NOTES

Introduction: The Scrap-Heap of History

1 . Patrick Sims-Williams provides an incisive overview of the construction of some of these stereotypes in “The Visionary Celt: The Construction of an Ethnic Preconception,” Cambridge Medieval Celtic Studies 11 (1996): 71–96.

2 . William Shakespeare, Henry V , 3rd Arden ed., ed. T. W. Craig (London: Routledge, 1995), IV:7, lines 94–118.

3 . Matthew Arnold, On the Study of Celtic Literature and Other Essays (New York: Dutton, 1976), p. 384.

4 . See Megan S. Lloyd, “Speak It in Welsh”: Wales and the Welsh Language in Shakespeare (Blue Ridge Summit, PA: Lexington Books, 2008).

5 . Even the subversive force of Fluellen’s unfavorable comparison of Henry to Alexander the Great is humorously undercut by the Welshman’s insis-tence on the Hellenistic conqueror’s epithet: the “pig.” See Shakespeare, Henry V , IV: vii; David Quint, “ ‘Alexander the Pig’: Shakespeare on History and Poetry,” boundary 2 10 (1982): 49–67, and esp. 60, shows persuasively how Fluellen’s attempts at historical analysis and panegyric undercut themselves, rendering him ludicrous. For a larger discussion of the representation of the Welsh in Elizabethan texts, see Peter Roberts, “Tudor Wales, National Identity, and the British Inheritance,” in British Consciousness and Identity: The Making of Britain, 1536–1707 , ed. Brendan Bradshaw and Peter Roberts (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), pp. 8–42.

6 . William Shakespeare, Henry IV, Part 1 , 3.1. ed. David Bevington (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987).

7 . See R. R. Davies, The Revolt of Owain Glyn Dwr (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995).

8 . Simon Meecham-Jones speaks of these developments as “conscious processes of historical falsif ication and linguistic distortion.” See his essay, “Where Was Wales? The Erasure of Wales in Medieval English Culture,” in Authority and Subjugation in Writing of Medieval Wales , ed. Ruth Kennedy and Simon Meecham-Jones (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), p. 47.

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9 . William of Malmesbury, Gesta Regum Anglorum , Vol. 1, ed. R. A. B. Mynors, R. M. Thomson, and M. Winterbottom (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998), p. 150.

10 . See, for instance, Charles Homer Haskins, The Normans in European History (Boston, MA: Houghton Miff lin, 1915); David Charles Douglas, The Norman Achievement (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1969); J. O. Prestwich, “War and Finance in the Anglo-Norman State,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society , 5th series, 4 (1954): 19–43; and, more recently, Eleanor Searle, Predatory Kinship and the Creation of Norman Power, 840–1066 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988).

11 . For a recent example, see C. Warren Hollister, “Anglo-Norman Political Culture and the Twelfth-Century Renaissance,” in Anglo- Norman Political Culture and the Twelfth-Century Renaissance: Proceedings of the Borchard Conference on Anglo- Norman History, 1995 , ed. C. Warren Hollister (Woodbridge, Suffolk: Boydell Press, 1997), pp. 1–16.

12 . For a full account of the battle and its aftermath, see J. E. Lloyd, A History of Wales from the Earliest Times to the Edwardian Conquest , Vol. 2 (London: Longmans, 1939), pp. 384–388; and Kari Maund, The Welsh Kings (Stroud, Gloucestershire: Tempus, 2000), pp. 78–82.

13 . The Welsh victor at Mynydd Carn, Rhys ap Tewdwr, king of Deheubarth, agreed to pay William I a tribute of £ 40 per year. See Roger Turvey, The Welsh Princes: 1063–1283 (London: Longman, 2002), pp. 68–70, for an analysis of William’s expedition.

14 . As R. R. Davies points out in Domination and Conquest: The Experience of Ireland, Scotland and Wales, 1100–1300 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), p. 3: “The Anglo-Normans did not set out self-consciously on a conquest of ‘Wales’ or ‘Ireland’ as such . . . they were not informed by national ambitions or national animus; few of them could have guessed at, or cared about, what they might—or might not—achieve.”

15 . Rees Davies provides a valuable outline of early Norman colonization in Wales in The Age of Conquest: Wales, 1063–1415 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987), pp. 27–32.

16 . Lynn Nelson, The Normans in South Wales, 1070–1172 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1966), pp. 180–182.

17 . Michelle R. Warren, History on the Edge: Excalibur and the Borders of Britain (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2000), p. 4.

18 . See Cory James Rushton, “Malory’s Divided Wales,” in Authority and Subjugation in Writing of Medieval Wales , ed. Ruth Kennedy and Simon Meecham-Jones (New York: Palgrave Macmillan: 2008), pp. 175–189.

19 . Brut y Tywysogyon, or The Chronicle of the Princes: Red Book of Hergest Version , ed. and trans. Thomas Jones (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1955), pp. 78–79.

20 . Gerald of Wales, Giraldi Cambrensis Opera , Vol. VI, ed. James Dimock (London: Longmans, Green, Reader, and Dyer, 1868), p. 225n; and see H. C. Darby, “The Marches of Wales in 1086,” Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers 11 (1986): esp. pp. 260–262.

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21 . Gesta Stephani , ed. K. R. Potter and R. H. C. Davis (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1976), p. 14. Translation is mine.

22 . Monika Otter, Inventiones: Fiction and Referentiality in Twelfth-Century English Historical Writing (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996), pp. 59–60.

23 . Davies, The Age of Conquest , p. 78. 24 . Quoted by Gerald of Wales, De Invectionibus , Giraldi Cambrensis Opera ,

Vol. III, ed. J. S. Brewer (London: Longman, Roberts, and Green, 1863), p. 15.

25 . Emyr Humphries, The Taliesin Tradition: A Quest for the Welsh Identity (Bridgend, Glamorgan: Seren Press, 1989), pp. 10–11, emphasizes the extent to which Welsh prophetic traditions were dedicated to preserv-ing this sense of historical continuity with the ancient Britons: “The Welsh saw themselves as the Israelites of old, the remnant of a more glorious past celebrated by a continuing poetic tradition which kept them buoyant and confident and filled them with an unquenchable expectation of a promised land.”

26 . Davies, The Age of Conquest , p. 80. 27 . Brut y Tywysogion , p. 87. 28 . Jehan Bodel, La chanson des Saisnes , ed. Annette Brasseur, Vol. 1 (Geneva:

Droz, 1989), p. 2. 29 . Thomas Malory, Works , ed. Eugene Vinaver (Oxford: Oxford University

Press, 1971), p. xiii. 30 . Marie de France, Lais, ed. A. Ewert (Oxford: Blackwell, 1945), p. xiii. 31 . Paul Ricouer, Time and Narrative , Vol. 1, trans. Kathleen McLaughlin and

David Pellauer (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1984), esp. 31–90; Hayden White, “The Value of Narrativity in the Representation of Reality,” Critical Inquiry 7 (1980): 5–27. White’s Metahistory: The Historical Imagination in Nineteenth-Century Europe (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1973) and Robert D. Hanning’s The Vision of History in Early Britain (New York: Columbia University Press, 1966) have also been seminal in my thinking about the narrative teleologies.

32 . Jean Blacker, The Faces of Time: Portrayal of the Past in Old French and Latin Historical Narratives of the Anglo- Norman Regnum (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1994); Susan Crane, Insular Romance: Politics, Faith, and Culture in Anglo- Norman and Middle English Literature (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986); Otter, Inventiones , esp. pp. 1–7; Elisabeth van Houts usefully breaks down the distinctions between fiction, history, Latin, and the vernacular in “Latin and French as Languages of the Past in Normandy during the Reign of Henry II: Robert of Torigni, Stephen of Rouen, and Wace,” in Writers of the Reign of Henry II , ed. Ruth Kennedy and Simon Meecham-Jones (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006), pp. 53–78.

33 . J. H. Plumb, The Death of the Past , 2nd ed. (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004), p. 40.

34 . Cf. Edward W. Said, Orientalism (New York: Vintage Press, 1979), p. 3.

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35 . Johannes Fabian, Time and the Other: How Anthropology Makes Its Object (New York: Columbia University Press, 1983), p. 1.

36 . See The Law of Hywel Dda: Law Texts from Medieval Wales , ed. Dafydd Jenkins (Llandysul: Gomer Press, 1990).

37 . Before ever appearing in an Arthurian romance or in a Norman history like Geoffrey of Monmouth’s, most of these names appeared in Welsh texts: Arthur, Bedwyr, Kei, Gwalchmai (= Gawain), Gwenhwyfar (= Guenevere). The name Mordred, interestingly, seems to come from a Cornish form. The name Launcelot is of a diff icult and highly debated etymology, and it may well be the coinage of an unknown twelfth-century raconteur. For a definitive survey of Celtic Arthurian nomenclature, see John T. Koch, “The Celtic Lands,” in Medieval Arthurian Literature: A Guide to Recent Research , ed. Norris J. Lacy (New York: Garland Publishing, 1996). See also the discussion in the Kerth/Loomis/Webster edition of Ulrich von Zatzikhoven’s Lanzelet : Lanzelet, trans. Thomas Kerth, notes by Kenneth G. T. Webster and Roger Sherman Loomis (New York: Columbia University Press, 2005), pp. 3–4.

38 . Rachel Bromwich, “First Transmission to England and France,” in The Arthur of the Welsh , ed. Rachel Bromwich, A. O. H. Jarman, and Brynley F. Roberts (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1991), pp. 276–277.

39 . Sharon Kinoshita, Medieval Boundaries: Rethinking Difference in Old French Literature (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2006), p. 109. And see also Patrick Sims-Williams, “Did Itinerant Breton Conteurs Transmit the Mati è re de Bretagne ?” Romania 116 (1998): 72–111.

40 . For an overview and refutation of Geoffrey’s reliance on the ancient British book, see Geoffrey of Monmouth, The History of the Kings of Britain , ed. Michael Faletra (Peterborough, Ontario: Broadview Press, 2008), pp. 14–21.

41 . See “A New Edition of John of Cornwall’s Prophetia Merlini ,” ed. Michael J Curley, Speculum 57 (1982): 217–249; Gerald of Wales, Itin. Kamb. , Opera Vol. VI, 124; and see also Ad Putter, “Gerald of Wales and the Prophet Merlin,” in Anglo- Norman Studies 31 (2008): 90–103.

42 . Jean Frappier, “Chr é tien de Troyes,” in Arthurian Literature in the Middle Ages: A Collaborative History , ed. Roger Sherman Loomis (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1959), p. 164.

43 . Constance Bullock-Davies, Professional Interpreters and the Matter of Britain (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1966). Another scholar who aims at providing a solid geohistorical basis for the emergence of the Matter of Britain—specifically, of the templates of the tair rhamant —is R. M. Jones in his “Narrative Structure in Medieval Welsh Prose Tales,” in The Mabinogi: A Book of Essays , ed. C. W. Sullivan (New York: Garland, 1996), esp. pp. 219–224.

44 . As Bullock-Davies points out throughout her study, the latimers tended to be drawn from among the Welsh elite classes; the alliance of these men with the local Norman lords thus afforded them some considerable

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social stability and prestige, while it also implicitly ratified the Norman colonial presence within Wales.

45 . For example: M. Dominica Legge, Anglo- Norman Literature and Its Background (Oxford: Clarendon, 1963); W. F. Bolton, A History of Anglo-Latin Literature, 597–1066 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton Univerity Press, 1967); and F. A. C. Mantello and A. C. Rigg, Medieval Latin: An Introduction and Bibliographical Guide (Washington, DC: Catholic University Press, 1996).

46 . Ian Short, “Patrons and Polyglots: French Literature in Twelfth-Century England,” Anglo- Norman Studies 14 (1992): 229–249; Jocelyn Wogan-Brown, ed., Language and Culture in Medieval Britain: The French of England, c. 1100 – c. 1500 (York: York Medieval Press, 2009).

47 . Per Nykrog, Chr é tien de Troyes: romancier discutable (Geneva: Droz, 1996). For the best case for the English provenance of Erec et Enide and Clig é s , see Constance Bullock-Davies, “Chr é tien de Troyes and England,” Arthurian Literature 1 (1981): 1–61; and see also Fredric Jameson, “Magical Narratives: Romance as Genre,” New Literary History 7 (1975): 135–163.

48 . As an example of Loomis at his most excessive, see The Grail: From Celtic Myth to Christian Symbol (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1963). The contemporary critical reaction against Loomis’s life work, while cer-tainly not misplaced in general, does tend to throw out the baby with the bathwater, however. Loomis’s The Development of Arthurian Romance (London: Hutcheson, 1963) provides a solid overview of the genre; many keen insights likewise emerge from his prodigious knowledge of the primary materials, especially in his Wales and the Arthurian Legend (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1956) and Arthurian Tradition and Chr é tien de Troyes (New York: Columbia University Press, 1949).

49 . I would draw particular attention to the work of historians R. R. Davies, John Gillingham, and Robert Bartlett. Davies in his The Age of Conquest draws long-needed attention to all aspects of the English colonization of Wales in the High Middle Ages; John Gillingham in numerous articles likewise consistently recognizes the cultural and even ideological wars fought between Welsh and English during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries; and Robert Bartlett’s The Making of Europe: Conquest, Colonization, and Cultural Change (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993), as well as his England Under the Norman and Angevin Kings, 1075–1225 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2000) incorpo-rates the clash of cultures—especially between England and Wales—as a vital aspect of historical change in the period.

50 . For a useful overview, see Lisa Lampert-Weissig, Medieval Literature and Postcolonial Studies (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2010).

51 . See Warren, History on the Edge , pp. ix–xiii and pp. 1–22; Jeffrey Jerome Cohen, Of Giants: Sex, Monsters, and the Middle Ages (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1999); Patricia Clare Ingham, Sovereign Fantasies: Arthurian Romance and the Making of Britain (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2001); Geraldine Heng, Empire of

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Magic: Medieval Romance and the Politics of Cultural Fantasy ; and Kinoshita, Medieval Boundaries , pp. 105–132.

52 . For a deeper discussion of these problems, see Bruce Holsinger, “Medieval Studies, Postcolonial Studies, and the Genealogy of Critique,” Speculum 77 (2002): 1195–1227.

53 . See Jeffrey Jerome Cohen, “Midcolonial,” in The Postcolonial Middle Ages , ed. Jeffrey Jerome Cohen (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2000), pp. 1–17.

54 . See Valerie Flint, “The Historia Regum Brittaniae of Geoffrey of Monmouth: Parody and Its Purpose. A Suggestion,” Speculum 54 (1979): 447–468; Otter, Inventiones , pp. 69–84; and Si â n Echard, Arthurian Narrative in the Latin Tradition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), pp. 31–67.

55 . Meecham-Jones, “Introduction,” in Authority and Subjugation in Writing of Medieval Wales , ed. Ruth Kennedy and Simon Meecham-Jones (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), pp. 1–2.

1 Geoffrey of Monmouth and the Matter of Wales

1 . Although Michael D. Reeve in his edition of the text— The History of the Kings of Britain (hereafter HRB ), trans. Neil Wright (Woodbridge, Sussex: The Boydell Press, 2007), p. lix—argues persuasively that Geoffrey most likely conceived his book with the title De gestis regum Brittanorum , I shall follow scholarly tradition, as well as Siân Echard’s explicit recommendation in her review of the Reeve edition, Arthuriana 20.3 (Fall 2010): 129, in continuing to refer to the work as the Historia Regum Britanniae .

2 . Julia Crick enumerates and describes the extant manuscripts in detail in The Historia Regum Britanniae of Geoffrey of Monmouth III: A Summary Catalogue of the Manuscripts (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 1989).

3 . Antonia Gransden, Historical Writing in England , Vol. 1 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1974), pp. 201–203.

4 . Cambridge History of Medieval English Literature , ed. David Wallace (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), pp. 132–133.

5 . See, for example, Fiona Tolhurst, “The Britons as Hebrews, Romans, and Normans: Geoffrey of Monmouth’s British Epic and Ref lections of Empress Matilda,” Arthuriana 8.4 (Winter 1998): 69–87; and Paul Dalton, “The Topical Concerns of Geoffrey of Monmouth’s Historia Regum Britannie : History, Prophecy, Peacemaking, and English Identity in the Twelfth Century,” Journal of British Studies 44 (2005): 688–712.

