76 and note 28. 4" Sialk II, pl. XVI, no. 7. 44 Loc. cit., pl. XVI, nos. 4-5 and 7-8 and pl. XVII, particularly

no. Io (with the same decorative scheme as example on pl. II, no. 76).

45 For instance Sialk II, pl. LXXIII, S.93Ia-d and S.933a-f, and pl. LXIV, S.862.

46 Loc. cit., pl. LXIV, S.865. 41 Loc. cit., pl. LXVII, S.7oo, S.7296 and S.7o0. 48 Loc. cit., pl. LXXXII, A.D. et passim. Compare Giyan,

pl. XVII, bottom.

49 Unpublished examples from Bdbd Jdn equate" with Sialk II, pls. LV, S.5920; LVI, S.819a and LXXV, S.917.

50 For Khorvin, see L. Vanden Berghe, La Necropole de Khurvin (1964) (hereafter: Khurvin); Young, Iran III, pp. 70-72; Young, Iran V, p. 24: and Dyson, JNES XXIV, p. 206 and chart on p. 211. Almost every major Sialk form has its grey ware parallel in the Khorvin collections, the exceptions being jars with vertical spouts-a form obviously copied from wood, and still existing in modern Turkey-jars with fan spouts, and a few other oddities. Although most of this pottery comes from unstratified collections and is not certainly dated, the fourteen

tombs excavated by Vanden Berghe would also seem to have affinities with Sialk, and are more likely to be dated to the Iron II phase than to Iron III as Dyson suggests. The bowl with horizontal loop handle--which Dyson compares to

I.Hasanli IIIA examples-has, as Bbd Jin indicates, a long

history. All the other vessels in the tombs have obvious earlier prototypes in Iron I assemblages. Jars with single vertical handles have parallels in Sialk V (cf. Khurvin, p. 8, tomb 8, no. 3, with Sialk II, pl. XXXVII, S.441 and pl. XXXVIII, S.451b). Unbridged horizontal spouts with curled ornaments-which Dyson wishes to make typologically later than the bridged variety-have obvious unbridged prototypes in Geoy Tepe tomb K (Dyson, JNES XXIV, pl. XXXII) and Sialk V (Sialk II, pl. XL, S.478). They occur in Sialk IV, together with the bridged variety (e.g. Sialk II, pl. LIV, S.8 I and S.816, both from tomb 15) and seem to indicate a slightly different local method of constructing basically the same vessel. Bridged types continue far longer and are found on the Persepolis reliefs (E. Schmidt, Persepolis I, O.I.P. XVIII (1953), pl. 27). Teapots with tubular spouts (Khurvin, p. 9, tomb 8, no. 8) are also definitely Iron II. Finally, neither the tombs nor the unstratified assemblage generally seem to contain much iron which was in common use in the Iron II period onwards.


foreign influences coming in from Anatolia and the Caucasus and a resurgence of native culture which blended with the old. Both influences can be observed in Biba Jdn B. The " pendant triangle " motif seems to have originally come from Transcaucasia,51 while several of the pottery motifs have striking parallels with late eighth century Gordion.52 At the same time other motifs-notably the " Kassite cross " and the " kite "-would seem to be indigenous to the area;53 and the bronze industry may have been founded on older Elamite traditions.54

PART II: ASSOCIATED SURVEYS IN THE EASTERN PISH-I-KUH

The sequence obtained at Bdbh J~n has enabled us to chart the gradual change in cultures that took place in the Pish-i-Ktih between c. 900-600 B.C.

The Second Millennium In the large plains, Khawa, Chawari, Alishtar, and to a lesser extent Delfan and Mirbeg, the

second millennium is marked by the appearance of large village or small town sites of the Giyin III-II horizon. These produce classic wheel-made Giyvn III pottery, together with occasional fragments of the smaller " Habur Ware " jars found in Level II. The attractive " bird and sun " wares of this level are however absent. The exact date of the end of this period has yet to be established, but there is a

growing tendency among scholars to discount Giyvn II as a separate period and to extend Giydn II-III up towards the end of the second millennium.55

In the " tribal area " below the mountains, however, orthodox Giyan III red wares are uncommon

except along the main routes. On the Kakiwand plateau, and along the Badavar and Khangari one finds what appears to be a local variation, which is best termed " Bronze Age kite ware " to distinguish it from its Iron Age II derivative.56 The ware is pale buff, grit-tempered, cream or buff slipped and

painted with monochrome designs in brown or black. Red is sometimes added as a second colour. The most characteristic shapes are large keeled or shouldered jars (Fig. I I, No. 2),57 and carinated bowls (Fig. i i, Nos. 3 and 4).58 A single fragment may come from the side of a large tripod (Fig. I I, No. I). The characteristic design consists of a row of hatched " kites " usually enclosed in a carefully delineated frame and sometimes associated with small " star " or " sun " symbols. This pottery occurs on numerous small tepes and a few isolated graveyards. It must be roughly contemporary with the more orthodox Giyan III-II wares farther east.

A rather similar situation seems to have prevailed in the Western Pish-i-Kiih, though here the local design seems to have taken the form of a hatched triangle or band.59 The heart of this region, along the

51 The motif occurs in Transcaucasia as early as Trialeti at the beginning of the second millennium (C. Schaeffer, Stratigraphie Compar&e et Chronologie de l'Asie Occidentale (1948), figs. 290 and 389) where it is associated with large blobs as in Lfiristan. It seems to have been most widespread in Transcaucasia at this period but to have continued intermittently thereafter. For a summary of the evidence see A. A. Martirosyan, " Concerning the Dating of Archaeological Finds in Armenia of the Bronze and Early Iron Ages ", Sovetskaya Arkheologiya 1964 (3), PP. 21-36.

52 The most obvious parallels are: (a) the use of dotted bands as an edging motif; (b) the use of large horizontal zones of dotted cross hatching as a filler; (c) chequers; and (d) strap handles decorated with solid bands of paint. Cf. examples from Tumulus III usually dated c. 700 B.c. (E. Akurgal, Phrygische Kunst (1955), pl. Iia and I2a).

53 On the antecedents of the kite motif see above. For the " Kassite cross ", which appears on second millennium seals see E. Porada and B. Buchanan, Corpus of Ancient Near Eastern Seals in North American Collections (1948), p. 66 and figs. 583, 589 and 590. In fig. 583 the cross is surrounded by a frame closely comparable to the examples occurring on Lfristin

pottery, Giyan, pl. XVII, bottom, and the more elaborate examples illustrated here fig. 7, nos. I and 2. Butterfly designs, and rows of deer and water birds all hark back to the late Chalcolithic.

54 Porada, " Nomads and Lfiristdn Bronzes ", Dark Ages and Nomads, c. zooo B.C. (1964), ed. M. J. Mellink, p. 75 f.

55T. C. Young, Jr., " Survey in Western Iran, 1961 ", JNES XXV (1966), p. 236.

56 An alternative title of" Forth Bridge ware ", suggested by the Scottish element at the Institute is perhaps more descriptive, but less scholarly!

5. Compare examples from Giydn IV and Early III: Giyan, pl. 31, grave Io8: 7.

58 Closest parallels are fromJamshidi II: ibid., pl. 73, grave I: I. 59 Meldgaard, Mortensen and Thrane, Acta Archaeologica XXXIV

p. 132, figs. 34, 34a and 35. Y. Maleki, "Une fouille en Lfiristdn ", Iranica IV (1964), pp. 1-35, pl. III, nos. 3 and 4; pl. IV, nos. I and 2; pl. IX, no. 2; also unpublished examples from survey. The CI4 date of 1220 B.C. (Acta Archaeologica XXXIV, p. 133) and late metal work (Iranica IV, pl. III, nos. I and 2) associated with this pottery assign it definitely to the last quarter of the second millennium.


Saimarreh from Sar-i-Tarhan to the Tang-i-Tir was the centre of the mysterious " boulder ruin " civilization, which seems to have flourished around the turn of the millennium.60

In other words, in the late second millennium, the Eastern Pish-i-Kiih formed part of a well- established civilization, that of Giydn III, whose centres lay farther to the north and east.61 The outlying regions with the possible exception of the Saimarreh region supported a less sophisticated village population which probably already contained a sizeable pastoral or even nomadic element in its composition.

Iron Age I Around 1200 B.C., or perhaps a little earlier, a catastrophe seems to have occurred at Tepe Giyan

and sites in Eastern L-iristin and the old mounds are either abandoned, or the Giyan III-II painted wares are replaced by the monochrome grey, buff or red pottery of Giyan I introduced from the north.62 So far we have no direct evidence for similar developments in the Eastern Pish-i-Kiih; Tepe Jamshidi, however, seems to have been abandoned, and a similar fate may have overtaken Giriran.63 Sites in the remoter river valleys may well have escaped these new influences, and one can perhaps tentatively suggest that the older pottery, or degenerate versions of it, simply continued.64

Iron Age II The first definitely documented change in the region occurs with the sudden appearance of Bibd

Jin B wares all over the " tribal region " of the Eastern Pish-i-Kfih which presumably indicates the arrival of a new racial group. The main concentrations of sites lie around the Ab-i-Tarazek on the Kakdwand plateau, in the small valleys around Haft Chashmeh, on Gul-i-Nab, along the Badavar at Feridan, T-i-i-Nabi, and Mir 'Ali, in the valley of the Khangari, in the extreme west of Delfan; in west Mirbeg and in the valleys behind the Buzkan Kiih. Related wares also occur at Tepe Giyvn, but otherwise they are rare in Khawa and Alishtar, and are not reported by Young from the Kermanshdh- Burujird region. Nor are they common in the Western Pish-i-Kiih: Level VII at Tepe Guran produced a jar with an attached beak spout,65 isolated sherds occur at Murreh Kan and Kazdbhd, and isolated vessels, perhaps imported from the winter grazing grounds in Kakdwand, appear in nomad tents.

As described above in the general introduction, most of the sites producing this ware are extremely small. Those around the Ab-i-Tarazek are often only 50-75 m. across and one or two metres high. Yet to each tepe is attached an extremely large graveyard, suggesting that, in the early first millennium as today, village sites formed a nucleus for a much larger tribal encampment. When the ware occurs on larger sites, e.g. Tell-i-Ab, there is usually a large Chalcolithic or Bronze Age mound underneath accounting for most of the height. Exceptions are tepes such as Aftabron, Tezab or Bdbd Jin, sites either of great strategic importance or in rather richer areas than the vast majority. Even here, however, there is no great depth of deposit, suggesting that these sites were occupied only for a relatively short span of time. But within this period, the area seems to have been a prosperous one, for, although some of the earlier Bronze Age mounds were reoccupied, many new sites were also established, and in general the number of inhabited villages is double that of any preceding age. The exact relationship of the newcomers to the existing population is difficult to determine on the present evidence. On the evidence of the pottery alone however it appears that the incoming culture did not entirely dispossess the old, for the Bronze Age " kite " motif, peculiar to this region, was taken over by the Iron Age potters together with such obviously important second millennium symbols as the Kassite cross. In other words the B~ba Jan B culture appears to indicate the sudden intrusion into the Eastern Pish-i-Kfih of a largely

60 Thrane, Acta Archaeologica XXXV; Stein (1940), pp. 242-4; Schmidt, Flights over Ancient Cities of Iran, p. 84 f. and pls. Io9, SI0, I I6 and 117. The boulder ruins excavated by Thrane at Kurran Buzan would date from Giymn III-Early Achaemenid. The writer's own survey indicates that although many of the ruins photographed by Schmidt are later in date, several undoubtedly fall within the same proto-historic period, when the Saimarrah area may have been the centre of a sizeable civilization.

61 T. C. Young, JNES XXV, p. 231, type 2A; and Giyan, PP. 74 and 8o.

62 Young, ibid., p. 232, type 3A. 63 Giyan, pp. 93 and Io7, and personal observation. 64 This seems also to have been the case in the Western Pish-i-

Kfih. Confirmation of this theory, however, awaits the full publication of the Danish excavations.

65 Meldgaard, Mortenson and Thrane, Acta Archaeologica XXXIV, pp. 123-4, fig. 24-


nomadic society, which either enslaved or intermarried with the local population and enjoyed a brief period of considerable prosperity during which the " manors " of Bdbd Jan B were built. However, it never became strong enough to spread over the more fertile plains to the east of the region and seems in its turn to have succumbed to a fresh wave of invasions or disasters. Most of the mounds-like the Central Mound at Biba Jan-were suddenly abandoned, and a new type of pottery Bdba Jan A, makes its appearance.

Iron Age III As has been described above, Iron Age III wares, resembling those from Bibd Jan A, but also

containing a large painted element, are found scattered throughout the Eastern Pish-i-Ktih. As can be seen from the map (Fig. 2), however, they are not found in anything like the profusion of Bibd Jan B wares, and though they spread on to the big plains-important Bronze Age sites like Giriran are re-occupied-they are rare in the really isolated regions such as the Kakawand plateau.

In the Western Pish-i-Kiih, this horizon may be represented by pottery from the latest levels of the Danish excavations, by graves from Kazabdd,66 and by unusual bowls from Chashmeh Mahi and sites in the Saimarreh-Jazmen Rfid junction which have parallels in early Achaemenid levels at

Pasargadae (Fig. I I, No. Io). As we have seen, related wares also turn up on at least six sites in the Mahi Dasht and are reported by Young from Asadabad, Kangivar, Nihavand and Burujird.67 Finally as we have seen, painted examples of this ware are found at Susa, Achaemenid Village I, with a later

stage represented at II-III. In other words, the distribution of the Iron Age III wares is in striking contrast to those of Bdba

Jan B. Far from being an isolated phenomenon, they occur throughout the whole of Greater Liiristan from the Mahi-Dasht to Northern Khtizistin, being most poorly represented in the " tribal districts " so prosperous in the previous century.

The Liristdn Bronzes Before discussing the historical events which may be associated with these cultural changes, a word

should be said on what light our work has thrown on the enigmatic Lfiristan Bronzes, and in particular whether they can be associated with the " genre LfiristZn "-Biba Jan B pottery users-of the early first millennium.68

The evidence for attributing at any rate some of the more typical bronzes to the Bdbd Jan B people seems to be fairly strong. A bronze pin head in the shape of a lion was excavated in Level 1-2 in Trench G (Fig. 12). This is in exactly the same style as many of the more elaborate bronzes illicitly excavated in this region. The inference is that bronzes of this type were still in use at this period even if

originally invented or manufactured earlier. Moreover, when visiting the Kakiwand sites in the course of the 1964 survey, we were left with the overwhelming impression that these graveyards were one of the main sources for the more elaborate " standards ", pin heads and bits, which had not simply been imported from the Garmsir by the modern tribespeople. This idea had already been formulated

by Andre Godard,69 who visited the region soon after 1928 when the sites were first being plundered,

66 Thrane, Acta Archaeologica XXXV, pp. 163-5 and 168; and Stein (1940), pl. X, no. 38 and p. 249 f. Crude " milk jugs "

resembling a degenerate version of the Btibd Jdn B type were found at Derakht-i-Tabi and KazTbdd: another grave from the latter site also produced a pilgrim flask, not found till about the seventh century.

67 Young, Iran III, p. 232, 3B.

68 This is the viewpoint most recently propounded by Professor Ghirshman who identifies the " genre Lfirist2n " pottery with the Cimmerians: cf. Ghirshman, Persia from the Origins to Alexander the Great, p. 41 f.; and " Invasions des Nomades " in Dark Ages and Nomads, c. 0ooo B.C. (1964), ed. M. Mellink. It is also essentially the view of all those who would attribute the bronzes to an influx of " nomads " or " mounted warriors " from the north. The alternative viewpoint is that originally proposed by Freya Stark and more recently by the Danish team (Meldgaard, Mortenson and Thrane, Acta Archaeologica

XXXIV, p. ioo f. and note 9). They suggest that the industry was centred on the Western Pish-i-Kfih and bronzes excavated there by the tribes in the winter were taken across to the

Sardsfr in the autumn to be sold in Harsin. A compromise solution, but without the detailed pottery or topographical references, has been most recently suggested by E. Porada, " Nomads and Lfiristdn Bronzes ", Dark Ages and Nomads, c. iooo B.C., pp. 9-31, who suggests that the industry was established in the second millennium and taken over by the newcomers. For a total bibliography compare this article and L. Vanden Berghe, Archiologie de l'Iran Ancien (1959), PP. 175-87.

69 Godard, Ars Asiatica XVII (he erroneously names the area Dasht-i-Kiwa; but it can be located by the site of Telyab to the area east of Haft Chashmeh). Godard also notes the " nomadic " nature of the sites, but attributes them to the Kassites.

LfURISTAN IN THE FIRST HALF OF THE FIRST MILLENNIUM B.C. 129

Fig. 12. " Luristdn bronze "from Central Mound.

and his first-hand impression is obviously an extremely valuable one, since by now many of the sites have lain empty for years and people's memories inevitably grown cloudy. However, in order to check on his findings, we took with us tracings of all the main types of bronze illustrated in his report and showed these to the villagers living next to the sites in question. The older men readily picked out certain types of bronze which they assured us had been found locally, whilst others were discarded as unusual, or coming from other areas. Direct evidence was also forthcoming in the form of objects on display in the houses and tents. These included numerous bulb-shaped stands for holding the more elaborate pin heads and standards; torques; bronze vessels, including long trough spouts from the " ritual teapot "; and cymbals or shield bosses. In reply to a query as to whether any bits had been found, a peasant from Zeriska produced a convincing drawing of a cheek piece in the shape of a winged sphinx with horned head dress.

We have of course no proof that these objects were associated with the Iron Age II wares and not with the preceding Bronze Age ones. However, the pottery published by Godard as coming from the graves is all of this type.70 So too were the vessels which we were shown in the tents along with the bronzes (Fig. I I, Nos. 7-9). Standards were reported, and standard finials produced, at sites which had no obvious Bronze Age occupation. Such detailed considerations apart, however, one would expect a rich bronze industry to flourish in the period when the area was most prosperous and most densely occupied.

If our deductions are correct we can also perhaps draw one further conclusion. The distribution of the bronzes within the Eastern Pish-i-Kith coincides almost exactly with the distribution of " kite ware ". They are not reported from Khdwa, Chawari, Alishtar and West Mirbeg, which were centres for the classic Giyan III culture and for that of BtbS Jdn B. This suggests that the end of the bronze industry, at any rate in this region, was in some way connected with the catastrophe that led to the abandonment of the Kakawand mounds and the introduction of the Iron Age III cultures.71

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND AND CONCLUSIONS The Second Millennium72

The traditional inhabitants of Lfiristan in the second half of the second millennium are the Kassites. At the height of their influence they may have extended over much of the Central Zagros-they are in

70 Note 17, above.

71 Two Iron Age III sites in the " tribal region ", one very large, are said to have produced rich hoards of bronzes. The metal industry may, therefore, have continued into the next period at important sites. At the moment however, there is no

10

definite evidence for associating Iron Age III in Lfiristdn with a major phase of bronze production.

