“Intervention in Cambodia: A Double-Edged Sword”
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Transcript of “Intervention in Cambodia: A Double-Edged Sword”
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intervention
in Cambodia:
A Double-Edged
Sword
Sophal
Ear
Supi1al Fur
is
an Assistant Professor o/National Security Affairs at the
US
Noval postgraduate School in Monterey, CA. He was a TED Fellow in 2009
Fulhright Specialist in 2010. and was honored
IS
a Young Global Leader in
2011
hy the World Economic Forllm. A graduate 0/
UC
Berkeley and
Princeton
University. Sophal moved to the United States/rom France
as (/
Camhodian
re.filgee at the age
0/10.
Introduction and
Background
Cambodia, known as an Island of Peace
in
the
1960s, is
like any other
typical post-colonial country-groping its way through development-except
for one inconvenient truth: it suffered one of the worst abuses of humanity in the
20 h
Century. thanks to a fanatical Maoist group known as the Khmer Rouge,
when
1.7
million people or a quarter
of
the population died.
During the
\960s,
the economy was strong--Cambodia exported more
rice
than
it
imported-- and
it
was such an example
of
development that even
Lee
Kuan Yew came to Cambodia to learn about nation-building after he led
Singapore as a self-governing state. Paradoxically, it was during this time that a
war raged on next-door
in
Vietnam and the secret bombing of Cambodia
by
American B-525 would start. More
bomb
s fell on Cambodia
in
subsequent y
ears
than all of World War Europe. Little did anyone know what future decades
w\'ldd hold for this Island of Peace.
Coming from Cambodia,
I'd
like to frame this in a more personal context
and share a bit about my family. My late mother was born
in 1936
and
had
a
typical Cambodian childhood. She had seven years' schooling but learned
e v e r l l n g u g e s throughout her life, one of which was Vietnamese.
t would
prove to be extremely useful and important to her later in her life, the lives of
Illy four surviving siblings, and my own.
I was born
in
late 1974. Within months, the Khmer Rouge came to power.
Their rule resulted in a complete reordering
of
society, a literal reboot to Year
Zero when money was banned and all one could own was a spoon . Descri
bing
the Khmer Rouge, Michael Paterniti has written :
Once upon a lime-
19
7
5.
actually.
in Camhodia-there
was a regime
so
( vil that
it
created an antisociety where torture was currency and music .
hooks. and love were abolished. This regime
ruled/or
Ollr years and
lIIurdered nearly
2
million oOts citizens. a quarter
of
he population
Paterniti could not have formulated a better description.
My parents lived
in
Phnom Penh, the capital
of
Cambodia, and when
the
Sophal Ear
Khmer Rouge entered (sullen but resolute
in
their quest to cull from the country
all bourgeoisie), Mom and Dad. along with over two million other residents
were
forcibly relocated to the countryside. There, they were made to work in
rice tie Ids like water buffalos and to contribute the ir labor and ene rgy for the
greater good of this anti-society. As a Western academic apologist of the
Khmer Rouge lamented,
What the urban dwellers consider hard lahor may not he punishment or
community service beyond human endurance .. , Such associations [with
memories it invokes
of
Russian history] take what
is
happening in
Cambodia out
of
ts historical and cultural contex/
2
What other Solzhenitsyn Gulag-like context could there be?
One
can only
think
of the Cultural Revolution
in
China. The end-result of this revolution was
that one
in
four Cambodians died (possibly even three, depending on the actual
population
of
Cambodia at the time, a number that remains disputed) , including
my
own father of malnutrition and dysentery and my oldest brother, who has
been missing since 1975.
The death of what is now generally agreed to be 1.7 million people was due
to direct state violence resulting
in
genocide and crimes against humanity.
The
policy
to empty cities, which the Khmer Rouge ruthlessly implemented on
17
April
1975, led to famine as a result
of
botched agrarian policy and massive
deaths
from treatable diseases.
My
wife's own father was picke d-up by the
commune chief one day and told that he would be g oing to a nearby village. In
fact,
he
was taken away and beaten to death. A boy who spied for the Khme r
Rouge
reported this to other
commune
members, who then sent word to Illy
mother-in-law.
My
wife's father had been targeted from the get-go, made to
clean
human and animal waste because he had been skilled at injecting
prescribed med icine during the
ancien regime.