6 . Valerie I. J. Flint, “The Historia Regum Britanniae of Geoffrey of Monmouth: Parody and Its Purpose. A Suggestion.” Speculum 54 (1979): 449; Monika Otter, Inventiones: Fiction and Referentiality in Twelfth-Century English Historical Writing (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996), p. 80.

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7 . See A. O. H. Jarman, Sieffre o Fynwy (Caerdydd: Gwasg Prifysgol Cymru, 1966), pp. 11–13 and pp. 97–101.

8 . Such is the underlying assumption behind the analyses of R. W. Southern, “Aspects of the European Tradition of Historical Writing: I. The Classical Tradition from Einhard to Geoffrey of Monmouth,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society , 5th series, 20 (1970): esp. pp. 190–195; Brynley Roberts, “Geoffrey of Monmouth and the Welsh Historical Tradition,” Nottingham Mediaeval Studies 20 (1976): 29–40; Jeffrey Jerome Cohen, Of Giants: Sex, Monsters, and the Middle Ages (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1999), esp. pp. 32–40; and, more explicitly, Karen Jankulak, Geoffrey of Monmouth (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 2010), pp. 3–4.

9 . See, for example, Martin Shichtman and Laurie Finke, “Profiting from the Past: History as Symbolic Capital in the Historia Regum Britanniae ,” Arthurian Literature 12 (1993): 115–34; Otter, Inventiones , esp. 78–81; and Si â n Echard, Arthurian Narrative in the Latin Tradition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), p. 38, notes Geoffrey’s overall focus on “the need for strong and legitimate central rule.”

10 . J. S. P. Tatlock, The Legendary History of Britain: Geoffrey of Monmouth’s “Historia Regum Britanniae” and Its Early Vernacular Versions (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1950), pp. 440–443.

11 . See John Gillingham, “The Context and Purposes of Geoffrey of Monmouth’s History of the Kings of Britain ,” Anglo-Norman Studies 13 (1990): 99–118.

12 . Gillingham, “Context and Purposes,” pp. 100–101 and pp. 115–116. 13 . Herodotus, The Histories , trans. Aubrey de S é lincourt, rev. John Marincola

(Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1996), p. 15. 14 . Richard Waswo, “Our Ancestors, the Trojans: Inventing Cultural

Identity in the Middle Ages,” Exemplaria 7 (1995): esp. 286; Gabrielle Spiegel, “History, Historicism, and the Social Logic of the Text in the Middle Ages,” Speculum 65 (1990): 80; Rees Davies, The Matter of Britain and the Matter of England (Oxford: Clarendon, 1996), p. 17; and Otter, Inventiones , p. 80.

15 . All quotations from the Latin text are taken from Michael D. Reeve’s recent edition, HRB ; the current citation occurs at p. 281. English translations from Geoffrey of Monmouth are my own.

16 . HRB , p. 279. 17 . HRB , p. 281. 18 . HRB , p. 279 and p. 281. 19 . Echard, Arthurian Narrative , p. 59. 20 . Cohen, Hybridity, Identity, and Monstrosity in Medieval Britain: On Difficult

Middles (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006), p. 7. 21 . See Paul Dalton, “Topical Concerns,” pp. 688–712; and also Fiona

Tolhurst, Geoffrey of Monmouth and the Translation of Female Kingship (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013), pp. 53–70.

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22 . On the immediate issues regarding Geoffrey’s relationships with his patrons, see Martin Shichtman and Laurie Finke, “Profiting from the Past,” esp. 115–118; and Tatlock, Legendary History of Britain , pp. 422–432.

23 . Gillingham, “Context and Purposes,” p. 30. 24 . For an overview of the textual tradition of the Welsh brutiau , see Brut y

Brenhinedd: Llanstephan MS. 1 Version , ed. Brynley F. Roberts (Dublin: Institute for Advanced Studies, 1984), pp. xxiv–xxxi; for further detail, see J. J. Parry, “The Welsh Texts of Geoffrey of Monmouth,” Speculum 5 (1931): 424–431.

25 . Jankulak, Geoffrey of Monmouth , p. 94. 26 . For a discussion of the First Variant Version’s circulation, see Julia C.

Crick, The Historia Regum Britanniae of Geoffrey of Monmouth IV: Dissemination and Reception in the Later Middle Ages (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 1991), p. 197.

27 . See The Historia Regum Britanniae of Geoffrey of Monmouth, II: The First Variant Version , ed. Neil Wright (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 1988), p. lxxvi.

28 . For a sample of the political and historiographic choices of the authors of the brutiau , see also Brut y Brehninedd , pp. xxxi–xxxvi; and Brynley F. Roberts, “The Treatment of Personal Names in the Early Welsh Versions of the Historia Regum Britanniae ,” Bulletin of the Board of Celtic Studies 25 (1973): 274–298; and Michelle R. Warren, History on the Edge: Excalibur and the Borders of Britain, 1100–1300 (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2000), pp. 60–82.

29 . Brut Dingestow , ed. Henry Lewis (Caerdydd: Gwasg Prifysgol Cymru, 1974), p. 208.

30 . HRB , p. 31. 31 . R. R. Davies, The Matter of Britain and the Matter of England , pp. 15–17. 32 . HRB , p. 281. 33 . Cf. HRB , p. 149. 34 . Confirmation of this genealogical succession can be found in a source

contemporary with Geoffrey, Ailred of Rievaulx’s Genealogia Regum Anglorum in PL 195, ed. J.-P. Migne, cols. 711–713. As Ailred explains, Henry’s queen, Edith/Matilda of Scotland, was a direct descendant of the Anglo-Saxon kings.

35 . HRB , p. 7. Cf. Bede, Ecclesiastical History of the English People , ed. Bertram Colgrave and R. A. B. Mynors (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1969), pp. 16–19.

36 . HRB , p. 49. 37 . HRB , p. 95. 38 . HRB , p. 71. 39 . See HRB , p. 211. 40 . HRB , p. 213. 41 . Geffrei Gaimar, Estoire des Engleis , trans. Ian Short (Oxford: Oxford

University Press, 1999), p. 210, p. 324. 42 . HRB , p. 257.

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43 . HRB , p. 47. 44 . See Corinne Saunders, The Forest in Medieval Romance: Avernus,

Broceliande, Arden (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 1993). 45 . Jacques Le Goff, “The Wilderness in the Medieval West,” in Medieval

Civilization , trans. Arthur Goldhammer (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988), pp. 47–59.

46 . Gillingham, “Context and Purposes,” pp. 115–116; Jeffrey Jerome Cohen, Hybridity, Identity, and Monstrosity in Medieval Britain: On Difficult Middles (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006), esp. pp. 65–69.

47 . Simon Meecham-Jones, “Introduction,” in Authority and Subjugation in Writing of Medieval Wales, ed. Ruth Kennedy and Simon Meecham-Jones (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008) p. 2.

48 . Simon Meecham-Jones, “Where Was Wales? The Erasure of Wales in Medieval English Culture,” in Authority and Subjugation in Writing of Medieval Wales, ed. Ruth Kennedy and Simon Meecham-Jones (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), pp. 27–28.

49 . As early as 1950, Tatlock, Legendary History of Britain , p. 422, remarked that no medievalist worth his salt took seriously Geoffrey’s claim about the single quendam Britannici sermonis librum uetustissimum given to him by Walter of Oxford. Though Geoffrey Ashe, “ ‘A Certain Very Ancient Book’: Traces of an Arthurian Source in Geoffrey of Monmouth’s History ,” Speculum 56 (1981): 301–323; and Ian Short, “Gaimar’s Epilogue and Geoffrey of Monmouth’s Liber Vetustissimus ,” Speculum 69 (1994): 323–343, both argue for the existence of Galfridian sources currently unknown, Neil Wright in two articles has definitively established that Geoffrey’s Historia could not have been a translation into Latin of a single Welsh or Breton source; see Wright’s “Geoffrey of Monmouth and Gildas,” Arthurian Literature 2 (1982): 27–59; and “Geoffrey of Monmouth and Bede,” Arthurian Literature 6 (1986): 27–59. For fur-ther discussion, see D. R. Howlett, “The Literary Context of Geoffrey of Monmouth: An Essay on the Fabrication of Sources,” Arthuriana 5 (1995): 25–69.

50 . See Laura Keeler, Geoffrey of Monmouth and the Late Latin Chroniclers, 1300–1500 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1946).

51 . On Gildas, see Alheydis Plessman, “Gildas and the Negative Image of the Cymry,” Cambrian Medieval Celtic Studies 41 (2001): 1–15; Bede’s hostility to the Britons is notorious, but Patrick Wormald’s “Bede, the Bretwaldas and the Origins of the Gens Anglorum ,” in Ideal and Reality in Frankish and Anglo-Saxon Society , ed. Patrick Wormald (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1983) provides a useful overview. On pre-Galfridian demonization and barbarization of the ancient Britons and the con-temporary Welsh, particularly in Orderic Vitalis, see John Gillingham, “Conquering the Barbarians: War and Chivalry in Twelfth-Century Britain,” Haskins Society Journal 4 (1992): 67–84.

52 . Meecham-Jones, “Introduction,” p. 2. Patricia Clare Ingham antici-pates Meecham-Jones’s ideas in her association of King Arthur with

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the sovereignty of Britain as a whole; see her Sovereign Fantasies: Arthurian Romance and the Making of Britain (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2001), esp. pp. 21–23.

53 . Bede, Ecclesiastical History , esp. pp. 14–17. 54 . Warren, History on the Edge , p. 38. 55 . Alan MacColl, “The Meaning of ‘Britain’ in Medieval and Early

Modern England,” Journal of British Studies 45 (2006): 248–250. 56 . Trioedd Ynys Prydein: The Triads of the Island of Britain, ed. Rachel

Bromwich, 3rd ed. (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 2006), p. lxv, conjectures that the collected version of the triads took shape at least as early as the f irst half of the twelfth century, if not considerably earlier.

57 . Michelle R. Warren, “Making Contact: Postcolonial Perspectives through Geoffrey of Monmouth’s Historia Regum Britannie ,” Arthuriana 8.4 (Winter 1998): 115. See also Warren’s History on the Edge , pp. 24–25, and Ingham, Sovereign Fantasies , esp. pp. 35–38.

58 . HRB , p. 279. 59 . R. William Leckie, The Passage of Dominion: Geoffrey of Monmouth and the

Periodization of Insular History in the Twelfth Century (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1981).

60 . Susan M. Shwartz, “The Founding and Self-Betrayal of Britain: An Augustinian Approach to Geoffrey of Monmouth’s Historia Regum Britanniae ,” Medievalia et Humanistica 10 (1981): 33–53.

61 . Hanning, The Vision of History in Early Britain (New York: Columbia University Press, 1966), pp. 136–137; Flint, “The Historia Regum Britanniae ,” pp. 467–468; and also Kellie Robertson, “Geoffrey of Monmouth and the Translation of Insular Historiography,” Arthuriana 8 (1998): 49.

62 . Hayden White, Metahistory: The Historical Imagination in Nineteenth-Century Europe (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1973), pp. 6–7.

63 . Paulus Orosius, Historiarum adversum paganos libri VII , ed. Carl Zangenmeister (Leipzig: B. G. T ü bner, 1889). For a very useful English translation, cf. Seven Books of History against the Pagans , trans. A. T. Fear (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2010). And see also Leslie F. Smith, “Geoffrey of Monmouth and Orosius: At Third Hand?” Modern Language Notes 67 (1952): 536–539, and Neil Wright, “Did Gildas Read Orosius?” Cambridge Medieval Celtic Studies 9 (1985): 31–42. On the importance of Orosius to Anglo-Saxon historians, see Richard J. Schrader, Old English Poetry and the Genealogy of Events (East Lansing: Colleagues Press, 1993), and Nicholas Howe, Migration and Mythmaking in Anglo-Saxon England (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1989).

64 . Hanning, The Vision of History , p. 37. 65 . Hanning, The Vision of History , p. 41. 66 . Orosius, History against the Pagans , p. 73. 67 . Hayden White, Metahistory , pp. 7–8.

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68 . See esp. Peter Classen, “ Res Gestae , Universal History, Apocalypse: Visions of Past and Future,” in Renaissance and Renewal in the Twelfth Century , ed. R. L. Benson and Giles Constable (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1991). And see Hanning, Vision of History , pp. 42–120.

69 . Hanning, Vision of History , pp. 98–99. 70 . Classen, “Universal History, Apocalypse,” p. 401. 71 . Cf. Bede, Ecclesiastical History , pp. 560–561. 72 . William of Malmesbury, De Gestis Regum Anglorum . 2 vol., ed. and trans.

R. A. B. Mynors, R. M. Thomson and M. Winterbottom (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998–99), pp. 458–459.

73 . Classen, “Universal History, Apocalypse,” p. 391. 74 . Kellie Robertson, “Translation of Insular Historiography,” pp. 45–48, is

particularly incisive on Geoffrey’s reading of William of Malmesbury. 75 . William of Malmesbury, De Gestis Regum Anglorum , pp. 26–27. 76 . Francis Ingledew, “The Book of Troy and the Genealogical Construction

of History: The Case of Geoffrey of Monmouth,” Speculum 69 (1994): esp. pp. 668–671.

77 . Ingledew, “Book of Troy,” p. 688. 78 . HRB , p. 67. 79 . See HRB , p. 259. 80 . Kristin Lee Over, Kingship, Conquest, and Patria: Literary and Cultural

Identities in Medieval French and Welsh Arthuran Romance (New York: Routledge, 2005), p. 65.

81 . Cohen, Of Giants , p. 40. 82 . HRB , p. 213. 83 . Cf. Culhwch and Olwen: An Edition and Study of the Oldest Arthurian Tale ,

ed. Rachel Bromwich and D. Simon Evans (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1992).

84 . HRB , p. 227. 85 . Andrew Breeze, “Arthur in Early Saints’ Lives,” in The Arthur of Medieval

Latin Literature , ed. Si â n Echard (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 2011), p. 34.

86 . See Over, Kingship , p. 187n.; and Edmond Faral, La L é gende arthurienne: Les plus anciens texts des origins à Geoffroy de Monmouth (Paris, 1929), esp. pp. 233–240.

87 . Flint, “The Historia Regum Britanniae ,” esp. pp. 463–468. 88 . Gordon Hall Gerould, “King Arthur and Politics,” Speculum 2 (1927): 45. 89 . On the sons of Toki, see Michael Curley, Geoffrey of Monmouth (New

York: Twayne Publishers, 1994), p. 67. 90 . See Oliver J. Padel, “Geoffrey of Monmouth and Cornwall,” Cambridge

Medieval Celtic Studies 8 (1984): 1–27. 91 . HRB, p. 145. 92 . Tatlock, Legendary History , pp. 400–401; and Padel, “Geoffrey of

Monmouth and Cornwall,” pp. 5–8. 93 . Tatlock, Legendary History , p. 401. 94 . Padel, “Geoffrey of Monmouth and Cornwall,” pp. 26–27.

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95 . HRB , p. 117. 96 . HRB , p. 117. 97 . Echard, Arthurian Narrative , p. 55. 98 . Curley, Geoffrey of Monmouth , pp. 73–74; Tatlock, Legendary History ,

p. 403: “Thus [Geoffrey] carries the blood of his own present into the withered past, gives it actuality and sweep, and links the whole of insu-lar history together.”

99 . R. W. Southern, “Aspects of the European Tradition,” p. 161. 100 . Ingledew, “Book of Troy,” p. 671. 101 . See, for example, E. Brown, “La notion de la legitimit é et la proph é tie

à la cour de Philippe Auguste,” in La France de Philippe Auguste: le temps des mutations , ed. R.-H. Bautier (Paris, 1982), pp. 77–110; and Jankulak, Geoffrey of Monmouth , p. 81.

102 . This is strongly suggested by the distribution of manuscripts, and espe-cially by the fact that the sole surviving copy of John of Cornwall’s Prophetia Merlini , a learned and politicized response to Geoffrey’s Merlinic prophecies, is also in the Vatican Library.