72 Historical sources, unless otherwise documented, are compiled from H. W. F. Saggs, The Greatness that was Babylon (1962); G. Roux, Ancient Iraq (1964); G. G. Cameron, History of Early Iran (1936); and A. T. Olmstead, History ofAssyria (1923).


fact the most likely candidates to be the makers of Giy n III. However in the early eighth century, when Sennacherib encountered them in the course of his second campaign, it is clear that there was only a remnant left in the very heart of the mountains.73 Sennacherib's Kassites could have occupied either Kurdistan or LUristdn, since they are associated with Ellipi, which both Young and I concur in placing in the Mahi Dasht, and Arrapha (Kirkiik). Second millennium sources also associate Kassites with Southern Kurdistan, for Agum Kakrime, the third king of the dynasty, claimed suzerainty over Gutium. However, the absence of any Assyrian references to Kassites in their accounts of earlier

campaigns in Sulaimaniyya and Kurdistan make a southern location more probable. In this case the most likely position for the eighth century Kassites would be around the Saimarreh in Western Pish-i-

Kih. This was the last stronghold of the old Bronze Age civilization and was hardly touched by new influences until the period of Iron Age III after the time of Sennacherib's campaign. Kassites apart, there also seems to have been a Hurrian element in the mountains, again starting in the second half of the second millennium and continuing into the early first.74 Finally, one must not discount the influence of Elam, whose stronger monarchs had always claimed suzerainty over the area. This was particularly the case in the twelfth century B.C. when under the ambitious warrior, Shilhak-Inshushinak, the

kingdom of Susa was extended north as far as Kirkfik and the Diyala passes.75 These campaigns may well have been decisive for the region, for however ephemeral the conquest,

the inhabitants of the area would have been subject to Elamite influence and culture through the medium of Elamite traders, settlers and local garrisons. Thus, on the collapse of Susa in the time of Khutelutush-Inshushinak, they would have been extremely well-placed-lying as they did athwart the main trade routes to the north-to take over Elamite trading connections, smiths, markets and sources for raw materials. The campaigns of the Middle Assyrian kings never seem to have penetrated as far south as Lairistdn, and, following their collapse, there was no power in the immediate vicinity strong enough to claim suzerainty over Lfiristan, which was left free to develop along its own lines and develop the initial stages of the bronze industry until the arrival of the Bdbd Jan B people at the end of the ninth century B.C.

The First Millennium Who then were the Bdbd Jan B people? As a start we shall accept without further argument

Young's thesis that the gradual spread of the Iron Age I, II and III groups of pottery south and west

through the Zagros represents the gradual expansion of the Iranian tribes in the early first millennium.

Young also argues that the last stage of this expansion, that represented by the spread of Iron Age III wares over most of western Iran, is an archaeological development " which perhaps matches the

political unification and spread of the Medes ".76 The Iron Age II phase in contrast is one in which the cultural impact of the original Iranian migration is softened by contact with the local inhabitants and by influences from Assyria, Anatolia (Phrygia) and the Caucasus.77 Can one then tie the Bab~ Jan B culture to any particular group of peoples mentioned in the Assyrian texts ?

A suggestion has recently been put forward by Professor Ghirshman that these were the Cimmerians. He argues that they were already in the Western Zagros in the eighth century. Though one hesitates to

disagree with such an eminent authority, the evidence of our excavations makes this equation unlikely. The chief objection is one of dating, though geographical factors are also involved. The earliest references to the Cimmerians apparently occur in Urartian sources when they were encountered by Rusas I in the region to the north-west of Urartu c. 722-715 B.C.78 Their great push west and south occurred shortly after this, when under their king, Teuspa, they entered Urartu, defeated Argistis and

passed west into Cilicia; Sargon may have met them there in 705 B.c. and was either killed in battle or died shortly after. They attacked Assyria again c. 678 B.c. under their king Teuspa, but were defeated by Esarhaddon. Diverted from the east, they retreated west, sacked Gordion c. 676 B.c. and Lydia

73 D. D. Luckenbill, Ancient Records of Assyria and Babylonia, vol. II (1926), para. 236 f.

74 R. Labat, " Elam c. I6oo-I2oo B.c.", CAH II, ch. XXIX (1963), PP. 4-6.

75 R. Labat, " Elam and Western Persia c. 1200oo-ooo B.C.", CAH II, ch. XXXII (1964), pp. 10-14.

76 Young, Iran V, p. 33.

77 Ibid., particularly pp. 20 and 29 ff.

78 R. Ghirshman, " Resum6 of Diakonov ' Istoria Midii ' 1956 ", Bibliotheca Orientalis XV, 6, p. 259.


c. 652 B.C. Thus, if the Cimmerians were responsible for introducing the Bibi Jan B wares into Lfiristan, they could only have done it in the seventh century B.c.-that is a good century after the sack of Hasanlil IV. In view of the parallels between IHasanlhi IV and Baba Jdn B this seems unlikely. It also means that, in the absence of any Iron Age I material west of Nihavand, the older Bronze Age civilizations of this area would have to continue for 3oo years in the first millennium to bridge the gap, and that the

Biba Jan A cultures are unlikely to have entered the area until the sixth century. But were there any Cimmerians in the Western Zagros at all? Diakonov, relying on the official

Assyrian annals, points out that there is no mention of them outside Asia Minor and the region of Tabal. Ghirshman, disagreeing, draws attention to the " liver omen " texts of Esarhaddon.79 These texts are unfortunately somewhat obscure.80 They appear to date to the end of Esarhaddon's reign, when the Assyrian hold over the Western Zagros was crumbling, mainly as a result of the growth in power of a Median chieftain, Khshathrita. One of these texts appears to refer to a coalition of Medes, Mannai and Cimmerians under his leadership, threatening the city of Kishassu. This would appear to be Kishesim which Sargon conquered and made an Assyrian garrison town in 716 B.C.-it is associated in the Assyrian records with the Manneans and Mount Uaush (Mount Sahend) and also with Urartu and Zikirtu farther to the north. It seems therefore definitely to have lain in Kurdistan, probably somewhere to the south of Lake Urmia. Kashtaritu is referred to as king of Kar Kashi. This may mean, as Cameron suggests, that he lived in Kassite territories, but as we have seen there may have been Kassites in Kurdistan as well as farther south. In any case it does not prove that the Cimmerians were also in Liiristan. They may simply have been the most northerly partners of an alliance encompassing much of the Western Zagros.

The same objection that can be made against the Cimmerians can be made with equal force against the Scythians. Their first appearance in Western Asia may be represented on a ninth-century Assyrian relief;81 they first appear definitely in Assyrian records in the early seventh century when Esarhaddon claims to have defeated their leader Ishpakai and his Mannean allies. The high point of Scythian power however appears to have come later in the century when they overthrew the Medes and for twenty-eight years ravaged and plundered all over western Iran. The date of this interregnum can never be satisfactorily fixed, for, as several scholars have pointed out,82 Herodotus' dates for the early Median kings do not fit the other, more reliable sources for the period under discussion. The most usually accepted viewpoint would identify Khshathrita, Esarhaddon's Median rival, with Phraortes, the second king of the Median dynasty, and place the interregnum directly after his defeat at the hands of the Assyrians and before the reign of Cyaxares-the first Median ruler for whom we have definite historical evidence. Although the linguistic evidence for connecting Khshathrita with Phraortes is not very convincing,83 it is noteworthy that the Medes, having given a lot of trouble at the end of Esarhaddon's reign, suddenly vanish from the texts in the subsequent reign of Assurbanipal. This may be because Esarhaddon had bribed the Scythian chief, Bartatua, by giving him an Assyrian princess in marriage, and, as Dyson following Diakonov suggests, the Scythians changed sides and helped the Assyrians defeat the Medes. This must have taken place soon after 668 B.C. Once again the Scythians arrive in force in the Western Zagros too late for the establishment of Bibd Jan B.

But, if Cimmerians and Scythians arrive in the area too late to be responsible for the beginning of the Baba Jan B culture, can they have been in some way responsible for its end ?-which, as we have seen, appears to come at some time in the first half of the seventh century B.C. The initial contribution of the Scythians and Cimmerians as reflected in the pages of Herodotus seems to have been mainly destructive. Under this interpretation the original appearance of Bibd Jan B pottery in Lfiristan in the ninth or eighth century s.c. could be attributed to an early thrust from the north either of the Medes

79 Loc. cit.

80 Cameron, History of Early Iran, p. 177 f.; D. J. Wiseman, "The Vassal Treaties of Esarhaddon ", Iraq XX (1958), p. 13; and Olmstead, History of Assyria, p. 358 f.

81 Dyson, JNES XXIV, p. 208. See also Young's excellent summary in Iran V, p. 20 f.

82 Herodotus, A. W. Lawrence's edition of Rawlinson's translation (1935), p. 64; and T. C. Young, Proto-historic Western Iran, an

Archaeological and Historical Review: Problems and Possible Interpretations, Ph.D. thesis, University of Pennsylvania, 1963.

83 Support for the equation Khshathrita-Phraortes is given by Cameron, ibid., p. 174 and references at foot of page; Dyson, JNES XXIV, p. 208 also favours an early date for the interregnum. The linguistic evidence was questioned by T. C. Young, Proto-historic Western Iran, p. 223-


themselves, or of some other closely related tribe. The Assyrian references to Khshathrita and other texts, such as the Vassal Treaties of Esarhaddon,84 indicate that by the early seventh century, if not earlier, there were strong Median warrior princes in the Zagros on the borders of Ellipi (the Mahi Dasht) capable of commissioning treasure and objets d'art on the scale of the LiIristdn bronzes, and also presumably of establishing diplomatic and trading relations with Anatolia and the west. It is also clear from texts of the reign of Esarhaddon, as well as from later classical sources, that the Medes were great horse breeders,85 and that many of the Assyrian raids into the Central Zagros were designed to obtain remounts for the Assyrian army. There is thus no need to postulate a Scythian or Cimmerian inspiration for the Lfiristan " horse graves " or elaborate bits. The Medes, or a related Iranian group, could equally well have produced them. In fact a Median origin for these bits would explain the stylistic parallels drawn between them and the fully developed art of the Achaemenid empire.86 The abandonment of Bdbd Jan, and of most other Iron Age II mounds some time in the seventh century would then represent the " Scythian interregnum ". The flourishing bronze industry would have collapsed along with its patrons and the smiths would have sought new masters, either the Scythians themselves- explaining the connections between Scythian and Liristin art-or in areas unaffected by the general disturbances. When order was finally restored at the end of the century, presumably by Cyaxares, it is reflected in the spread of Iron Age III wares throughout the Central Zagros. But by this time the centres of influence and patronage had shifted to Hamadin; Elam and Ellipi were crushed and Liristdn sank gradually into the obscurity and barbarism accorded to it by the classical authors of the Hellenistic period.

s4 D. J. Wiseman, Iraq XX, pp. i-ioo. 85 Strabo, Geography II, 13, 7-8; and Polybius, Histories V, 44.

86 Porada, Dark Ages and Nomads, pp. 27 and 31.


CATALOGUE

Fig. 6 Unless otherwise stated, common ware from Central Mound, Levels I and 2.

I. Creamy buff with brown paint; surface unevenly polished. Height: 8-5 cm.; Diameter: 4"'7

cm. From grave.

2. Warm buff; paint red; lightly burnished. Height: c. 14.4 cm. BJ/66/8. 3. Pale grey with greenish grey paint; vitrified. 4. Buff with thin cream slip on outside; inside smoothed and burnished; reddish brown paint. 5. Buff with thin red paint. 6. Buff with red paint; exterior lightly burnished. Height:

4"2 cm.; Diameter: 14"2

cm. BJ/66/8I. 7. Buff with red paint. Height: 6-2 cm.; Diameter: I3.5 cm. BJ/66/Io5. 8. Warm buff with red paint; light burnish. Height:

9"5 cm.; Diameter: 15 - 8 cm. BJ/66/105.

9. Buff with reddish brown paint. Diameter: 7 cm. Io. Pinkish buff with cream slip on exterior only; light reddish brown paint. F, Level 4a. I1. Pale orange core with buff exterior; paint brown. Height: 7-5 cm.; Diameter: 9 cm. BJ/66/82. 12. Pinkish buff with red paint. 13. Pale orange with reddish brown paint; outside burnished. 14. Buff with reddish brown paint. 15. Buff with yellowish surface; reddish brown paint; burnished. 16. Warm buff with greenish exterior; paint darker green; vitrified. 17. Buff. 18. Pale greenish cream; paint brown. 19. Grey ware. 20o. Buff with reddish brown paint. 21. Buff with reddish brown paint. 22. Buff medium ware; fairly well levigated with many small grits; hard burnish on exterior only. Orna-

mented with applied cordons dented with finger impressions, and with small circular impressions made with the end of a hollow cane. Probable horn handles, now broken.

Fig. 7 I. Creamy pink common ware; paint brown, very regularly applied. 2. Reverse of No. I. 3. Design from side of broken spouted jar. Creamy buff common ware with dark brown paint.

Fig. io Nos. 1-14

B•bS Jan A wares from East Mound, Level i.

I. Fine common ware; cream. 2. Common ware; orange; buff slip on exterior only. 3. Medium ware; slightly burnished exterior. Diameter: 34 cm. 4. Medium ware; burnished exterior. Diameter: 20 cm. 5. Coarse common ware; cream with large grits; slightly burnished exterior. Diameter: 22 cm. 6. Fine common ware; orange. Diameter: 24 cm. 7. Fine common ware; orange. Diameter: 18 cm. 8. Common ware; pale orange; rather porous; roughly burnished. 9. Medium ware. Diameter: I9 cm.

Io. Medium ware; slight burnish on exterior. Diameter: 25 cm. I I. Medium ware; burnished. Diameter: 34 cm. 12. Common ware; greenish; hard.

13. Common ware; buff. I4. Common ware; yellow ochre. 15. Soft cream ware with fine dark grit tempering; exterior and interior lightly burnished. Height:

14-5 cm.;

Diameter: II "5 cm. From intermediate levels. BJ/66/75.

Nos. I6-30 B~ba Jan B wares from East Mound, Levels va and vb. 16. Light brown, fine, grit tempered; surface: variegated dark brown/blackish; exterior lightly polished.

Height: I6.6

cm.; Diameter: Io.4

cm. Level va, room I. I7. Warm yellow buff with fine grit temper and a few larger inclusions; exterior lightly burnished. Height:

I7 cm. Level va, room I. BJ/66/III.


18. Core, buff, fine grit tempering; surface variegated pale buff/blackish grey; exterior and interior have hard horizontal burnish. Height: 8- I cm.; Diameter:

I7.5 cm. Level va, room I.

19. Core, greyish brown, rather gritty, surface variegated buff/blackish brown (vessel has presumably been smashed and then burnt, since adjoining fragments differ in colour), smoothed and burnished.

Height: 14 - 8 cm.; Diameter: 16-3 cm. Level va, room I. BJ/66/87. 20. Common ware; buff with numerous grits; exterior wet smoothed and slightly burnished. Diameter:

over 40 cm. 21. Common ware; whitish buff with large black grits; surface wet smoothed. Diameter: 22 cm. 22. Cooking ware; brownish buff, coarse; exterior burnished. Diameter: 34 cm. 23. Common ware; pale buff with reddish brown paint; hard burnish. Diameter: 21 -5 cm. 24. Common ware; buff with black paint. Diameter: 5 -2 cm. 25. Common ware; reddish brown, scraped surface. 26. Common ware; reddish brown, hard with small white inclusions; buff slip on exterior.

27. Common ware; buff with reddish brown paint. Diameter: 15 - 8 cm. 28. Common ware; greenish cream with dark brown paint; vitrified.

29. Common ware; peach pink with light brown paint. Diameter: 9"4 cm. 30. Grey ware; pale grey, hard with a few large grits, hand-made and rather uneven; decoration incised

with blunt point.

Fig. II Nos. 1-4 Bronze Age " Kite Ware ": all wheel made.

I. Buff with small red grits; paint red and brown. Gulistan, Kakawand. 2. Buff with small white grits; paint dark brown. Gulistan, Kakawand. 3. Light orange brown; paint blackish brown. Kalash Guran pa'in, Kakawand.

4. Pinkish with small white grits; buff slip; thin brown paint. Dfist 'Ali II, SinjTbi. Nos. 5-8 Iron Age II wares: all grit tempered and hand-made.

5. Buff, slightly porous; surface scraped. De Espi. 6. Cream, well levigated with occasional grits; surface smoothed; paint green. Mir 'Ali, Badavar.

7. Creamy buff, very well levigated with no visible inclusions; surface highly burnished; paint light red brown, thin and washy. 'Alilbad, Kakdiwand.

8. Buff common ware, rather coarse with small grits; surface fire blackened and burnished hard on exterior; paint light brown. Zariska, Kakawand Plateau. Iron Age III common wares: all wheel-made except No. 14.

99 }Buff; large wheel grooves on interior; outside smoothed hard; paint reddish brown. Chia Taghi, Khlwa.

Io. Greenish-cream with wheel ridges on interior, warped; paint green; vitrified. Gonargush, Mirbeg. I I. Buff, well levigated, no visible inclusions; exterior and rim scraped; paint reddish brown. Diameter:

32 cm. Gonargush, Mirbeg. 12. Orange buff, fine; exterior slightly burnished; paint dark red. Diameter: 22 cm. Gonargush, Mirbeg. 13. Pale orange, rather soft; paint dark red. Chia Taghi, Khawa. 14. Greyish coarse ware; hand-made. Chia Kiriz, Khangari. 15. Buff with wheel ridges on interior; exterior, buff slip, paint red. Chia Kdriz, Khangari. 16. Creamy buff, gritty; ripple burnish. Diameter: 22 cm. Chia Nargis, Mahi Dasht. 17. Buff, fine grit temper giving " sandpaper " surface. Diameter: 18 cm. Nargis. 18. Orange buff; horizontal and vertical burnish on exterior; slight horizontal burnish on interior. Dia-

meter: 18 cm. Nargis. 19. Buff; interior and rim burnished; paint thin, red. Nargis. 20. Pale whitish cream; gritty and rather coarse; ripple burnish; paint reddish brown. Nargis. 21. Pale orange buff; gritty and rather coarse; ripple burnish. Diameter: 34 cm. Nargis. 22. Buff; gritty and rather coarse; ripple burnish. Diameter: 22 cm. Nargis. 23. Buff, fine; paint reddish brown. FirfizThad, Mahi Dasht. 24. Buff; hard and slightly gritty. Firfizabid. 25. Orange buff, fine; paint reddish brown. Firfizabbd. 26. Greyish buff; paint brown. FirfizThbad. 27. Pinkish buff, hard; paint reddish brown. Jamishuran, Mahi Dasht. 28. Buff with numerous red and white grits, rather coarse; exterior self-slipped and burnished; interior left

rough; paint dark red. Chia Fatela, Hulilan.

