“Intervention in Cambodia: A Double-Edged Sword”

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    intervention

    in Cambodia:

    A Double-Edged

    Sword

    Sophal

    Ear

    Supi1al Fur

    is

    an Assistant Professor o/National Security Affairs at the

    US

    Noval postgraduate School in Monterey, CA. He was a TED Fellow in 2009

    Fulhright Specialist in 2010. and was honored

    IS

    a Young Global Leader in

    2011

    hy the World Economic Forllm. A graduate 0/

    UC

    Berkeley and

    Princeton

    University. Sophal moved to the United States/rom France

    as (/

    Camhodian

    re.filgee at the age

    0/10.

    Introduction and

    Background

    Cambodia, known as an Island of Peace

    in

    the

    1960s, is

    like any other

    typical post-colonial country-groping its way through development-except

    for one inconvenient truth: it suffered one of the worst abuses of humanity in the

    20 h

    Century. thanks to a fanatical Maoist group known as the Khmer Rouge,

    when

    1.7

    million people or a quarter

    of

    the population died.

    During the

    \960s,

    the economy was strong--Cambodia exported more

    rice

    than

    it

    imported-- and

    it

    was such an example

    of

    development that even

    Lee

    Kuan Yew came to Cambodia to learn about nation-building after he led

    Singapore as a self-governing state. Paradoxically, it was during this time that a

    war raged on next-door

    in

    Vietnam and the secret bombing of Cambodia

    by

    American B-525 would start. More

    bomb

    s fell on Cambodia

    in

    subsequent y

    ears

    than all of World War Europe. Little did anyone know what future decades

    w\'ldd hold for this Island of Peace.

    Coming from Cambodia,

    I'd

    like to frame this in a more personal context

    and share a bit about my family. My late mother was born

    in 1936

    and

    had

    a

    typical Cambodian childhood. She had seven years' schooling but learned

    e v e r l l n g u g e s throughout her life, one of which was Vietnamese.

    t would

    prove to be extremely useful and important to her later in her life, the lives of

    Illy four surviving siblings, and my own.

    I was born

    in

    late 1974. Within months, the Khmer Rouge came to power.

    Their rule resulted in a complete reordering

    of

    society, a literal reboot to Year

    Zero when money was banned and all one could own was a spoon . Descri

    bing

    the Khmer Rouge, Michael Paterniti has written :

    Once upon a lime-

    19

    7

    5.

    actually.

    in Camhodia-there

    was a regime

    so

    ( vil that

    it

    created an antisociety where torture was currency and music .

    hooks. and love were abolished. This regime

    ruled/or

    Ollr years and

    lIIurdered nearly

    2

    million oOts citizens. a quarter

    of

    he population

    Paterniti could not have formulated a better description.

    My parents lived

    in

    Phnom Penh, the capital

    of

    Cambodia, and when

    the

    Sophal Ear

    Khmer Rouge entered (sullen but resolute

    in

    their quest to cull from the country

    all bourgeoisie), Mom and Dad. along with over two million other residents

    were

    forcibly relocated to the countryside. There, they were made to work in

    rice tie Ids like water buffalos and to contribute the ir labor and ene rgy for the

    greater good of this anti-society. As a Western academic apologist of the

    Khmer Rouge lamented,

    What the urban dwellers consider hard lahor may not he punishment or

    community service beyond human endurance .. , Such associations [with

    memories it invokes

    of

    Russian history] take what

    is

    happening in

    Cambodia out

    of

    ts historical and cultural contex/

    2

    What other Solzhenitsyn Gulag-like context could there be?

    One

    can only

    think

    of the Cultural Revolution

    in

    China. The end-result of this revolution was

    that one

    in

    four Cambodians died (possibly even three, depending on the actual

    population

    of

    Cambodia at the time, a number that remains disputed) , including

    my

    own father of malnutrition and dysentery and my oldest brother, who has

    been missing since 1975.

    The death of what is now generally agreed to be 1.7 million people was due

    to direct state violence resulting

    in

    genocide and crimes against humanity.

    The

    policy

    to empty cities, which the Khmer Rouge ruthlessly implemented on

    17

    April

    1975, led to famine as a result

    of

    botched agrarian policy and massive

    deaths

    from treatable diseases.

    My

    wife's own father was picke d-up by the

    commune chief one day and told that he would be g oing to a nearby village. In

    fact,

    he

    was taken away and beaten to death. A boy who spied for the Khme r

    Rouge

    reported this to other

    commune

    members, who then sent word to Illy

    mother-in-law.

    My

    wife's father had been targeted from the get-go, made to

    clean

    human and animal waste because he had been skilled at injecting

    prescribed med icine during the

    ancien regime.

    It

    is estimated that

    of

    the

    400

    to

    600

    legal professionals

    in

    existence before

    Democratic Kampuchea, only six to twelve survived.

    3

    (In Cambodia, they really

    d

    id kill all the lawyers. ) Examples of state aggn:ssion, oppression, and

    personal

    and economic rights infringements in Cambodia include, for example,

    the

    banning of private property (except for

    one's

    spoon) and the destruction

    of

    fam ilies by systematically breaking-up children from parents and teaching them

    to respect the Angka (the Khmer Rouge organization) above all. Individual

    and

    societal effects

    of

    his state aggression include post-traumatic stress and a

    local disinclination towards confrontation with the state even decades later, lest

    one disappear. Ignorance, or feigning ignorance, meant survival. Questioning

    lIulhority (or even wearing spectacles) meant death.