103 . Julia Crick, “Geoffrey of Monmouth, Prophecy, and History,” Journal of Medieval History 18 (1992): 357.

104 . As Tatlock puts it, Legendary History , p. 405: “The chief sympathy of course is for the Britons and the confident hope—wish again fathering thought—is for their complete restoration.”

105 . HRB , p. 149. 106 . HRB , p. 153. 107 . Doris Edel, “Geoffrey’s So-Called Animal Symbolism and Insular-

Celtic Tradition,” in The Celtic West in Europe: Studies in Celtic Literature and the Early Irish Church , ed. Doris Edel (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2001), p. 268.

108 . Tatlock, Legendary History , p. 74, points out that Alain de Lille, at least, guessed that the fons Galahes was somewhere on the Welsh border in his commentary.

109 . E.g., Echard, Arthurian Narrative , pp. 57–59. 110 . A. O. H. Jarman, for instance, is fairly optimistic about the compre-

hensibility of the Prophetiae and their consistency with Welsh vatici-nal poetry. See Jarman, “The Merlin Legend and the Welsh Tradition of Prophecy,” in The Arthur of the Welsh , ed. Rachel Bromwich et al. (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1991), pp. 131–132.

111 . Curley, Geoffrey of Monmouth , p. 52. 112 . HRB , p. 147, line 51. 113 . HRB , p. 147, line 57. 114 . HRB , p. 147, line 65. 115 . Tatlock, Legendary History , pp. 405–407. 116 . Tatlock, Legendary History , p. 406. 117 . For further discussion, see Jean Blacker, “Where Wace Feared to Tread:

Latin Commentaries on Merlin’s Prophecies in the Reign of Henry II,” Arthuriana 6 (1996): 36–52. For an excellent overview of the medieval

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tradition of commentaries on Merlinic prophecy, see the introduction to Caroline D. Eckhardt’s The Prophetia Merlini of Geoffrey of Monmouth: A Fifteenth-Century English Commentary (Cambridge, MA: Medieval Academy of America, 1982).

118 . Armes Prydein: The Prophecy of Britain from the Book of Taliesin , ed. Ifor Williams, trans. Rachel Bromwich (Dublin: Institute for Advanced Studies, 1982), p. xx.

119 . See, for example, Cyfoesi Myrddin â Gwendydd ei Chwaer , a text that Geoffrey was likely aware of, as he seems to reproduce a fair echo of it in his Vita Merlini ; it has been edited and printed in The Poetry of the Red Book of Hergest , ed. J. Gwenogfryn Evans (Llanbedrog, 1911).

120 . Armes Prydein , lines 1–6, pp. 2–3. 121 . A Mediaeval Prince of Wales: The Life of Gruffudd ap Cynan , ed. D. Simon

Evans (Felinfach, Wales: Llanerch Press, 1990), p. 27. The Life of Gruffudd ap Cynan was likely written during Geoffrey’s lifetime, probably in the 1140s. see Tatlock, Legendary History , p. 412.

122 . John of Cornwall, “A New Edition of John of Cornwall’s Prophetia Merlini ,” ed. Michael J. Curley, Speculum 57 (1982): 217–247.

123 . See Michael Faletra, “Merlin in Cornwall: The Source and Context of John of Cornwall’s Prophetia Merlini ,” Journal of English and Germanic Philology 111.3 ( July 2012): 304–338; and Michael J. Curley, “Gerallt Gymro a Si ô n o Gernyw fel Cyfieithwyr Proffwydoliaethau Myrddin,” Ll ê n Cymru 15 (1984–1986): 23–33.

124 . John of Cornwall, “Cornwall’s Prophetia Merlini ,” p. 236. 125 . On John’s authorship of the glosses, see John of Cornwall, “Cornwall’s

Prophetia Merlini ,” p. 219; and Faletra, “Merlin in Cornwall,” pp. 329–330.

126 . Cf. HRB , pp. 279–281. 127 . Tatlock, Legendary History , p. 403.

2 Fairies at the Bottom of the Garden: Courtly Britain and Its Others

1 . “The Anglo-Norman Description of England ,” ed. Lesley Johnson and Alexander Bell, in Anglo-Norman Anniversary Essays , ed. Ian Short (London: Anglo-Norman Text Society Occasional Publications Series 2 (London: Birkbeck College, 1993), lines 1, 5, p. 38. Translations from the Description of England are mine.

2 . Description of England , lines 62–69, p. 39. 3 . Description of England, lines 179–181, p. 42. 4 . Description of England , lines 215–216, p. 43. 5 . Description of England , lines 214–228, p. 43. 6 . Virginie Greene, “Qui croit au retour d’Arthur?” Cahiers de la civilisation

médiévale 45 (2002): 321–340, esp. p. 329. 7 . Description of England , lines 257–260, p. 44.

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8 . This “going underground” of which I speak was doubtless related to, and perhaps a preliminary stage of what Meecham-Jones has described as the deliberate forgetting and eventual erasure of Wales from the English imagination; see his “Where Was Wales?” esp. pp. 28–30. I would empha-size, however, pace Meecham-Jones, that a significant counter-discourse was also rendered possible by this new model of the insular past.

9 . The full text of the Epistola ad Warinum can be found in Henry of Huntingdon, Historia Anglorum: The History of the English People , ed. and trans. Diana Greenway (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996), pp. 558–583. For a full discussion of the Epistola ad Warinum , see Neil Wright, “The Place of Henry of Huntingdon’s Epistola ad Warinum in the Text-History of Geoffrey of Monmouth’s Historia Regum Britannie : A Preliminary Investigation,” in France and the British Isles in the Middle Ages and Renaissance: Essays in Memory of Ruth Morgan , ed. Gillian Jondorf and D. N. Dunville (Woodbridge, Suffolk: Boydell and Brewer, 1991), pp. 71–113.

10 . Amaury Chauou, L’id é ologie Plantagen ê t: Royaut é arthurienne et monarchie politique dans l’espace Plantagen ê t ( XIIe–XIIIe si è cles) (Rennes: Presses uni-versitaires de Rennes, 2001), p. 238.

11 . See Matthew Paris, Flores Historiarum , Vol. I, ed. Henry Richards Luard (London: Eyre and Spottiswoode, 1890), esp. pp. 19–25, 76–77, 207–209, and 266–269. Matthew Paris weaves details from Geoffrey’s Historia throughout this universal chronicle; especially interesting is the way he interpolates the history of the Gaulish attack on Rome (known from Livy and Orosius) with Geoffrey’s account of Belinus and Brennius’ conquests, pp. 58–63.

12 . See, for example, Michael Faletra, “Narrating the Matter of Britain: Geoffrey of Monmouth and the Norman Colonization of Wales,” The Chaucer Review 35 (2000): 76–79. For a useful translation of the relevant portion of the Draco Normannicus , see Mildred Leakie Day, trans. Latin Arthurian Literature (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 2005), pp. 236–257. The standard Latin text is still that of P. G. Walsh and M. J. Kennedy, eds., Draco Normannicus , in Chronicles of the Reigns of Stephen, Henry II, and Richard I , Vol. II (Warminster, Wiltshire: Aris and Phillips, 1888).

13 . Michael Lapidge, ed., “An Edition of the Vera Historia de Morte Arthuri ,” Arthurian Literature 1 (1981): 79–93.

14 . Johannes de Hauvilla, Architrenius , ed. and trans. Winthrop Wetherbee (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 1.136, pp. 10–11. Gerald of Wales praises Walter of Coutances in Vita S. Remigii , Opera VII, ed. James F. Dimock (London: Longman & Co., 1877), p. 38.

15 . Johannes de Hauvilla , Architrenius , lines V.407–429, pp. 138–139. 16 . Neil Cartlidge, “An Intruder at the Feast? Anxiety and Debate in the

Letters of Peter of Blois,” in Writers of the Reign of Henry II , ed. Ruth Kennedy and Simon Meecham-Jones (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006), p. 82; Peter of Blois, Letter XLIX, in Opera Omnia Petri Blesensis , PL 207, col. 0147B.

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17 . See James P. Carley and Julia Crick, eds., “Constructing Albion’s Past: An Annotated Edition of De Origine Gigantum ,” Arthurian Literature 13 (1995): 347–418.

18 . Fouke le Fitzwaryn , ed. E. J. Hathaway et al., Anglo-Norman Text Society 26–28 (Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 1975). And see Timothy Jones, “Geoffrey of Monmouth, Fouke le Fitz Waryn , and National Mythology,” Studies in Philology 91 (1994): 236–238; and Ralph Hanna, “The Matter of Fulk: Romance and History in the Marches,” Journal of English and Germanic Philology (2011): 340–341.

19 . Judith Green, The Aristocracy of Norman England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), p. 436.

20 . In speaking of “courtly identity” and of “courtliness” in these pages, I am not at all suggesting a specific link with the ideology of courtly love—if such a thing ever even existed—but rather with a larger sense of identification with the values of the monarchical or ecclesiastical courts; I agree with C. Stephen Jaeger, The Origins of Courtliness (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1985), p. 9, that courtliness or “cour-tesy” “is in origin an instrument of the urge to civilizing,” and I agree as well with his wider conclusions that such courtliness develops not in the twelfth-century secular courts but in the tenth-century courts of the Ottonian princes and bishops.

21 . See Margaret Houck, Sources of the Roman de Brut de Wace (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1941).

22 . Jean Blacker-Knight, “The Depoliticization of the Arthurian World in the Roman de Brut ,” in The Arthurian Tradition: Essays in Convergence , ed. Mary Flowers Braswell and John Bugge (Birmingham: University of Alabama Press, 1988), p. 59; and for the Round Table, see Wace, Wace’s Roman de Brut: A History of the British , trans. Judith Weiss (Exeter: University of Exeter Press, 1999), lines 9747–9760, pp. 244–245.

23 . See Robert Biket, The Anglo-Norman Text of Le Lai du Cor , ed. C. T. Erickson (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1973), pp. 1–2.

24 . W. L. Warren, Henry II (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1973), pp. 29–30.

25 . Karen Broadhurst, “Henry II of England and Eleanor of Aquitaine: Patrons of Literature in French?” Viator 27 (1996): 53–84, argues vig-orously against the notion that the royal couple actively encouraged literary endeavors. However, John Gillingham, “The Cultivation of History, Legend, and Courtesy at the Court of Henry II,” in Writers of the Reign of Henry II: Twelve Essays , ed. Ruth Kennedy and Simon Meecham-Jones (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006), pp. 25–52, amply demonstrates that the courts were directly implicated in the f lourishing of literary culture throughout the Plantagenet dominions in this period. In support of Gillingham, see also Martin Aurell, “Henry II and Arthurian Legend,” in Henry II: New Interpretations , ed. Christopher Harper-Bill and Nicholas Vincent (Woodbridge, Suffolk: The Boydell Press, 2007), pp. 365–394, esp. 362–366; and Ian Short,

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“Literary Culture at the Court of Henry II,” also in Henry II: New Interpretations , pp. 335–361.

26 . Se á n Duffy, “Henry II and England’s Insular Neighbors,” in Henry II: New Interpretations , ed. Christopher Harper-Bill and Nicholas Vincent (Woodbridge: The Boydell Press, 2007), p. 132; W. L. Warren, Henry II , p. 163.

27 . The Correspondence of Thomas Becket, Archbishop of Canterbury: 1162–1170 , ed. Anne J. Duggan, Vol. 1 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2001), pp. 234–241.

28 . Paul Edward Dutton, Charlemagne’s Mustache and Other Cultural Clusters of a Dark Age (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004), p. xvii.

29 . It is also certain possible, and perhaps even likely, that Marie de France was familiar with the Historia in the original Latin. Her skills as a Latinist were certainly up to the task, and the text was readily available in both England and Northern France by the 1150s and 1160s.

30 . Bernart de Ventadorn, “Lancan vei per mei la landa,” line 46, in The Songs of Bernart de Ventadorn , ed. and trans. Stephen G. Nichols (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1965), pp. 115–116.

31 . For an excellent overview of John’s career, see Cary J. Nederman, John of Salisbury (Tempe, AZ: Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 2005), pp. 1–39.

32 . John of Salisbury, Ioannis Saresberiensis Episcopi Carnotensis Policratici (here-after Policraticus ), ed. Clemens C. I. Webb, Vol. 2 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1909), VI.17, p. 45; John of Salisbury, trans. John Dickinson, The Stateman’s Book of John of Salisbury: Being the Fourth, Fifth, and Sixth Books, and Selections from the Seventh and Eighth Books of the Policraticus (New York: Russell & Russell, 1963), p. 229.

33 . Cf. HRB , Book III, pp. 48–59. 34 . John of Salisbury, “Letter 173,” in The Letters of John of Salisbury, Volume

Two: The Later Years , ed. W. J. Millor and C. N. L. Brooke (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1979), pp. 136–137.

35 . Arnulf of Lisieux, Epistola XXXIV , Patrologia Latina , Vol. 201, col. 0063C. The letter speaks of uprisings against the French by the Welsh, Scots, and Bretons, sicut prophetatum est , a clear reference to Geoffrey’s prophecies 29 and 46. Arnulf speaks elsewhere in this letter of the Wallensium improbitate .

36 . See J. Gwenogfryn Evans and Sir John Rhys, The Text of the Book of Llan D â v: Reproduced from the Gwysaney Manuscript (Aberystwyth: National Library of Wales, 1979); Daniel Huws, “The Making of Liber Landavensis ,” National Library of Wales Journal 25 (1987): 133–160; and Wendy Davies, “ Liber Landavensis : Its Construction and Credibility,” English Historical Review 88 (1973): 335–351.

37 . John of Salisbury, “Letter 247,” in Letters , Vol. 2, pp. 498–499. 38 . John of Salisbury, The Metalogicon: A Twelfth-Century Defense of the Verbal

and Logical Arts of the Trivium, trans. Daniel D. McGarry (Philadelphia: Paul Dry Books, 2009), col, 0824B; trans. Daniel D. McGarry, The

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Metalogicon: A Twelfth-Century Defense of the Verbal and Logical Arts of the Trivium (Philadelphia: Paul Dry Books, 2009), p. 5.

39 . John of Salisbury, “Letter 87,” in Letters , Vol. 1, p. 135. 40 . John of Salisbury, “Letter 168,” in Letters , Vol. 2, pp. 108–109. 41 . Gervase of Tilbury. Otia Imperialia: Recreation for an Emperor , ed. S. E.

Banks and J. W. Binns (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2002), p. 712. 42 . John of Salisbury, “Letter 87,” in Letters , Vol. 1, p. 136. 43 . John of Salisbury, Policraticus , Vol. 2, p. 18; trans. Dickinson,

pp. 193–194. 44 . John of Salisbury, Policraticus , Vol. 2, VI.6, p. 18; trans. Dickinson,

p. 194. 45 . Nicholas Vincent, “The Court of Henry II,” in Henry II: New

Interpretations , ed. Christopher Harper-Bill and Nicholas Vincent (Woodbridge, Suffolk: The Boydell Press, 2007), pp. 330–331.

46 . John of Salisbury, Policraticus , Vol. 1, III.10, p. 202; trans. Joseph B. Pike, Frivolities of Courtiers and Footprints of Philosophers (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1938), p. 183.

47 . John of Salisbury, Policraticus , Vol. 1, I.4, p. 21; trans. Pike, p. 14. 48 . Cf. John of Salisbury, Policraticus , Vol. 2, VIII.13, p. 323; trans. Pike,

p. 380. 49 . Michael D. Reeve, The History of the Kings of Britain (hereafter

HRB ), trans. Neil Wright (Woodbridge, Sussex: The Boydell Press, 2007) p. 213.

50 . HRB , p. 217. 51 . See R. R. Davies, The Age of Conquest: Wales, 1063–1415 (Oxford:

Oxford University Press, 1987), pp. 26–27, for a fuller account of Harold’s Welsh campaign.

52 . John of Salisbury, Policraticus , Vol. 2, VI.6, pp. 19–20; trans. Dickinson, p. 195.

53 . John of Salisbury, Policraticus , Vol. 2, VI.6, p. 20; trans. Dickinson, p. 195.