EXCAVATIONS AT BAMPUR, S.E. IRAN: A BRIEF REPORT

By Beatrice de Cardi

Summary Excavations undertaken in 1966 on a prehistoric settlement at Bampiir in south-eastern Iran

revealed a sequence of six interlocked periods with a relative dating based upon comparative material from sites in Afghanistan and Oman extending from about the second quarter of the third millennium to c. I900 B.C.

The pottery of the first four periods introduced a new assemblage-the culture of Bampfir I-IV- which was superseded by a hybrid culture in Period V from which Period VI developed.

This Report outlines very briefly the main results which were as follows: Period I: A deposit containing only cream-slipped red and grey wares from adjacent occupation. Period II: The earliest structural occupation, associated with wares similar to those of Period I. Period III: Marked by the introduction, in the third of four phases, of wares reflecting cultural

contact with regions to the north, notably Sistmn. In south-eastern Afghanistan,

comparable elements appeared early in the fourth period of occupation at Mundigak. Period IV: An initial phase of rebuilding followed by two other structural phases during which

contact with Sistan was maintained. Aliens arrived in the Bampfir valley at the end of this period, their presence attested not only in the pottery of Phase 3, but also among the grave-goods in a burial (Bii) at Khurab, 13 km. to the east of Bamptir.

Period V: Marked the introduction in Phase I of a hybrid culture combining elements of the Qal'a and Shugha cultures of Firs. The pottery of Phase 2 bore a resemblance to the Kulli-ware of Makran and included incised grey ware and fragments of black-on-grey vessels noted also in Period VI. Marine shells indicated contact with the Makrin coast.

Period VI: Characterized by a local style derived from that of Period V. A distinctive black-on- grey ware canister, perhaps a Period V heirloom, is matched by jars in cairns of the Umm an-NMr culture in Oman and provides the first stratigraphical link between the two sides of the Persian Gulf. That culture partially predates the Barbar culture known on Bahrain island. The discovery there in a Barbar context of a " Persian Gulf" seal-impression similar to one in the Yale Babylonian Collection dated to c. 1923 B.C. suggests a terminal date of c. 1900 B.C. for the Bampiir sequence.

Introduction The archaeological interest of the Bampfir valley in Persian Balfichistan was first revealed by Sir

Aurel Stein's reconnaissance' there in the spring of 1932. When he continued westwards, less than four weeks later, Stein had located nearly a dozen prehistoric sites along the Bamptir river and its upper reaches (map, Fig. i). His soundings on a number of these sites, including Bamptir, produced decorated pottery of great diversity.

One group comprised hand-made pottery with simple geometric decoration known from two sites, Chih

.Husaini and Qal'a-i Sardagah, lying to the west of Bamptir. Similar pottery occurred on a thin

trail of sites extending up the Halil R-id as far as Tall-i Iblis, near Kirman. A second group, consisting of wheel-made wares with a more sophisticated style of decoration, was

known from several sites to the east of Bamptir and in a burial (Bii) which Stein excavated at Khurib on the left bank of the Bamp-ir river. A connection between this group and the pottery on wind-eroded sites in southern Sistan has been ascribed to cultural movement eastwards from Iran.2

1 A. Stein, Archaeological Reconnaissances in North-Western India and South-Eastern Iran (1937), pp. 104-31.

2 Walter A. Fairservis, Jr., "

Archaeological Studies in the

Seistan Basin of South-Western Afghanistan and Eastern Iran ", Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of Natural History 48. I (196I), fig. 37 and p. 98.

'35


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Bamptir itself had produced other wares, some with affinities not only to the Kulli-ware of Pakistani Makran, but combining features of two cultures known in Fdrs.a

Although clearly of considerable interest, particularly in relation to the prehistory of the regions bordering Persian Balfichistdn, these wares had remained unrelated stratigraphically to their cultural and chronological background. It was, therefore, with the object of establishing the cultural sequence of the Bampfir valley that our excavations were undertaken at Bampir during the spring of I966.

My work was sponsored by the Royal Asiatic Society and financed by generous grants from the British Academy, the Leverhulme Research Fellowship, the Russell Trust, the Crowther-Beynon Fund of the University of Cambridge, and the Society of Antiquaries of London. I am also indebted to various

organizations for donating supplies4-particularly welcome, since Bampir produces little in the form of a commercial surplus.

The excavations were undertaken with the permission of H.E. Mr. Mehrdad Pahlbod, Minister of Culture, and with the collaboration of the Iranian Archaeological Services, represented by Mr. Mohammed Sarraf. My team was a small one consisting of Mr. Peter Broxton5 and Mr. Timothy Strickland, who supervised Sites Z and Y respectively, Mrs. E. C. L. During-Caspers and Mr. George Barrington, M.c., who was responsible for the overland journey to Iran. It is not possible to acknowledge fully the help received from many quarters, but I must express my thanks to H.E. the Governor-General of Baltichistan and Sistan, to Mr. H. Mubashsher, who as Governor of Bamptir, made us welcome, to

SL. Vanden Berghe, Arche'ologie de l'Iran ancien (Leiden 1959), p. 42.

* Messrs. Alfred Bird & Sons, British Edible Oils, the British Egg Marketing Board, C.I.B.A., Dunlop Rubber Co., Glaxo

Laboratories, Nestle Co., Oxo Ltd., Sterling Poultry Products and Unigate Ltd.

I am indebted to Mr. Broxton for the plans of Site Z.

EXCAVATIONS AT BAMPUR, S.E. IRAN: A BRIEF REPORT 137

Mr. Friedrich Gulestian, for his kindness during our stay there, and to Mr. D. B. Stronach and Dr. Brian Spooner, respectively Director and Assistant Director of the British Institute of Persian Studies in Tehran. I am also greatly indebted to Sir Mortimer Wheeler for his advice and help.

Bamp-ir was chosen as the site of our excavations because its location near the intersection of several routes, with perennial water at hand, suggested that it might have been a settlement of major importance

N

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BAMPUR 1966

Fig. 2. Site plan.

as early as prehistoric times. As such, it seemed more likely than the smaller sites in the valley to provide the evidence of contact with adjacent regions which we were seeking.

The settlement lies on the outskirts of the village to the north-west of a fort built on a large mound, which towers over a debris shelf lying above the level of the encroaching dunes (plan, Fig. 2). We were not able to test the nature of this mound, but it is possible that debris from a series of mud forts encases the nucleus of a settlement which may predate the Period I levels revealed by our excavations.


The Stratigraphy of Site Z (Fig. 3) Our work was confined to two cuttings (Z and Y), which were excavated to the natural surface,

reached at a depth of 7 m. Site Z provided a sequence of six interlocked periods of occupation which was confirmed on Site Y, a trench measuring 4 X 3 m., laid across the line of Stein's original sounding. Apart from the discovery of a small kiln, built into a Period IV floor, Site Y produced little additional information and the present report deals only with Site Z.6

We laid out a grid of three cuttings on Site Z to the west of the fort but Muslim burials prevented work in all but one trench which measured 6 X 2 m. Within so restricted an area it was clearly difficult to extract much information as to the size or nature of the structures uncovered but the work fulfilled its primary purpose of establishing a cultural sequence.

No masonry was encountered in the levels of Period I but a pit dug into the natural surface contained some sherds and indicated nearby occupation. It was not until Period II that this area was occupied and two buildings, represented by walls (61) and (59), were erected. These walls, built of sun-dried mud-bricks measuring 40 x 10 cm., were faced with mud-plaster and separated by a narrow corridor. A small room, Room A (plan, Fig. 4), at the west end of the trench, contained much pottery and denoted the main, but short-lived, occupation of Period II. Both buildings then fell into disuse, and sand and collapsed masonry filled the corridor.

In the redevelopment of Period III, the area was levelled initially but the new walls (74) and (47) were built on much the same alignment, though slightly to the east, of the earlier masonry. The corridor was turned into a yard between the two structures and contained only a few pebbles and part of a quern. A succession of at least four phases of occupation was found inside Room A with a concentration of hearths in the west end of the trench.

The pottery of the first two phases included a high proportion of good quality decorated wares, some possibly survivals from Period II, but a deterioration could be discerned in the material of the later phases which ranked only as " crockery ". This suggests some change either in the use to which the building was put-as from living-room to kitchen quarters-or in the social status of the occupants. Although inferior to the earlier wares, the pottery of Phases 3 and 4 is of importance since it provides evidence of cultural contact with sites in southern Sistdn (p. 142).

Mud-brick houses have the disadvantage that they crack and it is often easier to demolish than repair them. This is what took place at the start of Period IV when the whole area was once more levelled. The initial occupation lay outside the south-eastern limits of the trench to judge from sherd debris in level (45) and it was not until Phase 2 that rebuilding took place within the cutting, this time on an entirely new alignment. The site seems to have been redeveloped in two stages; one building, bounded by wall (78), lay to the west with living-quarters outside the trench and another was erected somewhat later at the east end of the cutting. Its well-plastered wall (42a), built in a foundation-trench, coincided with the south section of the cutting. Extensive structural alterations were carried out in the third and final phase of Period IV.

While the Phase 3 structures were not particularly informative, a large jar and several small pots left in situ on the floor (level 34) inside Room E suggested that the occupants had been forced to abandon both their possessions and their home. Whether they had fled from invaders is not apparent, for neither of the cuttings gave any indication that Bampiir had been sacked, but new wares, introduced at the end of Period IV, show that alien folk had arrived in the locality.

Period V was divided into two phases. In the first, a shallow trench along the foot of wall (37) had been overlaid by debris (30) incorporating household rubbish from adjacent occupation. Phase 2 was

represented by a building of which wall (21) formed part. This wall, built with bricks measuring I3 X Io X IO cm., lay to the east of Room F. Although cut into by later burials, this room contained a fair amount of pottery-which was fortunate, as a large disturbance had destroyed all trace of Period V levels at the opposite end of the trench.

The final occupation of Period VI was represented by a single level (5) of tightly-packed sherds. Graves had destroyed much of the evidence, but wall (15), built of bricks with larger dimensions

6 A full report will appear in the Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of Natural History, New York.

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(18 x 18 x 9 cm.) than those of Period V, was probably associated with this occupation. Material from the disturbance in the east end of the cutting overlay the Period VI occupation and, together with a number of later burials, ruled out all possibility of establishing the later sequence of the site.

The Characteristics of the Pottery Two factors have determined the choice of the pottery for illustration: the extent to which it

conveys the character of its period and its contribution to the evidence. The material of Periods I and II has been conflated and Period III pruned to show only key features but, together with the pottery of Period IV, it demonstrates development within a new assemblage which I have called the Bamptir I-IV culture. The pottery of Periods V and VI, to some extent familiar from Stein's work, has been selected to show new features. As in the case of the stratigraphy, the evidence is presented largely by reference to Site Z.

Although the Bampiir I-IV culture was marked by a strong local style which persisted throughout, it showed no sign of stagnation, each period reflecting some degree of change in the shape and decoration of the pottery. Almost all of it was wheel-thrown in good quality cream-slipped red and unslipped grey wares and a high proportion bore some kind of decoration, either plastic, painted or incised combing.

The levels of Period I produced only a meagre range of forms which, with few exceptions, could be matched in the succeeding period. Its main interest lies in a few designs (Fig. 5, 8 and i i) which do not appear after Period II. As I have suggested (above, p. 137), Period I may not constitute the earliest occupation at Bampiir and these designs could be survivals from an earlier ceramic tradition associated with a settlement lying beneath the fortress mound.

The keynote of the Period II pottery (Fig. 5) is its angularity, an effect achieved by the use of beaked rims, carinated shoulders and heavy rectangular cordons. Dark brown painted decoration on a cream slip is restrained and the geometric patterns well suited to the vessels they adorn. This subtle harmony of form and design is only equalled at the start of Period IV.

Compared with the limited range of half-a-dozen hand-made vessels produced today at Kalapurkmn,

Saravdn,7 one of the three potteries in Persian Balichistan, the forms of Period II show great diversity.

SThree sherds from Diz-Parom, Makrdn, are probably modern and from this centre (Stein, " An Archaeological Tour in

Gedrosia ", Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of India 43 (1931), pl. III, D.P. 1-3).


2 3

06

9

7t10

1314 12

16272 17 15

21

,• r18 2022

Fig. 5. Bampair, Site Z: pottery of Period I (Nos. 8, zz, 12) and Period II. (Quarter scale.)

In addition to handsome storage-jars (Fig. 6), seven different types of jar were found, including some with comb-incised decoration on the shoulder (2). Bowls, generally ring-based, were equally varied. The heavy basins of this period (1 9) were usually cordoned and bore groups of pendant lines inside the rim, a feature absent on the later basins of this culture.

Some convention within the Bamplir I-IV culture restricted the use of grey ware to certain types of vessel-usually forms associated with drinking purposes such as cups, small bowls and in one instance, a spouted vessel (I15). The bowls were often decorated on both surfaces (16) and neat swagged friezes (14) were popular.

In general, decoration rarely exceeded two registers during Period II, in contrast with the more flamboyant style of Period IV, i, which combined as many as three zones. The local potter favoured bands of sigmas set above multiple chevrons as decoration for his jars (4-5) and a dramatic stepped motif (13) for the outside of his bowls. Triple wavy lines were often used inside bowls, either quartering the vessel, or alternating with vertical rows of dashes (I o). Fringed M's, a motif which occurs as far west as Susa, had a long currency and those of Period II may be compared with later examples (cf. P1. I, 6 and Fig. 8, 28).


Fig. 6. Bampir, Site Z: storage-jars of Period II. (Not to scale.)

Geometric patterns formed the main ingredient of the local style enlivened occasionally by snakes

(21), birds (P1. I, 3, 4 and Fig. 5, 17) and flat-footed caprids (22). More realistic animals processing around jars were found on Site Y (P1. I, 5 and 7).

Naturalistic patterns were limited to the occasional palm frond-a fairly obvious design for the environment-which occurred in all periods.

The pottery of Period III, although sparse, is of importance since certain distinctive motifs (Fig. 7) provide clear evidence of cultural contact with Sistdn, and can be related to the pottery which appeared at Mundigak, in south-eastern Afghanistan, at the start there of Period IV. These new elements were

quickly assimilated into the local Bampiir style and do not point, as in Period V, to the arrival of invaders. In general, Period III forms were noticeably less angular, with gentler rim profiles and more rounded cordons. Bases were flat, as opposed to the ring-bases of the previous period, and a new feature, also found in Mundigak IV, I, was the pronounced knop inside several types of bowl.8

The start of Period IV marked a turning-point in the stylistic development of this culture, the two

succeeding phases being characterized by pottery which fell short of the technical and artistic standards of Phase I (Fig. 8). While cream slips still predominated, a rather higher proportion of vessels were left

unslipped than in the earlier periods. Forms show a slight reversion to the clear-cut profiles of Period II and where the decoration is

similar, the only means of distinguishing the later vessels is by their less pronounced rims and flatter cordons. Several new forms can be recognized among the wide range manufactured. These included

jars with sagging-bases, such as No. 32, a fine example of Phase I decoration at its best. Quite obviously,

Fig. 7. Bampiir, Site Z: designs of Period III, Phases 3-4. (Third scale.)

8 J-M. Casal, Fouilles de Mundigak II, D.A.F.A. XVIII (1961), fig. 73, 236d.


Fig. 8. Bampir, Site Z: pottery of Period IV, Phase r. (Quarter scale.)


much care has been paid to perspective and the triangular motif has been modified to suit the pronounced shape of the jar. It must be added that the local potter rarely achieved such good results, his downfall being a tendency to over-decorate, but a few vessels, including No. 39, displayed the earlier qualities of balance and proportion.

An interesting aspect of Period IV, I, decoration is the way in which some of the earlier designs are merged into the traditional style (28). While this may be due to an underlying conservatism, there was clearly a demand for certain new designs. The hatched triangle frieze (35), in particular, appears on sets of bowls in at least three sizes and probably replaced the swagged frieze of Period II which was well on the way to extinction, to judge by the careless execution of No. 4o.

Worse was to come in Period IV, Phase 2 (Fig. 9) and the treatment of a bowl (47), replete with ill- digested ornament, shows all too clearly the deterioration of the traditional style. Phase 2 produced its quota of new designs which included a frieze of truncated horned heads (44), a design which lent itself to stylization in Phase 3 (45).

Fig. 9. Bampfir, Site Z: pottery of Period IV, Phase 2 (Nos. 46-7, 53) and Phase 3. (Quarter scale.)

Contact with the alien culture which became dominant in Period V is apparent in Period IV, 3. On their own, the new elements in Bampir IV, 3, might have been overlooked, but the fact that a burial (Bii) at Khurdb contained a similar mixture of old and new wares, with some jars identical to those of Phase 3 (P1. II, 8) confirms the presence of newcomers in the Bamptir valley. It seems unlikely that the new material would have been included as grave-goods with the dead if it had belonged to a foe and the inference is that infiltration into the region was not at first resisted.

In Period V, however, both the stratigraphical and stylistic evidence points to the submergence of the local inhabitants. The new pottery is technically inferior to the earlier wares and suggests that the newcomers were culturally less advanced than the people they conquered. A poorly-fired red ware, either unslipped or with a thin buff wash, largely replaced the cream-slipped ware of the Bampuir I-IV culture. Even the grey ware differed from that of the earlier culture, both in texture, form and decoration.


The range of forms was limited with the emphasis on wide, globular, thick-walled vessels (Fig. I o). Red ware jars with very inadequate rims occurred in only two or three shapes (55) and like the storage- jars (70), were either flat or ring-based. The most common shape was a wide, high-shouldered bowl with bead-rim (56) which came in various sizes. Other new forms included high cylindrical goblets (68) and small " ash-trays " (71).

Fig. ro. Bampir, Sites Y and Z: pottery of Period V, Phase I (NVos. 55-6, 65-9,) and Phase 2. (Quarter scale.)

The stratigraphy suggested that Period V could be divided into two phases. The wares of each phase contained elements of the Qal'a and the subsequent Shugha culture of Fdrs. Designs incorporating fringed ovoids and intersecting lines (P1. III, I and 5)9 are found in the Qal'a culture in which trees surmounted by an arrow (6I and 62) also occur. Opposed triangles (68) and chevron bands set between straight lines were a feature of the later Shugha culture which produced a high-necked jar with a scorpion panel comparable to No. 72.'0

O Vanden Berghe, Arche'ologie de l'Iran ancien, pl. 53. 11A

10 Ibid., fig. 9, P. 43 and pl. 58, c


The large striped M's dividing panels of birds, horned animals (7o) and trees (65) do not occur in Fdrs and are at present only matched in the Khurib burial, Bii.