It
is estimated that
of
the
400
to
600
legal professionals
in
existence before
Democratic Kampuchea, only six to twelve survived.
3
(In Cambodia, they really
d
id kill all the lawyers. ) Examples of state aggn:ssion, oppression, and
personal
and economic rights infringements in Cambodia include, for example,
the
banning of private property (except for
one's
spoon) and the destruction
of
fam ilies by systematically breaking-up children from parents and teaching them
to respect the Angka (the Khmer Rouge organization) above all. Individual
and
societal effects
of
his state aggression include post-traumatic stress and a
local disinclination towards confrontation with the state even decades later, lest
one disappear. Ignorance, or feigning ignorance, meant survival. Questioning
lIulhority (or even wearing spectacles) meant death.
SlIpport for
the Khmer Rouge
Despite the death toll, the Western academic quoted earlier was not alone
and
not
the exception in her support. Another was Malcolm Caldwell, a lecturer
at
the School
of
Oriental and African Studies at the University
of
London. He
w s
an ardent supporter of Pol Pot, the Khmer Rouge's top leader, and visited
Democ ratic Kampuchea, as Cambodia had been rechristened during the Khmer
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Why Peace
Rouge
5
reign. Ironically, he was murdered on Christmas day, 1978, the
very
night after he personally interviewed Pol Pot.
In
a conference that took place
in
Stockholm, Sweden, from 17-18
November 1979, following the invasion of Cambodia and ouster ofthe Khmer
Rouge by the Vietnamese government, participants met to discuss how
the
Khmer Rouge could return to power and be rid
of
Vietnam. A speaker at the
conference named George Hildebrand had collaborated with Gareth Porter on
one
of
the first books on the Khmer Rouge Revolution, entitled Cambodia:
,,, rarvation and Revolution (New York : Monthly Review Press). This 1976
book
presented the Khmer Rouge in a positive light. Replete with propaganda pictures
from the Khmer Rouge,
it
even justified the forced evacuation of hospital
patients from Phnom Penh. Noam Chomsky cited the Porter and Hildebrand
book favorably, describing it as:
... a carejillly documented study of he destructive American impact on
Camhodia and the success of he Cambodian revolutionaries in overcoming
it giving a very favorable picture of heir programs nd policies, based
on
a wide range of ources.
4
(Later, Porter agreed that the Khmer Rouge
regime was guilty
of
mass killings and mass starvation.)
The conference included a Khmer Rouge delegation headed by leng Thirith,
the Minister
of
Social Affairs for Democratic Kampuchea. Her husband,
leng
Sary,
was
Foreign Minister
for
Democratic Kampuchea. After three decades of
freedom and wealth, both now await trial
at
the Khmer Rouge Tribunal taking
place near Phnom Penh.
Passport to Freedom
Returning to the personal, the only reason that
my
four siblings and I are
alive today
is
because my mother spoke Vietnamese, and was able to use th t
language as a passport to freedom. At the time,
my
mother received
word
that
she would be able to leave Cambodia if she could prove that she was a
Vietnamese national. She decided to pretend being Vietnamese. Her Vietnamese
was so bad that she had originally given all the boys girls' names and all the
girls boys' names. f
t
were not for a Vietnamese lady whom she had
befriended. who told her of this mistake, we would all have been sent
to
the
gallows. With this Good Samaritan's assistance, my mother was tutored for dm
days in the repatriation camps at Koh Thom and Koh Tiev before each of
her
language interviews. In retrospect, this woman was an intervener. Because ofher
kindness, my mother was able to pass two exams, one by the Khmer
Rouge
and
one by the Vietnamese cadres, to prove herself as Vietnamese.
But the intervening did not end there. After Vietnam, we planned on
traveling to France, but to get to France was another incredible experience
involving the kindness
of
others,
in
particular, a Frenchman named
Bernard
.
Guyader. A distant cousin, who was a starving Parisian student, had the diftkuk
task of getting us to France, even though he had no means of doing so. He hid 1
find someone to run the paperwork and also locate another person
who
had
th
same last name as
my
mother, to prove some kind of familial relationship
in
Sophal Ear
order for us to be sponsored to go to France. One day, despondcnt, he bUlllped
into Bernard who in tum cared enough to intervene. He helped my family with
the
paperwork and found the needed individual with the same last name
as my
mother. Bernard persuaded her to sign the paperwork and mail
it,
but they got
lost in
the mail. He simply forged the signature
the
second time around. (When
the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs had already locked
its
gate at the close
of
business,
Bernard simply hopped over it to gain access to the counter,
whereupon he declared that by his watch
it
wasn't yet closing time.)