54 . John of Salisbury, Policraticus , Vol. 2, VI.6, p. 20; trans. Dickinson, p. 195.

55 . On John’s humanism, see especially Hans Liebesch ü tz, Medieval Humanism in the Life and Writings of John of Salisbury (London: The Warburg Institute, 1950); and Cary J. Nederman, John of Salisbury , pp. 41–43.

56 . David Rollo, Glamorous Sorcery: Magic and Literacy in the High Middle Ages (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2000), p. 49.

57 . Si â n Echard, Arthurian Narrative in the Latin Tradition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), p. 19.

58 . Andr é Boutemy provides a useful catalog of the genres and narrative motifs that Walter Map activates in Gautier Map, conteur anglais: extraits de De Nugis Curialium (Bruxelles: Office de Publicit é , 1945), p. 18; Antonio V à rvaro provides a more extended discussion in Apparizioni fantastiche: Tradizioni folkloriche e letterature nel medioevo—Walter Map (Bologna: Il Mulino, 1994), pp. 1–11.

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59 . I shall cite from the edition of Walter Map’s De Nugis Curialium, ed. and trans. M. R. James and rev. C. N. L. Brooke and R. A. B. Mynors (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1983); Brooke’s comments on the relation-ship between Map’s text and the Policraticus is cited from p. xxxi. Robert Levine, “How to Read Walter Map,” Mittellateinisches Jahrbuch 23 (1988): 105, pointedly disagrees with the editors’ assessment of Map’s tone, arguing that the De Nugis Curialium “more resembles a jeremiad than a post-prandial entertainment.”

60 . Robert R. Edwards, “Walter Map: Authority and the Space of Writing,” New Literary History 38 (2007) 277; Neil Cartridge, “Masters in the Art of Lying? Hugh of Rhuddlan and Walter Map,” Modern Language Review 106 (2011): 7, seems to concur with Edwards’ assessment, though he identif ies Map’s strategy more cautiously as one of conscious self-deprecation and ironizing.

61 . A. K. Bate puts this myth, and several others, to rest in “Walter Map and Giraldus Cambrensis,” Latomus 31 (1972): 860–875, esp. 860–861.

62 . Walter Map, De Nugis Curialium: Courtiers’ Trif les , pp. 2–3. Cf. Augustine, Confessions , ed. James J. O’Donnell (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012), XI.25, p. 160: Et confiteor tibi, domine, ignorare me adhuc quid sit tempus, et rursus confiteor tibi, domine, scire me in tempore ista dicere, et diu me iam loqui de tempore, atque ipsum diu non esse diu nisi mora temporis .

63 . Si â n Echard, “Map’s Metafiction: Author, Narrator, and Reader in De Nugis Curialium ,” Exemplaria 8 (1996): 293. Tony Davenport, assessing Map’s style in “Sex, Ghosts, and Dreams: Walter Map and Gerald of Wales,” in Writers in the Reign of Henry II , pp. 133–150 remarks on Map’s “barbed wit” (p. 134) and “chilling verve” (p. 136).

64 . See De Nugis Curialium I.2, p. 8. It is likely that the very conceit of comparing the court to Hell was also something that Map derived from John of Salisbury, who mentions certain court officials as the Cerberus who guards access to the king. See John of Salisbury, Policraticus V.10.

65 . DNC I.3, I.4, I.5, I.9, pp. 8–11. 66 . DNC I.10, pp. 24–25. 67 . The composition history of the De Nugis Curialium is difficult to establish

with much precision. Certainly Map, whose career in the royal and epis-copal courts stretches from the 1150s to at least the 1190s, gathered anec-dotal materials, probably often orally, over a number of decades. James Hinton, “Walter Map’s De Nugis Curialium : Its Plan and Composition,” PMLA 32 (1917): 81–132, quite reasonably surmises that Map made an initial attempt to organize these materials into a single book in the early 1180s but that he also kept the arrangement loose enough to be able to add further materials much later. In any case, Hinton, p. 82, concludes that Map left the book “fragmentary and unpublished”; it exists today only in single manuscript.

68 . Cf. John of Salisbury, Policraticus , Vol. 1, V.2, pp. 282–284; trans. Dickinson, pp. 64–66.

69 . Echard, “Map’s Metafiction,” pp. 298–299.

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70 . DNC I.11, pp. 26–27. 71 . DNC I.11, pp. 28–29. 72 . DNC I.11, pp. 30–31. 73 . In this light, we might find Catherine Vellay-Vallantin’s insistent iden-

tification of the pygmy-king as “le roi des morts” somewhat misplaced, though her broader argument that the story conceals a political bent plays out rather better. See “Le roi Herla au pays de Galles: Lectures nationalistes du voyage dans l’autre-monde,” Marvels and Tales: Journal of Fairy-Tale Studies 25 (2011): 276–285, and esp. pp. 278–279.

74 . C. S. Lewis, The Discarded Image (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1964), p. 122.

75 . DNC I.11, pp. 30–31. 76 . Llywelyn’s deeds are recounted in DNC II.22 and II.23, pp. 186–197. 77 . See DNC II.22, pp. 184–185. 78 . DNC II.25, pp. 198–201. 79 . DNC V.2, pp. 408–411. 80 . See James Wade, Fairies in Medieval Romance (New York: Palgrave

Macmillan, 2011), p. 1; and see also pp. 9–38. 81 . DNC II.11, pp. 148–149. 82 . Juliette Wood has indicated that Walter Map’s fairy bride legends are in

fact the first recorded instances of this motif in Wales. See “The Fairy Bride Legend in Wales,” Folklore 103 (1992): 56–72. P. C. Bartrum, “Fairy Mothers,” Bulletin of the Board of Celtic Studies 19 (1962): p. 8, notes that later medieval Welsh genealogical tracts suggest that the antiquity of the fairy bride motif may well extend back to the early Middle Ages.

83 . Wood, “Fairy Bride,” p. 63. Wood elsewhere points out the great value of Walter Map as a reliable witness to the folklore of Wales and espe-cially the Marches; see “Walter Map: The Contents and Context of De Nugis Curialium ,” Transactions of the Honourable Society of Cymmrodorion 1985: 91–103.

84 . DNC II.11, pp. 148–149. 85 . Wade, Fairies in Medieval Romance, p. 15. Helen Cooper discusses the

persistence of some of these characteristics of the fairy brides/mistresses of the medieval romance in The English Romance Through Time: Transforming Motifs from Geoffrey of Monmouth to the Death of Shakespeare (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), pp. 173–217.

86 . Wood, “Fairy Bride,” p. 63. 87 . See DNC , pp. 154–155. 88 . Max Lieberman, The Medieval March of Wales: The Creation and Perception

of a Frontier, 1066–1283 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), p. 57.

89 . DNC , pp. 158–159. 90 . DNC , pp. 156–157. 91 . Ralph Hanna, “The Matter of Fulk,” p. 347. 92 . DNC , pp. 156–157.

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93 . DNC , pp. 156–157. 94 . DNC , pp. 156–159. 95 . Portions of this section were printed in an earlier form in my essay

“Chivalry at the Frontier: Marie de France’s Welsh Lais ,” Le Cygne: The Journal of the International Marie de France Society 4 (2007): 27–41.

96 . Denis Piramus, La vie seint Edmund le rei , ed. Florence Leftwich Ravenel (Philadelphia, PA: John C. Winston Co., 1906), line 35, p. 58.

97 . Glyn S. Burgess, The Lais of Marie de France: Text and Context (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1987), pp. 22–23.

98 . For a standard overview of Marie’s biography, see Emmanuel Mickel, Marie de France (New York: Twayne Publishing, 1974), pp. 14–23; however, R. Howard Bloch, The Anonymous Marie de France (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003), pp. 1–9, points out the difficulties inherent in establishing any “facts” about Marie’s life.

99 . Rachel Bromwich, “First Transmission to England and France,” in The Arthur of the Welsh , ed. Rachel Bromwich (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1991), p. 288.

100 . For an authoritative discussion of the chronology of Marie’s twelve lais , see Glyn S. Burgess, “The Problem of Internal Chronology in the Lais of Marie de France,” Zeitschrift f ü r franz ö zische Sprache und Literatur 91 (1981): 133–155.

101 . See Urban T. Holmes, “A Welsh Motif in Marie’s Guigemar ,” Studies in Philology 39 (1942): 11–14; and Constance Bullock-Davies, “The Love-Messenger in Milun ,” Nottingham Medieval Studies 16 (1972): 20–27.

102 . See, for instance, Constance Bullock-Davies, “The Love-Messenger in Milun ,” pp. 25–26. Yolande de Pontfarcy, “Si Marie de France é tait Marie de Meulan,” Cahiers de la civilisation m é di é vale 38 (1995): 353–361, posits a Marie whose married life would have provided her with f amiliarity with the Welsh March. Even Carla Rossi, who argues in Marie de France et les é rudits de Cantorb é ry (Paris: Classiques Garnier, 2009), that Marie de France is none other than Thomas Becket’s sister is impressed by Marie’s knowledge of Monmouthshire.

103 . Margaret Aziza Pappano supplies perhaps the most compelling literary arguments linking Marie to the royal courts; see “Marie de France, Ali é nor d’Aquitaine, and the Alien Queen,” in Eleanor of Aquitaine: Lord and Lady , ed. Bonnie Wheeler and John Carmi Parsons (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), pp. 337–367.

104 . Stephen G. Nichols, “Marie de France’s Commonplaces,” Yale French Studies 75 (1991): 136.

105 . Marie’s sympathy with the Welsh seems to me consistent with her inter-est in exploring what Finke and Shichtman have called “the situations of the most marginalized members of the Norman aristocracy, specifi-cally women and bachelor knights.” See Laurie A. Finke and Martin B. Shichtman, “Magical Mistress Tour: Patronage, Intellectual Property, and the Dissemination of Wealth in the Lais of Marie de France,” Signs 25 (2000): 479.

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106 . Robert Edwards, “Walter Map,” p. 277. 107 . Prologue , lines 33–38, p. 2. Citations from Marie’s lais are from Lais , ed.

Alfred Ewert (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1944; repr. 1965); translations are taken from The Lais of Marie de France , trans. Glyn S. Burgess and Keith Busby, 2nd ed. (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1999).

108 . W. H. Auden, “In Memory of W. B. Yeats,” lines 22–23, in Collected Poems , ed. Edward Mendelson (New York: Vintage International, 1991), p. 247.

109 . Michelle Freeman, “Marie de France’s Poetics of Silence: The Implications for a Feminine Translatio ,” PMLA 99 (1984): 879.

110 . Tilde Sankovitch, French Women Writers and the Book: Myths of Access and Desire (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1988), p. 24.

111 . Lanval , lines 5–10; trans. Burgess and Busby, p. 73. 112 . W. T. H. Jackson, “The Arthuricity of Marie de France,” Romanic Review

70 (1979): 17. 113 . Finke and Shictman, “Magical Mistress Tour,” pp. 481–482. 114 . Marie de France, Lanval , lines 17–20, p. 58; trans. Burgess and Busby,

p. 73. 115 . W. T. H. Jackson, “The Arthuricity of Marie de France,” p. 6 and see

also pp. 12–13. While Pappano, “Marie de France, Ali é nor d’Aquitaine, and the Alien Queen,” in Eleanor of Aquitaine, Lord and Lady . Ed. Bonnie Wheeler and John Carmi Parsons (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), p. 352, agrees that the Queen’s desire is “errant,” she also argues (pp. 354–355) that the fairy mistress provides Marie with a more posi-tive figure for representing queenly desires.

116 . Finke and Shichtman, “Magical Mistress Tour,” p. 489. 117 . See Lanval , lines 84–106, p. 60. Ernst Hoepffner, “La g é ographie et

l’histoires dans les Lais de Marie de France,” Romania 56 (1930): 24, first noted the allusions to these vernacular histoires .

118 . In agreement on this point is David Chamberlain, “Marie de France’s Arthurian Lai : Subtle and Political,” in Culture and the King: The Social Implications of Arthurian Legend , ed. Martin B. Shichtman and James P. Carley (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994), pp. 26–27.

119 . Judith Rice Rothschild, “A Rapprochement Between Bisclavret and Lanval ,” Speculum 48 (1973): 79.

120 . See Lanval , lines 559–584, pp. 72–73. 121 . Lanval , lines 619–620, p. 73. 122 . Laurence Harf, “La reine ou la f é e: l’itin é raire du h é ros dans les Lais de

Marie de France,” in Amour et merveille: Les Lais de Marie de France , ed. Jean Dufournet (Paris: Champion, 1995), p. 99.

123 . Matilda Tomaryn Bruckner, “ Le Fresne ’s Model for Twinning in the Lais of Marie de France,” Modern Language Notes 121 (2006): 946–960. And see also Sharon Kinoshita and Peggy McCracken, “Repetition and the Art of Variation: Narrative Techniques,” in Marie de France: A Critical Companion (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 2012), pp. 173–200.

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124 . K. Sarah-Jane Murray, “The Ring and the Sword: Marie de France’s Yonec in Light of the Vie de saint Alexis ,” Romance Quarterly 53 (2006): 25–42.

125 . Judith Rice Rothschild, Narrative Technique in the Lais of Marie de France: Themes and Variations . Vol. I. (Chapel Hill: U. N. C. Dept. of Romance Languages, 1974), p. 250; Mickel, Marie de France , p. 116. Glyn S. Burgess, The Lais of Marie de France, p. 180, avers that Le Fresne also ends happily.

126 . HRB , p. 89. 127 . For an account of the metropolitan claims of the bishopric of Llandaff,

see Christopher Brooke, “The Archbishops of St. David’s, Llandaff, and Caerleon-on-Usk,” in Studies in the Early British Church , ed. Nora K. Chadwick (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1958); and also John Reuben Davies, The Book of Llandaf and the Norman Church (Woodbridge, Sussex: The Boydell Press, 2003), esp. pp. 32–55.

128 . John Gillingham, “Context and Purposes of Geoffrey of Monmouth’s History of the Kings of Britain ,” Anglo-Norman Studies 13 (1990): 114. For an overview of fortress building at Caerleon, see Adrian Pettifer, Welsh Castles: A Guide by Counties (Woodbridge: The Boydell Press, 2000), pp. 122–123.

129 . Wace, Roman de Brut , lines 10207–10236. 130 . Michelle R. Warren, History on the Edge: Excalibur and the Borders of

Britain, 1100–1300, (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2000), pp. 137–170, makes a cogent argument for Wace’s Roman de Brut as a colonialist text. John Gillingham, however, argues that it was only at the very end of Henry II’s reign that Arthur lost his rebellious Welsh veneer and became “transmuted into something more acceptable to the English.” See Gillingham’s “The Cultivation of History,” p. 38.

131 . Wace, Roman de Brut , lines 10493–10520, pp. 264–265. 132 . Brut y Tywysogion, or Chronicle of the Princes: Red Book of Hergest Version,

ed. and trans. Thomas Jones (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1955), p. 154 and p. 162.

133 . J. E. Lloyd, A History of Wales from the Earliest Times to the Edwardian Conquest, 2 vol. 3rd ed., (London: Longmans and Green, 1939), p. 227. Lloyd also notes that Asser, the tenth-century Welsh scholar famous as a biographer of King Alfred, was detained at Caerwent Abbey for several months. See also Pettifer, Welsh Castles, p. 123.

134 . Yonec , lines 81–84; trans. Burgess and Busby, p. 87. 135 . The Lais of Marie de France, ed. Burgess and Busby, p. 127. In contrast,

Sharon Kinoshita, Medieval Boundaries: Rethinking Difference in Old French Literature (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2006), pp. 155–156, sees the gelus as representative of Welsh marital practices.

136 . Yonec , lines 91–98, trans. Burgess and Busby, p. 87. 137 . Kinoshita, Medieval Boundaries, p. 149. 138 . Yonec , lines 347–370, pp. 90–91; trans. Burgess and Busby, pp. 90–91. 139 . Marie de France, Lais , p. 181n.

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140 . Kinoshita, Medieval Boundaries, p. 162. 141 . Heather Arden, “The End Game in Marie de France’s Lais : The Search

for a Solution,” Dalhousie French Studies 61 (2002): 5, emphasizes not Milun’s successful acts of communication but rather his typical (for Marie) “masculine need for confrontation and retaliation.”