The wares of Phase 2 clearly bear some relation to the Kulli pottery of Pakistani Makrdn, the resemblance resting largely on certain distinctive designs and a few common forms." Motifs such as the hatched and banded fish inside a platter (59), triangles point-to-base (57-8) and simple bands of double festoons (6o) all occur on Kulli sites. No representations were found of the elongated bull

Fig. ii. Bampilr, Sites r and Z: pottery of Period VI. (Quarter scale.)

associated with Kulli designs but a caprid standing by a palm-tree (62) topped by an arrow provides a closely comparable scene. Black-on-grey ware canisters and platters (57 and 6o) and a small streak- burnished vessel (67) seem also to be inspired by Kulli-ware.

Certain basic differences must however be stressed. The Kulli-ware with attenuated bulls was generally cream-slipped and often incorporated bands of red infill, a feature quite unknown at Bampfir. It could be that the" bull phase " of the Kulli culture predates the wares which appeared in Bamptir V;

11 S. Piggott, "Dating the Hissar Sequence--the Indian Evidence", Antiquity XVII (I943), 174 et seq.

EXCAVATIONS AT BAMPIR, S.E. IRAN: A BRIEF REPORT 147

the excavation of a Kulli site by modern techniques is urgently required to define stylistic development within this important culture.12 For the present, therefore, any correlations must be regarded as

extremely tentative. Finally, a link with both Fars and Kulli was provided by fragments of incised grey ware. These are

discussed below (p. 149). The style which emerged in Period VI is clearly derived from that of the preceding period though

little of its inchoate character survived. Instead, a rather mass-produced ceramic appeared, with a limited range of designs applied to a few practical, well-made forms (Fig. i i). The red ware was well fired and often orange in tone. While black-on-red predominated, thin cream and buff slips were used occasionally and a few sherds in a new ware with an irregularly striated surface (75) were all cream- slipped.

Nearly twenty different types of jars were found but the commonest was a decorated vessel with ridged shoulder and well everted rim (76), very different from the impractical rims of Period V. Next in popularity were basins and bowls, generally decorated with cross-hatched triangles fitted into the curves of a central ridge (73)-a style first seen in Period V (61). Heavy basins (75) with sharply-

Fig. 12. Bampir, Sites Y and Z: pottery of Period VI. (Third scale.)

everted rims were often uncordoned, and together with some bowls with flared lip (79) bore bands of caprids set between elongated triangles. On a few vessels, the caprids were replaced by scorpions,13 perhaps a legacy from Period V. A surprising feature was the speed with which the caprid band devolved into either a spicot pattern comprised of legs and horns or simply an irregular blob for the head (78). Since the designs of this period have been amply illustrated by Stein attention is drawn to some less familiar material. This includes vessels on stands, which seem to have been a feature of this culture and ranged from a tall-stemmed form (74) to a " wasp-waisted " shape (unillustrated). The heavily ridged ?funnel (84) was unique.

Streak-burnishing, which had been restricted to grey ware in Period V, was applied both to grey and orange-red ware vessels, its use being most common on a distinctive porringer (82), platters (83), small squat vessels (67) and ?chalice forms (81).

Carinatedjars in black-on-grey ware, comparable to those of Period V (57), continued but a canister (Fig. 12, 89) is of particular interest. Two small jars, one grey (88) the other buff-slipped (go) are probably Period VI copies of earlier vessels. Their caprids lack the movement of the animals on No. 89.

12 A C. 14 date of 19oo-0-65 is listed for a Kulli site at Niai Buthi, Las Bela, by Dr. G. F. Dales, " A Suggested Chronology for Afghanistan, Baluchistan and the Indus Valley ", Ehrich (ed.), Chronologies in Old World Archaeology (1966), p. 277. The pottery, however, has not been published.

13 Stein, Archaeological Reconnaissances in N.W. India and S.E. Iran, pl. VII, A.73, A.74.


I would regard the latter as an heirloom, treasured from Period V or brought by an invader at the end of Period IV since the stylized heads below the shoulder resemble those of Bamplir IV, 3 (cf. 45). Closely comparable jars have recently been discovered in Oman and are discussed below (p. 149).

Comraparisons and Chronology Little fieldwork, apart from survey, has been carried out in the regions immediately adjacent to

Persian Balfichistdn but comparative material from unstratified sites in Sistan and across the border in Makran indicates the general range and direction of cultural contacts. Further afield, excavations at Mundigak and Deh Morasi Ghundai, in south-eastern Afghanistan, produced pottery which can be related to the later stages of the BampiIr I-IV culture.

Cultural contacts during Bampir V changed direction and ranged from Fars to Makran with a stratigraphical link across the Persian Gulf provided by a few distinctive vessels found in cairn-burials in Oman. In order to relieve the text of much notation, the comparative material is presented in tabular form (below p. I50).

Within Iran, few close parallels to the Bampir pottery can be cited. Current excavations at Tall-i Iblis, near Kirman, seem unlikely to help in placing the start of the Bampuir I-IV culture. Wheel-made pottery first appeared there in Level V, a horizon overlying a deposit with a terminal date of c. 2869 B.C.14 Since almost all the Bampiar I pottery was wheel-made it is probably somewhat later than the Tall-i Iblis V material.

It is not until the latter half of Period III, when intrusive elements appeared in the Bampuir pottery, that the local culture can be seen in a wider setting. These new features (Fig. 7) were particularly distinctive and can be traced to sites in the southern delta of the Helmand river on both the Iranian and Afghan sides of the border.15 Wind-erosion has destroyed the stratigraphy on these sites and the surface material must be used with caution. Such as it is, however, the evidence suggests the movement of cultural influences south through Sistan towards Bamplir. Had the movement been from Bampfir northwards, it is hard to explain the absence in Sistdn of the general range of Bampir II-III designs.

Bampir probably remained on the southern fringe of a fairly homogeneous culture which spread eastwards across Afghanistan to Mundigak. New ceramic styles, incorporating elements known also in Bamptir III, appeared there during the first phase of Mundigak IV when curvilinear motifs replaced the angular designs of the so-called Quetta-ware of northern Baltichistan.

Mundigak flourished at the start of Period IV and its prosperity was reflected in the wide range of its decorated pottery. This provided many parallels to the ceramics current towards the end of Bampfir III and during the first phase of Bampir IV, including even the same type of ingenious clay mousetrap.16 While the pottery of both sites exhibits features clearly derived from a common source, direct contact between the sites can be ruled out since the analogues are only partial: Bampir, for instance, produced none of the balloon-shaped goblets which were a hall-mark of Mundigak IV, I, to mention only one deviation.

Although the relation of the Bampfilr sequence to Mundigak IV, I, does not set a date for our chronology, since the C.I14 determinations for Mundigak were unreliable, it provides a useful link not only with the cultures of Baltichistan, but with those of north-eastern Iran as Hissar III elements first appeared at Mundigak during Period IV. This correlation is supported by several small finds from Bamp-ir IV, notably a metal stamp seal,17 of a type described as compartmented, which can be matched in Mundigak IV, Hissar IIb and III, Anau III, and from the cemetery at Shdhi Tump in Makrdn.18 Oval clay sling-missiles also occurred in Hissar III and at Deh Morasi Ghundai during a period (IIc)19

14J. R. Caldwell, Iran V (1967), pp. 144-6. 15 Notably at Shahr-i Sokhta, Kalat-i Gird and a site near

Ramrfid: Stein, Innermost Asia II, III (1928); Fairservis, Archaeological Studies in the Seistan Basin; and from an unpublished site, 50 km. south of Zabul, in the British Institute of Persian Studies, Tehran.

16 Casal, Mundigak I, fig. G; and II, fig. 84, 314a.

17 B. de Cardi, " The Bampur Sequence in the 3rd Millennium

B.C.", Antiquity XLI (1967), fig. 2. SPiggott, Antiquity XVII (1943), fig. 4.

19 L. Dupree, " Deh Morasi Ghundai: a Chalcolithic Site in South-Central Afghanistan ", Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of Natural History 50.2 (1963), fig. 21; and E. F. Schmidt, Excavations at Tepe Hissar, Damghan (Philadelphia 1937), pl. XLIV, H.17o5, described as a weight.


contemporary with Mundigak IV, i. A few lanceolate stone arrow-heads20 and fragments of alabaster vessels are paralleled in

Sistmn. The remains of Bampiir IV-V are amplified by material from seven burials at Khurab which, on the new evidence, can be placed in roughly chronological order.21 The largest, burial Bii, was contemporary with Bamptir IV, 3, and like that horizon, reflected the arrival of aliens. The cemetery was used apparently for fractional inhumations until the end of Period V or later. A shaft-hole axe-pick decorated with a seated camel, found in Grave E, is of a type ascribed to the end of the third millennium.22 This burial also contained Period V pottery and cups comparable to vessels found at Sutkagen-dor, a Harappan trading-post on the Dasht river in Makran. The association is of interest since Stein's excavation of a small room at Sutkagen-dor produced shell bangles and typical Harappan stone flakes, together with two sherds comparable to Bamptir Nos. 63 and 66.23

Burial F, which dated from the end of Bampiir IV or early in Period V, was accompanied by a cylindrical potstone vessel with a pattern of incised hatched triangles.24 Carved stone vases appear to have been widely traded down the Persian Gulf in the Early Dynastic IIIa period and several are known from Mehi, a site in eastern MakrAn associated with the Kulli culture.25 Only one small rim fragment, carved in dark green serpentine (P1. IV, b), was found in a stratified context (Period IV) at Bamptir and a surface find (P1. IV, b) is of possibly greater interest. It is part of a receptacle, also made in serpentine, with basket-weave carving identical to examples from as far afield as Mohenjo-daro (lowest levels), Kish, Susa II and Failaka Island.26 Since the nearest source of serpentine is about 100oo km. from Bamptir, it is likely that these little pots were imports.

Cheaper imitations, incised in a hard grey ware, are more likely to have been made locally. They, too, belong to a class with a wide distribution extending from Sistan to Shahi Tump and across the Persian Gulf to Oman where they have been found in cairn-burials of the Umm an-NMr culture at Hili, near Buraimi, and on the island of Umm an-Nar, off the west coast of Oman.27 These pots bore either geometric patterns or simple representations of contemporary huts, with door-posts and sagging lintels. Examples of both types (P1. IV, a) appeared at Bampuir at the end of Period IV, brought probably by the people of Period V who arrived at that time.

Alongside the " hut-urn " in the Hili burial28 were several black-on-grey jars which have counter- parts at Bamptir (Fig. 12). No. 89, of Kulli canister shape, although found in the occupation of Period VI, is probably a survival from the invasion of Period IV, 3 (p. 148).

The Hili jars bear no relation stylistically to the pottery of the Umm an-Ndr culture with which they were associated and are clearly exports from some part of Baliichista-n, carried possibly by Kulli traders. The position at Bamptir is more complex. There are strong Kulli traits in the Period V style but our present ignorance of Kulli-ware in all its phases makes it difficult to decide whether to identify the Bampir invaders with actual Kulli folk or to regard the pottery as the results of coastal trade. Over a dozen marine shells were found in Bampir V levels and show that the inhabitants either came from or were in touch with the Makran coast.29 For the time being, an open verdict must be recorded.

The establishment of a stratigraphical link between the two sides of the Persian Gulf helps to set a terminal date to the Bamptir sequence. Recently published excavations on the island of Bahrain30 yielded a seal-impression similar, though not identical, to one stamped on a tablet in the Yale Babylonian Collection. The Yale impression is of a " Persian Gulf" seal dated to the tenth year of

o20 Fairservis, Seistan, figs. 30, b and 37, 42. 21 de Cardi, Antiquity XLI (1967), p. 39.- 22J. Deshayes, Les Outils de bronze, de l'Indus au Danube (IVe au Ile

millinaire), Institut franqais d'archdologie de Beyrouth LXXI (I960), no. 1821; and Mrs. K. R. Maxwell-Hyslop, " Note on a Shaft-Hole Axe-Pick from Khurab, Makran ", Iraq XVII (1955), p. I61, pl. XXXVI.

23 Stein, Gedrosia, pl. VI, Su.iv.a.25; and pl. VII, Su.iv.a.3. 24 Stein, Archaeological Reconnaissances in N.W. India and S.E. Iran,

pl. VI. 25 S. Piggott, Prehistoric India (1950), fig. o10, p. II I. 26 The mineral was identified by the British Museum Laboratory

and I am indebted to Mr. T. G. Bibby for details of the

unpublished fragment from Failaka found in a Barbar culture level, and for information about the relation of the Umm an-Nar and the Barbar cultures mentioned below.

27 K. Thorvildsen, " Burial Cairns on Umm an-Nar ", Kuml, 1962 (1963), pp. 191-219, fig. 20.

28 T. G. Bibby, "Arabian Gulf Archeology ", Kuml, 1966 (1967), figs II, 12.

29 The Rev. H. E. J. Biggs, F.L.S., has kindly reported on the mollusca which included Gastropoda: Polynices mammilla (Linn6), Cypraea turdus (Lamarck), Cassis rufa (Linn6), Pelecypoda: Arca (Scapharca) Inaequivalvis (Brugui6re).

30 T. G. Bibby, " Arabian Gulf Archeology ", Kuml, 1965 (1967), p. 147 and p. 152, note I.


Gungunum of Larsa, or c. 1923 B.c. The Bahrain find was made in a Barbar culture level, a horizon thought to be slightly later, but partially contemporary, with the Umm an-Nar culture of Oman, though the two have not yet been related stratigraphically. The general evidence thus points to a date of c. 1900 B.C. for the end of the Bampir chronology.

TABLE OF COMPARATIVE MATERIAL

The comparative material is presented in tabular form to show at a glance the geographical range of cultural contacts in each period. Place-names, in italics, are related to their published source in the list

appended.

Bibby: Kuml, 1965 and 1966 Hili, Buraimi Umm an-Ndr

Casal: Fouilles de Mundigak Mundigak Dupree: Deh Morasi Ghundai Deh Morasi Ghundai Fairservis: Arch. Studies in the Seistan Basin Gardan Reg Stein: Arch. Rec. in N.W. India and S.E. Iran Damin

Katukan Khurdb Maula

Gedrosia Kulli Mehi Panodi Shdhi Tump Sutkagen-dor

Innermost Asia Kalat-i Gird A site near Ramrfid Shahr-i Sokhta

Vanden Berghe: Arch. de l'Iran ancien Tall-i Taimurdn

No. Period Sistdn S.E. Afghanistan Elsewhere

13 II Mundigak IV, I: 262, design

23 III Gardan Reg: 24 and Fig. 45, a

Shahr-i Sokhta: SS.o39, in the British Museum

Nr. Ramriad: P1. CXIV, Md. (RR).ii.o2 I, design

24 III Gardan Reg: 17 and Fig. 45, b, g, j, designs

Kalat-i Gird: P1. CXIV, KG.ola

Burl. Mag., P1. II, 56-7 25 III Gardan Reg: 22 and

Fig. 45, h S.E. of Sarbishah: No.

1928.10.22.156 in the British Museum

Nr. Ramrid: P1. CXIV, RR.xviii.o4

26 III Mundigak IV, I: 236a; 288 Deh Morasi Ghundai: 172


No. Period Sistin S.E. Afghanistan Elsewhere

27 III Mundigak IV, I: 290, design 28 IV, I Mundigak IV, I: 290,

design in lower register 29 IV, I Mundigak IV, I: 288, form,

though uncordoned 30 IV, I Mundigak IV, I: 284, form 31 IV, I Mundigak IV, 1: 221,

design 32 IV, I Mundigak IV, I: 289, form,

but Bampfir pot less angular

34 IV, I Mundigak IV, 1: 191, design

35 IV, I Nr. Ramrid: P1. CXIII, Mundigak IV, I: 253b, RR.iii.o 18, design reversed design

Burl. Mag., P1. I, I8, 2o, designs

37 IV, I Mundigak IV, I: 237a, design Damin: P1. XII, Dmn.A.67 38 IV, I Burl. Mag., P1. I, 40-I, Mundigak IV, I: 256, design Damin: Pl. XI; A.54,

design A.76, designs 40 IV, I Burl. Mag., P1. I, 28, design 41 IV, I Mundigak IV, I: 262, design Damin: P1. XI, B. I oa,

A.89, design and ?form 42 IV, I Burl. Mag., P1. I, 3, 5, 6,

designs Nr. Ramrid: P1. CXIII,

RR.xiii.oi8, design 44 IV, 3 Khurdb: P1. XVI, Bii.137,

design and form Shdhi Tump: Sh.T.95, in

New Delhi Colls. 45 IV, 3 Khurdb: P1. XVI, Bii.I 32,

design 46 IV, 2 Khurdb: P1. XVII, Bii.21o,

design and form Shdhi Tump: P1. XIII,

Sh.T.iii.6 47 IV, 2 Damin: P1. XI, A.64b;

A.89, B.I Ioa, design Katukan: P1. XI, Kat.24

48 IV, 3 Gardan Reg: 116-7; Fig. Khurdb: Pl. XIV, Bii.152, 44, 1, designs, but not part of design identical Maula: P1. IX, Mau.13,

design 49 IV, 3 Khurab: P1. XIII, Bii.I99,

design on large jar 50 IV, 3 Panodi: P1. IV, Pan.2,

design 51 IV, 3 Mundigak IV, I: 326, design Damin: P1. XI, 44-6 52 IV, 3 Khurdb: P1. XIII, Bii.2o0;

design and form Shdhi Tump: P1. XII,

Sh.T.v.3, design


No. Period Sistdn S.E. Afghanistan Elsewhere

54 IV, 3 Nr. Ramri~d: P1. CXIV, Mundigak IV, I: 236b, Md.(RR).ii.o27. Also form No. I82.05I in the British Museum, designs and forms

55 V, I Katukan: P1. XI, Kat.27 Shdhi Tump: P1. XIII,

Sh.T.iv. I 57 V, 2 Kulli: P1. XXIII,

Kul. I.viii. I, form and part of design

59 V, 2 Mundigak IV, 2: 398a 6o V, 2 Kulli: P1. XXIII,

Kul.V.i.6, rim of platter

Mehi: P1. XXVIII, Mehi, I.1.I

61 V, 2 Mundigak IV, 2: 415 Kulli: P1. XXI, Kul. I.iv.2

Shdhi Tump: P1. XI, Sh.T.ii.7; upside down. The sherd combines the baluster motif of Bampfir V-VI

Sutkagen-dor: P1. VII, Su.iv.a.3

65 V, I Mundigak IV, 2: 414 Khurdb: P1. XIV, Bii.214 Mundigak IV, 3: 510o

66 V, 1-2 Khurdb: P1. XVI, Bii. 162

Sutkagen-dor: P1. VI, Su.iv.a.25

67 V, I Kulli: P1. XXIII, Kul.v.ix. I

68 V, I Shdhi Tump: P1. XII, Sh.T.19

70 V, 2 Khurdb: P1. XIV, Bii.2 14, M motif

7 V, 2 Shdhi Tump: P1. XVI, Sh.T.xiv.f.4

72 V, 2 Mundigak IV, 2: 381 Tall-i Taimurdn: P1. 58, c 75 VI Shdhi Tump: P1. XI,

Sh.T.ii.7; P1. XII, Sh.T.v.2, with cordons and ridges

77 VI Khurdb: P1. XVI, F.i.267 86 VI Sutkagen-dor: P1. VII, Su.27

Kulli: P1. XXV, Kul. I.viii.3

87 VI Shdhi Tump: P1. XI, Sh.T.iii.3

88 VI Hili, Buraimi: (1966), Fig. II 89 VI Hili, Buraimi: Pit. No. Io59,

unpublished Umm an-Ndr, cairn I,

unpublished

Pl. L

Bam

pir: pottery of Period II.