Human Rights and ntervention for Peace
But how does this personal history and experience particularly relate to the
human
condition, human rights, and intervention for peace? Forming the base
of
my
experience is the idea that without human rights defenders, or interveners, I
and countless millions would not be here today
For
those who have not shared similar experiences to my own, I have
another angle to relate to: natural rights. Natural rights are essentially rights that
you
are born with, that are natural to you, and not necessarily given by a
government.
These rights are, for example, captured in the ideas of life, liberty,
and the pursuit of happiness and all men are created equal, S enshrined
in
America s Declaration of Independence.
Tip O'Neill's adage that All politics
is
local
is
also useful. If
we
look back
to the 1950s
and I 960s and the great Civil Rights Movement that sprouted then.
we can see that it was certainly a period that highlighted the injustices of J m
Cro
w laws that kept races separate but equal. Equality under the law cannot he
separated.
Human rights can seem like something foreign, but
in
fact, human rights as
exp
lained
in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, sound strikingly
familiar:
All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights .,,6
Natura
l rights are civil rights which
in
tum are human rights.
As
citizens
of
he
world, the global becomes the local and vice-versa. Events that happen
Ihousands of miles away from
us
still have
an
impact on us.
As
much as
we
ma y
think out of sight, out of mind,
we
now live in a global village, and what
happens in
Darfur does not stay
in
Darfur. t happens to all of us . And , when
indiv iduals are aggressed against there, it is equally unjust and harmful.
George McGovern, who was the Democratic Party's candidate for the 1972
presidential
election,
had
opposed the Vietnam War .
He had
a
firm
anti-war
Slance . However, he strongly advocated humanitarian intervention in Cambodia
whe:n he realized what the Communists had wrought to the country. He firmly
believed that the rise
of
the Khmer Rouge was one of the greatest single costs
of U.S. involvement in Indochina. 7 As sovereign rulers, the murderous Khmer
Rouge regime killed Cambodians under the lawful backing of the international
syste
m,
which turned a blind eye to abuses happening inside Cambodia. What is
now happening in North Korea is
no
different.
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Why Peace
Conclusion
Cambodia's story is a cautionary tale
o
antagonists and protagonists when it
coilles to intervention. While some academics have checkered pasts
with respect
to Cambodia, encouraging intervention
by
the Khmer Rouge to reorder society
into an agrarian utopia, they have long been forgotten. Some, like Ben Kieflll l,
have apologized and have gone
on
to become celebrated leaders in
genocide
studie:> . Other paid
with
their lives. The Good Samaritan story that is really my
life
story shows that were it not for strangers along the way, and their pe
rsonal
interventions, it would be impossible for me to write these words today.
Acknowledgements: .lim Chhor
and
Richard Chhuon provided excellent
research assistance. The views expressed are Sophal Ear's alone, and
do
not
reflect the views
of
he Department
of
he Navy or the Department ofDefense.
I Michael Paterniti. Never Forget , GQ, July 2009. Available:
http://
www
.gq.com/news-po I ticslbig-issues/200907/
cam
bodia-khmer-rouge
m ichael-paterniti
: Laura Summers, Defining the Revolutionary State
in
Cambodia, Current
History,
December 1976
p.
216.
3 Neilson, Kathryn E. They Killed All the Lawyers: Rebuilding the Judicial
System
in
Cambodia. CAPI Occasional Paper #13 . Victoria: Centre for Asia
Pacific Initiatives, 1996.
4 Chomsky did this
with
Edward Herman repeatedly. First in an article in
he
Nation entitled Distortion at Fourth Hand on 25 June
1977
and
then
in 1979
in
their book After the Cataclysm : PosMar Indochina the Reconstruction of
//II[ erialldeology (South End Press) on page 161.
) Preamble to the Declaration
o
Independence. Available:
http:
//www .archives.gov/exh ibits/charters/declaration_ ranscript.html
(> Article 1o the Universal Declaration o Human Rights. Available:
http: //www.un.org/en/documents/udhr/index.shtml
Samantha Power, A Problem from Hell: America
and
the Age ofGenoci
de
,
Harper Perennial Edition, 2007,
p. 133.
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