142 . Yonec , lines 309–316, p. 309; trans. Burgess and Busby, p. 90. 143 . At a certain level, Muldumarec’s ability to foretell the future associ-

ates him with Merlin; however, Virginia Krause and Christian Martin, “Topo ï et utopie de l’amour dans les Lais de Marie de France,” Dalhousie French Studies 42 (1998): p. 6, align Muldumarec’s prophetic abilities more with a more impersonal sense of destiny that seems to guide all of his actions.

144 . Kinoshita, Medieval Boundaries, p. 162. 145 . Howard Bloch, The Anonymous Marie de France , p. 61. 146 . Judith Rice Rothschild, “The Brutish World of Marie de France:

Death and Violence in the Lais ,” Le Cygne 3 (2005): 27, likewise notes the deep human emotion latent in Marie’s description of Muldumarec’s death.

147 . Constance Bullock-Davies, “The Love-Messenger in Milun ,” lines 531–532, p. 115; trans. Burgess and Busby, p. 104.

3 Chrétien de Troyes, Wales, and the Matiere of Britain

1 . Chr é tien de Troyes, Le Conte du Graal , ed. D. F. Hult, in Romans, suivis des Chansons et, en appendice, Philomena , ed. Michel Zink (Paris: Librairie G é n é rale Fran ç aise, 1994), lines 236–238, pp. 949–950. Translations of Chr é tien’s romances are drawn from Arthurian Romances , trans. William W. Kibler and Carleton W. Carroll (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1991).

2 . Conte du Graal , lines 700–728, p. 964. 3 . Conte du Graal , lines 566–567, p. 960. 4 . Conte du Graal , line 936, p. 971; trans. Kibler, p. 393. 5 . Conte du Graal , line 1169, p. 978; trans. Kibler, p. 396. 6 . Brigitte Cazelles, The Unholy Grail: A Social Reading of Chr é tien’s ‘Conte

du Graal’ (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1996), p. 11. 7 . See Sarah Kay, “Who Was Chr é tien de Troyes?” Arthurian Literature 15

(1996): 1–35. 8 . See, for example, Peter Haidu, Aesthetic Distance in Chr é tien de Troyes:

Irony and Comedy in Clig è s and Perceval (Geneva: Droz, 1968); Douglas Kelly, Sens et Conjointure in the Chevalier de la Charrette (The Hague: Mouton, 1966); Matilda Bruckner, Shaping Romance: Interpretation, Truth, and Closure in Twelfth-Century French Fictions (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1993); Per Nykrog, Chr é tien de Troyes: roman-cier discutable (Geneva: Droz, 1996); Donald Maddox, The Arthurian Romances of Chr é tien de Troyes (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,

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1991); Eugene Vance, From Topic to Tale: Logic and Narrativity in the Middle Ages (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1987); and L. T. Topsfield, Chr é tien de Troyes: A Study of the Arthurian Romances (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981).

9 . Per Nykrog, Chr é tien de Troyes , p. 1. 10 . Bullock-Davies, “Chr é tien de Troyes and England,” Arthurian Literature

1 (1981): 1–61; Beate Schmolke-Hasselmann, “Henri II Plantagen ê t, roi d’Angleterre, et la gen è se d’ Erec et Enide ,” Cahiers de civilisation m é di é vale 24 (1981): 241–246. Bullock-Davies and Schmolke-Hasselmann were both amplifying insights first developed by Erich K ö hler in L’Aventure chevaleresque: id é al et r é alit é dans le roman courtois, é tudes sur la forme des plus anciens po è mes d’Arthur et du Graal (Paris: Gallimard, 1974), p. 69.

11 . More specif ically, I am inclined to think that Chr é tien was attached for a time to the court of Eleanor of Aquitaine, though perhaps not exclusively: there are many examples of twelfth-century clerks appear-ing at multiple princely and ecclesiastical courts. An association with Eleanor’s court, however, makes the best sense of the few circum-stantial facts we possess. It accounts for a geographical knowledge of both England and Brittany, it enables a smooth transfer to the court of Marie de Champagne, Eleanor’s daughter, in the mid-1170s (pre-sumably after Eleanor’s imprisonment in 1173), and, following Nykrog and Roncaglia, it allows us to identify Chr é tien with the Carestia of a poetic exchange between Carestia, Raimbaut d’Aurenga, and Bernart de Ventadorn; see Nykrog, Chr é tien de Troyes , pp. 43–44, and Aurelio Roncaglia, “Carestia,” Cultura Neolatina 18 (1958): 121–137. Moreover, Chr é tien’s presence at Eleanor’s court for some period also accords well with the general interest among the Occitan troubadours in Eleanor’s entourage in the Matter of Britain; see, for example, Raimbaut de Vaqueiras, who specif ically mentions Erec and Enide in his “Kalenda Maia,” line 81, printed in The Poems of the Troubadour Raimbaut de Vaqueiras , ed. Joseph Linskill (The Hague: Mouton, 1964), p. 187. For a brief but thorough overview of the network of literary and social connections of the various Plantagenet courts, see Rita Lejeune, “R ô le litt é raire de la famille d’Ali é nor d’Aquitaine,” Cahiers de la civilisation m é dievale 1 (1958): 319–337.

12 . John F. Benton, “The Court of Champagne as a Literary Center,” Speculum 36 (1961): 561–563. And see also June Hall McCash, “Chr é tien’s Patrons,” in A Companion to Chr é tien de Troyes , ed. Norris J. Lacy and Joan Tasker Grimbert (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 2005).

13 . Amaury Chauou, L’Id é ologie Plantagen ê t: Royaut é arthurienne et monarchie politique dans l’espace Plantagen ê t (XIIe–XIIIe si è cles) (Rennes: Presses uni-versitaires de Rennes, 2001), pp. 130–155.

14 . For examples of this reluctance to read Chr é tien in an English context, see John W. Baldwin, “Chr é tien in History,” in A Companion to Chr é tien de Troyes , pp. 3–14; and June Hall McCash, “Chr é tien’s Patrons,” 15–24

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15 . D. D. R. Owen speculates that “Guillaume le Clerc” may be a cer-tain William Malveisin. If he is correct, this William stands as an example of another clerk of Continental origin with literary inclina-tions and Arthurian interests who found work—and an audience—in Plantagenet Britain. See Guillaume le Clerc, Fergus of Galloway: Knight of King Arthur , trans. D. D. R. Owen (London: J. M. Dent & Sons, 1991), p. xiii.

16 . Very canny Welsh translations of three of Chr é tien’s romances— Erec et Enide (Welsh Ystorya Gereint uab Erbyn ), Yvain ( Owein ), and Le Conte du Graal ( Peredur )—all date from the early thirteenth century.

17 . Jean Frappier, Chr é tien de Troyes: l’homme et l’oeuvre , 2nd ed. (Paris: Hatier, 1968), p. 10.

18 . Benton, “The Court of Champagne,” for instance, adduces much evi-dence of clerks whose association with a particular court was temporary or sporadic, or who had more than one patron; the cases of Pierre de Celle and of Nicholas de Clairvaux, pp. 555–558, are typical.

19 . Anthime Fourrier, “Encore la chronologie des oeuvres de Chr é tien de Troyes,” Bibliographical Bulletin of the International Arthurian Society 2 (1950): 69–88; Rita Lejeune, “R ô le litt é raire,” pp. 320–323; Schmolke-Hasselmann, “Henri II Plantagen ê t,” pp. 241–246; Bullock-Davies, “Chr é tien de Troyes and England,” pp. 1–61; and Chauou, L’Id é ologie Plantagen ê t , pp. 130–142.

20 . See, for example, David J. Shirt, “Chr é tien et une coutume anglaise,” Romania 94 (1973): 178–195; and Carleton Carroll, “Quelques observa-tions sur les ref lets de la cour d’Henri II dans l’oeuvre de Chr é tien de Troyes,” Cahiers de la civilisation m é di é vale 37 (1994): 33–39.

21 . Erec et Enide , lines 6636–6647, pp. 272–273; quotations from the Old French text are taken from J. M. Fritz, Erec et Enide in Chr é tien de Troyes, Romans , ed. Michel Zink. I have also consulted Mario Roques’s edition of the famous Guiot manuscript, Les Romans de Chr é tien de Troyes, I: Erec et Enide (Paris: Librairie Honor é Champion, 1981). For further on the historical significance of this passage, see Schmolke-Hasselmann, “Henri II Plantagen ê t,” pp. 241–242.

22 . More recent scholars have less of a problem accepting the evidence for Chr é tien’s English and Angevin connections. See, for example, Lee Patterson, Negotiating the Past: The Historical Understanding of Medieval Literature (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1987), p. 158; and William W. Kibler, “Introduction” to his translation of Chr é tien’s Arthurian Romances (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 2004), pp. 5–6; and also Nykrog, Chr é tien de Troyes , p. 78.

23 . Bullock-Davies, “Chr é tien de Troyes and England,” p. 53. 24 . Erec et Enide , lines 27–34, pp. 61–62; trans. Carleton W. Carroll in Chr é tien

de Troyes, Arthurian Romances , ed. William W. Kibler (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 2004), p. 37.

25 . Ystoria Gereint uab Erbin , ed. Robert L. Thomson (Dublin: Institute for Advanced Studies, 1997), p. 1.

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26 . As far as I can tell, only authors who are deliberately adapting Chr é tien’s work furnish the Welsh town of Cardigan with an Arthurian context. This would include the late twelfth-century Anglo-Norman poet Guillaume le Clerc, who wrote Fergus as a sort of tribute to and spoof of Chr é tien’s romances, and the Middle High German poets Hartmann von Aue (who follows Chr é tien’s model very closely in his Middle High German Erec ) and Ulrich von Zatzikhoven (whose Lanzelet seems aware of Chr é tien’s oeuvre ).

27 . Brut y Tywysogyon , or Chronicle of the Princes: Red Book of Hergest Version , ed. and trans. Thomas Jones (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1955), p. 167: “And then the Lord Rhys held a special feast at Cardigan, and he set two kinds of contests: one between the bards and the poets, and another between the harpists and the crowders and the pipers and vari-ous classes of string-music. And he set two chairs for the victors in the contests. And those he enriched with great gifts.”

28 . See also J. Caerwyn Williams, “Aberteifi, 1176,” Taliesin 32 (1976): 30–35.

29 . Brut y Tywysogyon, pp. 164–165; quoted in Kristen Lee Over, Kingship , Conquest, and Patria: Literary and Cultural Identities in Medieval French and Welsh Arthurian Romance (New York: Routledge, 2005), p. 86.

30 . DNC V.2, pp. 408–411; Cartlidge, “Hugh of Rhuddlan and Walter Map,” p. 11.

31 . Hue de Rotelande, Ipomedon : po è me de Hue de Rotelande , ed. A. J. Holden (Paris: Klincksieck, 1979), lines 8939–44; translation mine.

32 . Erec et Enide , line 1705, p. 114. For the identification, see Ernst Brugger, “Yvain and His Lion,” Modern Philology 38 (1941): 268; and R. S. Loomis, Arthurian Tradition and Chr é tien de Troyes , (New York: Columbia University Press, 1949), p. 492.

33 . See Gruffydd Aled Williams, “Welsh Raiding in the Twelfth-Century Shropshire/Cheshire March: The Case of Owain Cyfeiliog,” Studia Celtica 40 (2006): 89–115.

34 . Owain Cyfeiliog, “Hirlas Owain,” lines 20–24, ed. Gruffydd Aled Williams, in Gwaith Llywelyn Fardd I ac Eraill o Feirdd y Ddeuddeg fed Ganrif , ed. Morfydd E. Owen et al. (Caerdydd: Gwasg Prifysgol Cymru, 1995), p. 226; trans. Joseph P. Clancy in The Earliest Welsh Poetry (London: St. Martin’s Press, 1970), p. 124.

35 . Gerald of Wales, Opera , ed. J. A. Brewer and J. S. Dimock, Vol. VI, Rolls Series, pp. 144–145; trans. Thorpe, pp. 202–203.

36 . Over, Kingship , p. 144, concurs that Owain Cyfeiliog had assimilated Anglo-Norman “manners and habits” in order to win over elite circles. For further on Owain Cyfeiliog, see R. R. Davies, The Age of Conquest: Wales, 1063–1415 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987), p. 266.

37 . Erec et Enide , line 65, p. 62; and also lines 1385 and 1882. It is telling that the Welsh adaptation of Erec et Enide , Ystorya Gereint uab Erbin (early thirteenth century), completely passes over the placement of the hero’s homeland in Wales, unconcerned as that text is with the specific set of

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issues that racked the Plantagenet courts of the 1170’s. For further on the politics of the Welsh rhamantau , see Over, Kingship , pp. 143–164.

38 . Auerbach, Mimesis: The Representation of Reality in Western Literature , trans. Willard Trask (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1953), p. 140; Erich K ö hler, “Quelques observations d’ordre historico-sociologique sur les rapports entre la chanson de geste et le roman courtois,” in Chanson de Geste und h ö fischer Roman , ed. Kurt Baldinger et al. (Heidelberg: C. Winter, 1963), pp. 21–36.

39 . Nykrog, Chr é tien de Troyes , p. 57. 40 . Fredric Jameson, The Political Unconscious: Narrative as a Socially Symbolic

Act (London: Methuen, 1981), pp. 103–136; and see also Northrop Frye, Anatomy of Criticism: Four Essays (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1957), pp. 186–205.

41 . Erec et Enide , lines 125–128, p. 64; trans. Carroll, p. 38. 42 . See Alfred Adler, “Sovereignty as the Principle of Unity in Chr é tien’s

Erec ,” PMLA 60 (1945): 917–936, esp. pp. 917–919. 43 . Ystorya Gereint uab Erbin , ed. Robert L. Thomson (Dublin: Institute for

Advanced Studies, 1997), p. 4. 44 . Maddox, Arthurian Romances , p. 32. 45 . Maddox, Arthurian Romances , pp. 32–33. 46 . Adler, “Sovereignty as the Principle of Unity,” p. 931. 47 . Erec et Enide , lines 2275–2277, p. 132; trans. Carroll, p. 65. 48 . V. Propp, Morphology of the Folktale , trans. Laurence Scott (Austin:

University of Texas Press, 1968), p. 39. 49 . Erec et Enide , lines 2739–2742, p. 147; trans. Carroll, p. 71. 50 . Erec et Enide , lines 3674–3690, pp. 176–177; trans. Carroll, p. 82. 51 . Erec et Enide , lines 3861–3862, p. 183; trans. Carroll, p. 84. 52 . See esp. Gerald of Wales, Expugnatio Hibernica: The Conquest of Ireland ,

ed. A. B. Scott and F. X. Martin (Dublin: Royal Irish Academy, 1978), pp. 91–93 and 98–99; W. L. Warren, Henry II (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1973), pp. 202–204; and Se á n Duffy, “Henry II and England’s Insular Neighbors,” in Henry II: New Interpretations , ed. Christopher Harper-Bill and Nicholas Vincent (Woodbridge, Suffolk: The Boydell Press, 2007), pp. 138–139; and Robert William Eyton, Court, Household, and Itinerary of Henry II (Hildesheim: Georg Verlag, 1974), pp. 161–167. Joseph J. Duggan also sees the relevance of Henry’s visit to Ireland to Erec et Enide ; see The Romances of Chr é tien de Troyes (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2001), p. 11.

53 . See especially Se á n Duffy, “Henry II and England’s Insular Neighbors,” p. 140.

54 . Nykrog, Chr é tien de Troyes , pp. 67–68, likewise notes the ways in which Guivret’s appearances in the text mirror certain turns in the develop-ment of Erec’s character.

55 . Topsfield, Chr é tien de Troyes, pp. 33–34. 56 . Erec et Enide , lines 4280–4282, p. 196; trans. Carroll, p. 89. 57 . Erec et Enide , lines 5063–5071, p. 221; trans. Carroll, p. 99.