Pl. IH

. B

amp27r: pottery of P

eriod IV.

Pl. III.

Bam

pir: pottery of Period V

: Phase i

(2, 5, 6, 9); P

hase 2 (i, 3, 4, 8) and Period V

L.

P1. I Va. Bampir: incised grey ware.

Pl. IVb. Bampir : fragments of incised serpentine vases.


CATALOGUE OF THE POTTERY

The pottery of Periods I-IV is from Site Z while that of Periods V and VI was chosen from both Sites Z and Y. The material represents about a quarter of the pottery to be published in the full Report.

An asterisk against the left-hand column denotes those sherds listed in the Table of Comparative Material (p. 150o). Comment is restricted to points not apparent from the illustrations and the abbreviations Ext. and Int. refer to the surfaces of the vessels described. Level numbers relate to the section of Site Z.

The Iranian Government generously allowed about half the pottery to be brought to Britain. On the completion of the Report it will be deposited in Birmingham Museum and Art Gallery, the Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, Cambridge, and a small selection sent to the American Museum of Natural History, New York.

No. Fabric Slip Remarks Level

Fig. 5 I Red Cream Black design ext.; pendants inside rim 69 2 Buff Buff Two sets of quadruple wavy comb-incising 66 3 Red Cream Dark brown design 66 4 Grey Pink/red Black on thin, hard-fired jar, shoulder slightly thickened. 67

Band of nine sigmas and four vertical lines repeated around the shoulder

5 Red Buff Sigmas in dark brown 6o 6 Red Buff Dark brown design 58 7 Red Cream Same form in Level 69; a narrower, more globular cup with 6o

two bands at the rim above the same design was found in Level 66

8 Red Unslipped Brown design on a jar 70 9 Red Cream Flat dish-on-stand 60

I0 Red Red Black design. Similar design on a rather shallower bowl in 6o Level 58

II Red Unslipped Dark brown on outside of medium thick straight-sided ?bowl. 70 Motif not found later

I2 Grey - Black design inside pale grey bowl 70 *13 Red Red Rather uneven thickness. Same design in Level 69; same 66

form, cream-slipped, in Level 66 14 Grey - Black design ext. and on rim edge 58 15 Grey - Unique. The spout had come apart from the body which bore 66

faint traces of a black design around the neck 16 Grey - Black design 66 I7 Grey - Black birds int. Very thin-walled bowl 60 18 Red Buff Multiple chevron patterns used vertically were rare. Parts of 67

the same jar were found in Levels 66 and 58 19 Red Red Same design on a basin in pinkish/buff ware, rim diam. 67

36 cm., in Level 67 20 Red Cream Undecorated 69 21 Red Cream Faded brown snake motif, int. 69 22 Grey - Black animal pattern int.; thin-walled gently curved bowl 66

Fig. 6 A Red Red Black striped D-shaped cordons badly applied and coming 67

apart from the body of the vessel B Pink/buff Cream Unevenly fired. ?Fragments of the same jar in Level 69. 67

Black/brown design C Red Cream Dark brown design. Another sherd in Level 65 66



Fig. 7 *23 Red Cream Cylindrical vessel with brown design ext. 54 *24 Red Buff Dark brown design. Also found inside a bowl in Level 48 46 *25 Red Cream Dark brown design inside a bowl 54 *26 Red/buff Cream Dark brown design on the outside of a beaker 51 *27 Red Buff Black design on a jar, ext. 50

Fig. 8 *28 Red Buff Russet brown ext.; combination of traditional and intrusive 45a

motifs *29 Orange/buff - Brown design; flattened straight and wavy cordons 45a *30 Red - - 45a *31 Red Cream Grooved internally; dark brown design 45a *32 Red - Black/brown design, with sigmas at shoulder and metopic 45a

pattern in lower zone. Slightly sagging base 33 Red Buff Dark brown design, with flattened cordons, straight and wavy 45a

*34 Red Red Whole cup with slightly concave base; brown design 45 *35 Grey - New design in black, ext. 45 36 Grey - New design in brown on outside of a cup 45a

*37 Grey - Black design int. 45 *38 Grey - Black design 45 39 Grey Cream Overfired to greenish tinge. Roughly finished body but design 45a

well executed in black *40 Red - Overfired; design on both surfaces, outer being too worn to 45

identify *41 Red Buff Smeary slip; black design 43 *42 Red Cream Design inside bowl 45a 43 Red Buff Black design 43

Fig. 9 *44 Grey - Black design 34 *45 Grey - Black design 34 *46 Grey - Russet brown design 41 *47 Grey - Black design int.; triple bands around rim ext. 41 *48 Red - 34 *49 Red/grey - Overfired; fine line design in black/brown. New style antici- 34

pating Period V *50 Red - Dark brown design. One of a pair. Slight knop int. 34 *51 Red Buff Flattened cordon below rim; black design carelessly painted 38 *52 Red Apricot Dark brown design; V-shaped wavy ridge 34 53 Grey - Unusual form with knop inside base. Vertically streak- 41

burnished *54 Red Cream Dark brown design 38

Fig. io

*55 Red - Brown design. The same design occurred on a larger jar, rim 20c

diam. 12 cm., of the same shape, in Level -oc

56 Buff/red - Poorly levigated and thrown. Dark brown design 23 *57 Grey - Rim and carinated shoulder of canister, grooved int.; black 17

design ext. 58 Grey - Flat base of canister, black design ext. 20

*59 Grey - Black design on flat-based platter 17 *60 Grey - Unusual black design on platter. A concentric band inside Y. 6b

base. This form is usually streak-burnished, not painted *61 Red - Part of a large jar with ridges and black design 22



62 Orange/red - Ridged Y. 6a

63 Red - Black design ext. on thin vessel Y. 6a 64 Pink/red - Faded brown design ext. Y. 6a

*65 Grey - Black design ext. on bowl; band at rim with two others below 23

mint. *66 Grey - Black design 22a

*67 Grey - Streak-burnished int. 18 *68 Orange/red - Design in thin black paint 26a 69 Red - Paste contains white specks; dark brown bands on cup 23a

*70 Red - Dark brown design roughly executed, repetitive pattern of Y. 6a caprids between striped M dividers. Rim missing. Traces of a crystalline substance inside the bottom of the jar

*71 Orange/red - Black design int. Y. 6a *72 Red Buff Dark brown design 22a

Fig. II 73 Red - Black/brown design; streak-burnished int. Z. 5 74 Red - Stemmed vessel with curved bowl Y. 5

*75 Red Orange/buff Brown design Z. 5 76 Red Buff Brown design Z. 5

*77 Red - String cut base Y. 5 78 Red - Brown design Z. 5 79 Red Orange/buff Brown design Z. 5 80 Red - Dark brown design. A similar design in Level Z.I 7 Y. 5 81 Orange/red - Stemmed vessel, streak-burnished ext. Y. 5 82 Orange/red - Streak-burnished horizontally ext.; diagonally int. Ring- Z. 3a

base added to bowl and coming apart 83 - - Streak-burnished Z. 5 84 Red Orange/buff Straight and wavy V-shaped ridges. Unique Z.Io 85 Red Cream Deeply striated surface ext. Y. 5

*86 Red - Perforated vessel; holes roughly pierced at varying angles and Y. 5 distances apart

*87 Red/buff - Straight and wavy V-shaped ridges Z. 5

Fig. I2 *88 Grey Grey Dark brown design Y. 5 *89 Grey Grey Hard fired, thin-walled canister, with black design ext. Y. 5 *90 Red Buff Brown design tends to come off Z. 5

SURVEY OF EXCAVATIONS IN IRAN DURING 1966-67

I. EXCAVATION REPORTS

Bdbd Jdn Work was resumed at Bdba Jan on July 26th and continued until October 6th. Our most exciting discoveries this year were made on the East Mound in last season's deep sounding,

which was enlarged both to the north and south. Level vb has developed into a building, which seems massive enough to have occupied the whole of the lower part of the tepe. The plan so far uncovered comprises a long room leading off an open courtyard through an elaborate doorway flanked by buttresses. Existing dimensions for the long room are 12 -60 by 3- 8o m., but only one wall, preserved to a height of I -6o m. has so far been excavated. The interior was elaborately decorated. Patches of red painted plaster still adhered to the face of the wall, while the floor was strewn with large baked

'"., U. S. S. R.

SCASP / AN

*TABRIZSE A/-

oe1.*Tureng Tepe - . H4ascinlu

, as"uMESHED ,

S" *KoK6mis

o TEHRAN *

. HAMADAN .Godin Te AMADAN

.. Q eBb oTaJ-.

hTepenSialk L") .i,GcanJ !rch 0

oba ~•Jan

e -"" Tepe

Masjid-a- eSFPAHAN 7 5l1iemar

.5usa

' U ard-e- Necharndeh

H?ac :

TepeNN / eKERMAN i

s of Persepolis ZAHEDAN o

; SHIRAZ .'

t 4

410 4 t.,.

-

SAUDI

ARABIA c

K0 300 600 gilomerer's

157


brick tiles which had fallen either from the far wall or from the ceiling. These tiles were painted in a variety of geometric designs-crosses, squares, chequer boards, dots-in red paint on a cream ground and must have formed a gay, if garish, fagade. The floor had been swept clean of all save a few potsherds and it is impossible to determine whether this " Painted Chamber " had any specific religious or ceremonial function. The similarities in construction, plan and pottery between this building and the more extensively excavated " Fortified Manor " on the summit of the Central Mound leads one to assume that the two buildings were approximately contemporary and the " Painted Chamber " may provide evidence for the reconstruction of the vanished superstructures on the larger mound.

Level vb fell into disuse when its ceiling collapsed, and the next two levels-va and iv-contained nothing but undistinguished domestic architecture such as has been described in the report on the first season (see Iran VI). On the summit of the tepe, however, below the sixth-century terracing, we found traces of a second monumental building with huge mud brick walls over 3 m. high and 2 -16 m. thick. The discovery of a doorway which had been blocked on both sides to form an extremely narrow entrance suggests that these walls may have been defensive, and a trilobate arrowhead, of a type usually associated with the Scythians, found in the mud brick fill, may indicate a possible enemy. The exact relationship of this level to v and iv at the foot of the tepe is still uncertain.

On the Central Mound we uncovered the remaining sections of the " Fortified Manors " of levels I and 2, disclosing the main entrance through a paved enclave flanked by guard rooms. Dug into the fill of these levels, just beyond the entrance, was the grave of a horse which had obviously been buried with some ceremony. The body appeared to have been thrown into a pit and then weighted down with stones. It was accompanied by a bronze bowl, an elaborate bronze lamp, a bronze nose piece, five bronze harness studs, and an iron bit related to Caucasian types from Sialk Necropolis B.

Finally the deep sounding on this tepe was carried down 6 m. into early third millennium levels when it was deemed unsafe to continue.

CLARE GOFF MEADE

Ganj Dareh Tepe From late June until the end of August 1967, the University of Montreal Prehistoric Expedition,

supported by the National Research Council of Canada, excavated the site of Ganj Dareh Tepe in the Gamas-Ab valley near Harsin, Kermdnshdh District.1 A brief sondage made in 1965 had indicated that early and aceramic phases of the Neolithic were present, and the 1967 investigations were primarily aimed at establishing the stratigraphy of the mound rather than at exposing large areas of each level.

The new excavations confirmed most of the conclusions gained from the 1965 sondage but revealed several new aspects. As expected, there are no post-Neolithic occupations on the site, although the reasons for this and for the absence of other prehistoric sites in the immediate neighbourhood are not known. The greater part of the mound is composed of the debris of mud-walled or brick-walled buildings, and our preliminary investigations suggest that there are at least five and possibly six principal occupation levels. The present diameter of the mound is about 40 m., and virgin soil was reached in two zones of the main exploratory trench at a depth of just over 7 m. below the present summit. Directly over the virgin soil are deposits about one metre thick which yielded flint tools and ddbitage, animal bones and a few clay animal figurines. There were no traces of houses or other architecture in the various lenses, and possibly they represent only impermanent structures and encampments, but we cannot be certain of this until a larger area is exposed. It is likely that the radiocarbon date of 845o0 + 150 B.c. (GaK-8o7), obtained in 1965 on ash from the base of our sondage on the west slope of the mound, refers to part of this basal occupation. Further charcoal samples from this and later levels were collected this season. These basal deposits are followed by a number of building phases with solid architecture: first a group of rectangular structures of sun-dried mud (chineh) and, possibly contemporaneous or

slightly later, a number of rectangular buildings constructed of large unfired plano-convex bricks coated with thick layers of mud plaster. Several constructions which may be kilns or ovens were also uncovered. This village seems to have been destroyed by a very intense fire which effectively baked the

1 In our earlier reports the local name for this site was erroneously written as Ganj-i Dareh (see Iran V, pp. I38-9).

SURVEY OF EXCAVATIONS 159

brick walls and plaster, leaving some of them standing nearly a metre high and buried under several metres of burned rubble derived from the roofs and upper walls. We had time to clear only small sectors of this village but it is obvious that the architectural features are very well preserved. In the following two building levels the houses, again with rectangular rooms, were constructed only of chineh and the walls were sometimes coated with white plaster. Finally, in the upper two metres of the mound there was at least one more building level with solid architecture (some of it of mudbricks but the bricks are smaller than in the earlier level and not plano-convex in form), and plastered floors. Unfortunately these two upper metres are considerably leached and eroded, as well as disturbed by several recent Islamic burials. No buildings with stone wall foundations were found in any level of the mound.

Flint artifacts were fairly numerous in all levels but no obsidian was found. The impression received from a preliminary study in the field is that there are no important morphological changes in the chipped stone tools from the base to the top of Ganj Dareh Tepe. They include backed and truncated blades and bladelets, end- and side-scrapers and many use-retouched pieces. The nuclei are often conical or cylindrical. We recovered no true geometric microliths and no microburins in spite of the fact that all the earth was screened through fine-meshed sieves. In general the chipped stone industry resembles those found at Tepe Guran (Lfiristan) and at Asiab and Sarab on the Kermanshah Plain. Some blades have well-defined areas of polish and may represent elements of sickles or reaping knives. There are no ground stone axes or celts. Polished stone vessels are rare but there is a considerable number of mortars, pestles and rubbers. Stone bracelets and rings seem to be absent. Animal figurines in clay are common; some are fairly naturalistic and probably represent goats and/or sheep. There are also a few human figurines in clay, including one tiny delicately modelled female with a pointed head and prominent breasts. One interesting item in bone is a plaque, perforated at each corner, which is possibly an archer's wrist-guard; but there are no recognizable arrow points among the stone artifacts.

On one important point our description of 1965 must be modified, through the discovery of small quantities of pottery in the site. None was found in the basal levels, but in a corner of a room in the burned village, at a depth of about 5 m., we found a small and nearly intact clay pot, gourd-shaped and very friable. In the burned rubble of another of the buildings were several chaff tempered sherds of what must have been large bowls or jars. Most surprising of all, in another part of the same burned village there was a huge intact vessel, perhaps a storage jar about 8o cm. high with very thick walls, standing on a plastered floor and securely sealed in by the thick layer of collapsed burned rubble. It would seem that all these vessels and sherds, which are plain, soft and possibly only sun-dried originally, owe their preservation to secondary baking when the village burned. Their age is not yet known, although an early VIIth millennium date is perhaps a reasonable estimate. Technically they are extremely simple and may well represent an early or experimental stage of pottery making. It is clear that their acci- dental survival in this site raises questions concerning the reality of the so-called Aceramic Neolithic in some other Middle Eastern sites where no pottery is reported. We recovered no pottery in the succeeding two building levels, perhaps because there were few signs of fire, but a small number of sherds occurred again in the upper several metres of the mound; most of them are soft and plain, but some are moderately well fired, perhaps through secondary contact with the hearths in these deposits. A few of the sherds have a peculiar form of surface decoration, made apparently by fingernail impressions, which is found also on some of the animal figurines. No painted or slipped pottery could be identified in any level of the site.

Reasonably large quantities of faunal remains, especially of ungulates, were recovered in all levels and are awaiting analysis. Ash deposits and hearths were treated by flotation techniques and it is hoped that sufficient carbonized plant remains will be found in the samples to make possible a reconstruction of the occupants' exploitation of their floral resources. Until then we can say nothing reliable about the subsistence base of the inhabitants of Ganj Dareh or the status of the animals and plants.

In conclusion, these preliminary investigations at Ganj Dareh Tepe show that this site will yield much important new information on the earlier Neolithic horizon in western Iran, particularly in the domains of architecture, of settlement plans and perhaps of community forms. The small size of the mound and the absence of later deposits makes it possible to uncover large proportions of each Neolithic construction phase, while the fact that one of the villages was intensively burned and subsequently


sealed offers the prospect of excellent preservation of architectural features, of artifacts in their original contexts and perhaps of organic materials. The suggestions of very early experimentation with pottery are also intriguing. It is possible that some of the deposits represent the elusive VIIIth millennium, as is suggested by the radiocarbon date of 6960 + 170 B.C. (GaK-994) obtained from the 1965 sondage. It is planned to continue the excavations for at least another season.

P. E. L. SMITH

Godin Tepe Full scale area excavations were conducted by the Joint Canadian-Iranian Expedition of the Royal

Ontario Museum of the University of Toronto and the Archaeological Service of Iran at Godin Tepe in western Iran from late June to mid-September 1967. These excavations were financially supported by the Royal Ontario Museum, the Harvie Foundation and The Babylonian Collection, Yale University.