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58 . For examples, see Loomis, Wales and the Arthurian Legend , p. 159; William A. Nitze, “Erec and the Joy of the Court,” Speculum 29 (1954): 691–701; Adler, “Sovereignty as the Principle of Unity,” pp. 933–934; and, most recently, William Sayers, “ La Joie de la Cort ( Erec et Enide ), Mabon, and Early Irish s í d [peace, Otherworld],” Arthuriana 17.2 (Summer 2007): 10–27.

59 . Roberta Krueger, “Chr é tien de Troyes and the Invention of Courtly Fiction,” in A Companion to Chr é tien de Troyes, ed. Norris J. Lacy and Joan Tasker Grimbert (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 2005), p. 164; in a similar vein, see Sara Sturm-Maddox, “The ‘Joie de la Cort’: Thematic Unity in Chr é tien de Troyes’s Erec et Enide ,” Romania 103 (1982): 513–528. Per Nykrog even sees in the Joy of the Court episode a secular, chivalric refiguring and reversal of the Fall from the Garden of Eden; see Chr é tien de Troyes: romancier discutable , p. 79.

60 . Emmanu è le Baumgartner, “Vers, prose et fiction narrative (1150–1240),” in Shifts and Transpositions , pp. 3–4. See also Maddox, The Arthurian Romances of Chr é tien de Troyes ,” p. 131: “customs are the once and future fictions of Chr é tien’s Arthurian world.”

61 . Erich K ö hler, “Le r ô le de la ‘coutume’ dans les romans de Chr é tien de Troyes,” Romania 81 (1960): 387. It is also worth noting that K ö hler sees one of the most pervasive customs throughout the romances to be Arthur’s willingness (even imperative) to integrate defeated knights into his court (p. 389), surely as much an act of expansionism and coloniza-tion as it is a sign of royal largesse.

62 . Maddox, The Arthurian Romances of Chr é tien de Troyes , p. 131. 63 . See Armel H. Diverres, “Arthur in Culhwch and Olwen and in the

Romances of Chr é tien de Troyes,” in Culture and the King: The Social Implications of Arthurian Legend , ed. Martin B. Shichtman and James P. Carley (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994), pp. 62–63. In contrast, Barbara N. Sargent-Baur sees Arthur throughout most of the romances as a “centripetal force” (p. 30) and a magnet for courtliness and chivalric aspiration and does not believe his powers are diminished until Perceval ; see “ Dux Bellorum / Rex Militum / Roi Fain é ant ,” in King Arthur: A Casebook, ed. Edward Donald Kennedy (New York: Garland Publishing, 1996), pp. 40–41.

64 . See K. Sarah-Jane Murray, From Plato to Lancelot, pp. 211–212. 65 . Maddox, The Arthurian Romances of Chr é tien de Troyes , p. 130. 66 . Dante Alighieri, Purgatorio 27:142, in La Commedia secondo l’antica vulgata ,

ed. Giorgio Petrocchi (Firenze: Le lettere, 1994); translation mine. 67 . Over, Kingship , p. 151. 68 . Clig é s , ed. Charles M é la and O. Collet, in Chr é tien de Troyes: Romans ,

gen. ed. Michel Zink (Paris: Librairie G é n é rale Fran ç aise, 1994), lines 1452–1455; trans. Kibler, p. 140.

69 . Significantly, the character of King Arthur, as many critics have noted, “degenerates” in these later three romances, whereas Arthur is a gener-ally strong and positive character in Erec et Enide and Clig é s .

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70 . Douglas Kelly, “Romance and the Vanity of Chr é tien de Troyes,” in Romance: Generic Transformation from Chr é tien de Troyes to Cervantes , ed. Kevin Brownlee and Marina Scordilis Brownlee (Hanover, New Hampshire: University Press of New England, 1985), p. 87; R. Howard Bloch, Etymologies and Genealogies: A Literary Anthropology of the French Middle Ages (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983), p. 189; E. Jane Burns Bodytalk: When Women Speak in Old French Literature (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1993), p. 157; Zrinka Stahuljak et al., Thinking Through Chr é tien de Troyes (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 2011), pp. 119–122.

71 . Keith Busby, “The Characters and the Setting,” in The Legacy of Chr é tien de Troyes , Vol. 1, ed. Norris Lacy et al. (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1987), p. 65. Similarly, Norris Lacy, “The Arthurian Legend Before Chr é tien de Troyes,” in A Companion to Chr é tien de Troyes, ed. Norris Lacy and Joan Tasker Grimbert (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 2005), p. 51, agrees that Chr é tien “set the paradigm of the episodic romance . . . and created a fictive world and a body of work that would inspire future imitators.”

72 . Duggan, The Romances of Chr é tien de Troyes, pp. 10–12. 73 . I follow the standard dating of Chr é tien’s works by Anthime Fourrier,

“Encore la chronologie,” pp. 69–88; for a plausible but less probable alternate dating, see Claude Luttrell, The Creation of the First Arthurian Romance: A Quest (London: E. Arnold, 1974), esp. pp. 30–34.

74 . On the extent to which Chr é tien’s romances exploit the temporal inter-stices of Galfridian history, see Ad Putter, “Finding Time for Romance: Medieval Arthurian Literary History,” Medium Aevum 53 (1994): 1–16. For an exploration of the ways in which Chr é tien’s Erec et Enide estab-lishes a narrative template for future Arthurian romances, see Alison Adams, “The Shape of Arthurian Verse Romance (to 1300),” in The Legacy of Chr é tien de Troyes , Vol. 1. ed. Norris J. Lacy, Douglas Kelly, and Keith Busby (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1987), p. 144.

75 . Maddox, The Arthurian Romances of Chr é tien de Troyes , p. 94, terms this peripheral zone the “Remote Locus.”

76 . Lorraine Daston and Katharine Park, Wonders and the Order of Nature, 1150–1750 (New York: Zone Books, 1998), p. 25. For a broad dis-cussion, see Lucienne Carasso-Bulow, The Merveilleux in Chr é tien de Troyes’s Romances (Geneva: Droz, 1976). Stahuljak et al., in contrast, read Chr é tien’s use of the marvelous more narratologically as an exten-sion of Bakhtin’s concept of adventure-time. See their intelligent discussion in Thinking through Chr é tien de Troyes , pp. 75–109, and esp. pp. 77–82.

77 . See, for instance, Erich K ö hler, “Le r ô le de la ‘coutume,’ ” pp. 386–397; Maddox, The Arthurian Romances of Chr é tien de Troyes , pp. 130–135.

78 . On Chr é tien’s use of naming conventions, see Jane Bliss, Naming and Namelessness in Medieval Romance (Woodbridge: D. S. Brewer, 2008).

79 . That said, I do not wish to ignore the penetrating analyses of Fredric Jameson, who turns all the tools of Marxist theory toward unraveling

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the ideologemes latent in Chr é tien’s Erec et Enide , and in medieval romance in general. See The Political Unconscious, pp. 103–136.

80 . See Wace, Roman de Rou , Vol. 2, ed. A. J. Holden (Paris: Editions Picard, 1970), lines 6386–6395. The troubadour Bertran de Born also bears testimony to the familiarity of Broceliande to courtly audiences; see Bertran de Born, “D’un sirventes no.m cal far loignor ganda,” in The Poems of the Troubadour Bertran de Born , ed. William D. Paden, Tilde Sankovitch, and Patricia H. St ä blein (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986), pp. 188–189.

81 . Chauou, L’Id é ologie Plantagen ê t, p. 143. 82 . Patricia Clare Ingham, Sovereign Fantasies: Arthurian Romance and the

Making of Britain (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2001), pp. 107–136, discusses the presence of this idea in the Middle English Arthurian romances of the later Middle Ages as well, though it is not clear where she situates Chr é tien in the history of its transmission.

83 . Corinne Saunders, The Forest of Medieval Romance: Avernus, Broceliande, Arden (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 1993), p. 72.

84 . As Emanu è le Baumgartner, “G é ants et chevaliers,” in The Spirit of the Court , ed. Glyn Burgess and Robert A. Taylor (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 1985), p. 19, puts it, the Arthurian world desires to “lib é rer les ponts et des gu é s . . . supprimer les mauvaises coutumes . . . reduire l’espace inqui é tant de l’Autre Monde.”

85 . Michael D. Reeve, The History of the Kings of Britain (hereafter HRB ), trans. Neil Wright (Woodbridge, Sussex: The Boydell Press, 2007), p. 21.

86 . Erec et Enide , lines 4434–4436, p. 201; trans. Carroll, p. 91. 87 . Erec et Enide , lines 5892–5897, p. 248; trans. Carroll, p. 109. 88 . See, for example, Jeffrey Jerome Cohen, Of Giants: Sex, Monsters, and

the Middle Ages (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1999), pp. 42–44.

89 . Yvain , lines 286–291, p. 720; trans. William Kibler, p. 298. Citations in Old French from Yvain taken from the edition by D. F. Hult, in Chr é tien de Troyes, Romances.

90 . Jacques Le Goff, The Medieval Imagination, trans. Arthur Goldhammer (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988), p. 110.

91 . Le Goff, The Medieval Imagination, pp. 128–129. 92 . Joseph J. Duggan, The Romances of Chr é tien de Troyes, pp. 196–210,

provides a solid analysis of Chr é tien’s Celtic nomenclature; Loomis, Arthurian Tradition and Chr é tien de Troyes , pp. 477–492, provides a useful, if sometimes fanciful, etymological glossary.

93 . Nykrog places Chr é tien’s works as one of the two most formative inf luences on romance as genre, alongside the work of Gautier Arras. See “The Rise of Literary Fiction,” in Renaissance and Renewal in the Twelfth Century , ed. Robert L. Benson and Giles Constable (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1982), pp. 593–612; and especially “Two

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Creators of Narrative Form in Twelfth-Century France: Gautier d’Arras—Chr é tien de Troyes,” Speculum 48 (1973): 258–276.

94 . See Guillaume le Clerc, Fergus of Galloway, Knight of King Arthur, trans. D. D. R. Owen (London: J. M. Dent, 1991),; and Michelle A. Freeman, “ Fergus : Parody and the Arthurian Tradition,” French Forum 8 (1983): 197–215.

95 . Renaut de Beuajeu, Le Bel Inconnu: roman d’aventures , ed. G. Perrie Williams (Paris: Librairie Honor é Champion, 1983), lines 325–328, p. 11; translation is from Renaut de Beaujeu, Li biaus descoune ü s: The Fair Unknown , ed. Karen Fresco, trans. Colleen P. Donagher (New York: Garland Publishing, 1992), lines 325–328.

96 . Renaut de Beaujeu, Le Bel Inconnu, lines 5211–5215, p. 159. 97 . The issue of the exact relationship of the tair rhamant to Chr é tien’s

romances was long the subject of debate, and it was once believed that they were parallels of Chr é tien’s work, drawing more or less from a com-mon source. The consensus has now been established, however, that the Welsh texts are indeed translations of Chr é tien. As late as 1991, the con-tributors to Rachel Bromwich’s essay collection The Arthur of the Welsh (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1991) all professed a studied agnos-ticism on the issue, while more recent studies, like Kristen Lee Over’s Kingship, Conquest, and Patria take the fact that the Welsh rhamantau are translations for granted. For persuasive arguments on the status of the rhamantau as translations, see Joseph J. Duggan, The Romances of Chr é tien de Troyes, pp. 193–196; and Ceridwen Lloyd-Morgan, “Migrating Narratives: Peredur , Owain , and Geraint ,” in A Companion to Arthurian Literature , ed. Helen Fulton (Oxford: Blackwell, 2009), pp. 128–141.

98 . Kristen Lee Over, “Transcultural Change: Romance to Rhamant ,” in Medieval Celtic Literature and Society , ed. Helen Fulton (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2005), p. 188. And see also Susan Aronstein, “Becoming Welsh: Counter-Colonialism and the Negotiation of Native Identity in Peredur Vab Efrawc ,” Exemplaria 17 (2005): 135–168.

99 . The Laws of Hywel Dda , ed. and trans. Dafydd Jenkins (Llandysul, Wales: The Gomer Press, 1990), pp. 5–41, describe in great deal the personnel of a Welsh princely court.

100 . Owein, or Chwedyl Iarlles y Ffynnawn , ed. R. L. Thomson (Dublin: Institute for Advanced Studies, 1986), pp. 5–6.

101 . Ystorya Gereint uab Erbin , p. 54; trans. Sioned Davies in The Mabinogion (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), p. 178.

102 . Helen A. Roberts, “Court and Cyuoeth : Chr é tien de Troyes’ Erec et Enide and the Middle Welsh Gereint ,” Arthurian Literature 21 (2004): 64, emphasizes that Gereint’s primary loyalty throughout his story is to his own kingdom, his cyfoeth , and not to the Arthurian court.

103 . Le Conte du Graal , ll. 236–8, ed. D. F. Hult, in Romans, suivis des Chansons et, en appendice, Philomena , ed. Michel Zink (Paris: Librairie G é n é rale Fran ç aise, 1994), pp. 949–950.

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104 . Rupert T. Pickens, The Welsh Knight: Paradoxicality in Chr é tien’s “Conte del Graal” (Lexington, KY: French Forum Publications, 1977), p. 133.

4 Crooked Greeks: Hybridity, History, and Gerald of Wales

1 . When referring to this writer, a scholar is faced with a dizzying array of appellations. From birth, he was probably known by his (Francophone) family name, Gerald de Barri. Modern scholars have tended to call him either Giraldus Cambrensis , Gerald of Wales , or (in Wales) Gerallt Gymro (“Gerald the Welshman”). He published all of his works under the name Giraldus Cambrensis , which translates either as “Gerald of Wales” or “Gerald the Welshman.” It shall be my practice here to call him Gerald of Wales in deference to the standard scholarly practice in America. For further discussion, see Robert Bartlett, Gerald of Wales: A Voice of the Middle Ages (Stroud, Gloucestershire: Tempus, 2006), pp. 16–29.

2 . David Walker, The Normans in Britain (Oxford: Blackwell, 1995), p. 59 and p. 63.

3 . Bartlett, Gerald of Wales , p. 21. 4 . Walker, Normans in Britain , p. 81. 5 . Gerald of Wales, De Invectionibus , in Giraldi Cambrensis Opera , Vol. III,

ed. J. S. Brewer (London: Longman, Green, Longman, Roberts, and Green, 1863), p. 24. The translation is by H. E. Butler, ed. and trans., The Autobiography of Gerald of Wales , rev. ed. (Woodbridge: The Boydell Press, 2005), p. 180.

6 . All of Gerald’s biographers make note of this, though Bartlett is perhaps the most thorough. See in particular Bartlett, Gerald of Wales , pp. 13–25. On at least one occasion, and perhaps on many, Gerald’s Welsh rela-tions saved his life (see, e.g., Opera , Vol. I, pp. 31–32); he likewise was able, through ties of kinship, to mobilize the Welsh princes to write him letters of support during the St. David’s investiture controversy of 1198–1203.

7 . Cf. Jeffrey Jerome Cohen, “Hybrids, Monsters, Borderlands: The Bodies of Gerald of Wales,” in The Postcolonial Middle Ages , ed. J. J. Cohen (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2000), p. 87: “Some medieval hybrids could feel quite at home in the high theory of scholars like Homi Bhabha, who identifies in English India phenomena that have immediate analogs in the European Middle Ages.”

8 . Homi Bhabha, The Location of Culture (London: Routledge, 1991), pp. 111–112.

9 . Bhabha, Location of Culture , p. 145. 10 . Bhabha, Location of Culture , p. 147. 11 . Thomas Richards, “Archive and Utopia,” Representations 37 (1992):

107–108.

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12 . See Bhabha, Location of Culture , p. 6. 13 . Bhabha, Location of Culture , p. 111. 14 . David Rollo, Glamorous Sorcery: Magic and Literacy in the High Middle Ages

(Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2000), pp. 124–125. 15 . Gerald of Wales, Opera, Vol. III, p. 209. 16 . Michael Richter, Giraldus Cambrensis: The Growth of the Welsh Nation ,

2nd ed. (Aberystwyth: The National Library of Wales, 1976), p. 3. 17 . John Miles, Gerald of Wales: Giraldus Cambrensis (Llandysul, Wales:

Gomer Press, 1974), p. 26. Miles’s reliance on Gerald’s involvement in ecclesiastical matters is obvious throughout, and leads him in the end to the unsubstantiated claim that Gerald should be seen as the first in a long line of Welsh reformers whose efforts would culminate with the establishment and strength of the Nonconformist Churches in Wales during the early modern period.

18 . See Bartlett, Gerald of Wales, pp. 16–29. 19 . David Rollo, Historical Fabrication, Ethnic Fable and French Romance in

Twelfth-Century England (Lexington, KY: French Forum Publications, 1998), p. 289.

20 . Gerald of Wales, Opera, Vol. V, p. 52; and Opera, Vol. VI, pp. 34–35. 21 . Henry Owen, Gerald the Welshman , rev. ed. (London: David Nutt,

1904), p. 166. 22 . Top. Hib., Opera , Vol. V, p. 109; trans. John J. O’Meara, The History and

Topography of Ireland (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1983), p. 74. 23 . Carolyn Walker Bynum, “Metamorphosis, or Gerald and the Werewolf,”

Speculum 73 (1998): 987–1013, esp. pp. 1011–1012. 24 . Top. Hib. , Opera , Vol. V, pp. 108–109; trans. O’Meara, p. 74. 25 . Manuscript R of the Topographia Hibernica affords us an illumination of

the man-calf, part of a project of illustration almost certainly directed by Gerald himself. See Michelle P. Brown, “Marvels of the West: Gerald of Wales and the Role of the Author in the Development of Marginal Illustration,” English Manuscript Studies, 1100–1700 10 (2002): 34–59.

26 . Pedeir Keinc y Mabinogi , ed. Ifor Williams (Caerdydd: Gwasg Prifysgol Cymru, 1951), p. 83; trans. Sioned Davies, The Mabinogion (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), p. 58.

27 . Pwyll in the First Branch exchanges bodies with Arawn for a year, the Cauldron of Rebirth in the Second Branch transforms corpses into for-midable but mute warriors, and the wizard Llwyd ap Cil Coed in the Third Branch changes himself and his wife into field mice.

28 . Cohen, “Hybrids, Monsters, Borderlands,” p. 96. 29 . Cohen, “Hybrids, Monsters, Borderlands,” p. 89. 30 . In fact, Thomas Jones, Gerallt Gymro: Gerald the Welshman (Caerdydd:

Gwasg Prifysgol Cymru, 1947), esp. pp. 18–23, clearly considers the Itinerarium the most fascinating work Gerald produced in his long career.

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31 . Desc. Kamb. , Opera Vol. VI, pp. 167–168; trans. Lewis Thorpe, The Journey through Wales and the Description of Wales (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1978), p. 223, though I have modified Thorpe slightly to accommodate the discussion below.

32 . Liber Rubeus de Scaccario: The Red Book of the Exchequer , ed. Hubert Hall, Rolls Series 99 (London: Eyre & Spottiswoode, 1896), pp. 3–4.

33 . Many Welsh genealogies—doubtless contained in old manuscripts—existed in the twelfth century; for an example, see, A Medieval Prince of Wales, pp. 23–24, which, like the genealogies Gerald refers to, traces the line of Rhodri Mawr all the way to Adam. See also P. C. Bartrum, ed. Early Welsh Genealogical Tracts (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1966).

34 . Itin. Kamb., Opera, Vol. VI, p. 168n. 35 . Catherine Margaret Rooney, The Manuscripts of the Works of Gerald of

Wales (University of Cambridge: doctoral diss., 2005), pp. 158–159. 36 . De Vita Galfridi Archiepiscopi Eboracensis , Opera , Vol. IV, p. 408. 37 . De Vita Sancti Remigii , Opera , Vol. VII, p. 38. 38 . Tony Davenport has also noted Gerald’s particular interest in “family

stock, blood, and descent” in “Sex, Ghosts, and Dreams: Walter Map (1135?–1210?) and Gerald of Wales (1146–1223).” In Writers of the Reign of Henry II: Twelve Essays , ed. Ruth Kennedy and Simon Meecham-Jones (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006), pp. 141–142.

39 . Rhonda Knight, “Procreative Sodomy: Textuality and the Construction of Ethnicities in Gerald of Wales’s Descriptio Kambriae ,” Exemplaria 14.1 (2002): p. 51.

40 . Knight, “Procreative Sodomy,” p. 74. 41 . Expugnatio Hibernica: The Conquest of Ireland, ed. A. B. Scott and F. X.

Martin (Dublin: Royal Irish Academy, 1978), pp. 156–157. 42 . Knight, “Procreative Sodomy,” p. 58. 43 . De Instructionis Principis , Opera , Vol. VIII, p. 300. 44 . Ibid. On the tarnishing of Eleanor’s reputation, see Peggy McCracken,

“Scandalizing Desire: Eleanor of Aquitaine and the Chroniclers,” in Eleanor of Aquitaine: Lord and Lady , ed. Bonnie Wheeler and John C. Parsons (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), pp. 247–264.

45 . De Instructionis Principis , Opera Vol. VIII, 300. 46 . Gerald of Wales, Speculum Duorum or A Mirror of Two Men , ed. Yves

Lef è vre and R. B. C. Huygens (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1974), pp. 38–40.

47 . Itin. Kamb. , Opera Vol. VI, pp. 27–28; trans. Thorpe, pp. 87–88. 48 . Monika Otter, Inventiones: Fiction and Referentiality in Twelfth-Century

English Historical Writing (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996), p. 134.

49 . Cohen, “Hybrids, Monsters, Borderlands,” p. 92. 50 . Itin. Kamb. , Opera Vol. VI, pp. 28–29; trans. Thorpe, pp. 88–89. 51 . Itin. Kamb. , Opera Vol. VI, p. 31; trans. Thorpe, p. 91. 52 . Itin. Kamb. , Opera Vol. VI, 49–50; trans. Thorpe, pp. 110–112.

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53 . Itin. Kamb., Opera Vol. VI, p. 130; trans. Thorpe, p. 189. 54 . Itin. Kamb. , Opera Vol. VI, p. 91; trans. Thorpe, p. 149. 55 . Brut y Tywysogyon , or Chronicle of the Princes: Red Book of Hergest Version ,

ed. and trans. Thomas Jones (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1955), p. 77.

56 . Gabrielle M. Spiegel, “Genealogy: Form and Function in Medieval Historical Narrative,” History and Theory 22 (1983): 43–53.

57 . Indeed, Gerald need not have left Britain in order to retrieve informa-tion on Irish royal ancestry: the mid-twelfth-century Welsh History of Gruffudd ap Cynan supplies several centuries’ worth of both Welsh and Irish genealogical material.

58 . See, for example, Antonia Gransden, Historical Writing in England, Vol. 1 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1974), p. 246.

59 . Lewis Thorpe, “Walter Map and Gerald of Wales,” Medium Aevum 47 (1978): 17.

60 . Itin. Kamb. , Opera Vol. VI, p. 58; trans. Thorpe, pp. 117–118. 61 . Julia C. Crick, “The British Past and the Welsh Future: Gerald of

Wales, Geoffrey of Monmouth and Arthur of Britain,” Celtica 23 (1999): p. 75.

62 . Otter, Inventiones , pp. 152–153. 63 . Ad Putter provides a useful overview of some of the other uses that

Gerald makes of Geoffrey in “Latin Historiography after Geoffrey of Monmouth,” in The Arthur of Medieval Latin Literature , ed. Si â n Echard (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 2011), pp. 88–91.

64 . Desc. Kamb. , Opera Vol. VI, pp. 165–166; trans. Thorpe, p. 220. 65 . Itin. Kamb. , Opera Vol. VI, p. 124. 66 . For a full discussion of Gerald’s long-term obsession with Merlin, see

Ad Putter, “Gerald of Wales and the Prophet Merlin,” Anglo-Norman Studies 31 (2009): 90–103.

67 . Crick, “The British Past and the Welsh Future,” pp. 73–74. 68 . Desc. Kamb. , Opera , Vol. VI, p. 157; trans. Thorpe, pp. 212–213.

Emphasis mine. 69 . See Desc. Kamb. , Opera , Vol. VI, p. 156: Hyberniam scilicet, Kambriam

et Britanniam, literis extollere, rhetoricisque coloribus insignire velle mirantur [“adorn with all the figures of rhetoric those rugged countries, Ireland, Wales, and Britain”].

70 . Desc. Kamb., Opera Vol. VI, p. 178; trans. Thorpe, p. 232. 71 . Desc. Kamb. , Opera Vol. VI, p. 225n; trans. Thorpe, pp. 51–52. 72 . History and Topography of Ireland , trans. O’Meara, p. 124. The Old Irish

Book of Invasions , or Lebor Gab á la É renn , ed. and trans. R. A. Stewart Macalister (Dublin: Irish Texts Society, 1938–1941) also tells of the advent of a succession of races in Ireland, including the Milesians, Nemedians, and Partholans, familiar figures in the Topographia .

73 . Stephen G. Nichols, “Fission and Fusion: Mediations of Power in Medieval History and Literature,” Yale French Studies 70 (1986): 34; and see Itin. Kamb. , trans. Thorpe, p. 184.

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74 . Itin. Kamb. , Opera Vol. VI, p. 7: horridos Kambriae fines ; trans. Thorpe, p. 68.

75 . Huw Pryce, “Gerald’s Journey through Wales,” The Journal of Welsh Ecclesiastical History 6 (1989): 30–31.

76 . In light of the Crusade’s failure, we might take Gerald’s account of Baldwin’s death in the Holy Land (Book II, Chapter 14) somewhat ironically, especially when we also consider the faint praise with which Gerald renders him in the same chapter.

77 . Nichols, “Fission and Fusion,” p. 37. 78 . Thomas Jones, “Gerald the Welshman’s Itinerary Through Wales and

Description of Wales : An Appreciation and Analysis,” The National Library of Wales Journal 6 (1949–50): 197.

79 . Itin. Kamb. , Opera , Vol. VI, p. 18; trans. Thorpe, p. 79. 80 . Otter, Inventiones , p. 143. 81 . Itin. Kamb. , Opera Vol. VI, p. 55; trans. Thorpe, p. 114. 82 . Trans. Thorpe, p. 115n. 83 . Itin. Kamb. , Opera , Vol. VI, p. 56; trans. Thorpe, p. 115. 84 . Trans. Thorpe, p. 161. 85 . Trans. Thorpe, p. 163. 86 . Welsh folklore is abundant with stories of fairies, Gerald’s often cited as

being the earliest. See T. Gwynn Jones, Welsh Folklore and Folk-Custom (Woodbridge: D. S. Brewer, 1979), pp. 51–76.

87 . Itin. Kamb. , Opera , Vol. VI, p. 76; trans. Thorpe, p. 134. 88 . Itin. Kamb. , Opera , Vol. VI, p. 76; trans. Thorpe, p. 135. 89 . Pwyll Pendeuic Dyfed in the Mabinogion , for instance, relates the story of

how the hero Pwyll spends a year in Annwfn, the Celtic Otherworld. See Pedeir Keinc y Mabinogi , p. 3. The story is prominent elsewhere in Welsh folklore, on which see Patrick K. Ford, “Prolegomena to a Reading of the Mabinogi : ‘Pwyll’ and ‘Manawydan,’ ” in The Mabinogi: A Book of Essays , ed. C. W. Sullivan (New York: Garland, 1996), pp. 197–216.

90 . Otter, Inventiones , p. 149. 91 . Otter, Inventiones , p. 149. 92 . Opera , Vol. I, p. 21; trans. H. E. Butler, The Autobiography of Gerald of

Wales , p. 35. 93 . De Rebus a Se Gestis , Opera , Vol. I, p. 22. 94 . De Rebus a Se Gestis , Opera , Vol. I, p. 22. 95 . Itin. Kamb., Opera , Vol. VI, pp. 75–76; trans. Thorpe, p. 134. 96 . Itin. Kamb. , Opera , Vol. VI, p. 77; trans. Thorpe, p. 135. 97 . Itin. Kamb. , Opera , Vol. VI, p. 77; trans. Thorpe, p. 135. 98 . Cornelia C. Coulter and F. P. Magoun, “Gerald of Wales on Indo-

Germanic Philology,” Speculum 1 (1926): 104–109; and Stefan Zimmer, “A Medieval Linguist: Gerald de Barri,” É tudes celtiques 35 (2003): 340–342.

99 . Itin. Kamb. , Opera , Vol. VI, p. 77; trans. Thorpe, p. 135. 100 . Coulter and Magoun, “Gerald of Wales on Indo-Germanic Philology,”

p. 104; Zimmer, “A Medieval Linguist,” p. 340. Both articles call

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attention to the fact that Gerald’s knowledge of Greek is extremely limited and almost entirely secondhand, probably acquired through Priscian.

101 . See Michael D. Reeve, The History of the Kings of Britain, trans. Neil Wright (Woodbridge, Sussex: The Boydell Press, 2007), pp. 8–20.

102 . Desc. Kamb. , Opera , Vol. VI, p. 185.

Epilogue: The Birds of Rhiannon

1 . Roger Sherman Loomis, “Edward I, Arthurian Enthusiast,” Speculum 29 (1954): 114–127.

2 . Annales Londonienses , in Chronicles of Edward I and Edward II , Vol. 2, ed. William Stubbs (London: Longman, 1883), p. 90; the translation is mine.

3 . Jeffrey Jerome Cohen discusses these statues brief ly in Of Giants: Sex, Monsters, and the Middle Ages (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1999), pp. 29–31.

4 . J. R. R. Tolkien, “English and Welsh,” in The Monsters and the Critics and Other Essays (New York: Harper Collins, 2006), p. 194. The address was in fact delivered the day after the first publication of The Return of the King .

5 . Rhygyfarch ap Sulien, “Planctus Ricemarch,” lines 15–20, 29–35, in “The Welsh-Latin Poetry of Sulien’s Family,” ed. Michael Lapidge, Studia Celtica 8 (1973): 90–91.

6 . For an illuminating discussion of the historiography of the Welsh Brut , see Christina Chance, “Ethnicity, Geography, and the Passage of Dominion in the Mabinogi and Brut y Brenhinedd ,” Proceedings of the Harvard Celtic Colloquium 29 (2009): 45–56.

7 . The dating of the Four Branches has always been the subject of vigorous debate, but I take the argument of T. M. Charles-Edwards, dating it to around the year 1100, to represent the consensus; see “The Date of the Four Branches of the Mabinogi,” in The Mabinogi: A Book of Essays , ed. C. W. Sullivan (New York: Garland Publishing, 1996).

8 . Pedeir Keinc y Mabinogi , ed. Ifor Williams (Caerdydd: Gwasg Prifysgol Cymru, 1964), p. 45; trans. Sioned Davies, The Mabinogion (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), p. 33. And see also Patricia Clare Ingham, “Marking Time: Branwen, Daughter of Llyr and the Colonial Refrain,” in The Postcolonial Middle Ages , ed. Jeffrey Jerome Cohen (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2000), p. 185.

9 . Pedeir Keinc y Mabinogi , pp. 51–52; trans. Davies, pp. 36–37. 10 . See Canu Llywarch Hen , ed. Ifor Williams (Caerdydd: Gwasg Prifysgol

Cymru, 1953), and the fine translations by Joseph Clancy, The Earliest Welsh Poetry (London: Macmillan & Co., 1970), pp. 65–86.

11 . Pedeir Keinc y Mabinogi , p. 55. 12 . With a few exceptions of wooden forts reinforced in stone by

Rhys ap Gruffudd (Cardigan, Dinefwr), the stone castles of Dyfed

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(Pembrokeshire) were overwhelmingly of Norman construction, and the ones at Pembroke, Haverfordwest, Carew, and perhaps even Manorbier must have been familiar to any writer who knew that part of Wales.

13 . See, for example, Andrew Welsh’s essay, “ Manawydan uab Llyr : Wales, England, and the New Man,” in The Mabinogi: A Book of Essays , ed. C. W. Sullivan III (New York: Garland Publishing, 1996), pp. 121–141; and also Catherine McKenna, “Learning Lordship: The Education of Manawydan,” in Ild á nach, Ild í rech: A Festschrift for Proinsias MacCana , ed. John Carey, John T. Koch and Pierre-Yves Lambert (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1999).