Efforts concentrated on (I) a broad area clearance of architectural remains of Period II (c. eighth- fourth centuries B.C.) on the citadel; (2) a more limited area clearance of the latest levels from Period III (c. 2000-I IOO B.C.) in the same area; and (3) a search for the Period III cemetery in the outer town. Small vertical soundings at various points on both the citadel and outer town flat were dug in an effort to define the limits of occupation in the first and second millennia B.C.

The cemetery: A large area of the southern outer town flat has been badly chewed into by the locals in search of ash-rich earth to spread on the neighbouring fields. The scatter of discarded human bones and smashed pottery spread about suggested a cemetery area. No proper excavations as such were laid out, but attempts were made to clean up the edges of the ragged cut made by the locals in hopes of at least confirming the promise of the area. In the course of this work several simple inhumation burials were discovered, all but two of which dated to the latter half of Period III on the basis of typological comparisons between the rather scanty grave goods and materials recovered from the stratigraphic excavations on the citadel. Two graves dated to Iron Age I times (typical grey ware pedestal-based goblets), though no occupation from this period has yet been defined anywhere on the site.

The principal discovery in this area, however, was a rectangular stone tomb measuring approximately 3"5

x 3- m. On three sides the walls were constructed of large upright blocks of stone with smaller stones filling the interstices. The fourth side or " front " was open. The roof over the front half, though now collapsed, had apparently been gabled; the roof over the back half was constructed of large and medium-sized stone slabs laid flat. Two burials, both flexed and with numerous grave goods, were found inside the tomb at slightly different levels in the fill, while on the floor of the tomb, centred between the two burials and not clearly associated with either, was a large offering of pottery vessels. Associated with the tomb, though outside the enclosed area, was a complete horse skeleton, interred in a foetal position. Typological comparisons of the grave goods point to a date late in Period III, perhaps in the third quarter of the second millennium B.C.

Period III citadel: Soundings indicate that almost the whole of the citadel mound and probably the greater part of the outer town flat was occupied at some time in Period III. Along the north face of the citadel we opened some 400 square metres of two major building levels dating to the end of this period. The lower of these consisted of a complex of long narrow rooms set east of an open courtyard. The whole of the structure was not recovered, but enough is in hand to suggest that we have an important non-religious building of some kind. Several hearths and a rather fine bread oven suggest a domestic structure. The walls were in places preserved to a height of almost 2 m., for the structure had apparently been destroyed by an earthquake. Large blocks of fallen walling testified to the strength of the tremor.

The upper Period III building level was denuded almost to its stone foundations and much

destroyed by the first millennium constructions above. Again the plan of the buildings shows a cluster of rooms, mostly of a domestic nature, east of an open courtyard. The whole, however, was apparently neither so large nor so important a structure as its predecessor. Two minor construction levels, perhaps rebuildings of the level destroyed by earthquake, intervened between the two major levels, and a very scrappy " squatter " level topped the Period III deposits.

Non-ceramic small finds in these strata were few. Pottery, however, was abundant. In terms of known assemblages, the pottery recovered can be compared with Giyvn Periods IV, III and II.


Tripod pots, both painted and plain, of classic Giyan III type were recovered, as were large pots with sharp shoulder carinations and painted patterns similar to those from Giyan IV. Giyan II-like wares were also found in stratified context, and classic Giydn II painted two-lugged pots and pedestal goblets were found in graves sealed by floors associated with pottery apparently of Giyvn III type. One is a bit hesitant as yet about assigning absolute dates to these levels. On the basis of the 1965 sounding we know that there are still some 4 to 5 m. of Period III deposit to be opened, and it seems unlikely that Period III begins much before the second millennium B.C. A guess date of 1500 to perhaps 1200-1100

B.C. for these construction levels in late Period III might be fairly close to the mark. The analysis of a good collection of radiocarbon samples from both levels is in process.

Period II citadel: The large fortification wall reported in Iran V as belonging to Period I and Islamic times proved on further excavation to date to Period II, or roughly the seventh century B.C. We have now cleared some 65 m. of this wall, running along the edge of the steep north face of the citadel. Built by a gang of drunken brick layers, it varies in width from just under 3 m. at one end to over 4 m. at the other. Along the outer face so far cleared are two towers enclosing rooms, both built on mud brick platforms. Inside the wall to the south of the western tower is a large kitchen room with bread oven, a hearth and a manger. Immediately west of this room and using the inner face of the fortification wall as its north wall is a large columned audience hall, approximately 24 m. wide and 28 m. long. Five rows of six wooden columns originally stood on rough, partially-shaped stone column bases. The entrance to the hall was in the south wall, now completely eroded away down the south slope of the upper citadel. Benches ran along the outer three walls, with a special " throne " seat built into the bench along the north. Between the first and second rows of columns, immediately in front of this " throne ", stood a raised brick hearth. Unfortunately, we were unable to open up any of the area behind the fortification wall to the east of the kitchen room this season.

Test soundings suggest that the Period II occupation of the site is confined to the upper citadel mound. One suspects that perhaps continued excavation will reveal a single building complex of audience hall, kitchen and private apartments surrounded by a towered fortification wall, the whole the seat of a petty Median prince who ruled over a population living on other sites in the Kangivar valley. The columned hall itself, of course, is clearly to be connected with later Achaemenid audience halls at Pasargadae and Persepolis, and is probably also in the Iranian tradition of columned halls illustrated by the buildings of Period IV at Hasanlti. A fine bronze fibula found in the debris of the kitchen room, coupled with the certain Iron Age III affinities of the pottery from this level, indicates a seventh to perhaps early sixth century date for Period II.

Another season of excavation, planned for 1969, will concentrate on going deeper into the Period III levels and opening still more of the Median citadel.

T. CUYLER YOUNG, Jr.

Haft Tepe The second season of excavations at Haft Tepe lasted from February to April 1967. It is now clear

that the temple to the south of the vaulted tomb consisted of two large halls adjoining a courtyard. The walls of the temple are constructed of mud-brick and the floor of baked brick and plaster. The courtyard, 36 x 18 m. in size, is paved with baked bricks 36 cm. square. Traces of a hearth and a large table or altar were found in the courtyard. The whole temple compound is surrounded by walls of mud-brick 4 m. thick and still standing in places to a height of 2 m.

Apart from the discovery of several clay tablets, one of which possibly lists a series of astrological omens, the 1967 season also produced a second stone stela, i m. 75 cm. long and 6o cm. wide. Although all these new texts await definite study, they again illustrate the rich range of inscribed material that exists at Haft Tepe.

On the evidence recovered so far it still seems very likely that the chief Elamite remains at Haft

Tepe were erected by Tepti-Ahar at a date between 1500 and 1350 B.C. If this earlier of two possible dates for Tepti-Ahar should be confirmed by future discoveries, the fine architectural remains of the site will gain still more in significance.

E. NEGAHBAN


Tepe Nalshl-i-Jdn and Shahr-i-Kimis With generous assistance from both the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, and the Oriental

Institute of the University of Chicago the Institute was able to examine two hitherto unexcavated sites in 1967: Tepe Nish-i-Jin 7o km. south of Hamaddn and Shahr-i-K6mis 30 km. west of Damghdn.

At Tepe Nflsh-i-Jdn, a steep-sided, hill-top site less than i oo x 50 m. in area, many of the common

pottery forms proved to be closely allied to those of Ziwiyeh and those of the seventh century B.C. levels at Godin Tepe. Only a final squatter's level, characterized by a distinctive, hard-fired red ware (currently labelled " clinky ware "), may represent a separate, post-Median occupation. Following an initial seven-week season, the two major Median buildings recovered so far consist of a rectangular fort, 21 x 24 m. in size, and a still earlier " Central Building "-a freestanding lozenge-shaped structure with stepped wall faces exactly like those of Shapur I's much later throne hall at Bishapur. Although all construction at Ntish-i-Jin is in mud-brick, both buildings are wonderfully preserved. In the case of the fort the outer walls still stand to a height of nearly 7 m., complete with the first tier of arrowslots and a number of slim ground floor windows also placed almost 5 m. above bedrock (P1. Ia). Within the fort, several intact doors and one almost intact roof vault add much to our knowledge of mud-brick vaulting while a large square room near the main entrance illustrates the way in which these techniques were used to carry a ramp and staircase round a central square pier up to the second storey. In the unique Central Building, which still awaits further excavation before its original function can be determined, much the most striking decorative effect comes from a series of blind windows each with a deep-set niche at the base (P1. Ib).

Small objects from Nish-i-Jan proved to be rather few in number; on the last day, however, the removal of a supposedly fallen brick within the fort revealed a hidden bronze bowl packed with silver jewellery and other small silver objects. Outstanding amongst the pieces recovered were a collection of quadruple spiral beads (P1. IIIa) of a type well known from earlier first millennium B.C. levels at both Marlik Tepe and Hasanli.

At Shahr-i-K6mis it was known that we would be excavating a very different sort of site: one ravaged by flash floods and largely reduced to a vast, 7 x 4 km. spread of surface pottery devoid of superimposed strata. But several features demanded investigation. Firstly, as Mr. John Hansman was the first to observe, K6mis could be shown to lie remarkably close to the point indicated by Strabo and Pliny as the site of the lost Parthian capital, Hecatompylos; secondly, a number of recent surveys near Damghan had already shown the site to be much the largest with a continuous pottery sequence from Iron Age to Parthian times; and thirdly, the flat contours of K6mis were broken by a series of prominent mounds, each of which promised to represent a Parthian funerary structure (P1. II). In the fifteen days available to us work was concentrated on four of the main surviving features. Two of these proved to be all that remained of a local type of funerary tower containing at least three separate forms of mud- brick vault and a macabre form of burial in which human skulls and horse skulls predominated. By great good fortune a small cache of coins provided a date for such burials close to 70 B.C. Elsewhere a large, much-robbed construction, 50 x 30 m. in area, was found to possess the remains of six projecting towers, a substantial courtyard and a series of long ground-floor rooms. Again Parthian in date, at least when it was first used, this imposing structure was found to contain further human and horse skulls in widely separate locations. Finally, towards the north end of the site, where Sasanian and pre- Islamic Mongol wares predominate, we were able to excavate a small part of a most unusual circular

building of still uncertain date. In size and plan it resembles the fourth or third century B.c. structure excavated by Soviet archaeologists at the Khwarezmian site of Koi Krylgan-Kara, south of the sea of Aral. Whether or not the parallel can be pressed will depend on future excavations.

While the few Parthian graves that were opened were almost without grave goods, an isolated Sasanian grave provided a number of unexpected finds. Dated to the late sixth century A.D. by a coin of Hormuzd IV, the few meagre bones of the burial were accompanied by a knife with a horn handle and a collection of contemporary textiles including one with a fine rosette pattern and others with either chequered or striped (P1. IIIb) designs.

DAVID STRONAGH


Sirdf The second season of excavations at Siraf began in October 1967 and at the time of writing was

still in progress. As in 1966, the excavation was sponsored by the British Institute of Persian Studies and had the generous support of the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation, the British Academy and the British Museum. Additional support was received from the Ashmolean Museum and the Royal Scottish Museum, Edinburgh.

A preliminary report on the first season's work will be found between pp. I and 22 of this journal and the present note should be read in conjunction with it. Three sites were excavated in 1967-68; the Great Mosque (Site B), a ninth- or tenth-century house (Site F) and a complex of buildings provisionally dated to the fifteenth century (Site E).

Site B (" Interim Report ", pp. 9-1 I and fig. 5) Work has continued at the Great Mosque with the object of uncovering the entire building. By

the end of the season, it is probable that both the original mosque and the extension will have been completely excavated. In the main building, it is now almost certain that not only the westernmost bay of the prayer hall but also the bay nearest the courtyard are additions. The original mosque, therefore, probably had a square courtyard nine bays wide, flanked by double arcades on three sides and by a triple arcade on the qibla. Fragments of fallen masonry indicate that the building had circular columns resting on square bases and supporting semi-circular or pointed arcades. In the extension, the walls described as foundations in 1966 were shown to be the standing walls of rooms with floors more than 2 m. below the floor of the main building. The extension consisted of eleven bays parallel to the qibla and measuring 41 m. long by nearly I m. wide. In the part which survives, each bay is divided into either two or three rooms and is entered from the south side. The discovery of a row of openings establishes that the mosque extended even farther to the south and a detached building, measuring more than 17 x 7 m. was found 4 m. beyond the south-east end of the extension. This building, which has been extensively eroded by the sea, will be excavated in 1968-69.

Site F Site F is a large irregular mound 260 m. north-west of Site A (" Interim Report ", plan, p. 4).

Surface indications suggested that the mound concealed two or more buildings, one of which was excavated. The building proved to be a rectangular house measuring 18 x 27 m., with the long axis aligned approximately north-south. The house has a symmetrical plan comprising a rectangular courtyard, 13 m. long and 9 m. wide, surrounded by rooms on all four sides. The main entrance is in the centre of the north wall and consists of a recessed doorway framed by a simple stucco moulding and leading into a hall. On each side of the hall is a room measuring 5 - 6 x 3-2 m. internally. Outside these rooms, occupying the angles of building, are larger rooms

7"8 m. long and

3"4 m. wide. The

south side of the house has a similar plan, but with only a simple doorway and with a row of massive pillars 3 m. from the outer wall. The remaining part of each long side contains two rooms measuring 4-8 x

3"4 m. The ground floor thus contains twelve rooms, the halls excluded. Although nothing

remains inside the house, the pillars on the south side strongly suggest the existence of an upper storey. Evidently the house was impressive, with high ceilings and stucco decoration. The internal walls stand to a maximum height of nearly 4 m., but show no signs of the ceiling or roof. At the time of writing,

fragments of decorated stucco cornices and friezes, one of which bears a Kufic inscription, have been recovered from the rubble filling in six rooms. Most of the pottery from Site F may be paralleled by material from periods 2C and 2D at Site A and from the kilns at Site D. A date in the tenth century seems likely, although it is possible that the earliest occupation belongs to the ninth.

Site E

Before excavation, this site, which is 45 m. north-west of Site A, consisted of two adjacent mounds measuring 32 x 35 m. They concealed a group of buildings which, in their latest phase, belonged to a single domestic complex. The earliest structure occupies the north-east corner of the site. It is 13 m. 12e


square and has a symmetrical plan comprising a courtyard, only 5 m. across, surrounded by nine rooms of equal size. The room in the centre of each side opens into the courtyard and has at the outer end an entrance or niche, with additional niches in the sides. The corner rooms, which are plain, are connected to the courtyard by narrow openings. The function of this building is not yet known.

At a later date, two ranges of rooms were constructed on the south-west and north-west sides of the site, separated from the square building, which was re-used, by an L-shaped courtyard. The south-west range is 29 m. long and up to 12 m. wide and the smaller north-west range measures 18 x 7 m. Both groups of rooms are clearly domestic. Although the date of construction of the square building is not yet clear, the main occupation of Site E appears to belong to the fifteenth century, with abundant

unglazed painted pottery (" Interim Report ", p. 15), sherds of blue and white porcelain and a group of bowls similar to vessels found at Kilwa (Azania I (1966), pp. 23-4 and pl. XI). Among the small finds of this period is a cache of objects which include a small bronze bowl, two zoomorphic bronze mountings and five ivory and wooden chess pieces.

D. B. WHITEHOUSE

Suse et Masjid-i Solaiman: Travaux de la Ddldgation archiologiquefranfaise en Iran-Hiver r966/i967 Suse: La fouille stratigraphique de la colline de Suse qui porte le nom de << Ville Royale #, que

nous avons poursuivie sur un meme emplacement pendant vingt ans, a atteint au fond du chantier, a la profondeur de 15 m'tres, la quinzieme ville qui datait du XIXe si cle avant notre are. Nous savions

que cette date correspondait " une periode assez brillante de l'histoire 6lamite, ce qui a 6td confirme

par le fait que les quartiers de cette quinzibme ville 6taient 6difids sur le sol vierge, ce qui prouvait que la ville de cette 6poque 6tait prospere et s'est 6tendue.

Pour poursuivre nos recherches sur une p6riode antdrieure du pass6 de Suse, il fallait trouver un nouvel emplacement. Les endroits ne manquaient pas car les fouilles de mes prddecesseurs avaient 6td arretees a des niveaux diff6rents des collines (P1. IVa). Aprds avoir choisi une place pour y ouvrir un nouveau chantier, nous avons pu 6tablir que nous y touchions une installation contemporaine de

l'dpoque de la fin de notre chantier precedent. En continuant la fouille en profondeur, nous avons pu identifier deux niveaux plus anciens, datant du XXe et du XXIe siecles avant notre ere (P1. IVb). Les morts, comme toujours, 6taient enterr's sous les maisons, l'esprit du mort devant participer a la vie de la famille. Nous avons rencontrd plusieurs tombes de cette 6poque avec des sarcophages-baignoires en terre cuite. Qu'il s'agissait bien de baignoires, l'une d'elles en a apport6 une preuve certaine puisqu'elle 6tait munie d'un court tuyau d'dvacuation (P1. IVc). Quelle pouvait etre la raison pour laquelle on enterrait les morts dans des baignoires?

On sait que les Elamites, tout comme les Babyloniens et les Assyriens, croyaient que dans l'outre- tombe on poursuivait une existence semblable a la vie terrestre. C'dtait la raison pour laquelle on

d6posait dans les tombes des armes, des bijoux, de la poterie, etc. Or, pour les anciens, un bain n'dtait pas tant une mesure d'hygiene qu'une purification qui devait permettre au fiddle de se prdsenter A la

divinitd. Cela semble aussi avoir 6td la raison pour laquelle on mettait dans la tombe une baignoire, ou, plut6t pour laquelle on y d6posait le mort qui pouvait continuer t s'en servir dans le meme but.

L'architecture des quartiers d'habitation de ces 6poques si reculdes restait semblable a celle que nous avions identifide auparavant: les maisons &taient baties en briques crues; leurs chambres se groupaient autout des cours, et plus les maisons 6taient riches, plus le nombre des cours augmentait. Les pieces de

reception 6taient dotdes de banquettes faites avec des briques et collies contre les murs; elles possidaient souvent des chemindes (P1. IVd). Des tablettes en terre crue, couvertes d'6criture cundiforme, ont 6td trouvies dans plusieurs de ces demeures, ce qui nous a permis d'en connaitre les propridtaires par leurs noms, de savoir en quoi consistait leur activitd, quel 4tait leur rang social. I1 est intdressant de souligner que 30 0 des tablettes d~couvertes par nous 6taient des devoirs d'dlkves, ce qui laisse supposer que les habitants de Suse d'il y a 4000 ans n'avaient pas de problkme d'alphab6tisation.