14 . Pedeir Keinc y Mabinogi , p. 40; trans. Davies, p. 30. 15 . Pedeir Keinc y Mabinogi , p. 46; trans. Davies, p. 33. 16 . Desc. Kamb. , II.10, p. 227; trans. Lewis Thorpe, The Journey through Wales

and the Description of Wales (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1978), p. 274.

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Annales Londonienses, 174Armes Prydein, 51Arnold, Matthew (1822–1888), 2, 175–6Arnulf of Lisieux (d. 1184), 64Arthur, King, 7, 8, 9, 11, 28, 33, 35,

48, 54, 57, 58, 75, 95, 126–7, 131, 165, 174

Breton identity of, 42–7in Erec et Enide, 103–4, 105, 108,

113–14, 119–20, 125, 132in Historia Regum Britanniae, 10, 16,

22, 24, 25, 42–7, 48, 51, 154in Lanval, 86–91, 93Plenary Court, 30–2, 42, 68, 91,

120, 125, 132, 165as representative of “the center,” 28,

33, 113–14, 119–20, 124, 131Welsh antecedents, 43–4

Arthurian romance, 6, 9–11, 13–14, 17, 18, 19–20, 33, 58, 87, 99–133

alignment with Plantagenet courts, 101, 104

Chrétien de Troyes as inventor of, 13, 104, 120–1, 173

inf luence of, 173later development, 129–32typical components of, 121–4Welsh versions, 130–2, 205

Augustine of Hippo (354–430), 38, 72

Bartlett, Robert, 139, 156, 185, 212, 213, 224

Becket, Thomas (d. 1170), 62, 64, 67, 108

Bede (d. 735), 3, 21, 25, 33, 35, 38Bernart de Ventadorn (f l. 1150–1180),

62, 204Béroul, 60, 105Bertran de Born (f l. 1180–1200), 210Bhabha, Homi, 136–8, 143, 156, 169Biket, Robert (f l. 1160), 60Bodel, Jehan (c. 1165–1210), 8–9Brittany, 12, 33, 44–6, 49, 65, 83–4,

95, 104, 120, 124–5, 166, 204Bromwich, Rachel, 12, 83, 184, 190,

211, 224–5Brut y Brenhinedd, 25–6, 177Brut y Tywysogion, 6, 106, 152, 178Brutus, first king of ancient Britain,

27–8, 33, 41, 48, 51, 57–8, 125–6, 157, 170, 174

Bullock-Davies, Constance, 13, 101, 103, 104, 184, 185, 200, 203, 203, 205, 225

Cadwallader, last king of the ancient Britons, 7, 23–4, 26–7, 36, 48–54, 75, 156, 166

Caerleon, 12, 30, 42, 56, 90–5, 97, 105, 124–5, 154, 164–5

Caerwent, 92–4Canterbury, 7, 61, 64–5, 158, 160Cardigan (Caradigant), 105–10, 113,

115, 120, 124, 129Cardoeil. See KardoelCarlisle. See KardoelChauou, Amaury, 101, 124, 194, 204,

205, 210, 226

INDEX

I N D E X240

Chrétien de Troyes (f l. 1170–1190), 9, 12, 13, 15, 17–18, 19, 33, 58, 87, 95, 99–133, 173, 177

Cligés, 17, 101, 104, 120, 124, 128, 129

and Eleanor of Aquitaine, 204Erec et Enide, 17–18, 101–2, 103,

104–20, 121, 122–9, 132, 177

Guillaume d’Angleterre, 101, 104Le chevalier de la charrette, 18, 101,

119, 122Le Conte del Graal (Perceval), 18, 99,

100–2, 119, 122–4, 129, 132, 177

Yvain, 87, 101, 102, 115–16, 122–4, 127–8, 130, 131, 177

Cohen, Jeffrey Jerome, 15, 24, 42, 142–3, 185, 186, 187, 189, 210, 212, 217, 226

Corineus, 41, 57, 126, 154, 175Cornwall, 12, 29, 30–1, 33, 35, 43,

44–6, 48–9, 104, 125, 131, 154Culhwch and Olwen, 30, 43Curley, Michael J., 47, 50, 184, 191,

192, 193, 221, 226Cyfranc Llud a Llefelys, 26, 178

Dante Alighieri (1265–1321), 74, 100, 120

Davies, R. R. (Rees), 7, 27–8, 181, 182, 183, 185, 187, 188, 197, 206, 227

Deheubarth, 4, 5, 61, 106, 109–10, 135, 151, 164

Description of England, 55–9, 63, 90Destregales, Estregales, 109–10,

111–15, 120, 129, 130, 132

Echard, Siân, 21, 24, 47, 72, 74, 186, 187, 191, 192, 197, 198, 215, 227

Edric Wild, 80–3Edward I (1239–1307), king of

England, 4, 174

Edward II (Edward of Caernarvon) (1284–1327), king of England, 1

Eleanor of Aquitaine (ca. 1122–1204), queen of England, 61, 63, 74, 101–2, 104, 147, 152, 195, 200, 201, 204, 214

Étienne de Rouen (f l. 1165–1169), 10, 58

fairies, fairy bride. See OtherworldFluellen, 1–3Fouke le Fitzwaryn, 59Frappier, Jean, 13, 102–3

Gaimar, Geffrei (f l. 1135–1150), 27, 31–2, 57–8

Estoire des Engleis, 28, 32Geoffrey of Monmouth (c. 1100–1155),

7, 16, 19–54, 72, 74–9, 97–8, 143–4, 164–6, 173, 175, 177

biographical questions, 21–2, 25Historia Regum Britannia (First

Variant), 26Historia Regum Britanniae (Vulgate

Version), 7, 10, 12, 16, 19–54, 57–8, 60, 71, 75, 78, 105, 126, 132, 135, 153–6, 159, 165, 171–2, 174, 175, 177

depiction of Wales and Welsh, 23–8, 29–36, 146

historiography of, 36–42, 153–4, 172

manuscripts of, 42, 173popularity of, 19, 57–8, 173Welsh translations of, 25–6

inf luence of, 55–60, 62–3, 65, 68–9, 71–2, 78, 84, 100, 121–2, 124, 127, 135–6, 138, 153–4, 157, 173–4

political alignment, 20–2, 25Prophetiae Merlini, 23, 47–52use of sources, 11–12, 20, 26, 43–4,

51–2Vita Merlini, 47

I N D E X 241

Gerald of Wales (Giraldus Cambrensis)(1146–1223), 6, 13, 15, 18, 34, 57, 58, 61, 78, 108, 135–72, 173, 178, 180

De Rebus a Se Gestis, 167–8Descriptio Kambriae, 6, 18, 135, 137–9,

143–4, 153–60, 161, 171Expugnatio Hibernica, 13, 58, 136, 154Itinerarium Kambriae, 10, 18, 135,

137–9, 140, 144, 149–53, 160–72, 173

De jure et statu Menevensis ecclesiae, 139Speculum Duorum, 214Topographia Hibernica, 135, 140, 150,

159, 160Gervase of Tilbury (c. 1150–c. 1228),

57, 66Gesta Stephani, 6–7giants, 43–5, 58–9, 113, 118, 123,

126–8, 175Gildas (c. 500–570), 3, 35, 38, 39, 176Gillingham, John, 21–2, 25, 185, 187,

188, 189, 195, 202, 228, 229Gruffudd ap Llywelyn (c. 1007–1064),

king of Wales, 70, 77Gruffudd ap Rhys (c. 1081–1137),

prince of Deheubarth, 8, 106, 148

Guillaume le Clerc (f l. 1200), 102, 109, 129

Guivret le Petit, 114–18, 127Gwestin Gwestiniog, 79–80, 81, 93

Harold Godwinson (c. 1022–1066), 70, 84, 97, 178

Henry I (1068–1135), king of England, 4, 6, 20, 28, 29, 55, 61, 69, 84, 90, 135, 136, 166

Henry II (1133–1189), king of England, 4, 5, 25, 58, 61–3, 65, 67, 74, 77, 101–2, 104–5, 108, 116, 118, 138, 147, 160, 180

Henry of Huntingdon (c. 1088–c. 1157), 21, 27, 34, 39, 57

Herla, King, 74–8, 83, 93, 97, 168

Historia Brittonum. See under NenniusHistoria Regum Britanniae. See under

Geoffrey of MonmouthHue de Rotelande (f l. 1180–1190),

107hybridity, 135–8, 139–43, 145–52,

162, 164, 168–70Hywel Dda (c. 880–950), king of

Wales, 11, 106, 131

Ingham, Patricia Clare, 15, 21, 36, 177, 185, 189, 190, 210, 217, 230

Ingledew, Francis, 41–2, 47, 191, 192, 230

Ireland, 5, 34, 42, 43, 61, 79, 92, 116, 125, 139–40, 145, 152–3, 169, 177–80

Johannes de Hauvilla (f l. 1185), 57, 58John of Cornwall (f l. 1150–1176), 12,

52–3, 58, 65John of Salisbury (c. 1120–1180), 15, 17,

47, 63–71, 74, 76, 78–9, 84–5, 92, 93, 97, 104, 173, 177

Letters, 17, 65, 196, 197Metalogicon, 65, 71Policraticus, 63, 66–8, 71–2, 75, 173

Kamber, 27, 29, 157Kardoel (Cardoeil, Carlisle), 12, 86–7,

115, 124, 126, 129

Locrinus, legendary king of Britain, 27Logres, Loegria, 23, 26, 30, 32–3, 42,

66, 87–9, 113, 119, 122London, 28, 32, 42, 102, 174–5Loomis, Roger Sherman, 13, 14, 19,

118, 174, 184, 185, 206, 210, 217, 223, 232

Llywelyn ap Gruffudd, Llywelyn the Last (c. 1223–1282), prince of Gwynedd, 2–3, 4, 174

Llywelyn Fawr, Llywelyn the Great (c. 1172–1240), prince of Gwynedd, 4, 138, 159

I N D E X242

Mabinogi, Four Branches of the, 11, 177First Branch (Pwyll Pendeuic Dyuet),

213, 216Second Branch (Branwen uerch Lyr),

177–8, 179, 180, 216Third Branch (Manawydan uab Lyr),

178–9, 216Fourth Branch (Math uab Mathonwy),

141, 179Malory, Sir Thomas (d. 1471), 3. 5. 9,

19, 113, 123, 130Manorbier Castle, 136, 161, 163, 168Map, Walter (c. 1140–1210), 10, 15,

17, 62, 71–83, 84–5, 88, 89, 93, 97, 100, 104, 123, 147, 163, 173

Dissuasio Valerii, 82De Nugis Curialium (The Courtiers’

Trif les), 10, 17, 62, 71–83, 85, 88, 93–4, 168–9, 173

Marie de Champagne (1145–1198), 101–2, 104

Marie de France (f l. 1160–1190), 12–13, 15, 17, 60, 62, 84–5, 88, 89, 93, 100, 104, 109, 122, 147, 163, 173

Guigemar, 84Lais, 60, 83–98Lanval, 17, 82, 84, 86–90, 111Milun, 84, 90, 92, 94–7Prologue, 85–6Yonec, 17, 84, 90–4, 96, 169

Meecham-Jones, Simon, 16, 34–5, 36, 56, 57, 181, 186, 189, 194, 231, 233

Merlin, Myrddin, 10, 13, 16, 23, 24–5, 28, 30, 45, 47, 50–2, 58, 64, 69, 116, 154, 155, 165, 174

Nennius (pseudo-Nennius)(f l, 820), 20, 35, 37, 38

Norman Conquest of England (1066), 3, 39–40, 42

Nykrog, Per, 14, 101, 110, 185, 203–5, 207–8, 210, 233

Orosian historiography, 38–42, 76, 86, 155, 159

Orosius, Paulus (c. 375–c. 420), 37–8, 190

Otherworld, Otherworldly beings, 43, 74–8, 83, 94–5, 166–72, 199, 216

fairy bride, 17, 78–83, 88–9, 147, 163, 178

Otter, Monika, 6, 9, 21, 150, 154, 160, 162–3, 167, 183, 186, 187, 214, 215, 216, 233

Over, Kristen Lee, 42, 120, 131, 191, 206, 207, 208, 211, 233

Owain Cyfeiliog, prince of Powys (d. 1197), 61, 107–10, 114, 118, 125, 128

Owain Glyn Dwr, Owen Glendower (c. 1350–c. 1415), 2–3, 5, 139, 175

Owain Gwynedd, prince of Gwynedd (d. 1170), 4, 61–2, 64, 69–70

Owein (Chwedl Iarlles y Fynnawn), 130, 205

Paris, Matthew (c. 1200–1259), 28, 57, 87

Peter of Blois (c. 1135–c. 1211), 47, 58, 102

Philip of Flanders (1143–1191), 99, 101–2Piramus, Denis (f l. 1180), 83Plantagenet courts, 16–17, 63, 72,

83, 98, 101–4, 107, 110, 122, 124–5, 195, 204, 205, 207

Preiddeu Annwn, 43prophecy, 7–8, 10, 15, 23–4, 35,

45, 47–54, 58–9, 67, 116, 154–5, 174

Raimbaut d’Aurenga (d. 1173), 204Raimbaut de Vaqueiras (d. 1207), 204Renaut de Beaujeu (f l. 1190–1200),

105, 129–30Rhygyfarch ap Sulien (1057–1099),

176–7, 178

I N D E X 243

Rhys ap Gruffudd, “Lord Rhys” (1132–1197), prince of Deheubarth, 4, 61, 78, 106–7, 108–9, 114, 118, 125, 135, 163–4

Rollo, David, 71, 138, 139, 197, 213, 235

Rome, Romans, 23, 36, 38, 42, 43, 46, 48, 63, 68–9, 83, 90, 164–5, 178

Said, Edward, 10Scotland, 5, 29, 30–1, 35, 42, 49, 79Shakespeare, William (1564–1616),

1–3, 16Sir Gawain and the Green Knight, 130St David’s, Wales, 4, 56, 64, 92, 136,

138–9, 148, 154, 161, 162, 163, 165–6, 170

Tatlock, J. S. P., 21, 45, 47, 50, 53Theobald of Bec (c. 1090–1161),

archbishop of Canterbury, 25, 64, 65

Thomas of Britain (f l. 1155–1160), 105

Tolkien, J. R. R. (1892–1973), 175–6, 217, 237

triads, Welsh, 35–6Tristan, 9, 10, 12, 60, 82, 83, 87, 95,

102Trojans, Troy, 20, 41, 68, 170

Trojan foundation of Britain, 7, 9, 20, 37, 41, 45, 57–8, 68, 76

Vortigern, 32, 47, 51

Wace (f l. 1155–1175), 12, 57, 60, 83, 86, 88, 90–1, 92, 94, 100, 128

Roman de Brut, 10, 83, 91–2, 105, 121

Roman de Rou, 124

Walesin British literary history, 1–3, 5early Norman colonization of, 3–5Edwardian conquest of, 4, 159, 177genocide of inhabitants, 6, 70, 176–9language of (see Welsh language)legal traditions, 11, 106, 131, 177literature of, 11, 176–80peripheralization of, 11, 16, 34–5,

37, 42, 66–7political mythologies, 7–8, 179–80revolt of 1136, 20subordination to England/Logres,

16, 29–34, 65Walter of Châtillon (f l. 1150–1200), 58Walter of Coutances (d. 1207),

archbishop of Rouen, 58, 145–6

Warren, Michelle, 5, 15, 35, 36, 37, 40, 61, 182, 185, 188, 190, 202, 237

Welsh language, 13, 30–1, 157, 170–1, 175–6, 180

Welsh peopleassociations with barbarity, 22–6,

28, 42, 65, 67–8, 155, 157descent from ancient Britons, 7–8,

16, 21–2, 26, 31, 36, 54, 59, 68, 76, 138, 171, 183

political resurgence, 7–8, 35–6, 49–51, 53, 56, 179–80

William I (c.1028–1087), the Conqueror, king of England, 4, 20, 39–40, 69, 80–2

William of Malmesbury (c.1095–c.1143), 21, 25, 33, 35, 37, 40, 153

William of Newburgh (c.1136–c.1198), 28, 34, 57

Ystorya Gereint uab Erbin, 105, 111, 130, 131–2, 206