Le second chantier h Suse, ouvert l'an dernier sur l'Acropole, derridre le chateau de la D61lgation, permit de mettre au jour une partie d'une vaste terrasse en briques crues qui avait 6td plusieurs fois

remanide et qui servait de socle A un batiment dont la facade 6tait ornde de << clous a en terre cuite en


forme de cornets (P1. IVe). L'ensemble, sans doute, est de caractere religieux et la terrasse semble ^tre

<( l'ancetre # des ziggurats, n'ayant a '16poque de Djemdet Nasr (?) qu'un seul 'tage. Le troisikme chantier a ete poursuivi pour reconnaitre les fortifications de la ville autour des palais

achemenides. La D6l6gation put identifier un puissant mur en pise avec coffrage en briques crues

(P1. IVf), et, a 23 m, 40 devant lui, un autre mur en briques crues. L'espace entre les deux murs fut bouche avec une masse gigantesque de terre; ces travaux furent executes, d'apres une anse d'amphore 5N inscription grecque qui a ete trouvee a cet endroit, au moment du siege de la ville par le satrape Molon revolt6 contre le jeune Antiochus III.

Masjid-i Solaiman:2 En Fevrier 1967, la Delegation archeologique a quitt6 Suse pour Masjid-i Solaiman oii elle a commence l'exploration de la terrasse sacree, connue sous le nom de Sar-Masjid. Cette terrasse artificielle, dont le coffrage 6tait realise avec des blocs de pierre gigantesques, devait etre un lieu consacre depuis la plus haute epoque et 6tre certainement deja un centre religieux achemenide. Ce fait semble etre indiqud par les restes d'un podium profond6ment remani6 au cours des siecles d'existence de ce sanctuaire archaique iranien. Douze escaliers (P1. Va) menaient les fideles a la surface de la terrasse dont une partie importante est occupee par une imposante construction. Par malheur, pres de ]a moitie de la terrasse se trouve occupee par un cimetiere moderne qui date d'il y a une centaine d'annees. Pour ne pas toucher aux tombes, nous n'avons eu la possibilit6 que d'en degager la facade qui regarde le Nord, et qui comprenait un portique largement dallk (P1. Vb), avec plusieurs colonnes dont ne restent que les pierres de soubassement. C'est 1a, devant le portique, que nous avons trouve plusieurs sculptures en pierre dont une statue de Parthe. Toutes ces oeuvres d'art avaient kt6 impitoyablement brisees, probablement lors de la conquete arabe.

La terrasse s'etendait jusqu'd la montagne oiu nous avons d6cide de proceder a des recherches. A une assez faible profondeur, nous avons pu identifier des murs et reconnaitre un sanctuaire compos6 d'une antecella et d'une cella, reli6es par une porte (P1. Vc). La d6couverte d'une grande statue sans tete d'un homme nu etouffant un lion, nous a indiqu6 (P1. VIa) que ce temple etait dedi6 au heros-dieu Heracles. Ce n'est qu'un mois plus tard et assez loin de l'endroit otl fut mise au jour cette statue, que nous avons eu la chance de trouver sa tate (P1. VIb). Ses cheveux sont serres dans un bandeau; le cou etait entoure d'un torque et A son oreille droite il y avait une boucle ronde. Plusieurs objets votifs ont 6td mis au jour lors du degagement de ce sanctuaire, parmi lesquels il faut citer une grande lampe en bronze avec une anse en forme de feuille d'6rable (?) et une double coupe taillee dans du bitume. Il y avait aussi une statuette de ffitiste et une autre de danseur, en bronze, ainsi que des appliques en bronze, couldes ou travailldes << au repouss6 e.

Le plan de ce sanctuaire n'avait rien de commun avec les temples grecs qu'on connait, et pour cause. Ii y a ddji bien longtemps, on avait d6couvert le monument fundraire d'Antiochus de Commagbne -

prince de l'Asie Mineure orientale du Jer siacle avant notre Are- situ6 haut dans la montagne de Nimrud Dagh. Antiochus comptait parmi ses ancetres Darius le Grand igalement, qui est reproduit sur ce monument. Sur l'un des bas-reliefs qu'Antiochus avait fait sculpter pros de son tombeau, on le voit salu6 par Hiraclks; une inscription en grec explique qu'il s'agit de H6raclhs-Artagnis. Or, sous ce second nom, on reconnait sans peine le nom de Verethragna, dieu de la guerre et de la victoire de la vieille religion mazddenne des Iraniens. Il y a donc tout lieu de croire qu'on se trouve, t Masjid-i Solaiman, en prdsence d'un sanctuaire 61ev6i et d6di t la divinit6 de la victoire, probablement ? la suite de celle qu'un prince local de l'ipoque parthe avait remportie et qui a t d symbolisee par la victoire du h6ros grec sur le lion de Nlmde.

R. GHIRSHMAN

Tureng Tepe

Aprms l'achivement en I965 des sondages prmliminaires, le travail a port6 exclusivement cette annie sur le plus haut ds mamelons qui composent le site; celui-ci culmine s 35 m. environ au-dessus de la plaine. Le sommet en ayant ct6 divis6 en quatre secteurs, nous avons fait porter la fouille sur le

2 See also report in the LL.N. of July 8, 1967.


quart sud-ouest. L'exploration, sous forme de carres de 5 m. de c6te, en a etd mende jusqu'a une profondeur de 5 m. i 6 m. a partir du point le plus haut.

Le niveau le plus r6cent, d'6poque islamique ancienne, est represente par des fosses dans lesquelles une abondante c ramique a ete decouverte, notamment de beaux vases a decor 6maill6 gdometrique: ils appartiennent au style bien connu de Gorgan et datent du IXe sikcle.

Tres pres de la surface nous avons atteint les vestiges d'un batiment tres endommage, dont le sol et les murs de brique crue 6taient soigneusement stuquds, et qui semble avoir subi divers remaniements. II 'tait traverse par les fosses d'epoque islamique et est donc antdrieur, mais la ceramique de surface 6tait trop melangee pour qu'il soit possible de dater cet edifice avec precision. Toutefois le format des briques, analogue a celui des bitiments sous-jacents, permet peut-etre d'attribuer celui-ci ' la fin de la p6riode sassanide.

En effet nous avons pu commencer l'exploration de plusieurs niveaux successifs, ayant subi chacun de nombreuses refections, qui tous appartiennent A l'dpoque sassanide. Les murs, conserves parfois sur plus d'un metre de haut, 6taient faits de briques crues carrees, mesurant environ 38 cm. a 40 cm. de

c6td. Ces batiments semblent devoir couvrir toute la superficie du t6pe. L' normite des murs, la longueur des corridors, la presence de canalisations en terre-cuite tres 6labordes, permettent de voir 1" un 6difice de grande importance et de caractere officiel, plusieurs fois reconstruit. En l'absence, A notre connaissance, de tout vestige contemporain sur le reste du site, ne peut-on l'interpreter comme un poste fortifi6 situ6 un peu en arriere du fameux < mur d'Alexandre >, dont les briques au surplus sont identiques a celles-ci? Cette citadelle semble avoir et6 a plusieurs reprises detruite par un gigantesque incendie.

Le materiel d6couvert comprend divers outils et ustensiles de fer, des meules a grain, dont certaines admirablement travaillees, et surtout de la ceramique. Celle-ci, jusqu'a prdsent, appartient aux phases les plus r6centes de l'6poque sassanide, mais un changement tres net se laisse distinguer quand on s'enfonce vers des couches plus profondes, en sorte qu'il sera possible d'&tablir une evolution typologique de cette poterie sassanide, jusqu'a prdsent si mal connue.

J. DESHAYES

II. SURVEY REPORTS

Das Deutsche Archdologische Institut, Teheran

Das Deutsche Archiologische Institut in Teheran unternahm vom 21. Juni bis zum 8. August 1967 eine wissenschaftliche Reise in die Provinzen West - und Ostazerbaidjan des Iran.

Das Ziel dieses Surveys war es, eine erste Grundlage fir eine Landesaufnahme des Nordwesten des Iran zu erhalten. Es wurden alle in Betracht kommenden Kulturreste und Baudenkmiler, die am Wege lagen, registriert und aufgenommen, wobei keine Begrenzung auf bestimmte Kulturperioden bestand. Insgesamt o103 mehr oder minder umfangreiche und bedeutende Objekte wurden erfasst, wobei die Masse der am Wege liegenden Tepes nicht eingerechnet ist.

Das bedeutendste Ergebnis dieser Reise ist die Auffindung urartaischer Anlagen auf iranischem Staatsgebiet.

8 km westlich von Urartu bei Zengar liegt mit Blick nach Nordwesten auf den Berg Ararat eine Felskammer mit 2 Nebenriumen und 4 Nischen, wovon die grbssere wahrscheinlich fir eine Grablege vorgesehen war. Neben dem Eingang zur Felskammer fuihrt eine Felstreppe auf ein Felsplateau, das

teilweise durch Felsabtreppungen zur Aufnahme von Mauern bearbeitet ist. Auch sind einige Mauer- reste erhalten. Unter der aufgelesenen Keramik befinden sich sicher urartaische Stucke. Die Fels- kammer mit der Felstreppe zeigt eine auffallende Ubereinstimmung mit der Grabanlage Sardurs II. in Van.

Urartaische Keramik wurde auch auf einem Dutschgagi genannten Felsplateau mit rechteckigen Besiedlungsspuren gefunden, das bei Sufi liegt. Sehr umfangreiche Mauerreste und Felsabarbeitungen zur Mauergraindung sowie einwandfrei urartaische Keramik sind in Bastam festgestellt worden, woher die sich jetzt im Teheraner Archiologischen Museum befindliche urartaische Tempelgruindungs- inschrift des K6nigs Rusa stammt.


Neben diesen 3 sicher als urartaisch anzusehenden Platzen haben wir noch eine Terrassenanlage oberhalb des sasanidischen Felsreliefs siid-stlich Shahpur und eine Anlage siidwestlich Shahpur ermittelt, die auf Grund der von den Urartaern benutzten und sonst in diesem Bereich nicht verwende- ten Technik der Felsabtreppungen zur Aufnahme von Mauern mit grosser Wahrscheinlichkeit ebenfalls urartaisch sein k6nnen, obwohl die aufgelesene Keramik keine sichere Datierung erlaubt.

Auf Grund dieser Befunde kann das n6rdliche Gebiet der Provinz Westazerbaidjan, im Osten etwa von der Linie Djulfa-Nordufer des Urmiasees - Stidrand der Ebene von Shahpur begrenzt, zur Zeit Urartus zu diesem Reich teritoriell geh6rt haben. Dies scheint sich in die nun klarer werdende Ostgrenze Urartus einzugliedern, die vom Sevan-See fiber Nachitschewan - Djulfa, fiber das Nordufer des Urmiasees an Shahpur vorbei zum Gebirgskamm, der die heutige tiirkisch-iranische Grenze bildet, verliuft und bis zur Kelishin-Stele fiihrte. Die Ebene von Rezaiyeh und die Gegend von Hasanlu werden dabei ausserhalb Urartus gelegen haben.

Dieses Gebiet Westazerbaidjans, das einstmals zu Urartu geh6rt zu haben scheint, war auch ein Bestandteil Armeniens. Wir haben eine Anzahl armenischer Kirchen in dieser Gegend aufgenommen, von denen das Kloster des Heiligen Stephanos und das Kloster des Heiligen Thaddaus (Kara Kilise) die weitaus gr6sste Bedeutung haben.

Ausser diesen Objekten wurden von uns eine gr6ssere Anzahl islamischer Bauten vermessen, Moscheen, Grabbauten, Karawanserails und Bricken.

Dieser Survey wird im Hinblick auf eine baldige Publikation im kommenden Jahr fortgefitihrt werden.

Das Institut war von Anfang Oktober 1967 an in Bisutun mit den abschliessenden Grabungs- arbeiten an dem Komplex der Ufermauer und des mongolischen Gebaudes am Ufer des Gamas-i-Ab, im sogenannten alten Karawanserail und in der Darius - Schlucht beschiftigt.

Die Untersuchung der Festungsreste auf dem sogenannten Partherhang, die ins 7. Jahrhundert v. Chr. zuriickgehen, wird in den kommenden Jahren weitergeffihrt.

WOLFRAM KLEISS

Survey and Excavations in the Kirmdn Area Between the months of June and September 1967 an archaeological survey and sondage operations

were carried out by an expedition from the Peabody Museum, Harvard University, in the province of Kirmdn, Iran. The research was made possible by a grant from the National Science Foundation. Excavations were conducted on a number of sites: (i) Tepe Atash, 20 km. north of Kirman, directly south of the village of Sar-i-Asiab; (2) Tepe Langar, 30 km. south-east of Kirman, near the village of Langar; (3) Gholi Tepe, io km. west of D5latdbdd, south of Kirman; (4) Tepe Yahyd, between the villages of Soghun and Dl61atdbhd approximately 150 km. directly south of Kirman. In addition to the above, three cairn burials were uncovered near the village of Sar-i-Asiib, north of Kirman. The selection of sites for excavation was prejudiced towards mounds with prehistoric painted pottery. It was hoped that a mound could be located which would reveal a relatively long cultural sequence in this hitherto little-known area.

Excavations at Atash, Langar and Yahyd all uncovered a homogeneous chaff-tempered, hand-made coarse ware. This ware is represented on all the above sites in many shapes: flat oval dishes with vertical walls and a large variety of round-based bowls. At Tepe Yalhya this ware would often be burnished on the inside, with irregular applications of red paint on the outside. On the above sites this ware was associated with a microlithic flint industry. At Tepe Langar a burial was uncovered, which was associated with this ware and a microlithic industry. Traces of a fine textile were found with the burial and these are being studied. Radiocarbon analysis is presently being run on charcoal from these levels. In the upper levels at Tepe Langar painted pottery, similar to that found at Tall-i Iblis 1,2, as well as bevel-rimmed bowls of Mesopotamian shape (but not fabric), which were also noted at Tall-i Iblis 5, were found. Painted ware with either brown, black, red or polychrome (rare) geometric designs on a buff or red slip were found on all three sites. The motifs, fabric and shapes of the pottery do not suggest immediate parallels with the painted wares of the Iranian plateau. At Gholi Tepe two


related painted pottery types were discovered which are unique in type. Hand-made, thin and well- fired the first type is slipped with a bright red and painted in fugitive white geometric and circular designs; the second type, a grey fabric from a reducing atmosphere, bears white painted motifs outlined in black paint.

The discovery of the mound of Tepe Yahyd and our sondage there proved most rewarding. This site is the most imposing mound found in the Kirman province, standing to a height of 18 m. and being 18o m. in diameter at the base. The top is covered with plain and painted ware while at its base excavations uncovered a coarse ware with an associated microlithic industry. Virgin soil was not reached. Steatite vessels and painted animal motifs (scorpion) suggest relations with neighbouring Baluchistan, while a polychrome ware suggests relations with

Giymn. Full scale excavations at this site,

planned for subsequent seasons, will shed considerable light on the cultural sequence, relations and movements.

Excavation of three cairn burials at Sar-i-Asidb, together with survey observations of cairns throughout Kirman, suggests a wide variety in their construction and date. Of the excavated cairns, one had no evidence of human remains, while the others contained only fragmentary skeletal remains. Only one contained significant cultural remains-three vessels and a copper-bronze fragment. The pottery consisted of a small juglet, a larger jug, both with the trefoil mouth of Iron Age III type, and a high slender bucket. The pottery is of a whitish ware decorated with an almost imperceptibly incised wavy line running about the body between two parallel straight lines. This pottery finds no ready parallel with any from the cairns excavated by Sir Aurel Stein.

Between the villages of Bolilk and Sorghun was found evidence of rock engravings. This area, referred to by villagers as Tangi Mordan, has engraved along 3 km. of the rock walls of a river bed scenes of ibexes, ithyphallic human figures, human figures with bird-like wings, scenes of hunters with bow and arrow and a wide variety of non-representative engravings. In many instances extensive weathering has all but erased these figures. It is most difficult to assess their date, the presence of a camel with saddle as well as names written in Persian attest to a recent date. Stylized ibexes, scenes of hunting with bows and arrows, winged human creatures, etc., suggest the possibility of a more remote age.

More detailed analysis of our excavations, radiocarbon results, and survey observations of distribution patterns await the results of our continued research and return to Tepe Yahya. A final cautionary observation from our survey and excavations merits mention: the inability to correlate or locate in stratigraphic context material often found on the surface of the mound and the corollary, material found in excavation was not always evident on the surface of the mound. Thus at Gholi Tepe the pottery with red slip and white painted designs found on the surface was not found in excavation, while at Tepe Yahyd the early coarse ware uncovered in excavation was nowhere evident on the surface of the mound. The danger in making conclusions from surface material-or from a test sondage-is wholly evident.

C. C. LAMBERG-KARLOVSKY

A Survey of the Persepolis Plain and Shirdz Area (see map on opposite page) From January to early July 1966 a field survey was carried out in an attempt to locate and identify

by surface examination and sherding all the mounds believed to have been hitherto unvisited and unrecorded in the Persepolis plain and Shiraz areas.3 The unexpectedly large quantity of sites made this task impossible to complete in the limited time available but certain patterns emerged which indicate a number of mounds whose abundance and beauty of pottery invite the detailed attention of excavators. Moreover four of the five mounds near Shiraz (2o, 33-35) and the enormous Tall-i Sabz at Mary Dasht (9) urgently require rescue operations before they are entirely removed by builders.

SThe area examined is the rectangle enclosed by the mountains on three sides and the Neyriz Lakes on the fourth, bisected by the Kfir River and later divided again by the Pulvar River,

comprising the Regions of Rdmjird, Khafrak Uliya, Mary Dasht and Kurbal.


26

THE PERSEPOLIS PLAIN AND SHIRAZ IV

, A

'TalioBaiza

A

0

"0, OLS\

'A3 0

G, ,5.

1

%6?7 ,IN'

m

6(L@3 4 MAR3V R

lieB

tan

Bandamir,

K6EY63(Neyrz"

0 Prehistoric-BUF F *) .. .. . RED L-- • -.

• Already known SHIRAZ ,A2 SPrehist.+lIslamic l'•,

,_ O Unidentified

.e.. . .

1 A Islamic 1A

,A Lake Sites . A Celadon m Inhabited .klms 5 S

R uins ..

M2 1h1 r lt kS"1s

Prehistoric: Buff and Black Pottery

i. Zakihn 2. Yahydbdd 3. Rimjird 4. Hazdrmaneh 5. Sakal 6. Nusanjan 7. Malikabad 8. Safid 9. Gird

i o. Golandeh i i. Khacheran I 2. Mansfirdbad 13.

Husaindbrd B

14. Kamarzard 15. Mogol 16. Husainabad A S17. Golami 18. Gondashlu A 19. Gondashlu B 20. Miydn-la B 21. Miyan-la A 22. Enzeli B 23. Enzeli A 24. Siyah 25. Lapui C 26. Mahin: Lak 27. Naksh-i-Rustam 28. Imdmzddeh 29. Hasandbad 30. Naksh-i-Rajab 31.

D61at.bad Sabz

32. Kurbalak 33. Askari 34. Shagol Bagi A 35. Kutahi 36. Rigi 37. Baneshi Baiza 38. Hena A

Prehistoric: Red Potterv s. Ni'imata 2. 'Alihbhd B 3. 'Aliabad A 4. Hena A 5. Hena B 6. Gondashlu C 7. Gandali 8. Ajuni 9. Asaf A

o0. Asaf B

I I.

12. Lapui D, E and F 13. 14. Lapui B 15. Lapui A 16. Gorodzard 17. Goruk 18. Goriki 19. Mahin o20. Shdhgul-Baghi B

Prehistoric: Already Known I. Narak 2. Aktape A and B 3. Shurei 4. Siyah 5. Karatepe 6. Husaindbid

7. Kamin 8. Firfiz 9. Mary Dasht: Sabz

so. Mushki

I. }Djari: HIjidbid I2.

13. Darvazeh 14. Qal'eh Zeidfin 15. Qal'eh Vakildbad 16. Bakun A and B 18. Goriki

Prehistoric+ Islamic i. Qal'eh Rahim 2. Borazabdd A 3. Qhsimabad 4. Hazdr B 5. Amrbhd 6. Malyfin

Islamic i. Bazarga 2. Borazabad B 3. HazArmaneh 4. Zirareh 5. Nusanjdn 6. Oruj 7. Ramjird 8. Khareh: Gorrasjun 9. Oruj B

io. Husainabad i . Q0simabad 12. Kamarzard A and B

13. Husaindbdd A and B 14. J2 15. Asaf 16. Ahmadabad 17. Esmaddbad 18. Naksh-i-Rustam B 19. Kindreh: Gap and Jangir 2o. Rajabhd 21. Dehchast 22. Shamsdbhd/Arzaneh 23. Rahmat 24. Ibrahimab•d 25. Zardgarun 26. Kafarbish 27. Mansfirbfid 28. HasanAbld-Shul 29. Shamsnbdd Ghadim A and B 30. Mary Dasht A

31 Mary Dasht B 32. Zargan 33. Upper Lapui 34. Bajgah

Islamic: Lake Sites J. Isfardeh: Hamimi

2. Marzari 3. Fathabad 4. Imimzddeh Zangidbhd 5. Vahlyfin 6. Shadeh 7. Amindbad 8. Jalyi~n 9. Doratel Dehbid

so. Kushk x i. Mary Dasht 2. Malyfin

Islamic: Celadon i. Habashabad 2. Tall-i-Baiza A 3. Tall-i-Baiza B 4. Malik 5. Isfardeh: Hamfimi 6. Zargan 7. Shiraz: Cemetery 8. Askari 9. Derk

1o. Shahgfil-Baghi B i i. Askari B 12. Kutahi 13. Rigi 14. 'AliyATbd 15. Naksh-i-Rustam 16. Rajibid 17. Rahnau 18. Karatuni


With the generous encouragement and advice of Mr. David Stronach and of Dr. Murray Nicol, Associate Professor of Archaeology at Pahlavi University, Shiraz, it was possible to chart (a) sixty-four prehistoric sites and (b) sixty-one historic settlements, the majority bearing samples of early Islamic

pottery.

(a) Prehistoric sites. Eighteen of the forty-six prehistoric mounds named by Professor L. Vanden

Berghe4 in this area were re-examined. Four main types of pottery appear on the sixty-four new mounds inspected; the majority, approximately forty-four, bore fine chalcolithic buff-coloured ware with black and brown painted designs, chiefly geometric, but including animal and bird

figures. Ten of the new mounds (I, 2, II, 12, 24, 27, 31, 32, 36, 38) and eight of the old (I, 3, 7-1o, 13, 15) yielded also a coarser red ware with black painting of birds, trees, ibex, scorpions and human figures. At Tall-i Siyah (24) close to Mary Dasht, and abundantly on Tall-i Sabz, were pieces and whole pots of a softer, almost porous, buff ware with rich geometric and varied bird designs.

Many of the above forty-four mounds also contained pieces of plain, red ware. However, eighteen sites bore only red ware (see Key), fourteen of these a particularly fine, thinnish

pottery with a slip graduating in colour from bright, brick red through brown and grey to some pieces of rich black with often a burnished appearance. Of these sites, eleven lie in a

25 km. marsh area parallel with the mountain ranges between the villages of Lapui (14) and 'Aliabad (2, 3). Another mound close to Persepolis at Goriki (18) has already been excavated, while yet another (2o) is farther away on the outskirts of Shiraz close to the four painted pottery sites. What relationship this red ware bears to that of Bakun V (16) and Tall-i Ndkhodi5 remains to be established. (On four of these mounds (4, 5, 13, 15) and on seventeen others, which also bore flint blades and scrapers, fragments of alabaster vessels were discovered, while of the sixteen mounds which contained metal (copper), ten bore alabaster and flints.)

The large mound of Hena A was uniquely divided into two sections; the West (4) bearing plain red ware and the East (38) bearing only rich examples of buff painted pottery. At the smaller Hena B (5), a mile westwards, red ware and some alabaster rims were found.

(b) Islamic sites. Few (1-6) prehistoric sites yielded traces of Islamic occupation but two, Husainibdd (I13) and Malikabdd (7) are inhabited today. Alongside over half of the sixty-one Islamic sites are modern villages by which the sites are identified and few were discovered far from present-day habitations. A remarkable feature of twelve sites in the River Kiir sections of the plain within a ten-mile radius of Persepolis and close to the River Pulvar is that they consist of a number of mounds separated by lagoons which, when flooded, and linked together, isolate the mounds. One, two miles from the platform of Persepolis at Aminabad (7) is comprised of island mounds in a lake area I km. square. At nearby Jalyfin (8) there was rich blue and white

(Chinese) glazed pottery but the most frequent Islamic ceramic by which sites were identified was the buff" Istakhr "-type pottery bearing ornamental relief or moulded decoration. Chief

amongst the other nine pottery types (excluding a variety of coloured glazes) was a pink ware

painted with red and purple patterns. (Early in the survey this caused confusion by being mistaken in small pieces for prehistoric ware until its persistence in purely Islamic contexts established its later origin.) The rarest and finest historic sherds found were those of the luxurious " poison plates " imported from China from the ninth century onwards-celadon stoneware at eighteen sites, seven of which were amongst the prehistoric settlements outside Shiraz.

In addition to the thousands of sherds collected and now kindly housed by the Archaeological Department of Pahlavi University, Shiriz, some complete pots, some stone and copper vessels, dagger and sword blades, bangles, anklets and pins, worked bone, beads and figurines (some painted), were also

picked up during the survey. PAUL GOTCH

* Kaart V in Archaeologische Navorsingen in de Omstreken van 5 Clare Goff, " Excavations at Tall-i-Nakhodi, 1961, I962 ", Persepolis (Leiden I954).

Iran I and II.

P1. Ia. Part of the outer wall of the fort at Tepe Nash-i Jdn, showing four arrow-slots and a single ground floor window (on the extreme right).

Pl. Ib. A view of the Interior of the Central Building, Tepe Nzsh-i Jdn.

Pl. IIa. A partly excavated funerary mound at Shahr-i Komis.

P1. IIb. A detail of a stepped vault from K6mis, dated to the first half of the first century B.C.

Pl. IlIa: Quadruple spiral beads from the 7th century B.C. hoard of silver objects found at Tepe N~ish-i-Jan.

Pl. IIIb: Fragment of Sasanian cloth from Shahr-i-Kamis.

Pl. IVa. Suse. Nouveau chantier B. (Clichi, R. G.) Pl. IVb. Suse. Niveau B/ VII. (Clichei, R. G.)

Pl. IVc. Suse. Tombe d Sarcophage-baignoire. P1. IVd. Suse. Une cheminde. (Clichi, R. G.) (Clichd, R. G.)

Pl. IVe. Suse. Acropole. Mur N.-E. de la terrasse. Pl. IVf. Suse. Enceinte pros des palais achendnides. (Clichid, R. G.)

Pl. Va. Masjid-i Solaiman. Escalier B de le terrasse. P1. Vb. Masiid-i Solaiman. Portique dalld. (Cliche, R. G.) (Clichi, R. G.)

Pl. Vc. Masjid-i Solaiman. Temple d'Hiraclks. Antecella. (Clich, R. G.)

P1. VIa. Masjid-i Solaiman. Statue d' Hiraclhs devant l'escalier principal A. (Cliche', R. G.)

Pl. VIb. Masjid-i Solaiman. TPte d'Hlraclis. (Cliche R. G.)


III. NOTES

Articles of interest appearing in the Illustrated London News during 1967 included the following: . "The Afghan Road into Seistan ", by N. Hammond. I.L.N. no. 6654 of February i Ith, 1967,

Archaeological section no. 2262.

2. " Treasures from an Armenian Lake ", by Arutyun Mnatsakanyan. I.L.N. no. 6663 of April 15th, 1967, Archaeological Section no. 2265. Excavations at Lchasen on Lake Sevan in Russian Armenia-third millennium to twelfth century B.C.

3. "The Silver of Dailaman ", by Dorothy Shepherd. I.L.N. no. 6664 of April 22nd, 1967, Archaeo- logical Section no. 2266. A Sasanian silver rhyton.

4. "Nadir Shah's Forbidden Fortress ", by Sir Denis Wright. LL.N. no. 6673 of June 24th, 1967, Archaeological Section no. 2268. Kalat-i-Naderi in Northern Khorasan.

5. "A 3,ooo-year-old Persian Sanctuary", by R. Ghirshman. I.L.N. no. 6675 of July 8th, I967, Archaeological Section no. 2269. The Terrace at Masjid-i Suleiman.

6. " The Beautiful and the Blessed : triple portraits in Persian Silver." I.L.N. Christmas Number, 1967, pp. 54-55.

ABBREVIATIONS

AASOR Annual of American Schools of Oriental Research AfO Archiv fur Orientforschung AJA American Journal of Archaeology AJSL American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures AJ Antiquaries' Journal AK Antike Kunst AMI E. E. Herzfeld, Archaeologische Mitteilungen aus Iran ANET Pritchard, Ancient Near Eastern Texts AOr Archiv Orientalny Arch Anz Archiologischer Anzeiger AS Anatolian Studies BA Besch Bulletin van de Vereeniging. . . de Antieke Beschaving, Hague BASOR Bulletin of American Schools of Oriental Research Belleten Tuirk Tarih Kurumu: Belleten BGA Bibliotheca Geographorum Arabicorum Bib Or Bibliotheca Orientalis BSA Annual of the British School at Athens BSOAS Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies CAH Cambridge Ancient History CIA Corpus Inscriptionum Arabicorum DAFA Dld6gation Arch ologique frangaise en Afghanistan, m6moires El Encyclopaedia of Islam ESA Eurasia Septentrionalis Antiqua IAE E. E. Herzfeld, Iran in the Ancient East (1941) ILN Illustrated London News Iranica Iranica Antiqua JA Journal Asiatique JAOS Journal of American Oriental Society JEA Journal of Egyptian Archaeology JHS Journal of Hellenic Studies JNES Journal of Near Eastern Studies JRAI Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute JRAS Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society KF Kleinasiatische Forschungen LAAA Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology, Liverpool MAOG Mitteilungen der altorientalischen Gesellschaft MDOG Mitteilungen der deutschen Orientgesellschaft MDP Memoires de la D6l6gation en Perse MJ Museum Journal, Philadelphia OIC Oriental Institute, Chicago, Communications OIP Oriental Institute, Publications OS Orientalia Suecana PZ Praehistorische Zeitschrift RA Revue d'Assyriologie RCAS Royal Central Asian Journal REI Revue des tEtudes Islamiques SAA Soviet Anthropology and Archaeology SAOC Oriental Institute, Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilisation Soy Arkh Sovetskaya Arkheologiya SS Schmidt, H., Heinrich Schliemanns Sammlung trojanischer Altertumer Survey A Survey of Persian Art from Prehistoric Times to the Present, ed. A. U. Pope,

Oxford, 1938 TT Turk Tarih, Arkeologya ve Etnografya Dergisi WO Die Welt des Orients WVDOG Wissenschaftliche Veroffentlichungen der Deutschen Orientgesellschaft ZA Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie ZDMG Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlindischen Gesellschaft

NOTES ON TRANSLITERATION FOR CONTRIBUTORS TO IRAN I. OLD AND MIDDLE PERSIAN

It is recognized that no rigid lines can be laid down here, but it is suggested that the Old Persian syllabary should be transliterated according to the table in Kent, Old Persian. Grammar, Texts, Lexicon, p. 12; that for Manichaean Middle Persian and Parthian, the transliteration system given in Andreas- Henning, Mitteliranische Manichaica, vol. III, p. 66, should be used; whilst for Pahlavi, the table of alphabets given in Nyberg, A Manual of Pahlavi, new edition, p. 129, may be used as a reference for transcription. II. ISLAMIC AND MODERN PERSIAN

The system used for the Cambridge History of Islam should be used here as far as possible. Consonants

(a) Arabic

b t

Sth

.h kh d

Sdh 9 r

) z

Sr

Ssh

.d Jo t

•_ '

Sgh ?3 f

3 q k

3 1 •.m Z n an

oh , w

L5 y S-a (in construct state:

-at) (b) Persian additional and variant forms. The variant forms should generally be used for Iranian

names and for Arabic words used in Persian.

p a s

. ch

. z

3 zh LYZ

. g , v

(c) The Persian " silent h " should be transliterated a, e.g. ndma. Vowels

Arabic and Persian. Short: 'a

u

i

Long: t or J ii

Doubled - iyy (final form: i) Diphthongs j au

Y ai Notes

I. The i.zdfa

should be represented by -i, or after long vowels, by -yi, e.g. umard-yijinki. 2. The Arabic definite article should be written as al- or 1-, even before the so-called " sun letters ",

e.g. 'Abd al-Malik, Abu 'l-Nasr. 3. The macrons of Abai and Dhii (Zai) should be omitted before the definite article, e.g. Abu

'I- Abbas (but Abf 'Ubaida). It is obvious that for the rendering of linguistic and dialectical material, and possibly also for

contemporary literary and spoken Persian, this rigorous system of transliteration is inappropriate; contributors should use their discretion here. III. GENERAL POINTS

I. Names of persons should be rigorously transliterated. 2. Conventional English equivalents (without macrons or diacritics) should be used for the names

of countries, provinces or large towns, e.g. Khurasan, Shiraz. Otherwise, all place-names should be rigorously transliterated. Archaeologists are asked to be especially careful in representing the names of little-known places at or near sites.

3. Modern Turkish names and words should be written in the current romanized Turkish ortho- graphy.

4. Where classical Greek and Latin renderings of Old and Middle Persian names exist, these familiar forms should be used for preference.

BRITISH INSTITUTE OF PERSIAN STUDIES

APPLICATION FOR INDIVIDUAL MEMBERSHIP

NAME N A M E .................... ................. ............................................................................... .......................................................... D E S C R IP T IO N

................................................ ....................................................................................................... (Title, Decorations, Degrees)

A D D R E S S .............................................................. ........................... -........................................................................... ................................................. I........................... ........................................................................................

O C C U P A T IO N ...............................- -................................................. ....... ............. .................................................... .

ADDRESS .

OCCUPATION .

In te re st in o r co n n e ctio n w ith Iran .............................................................................................................

I wish to apply for Membership of the British Institute of Persian Studies as an individual subscribing member paying *?1/?2 10s. per annum and *enclose cheque/ Banker's order for this sum.

*1 wish to make a covenant for a period of seven years. S ig n a t u r e

........................................................................................................................ D a t e

........................................................................................ * Delete whichever is inapplicable.

Payment may be made in Dollars or Rials at current rates of exchange, e.g. ?2 10s.= $6.25.

APPLICATION FOR MEMBERSHIP BY A CORPORATE BODY

N A M E ............................................................................................................................................................................... NAME.

A D D R E S S ......................................................................................................................... ..........................................

Application is hereby made for Membership of the British Institute of Persian Studies as a corporate subscribing member paying the sum of ?50 per annum. A *cheque/banker's order for this sum is enclosed.

S ig n a t u re .............................................................................................................................

D a te .........................................................................................

* Delete whichever is inapplicable.

MEMBERSHIP-SUBSCRIPTIONS

Under paragraph i i of the Articles of Association of the Institute, the Council has prescribed the following scale of subscription for members.

i. Individuals

(a) Those subscribing ?2 Ios. per annum or more. They will have the right to receive an invitation to the Annual General Meeting and other meetings of the Institute and will receive the Journal of the Institute, which it is hoped to publish annually.

(b) Those subscribing ?i per annum. They will have rights as in (a) above, except that they will not receive the Journal; they will, however, be able to purchase the Journal, if they wish, at a price of ?i 15s. for each issue.

2. Corporate bodies

The subscription will be a minimum of ?50 per annum. They will have the right to nominate one representative to attend meetings of the Institute and vote thereat (paragraph 9 of the Articles). They will receive one copy of the Journal.

3. Unincorporated bodies

The subscription will be a minimum of ?50 per annum and the

privileges will be as for corporate members subject to the provision of paragraphs 7 and 8 of the Articles of Association.

4. Forms should be sent to the Hon. Secretary, J. E. F. Gueritz, Esq., M.A., 85 Queen's Road, Richmond, Surrey.

FORM OF COVENANT

S .........................................................................................................................................................................................

of o f . .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. ... .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. ..

hereby covenant with the British Institute of Persian Studies that for a period of seven years from the date of this Deed or during my lifetime (whichever shall be the shorter period) I will pay to the said Society from my general fund of taxed income such an amount annually as after deduction of income tax at the Standard Rate yields the net s u m o f .......................................................................... .................................................................................................... sum of.

T he first pay m ent is to be m ade o n the.........................................................................................................

D a te d t h is .................................................................

d a y o f .................................................................

19 ..........

Signed, sealed and delivered by the said:

In the presence of:

NOTICE

It is hoped that as many as possible of those applying for Membership of the Institute will undertake a seven-year covenant, thus making a further substantial contribution to the resources of the Institute.

BANKER'S ORDER

To......BAN ..................................................................................................................................................................... BANK......BAN

..................................................................................................................................................................... ADDRESS.ADDRESS

Please pay to the British Bank of the Middle East, 7 King William Street, London E.C.4, for the credit of the British Institute of Persian Studies, the sum of ? : now and a similar sum on Ist January of each year until further notice/for the next six years.*

S ig n e d ..................................................................................................................................

D ate .........................................................................................

* Delete whichever does not apply.

1 %1250 ?viteS I* r IIII

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Iran 06 (1968)

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Transcript of Iran 06 (1968)