    SlIpport for

    the Khmer Rouge

    Despite the death toll, the Western academic quoted earlier was not alone

    and

    not

    the exception in her support. Another was Malcolm Caldwell, a lecturer

    at

    the School

    of

    Oriental and African Studies at the University

    of

    London. He

    w s

    an ardent supporter of Pol Pot, the Khmer Rouge's top leader, and visited

    Democ ratic Kampuchea, as Cambodia had been rechristened during the Khmer

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    Why Peace

    Rouge

    5

    reign. Ironically, he was murdered on Christmas day, 1978, the

    very

    night after he personally interviewed Pol Pot.

    In

    a conference that took place

    in

    Stockholm, Sweden, from 17-18

    November 1979, following the invasion of Cambodia and ouster ofthe Khmer

    Rouge by the Vietnamese government, participants met to discuss how

    the

    Khmer Rouge could return to power and be rid

    of

    Vietnam. A speaker at the

    conference named George Hildebrand had collaborated with Gareth Porter on

    one

    of

    the first books on the Khmer Rouge Revolution, entitled Cambodia:

    ,,, rarvation and Revolution (New York : Monthly Review Press). This 1976

    book

    presented the Khmer Rouge in a positive light. Replete with propaganda pictures

    from the Khmer Rouge,

    it

    even justified the forced evacuation of hospital

    patients from Phnom Penh. Noam Chomsky cited the Porter and Hildebrand

    book favorably, describing it as:

    ... a carejillly documented study of he destructive American impact on

    Camhodia and the success of he Cambodian revolutionaries in overcoming

    it giving a very favorable picture of heir programs nd policies, based

    on

    a wide range of ources.

    4

    (Later, Porter agreed that the Khmer Rouge

    regime was guilty

    of

    mass killings and mass starvation.)

    The conference included a Khmer Rouge delegation headed by leng Thirith,

    the Minister

    of

    Social Affairs for Democratic Kampuchea. Her husband,

    leng

    Sary,

    was

    Foreign Minister

    for

    Democratic Kampuchea. After three decades of

    freedom and wealth, both now await trial

    at

    the Khmer Rouge Tribunal taking

    place near Phnom Penh.

    Passport to Freedom

    Returning to the personal, the only reason that

    my

    four siblings and I are

    alive today

    is

    because my mother spoke Vietnamese, and was able to use th t

    language as a passport to freedom. At the time,

    my

    mother received

    word

    that

    she would be able to leave Cambodia if she could prove that she was a

    Vietnamese national. She decided to pretend being Vietnamese. Her Vietnamese

    was so bad that she had originally given all the boys girls' names and all the

    girls boys' names. f

    t

    were not for a Vietnamese lady whom she had

    befriended. who told her of this mistake, we would all have been sent

    to

    the

    gallows. With this Good Samaritan's assistance, my mother was tutored for dm

    days in the repatriation camps at Koh Thom and Koh Tiev before each of

    her

    language interviews. In retrospect, this woman was an intervener. Because ofher

    kindness, my mother was able to pass two exams, one by the Khmer

    Rouge

    and

    one by the Vietnamese cadres, to prove herself as Vietnamese.

    But the intervening did not end there. After Vietnam, we planned on

    traveling to France, but to get to France was another incredible experience

    involving the kindness

    of

    others,

    in

    particular, a Frenchman named

    Bernard

    .

    Guyader. A distant cousin, who was a starving Parisian student, had the diftkuk

    task of getting us to France, even though he had no means of doing so. He hid 1

    find someone to run the paperwork and also locate another person

    who

    had

    th

    same last name as

    my

    mother, to prove some kind of familial relationship

    in

    Sophal Ear

    order for us to be sponsored to go to France. One day, despondcnt, he bUlllped

    into Bernard who in tum cared enough to intervene. He helped my family with

    the

    paperwork and found the needed individual with the same last name

    as my

    mother. Bernard persuaded her to sign the paperwork and mail

    it,

    but they got

    lost in

    the mail. He simply forged the signature

    the

    second time around. (When

    the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs had already locked

    its

    gate at the close

    of

    business,

    Bernard simply hopped over it to gain access to the counter,

    whereupon he declared that by his watch

    it

    wasn't yet closing time.)

    Human Rights and ntervention for Peace

    But how does this personal history and experience particularly relate to the

    human

    condition, human rights, and intervention for peace? Forming the base

    of

    my

    experience is the idea that without human rights defenders, or interveners, I

    and countless millions would not be here today

    For

    those who have not shared similar experiences to my own, I have

    another angle to relate to: natural rights. Natural rights are essentially rights that

    you

    are born with, that are natural to you, and not necessarily given by a

    government.

    These rights are, for example, captured in the ideas of life, liberty,

    and the pursuit of happiness and all men are created equal, S enshrined

    in

    America s Declaration of Independence.

    Tip O'Neill's adage that All politics

    is

    local

    is

    also useful. If

    we

    look back

    to the 1950s

    and I 960s and the great Civil Rights Movement that sprouted then.

    we can see that it was certainly a period that highlighted the injustices of J m

    Cro

    w laws that kept races separate but equal. Equality under the law cannot he

    separated.

    Human rights can seem like something foreign, but

    in

    fact, human rights as

    exp

    lained

    in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, sound strikingly

    familiar:

    All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights .,,6

    Natura

    l rights are civil rights which

    in

    tum are human rights.

    As

    citizens

    of

    he

    world, the global becomes the local and vice-versa. Events that happen

    Ihousands of miles away from

    us

    still have

    an

    impact on us.

    As

    much as

    we

    ma y

    think out of sight, out of mind,

    we

    now live in a global village, and what

    happens in

    Darfur does not stay

    in

    Darfur. t happens to all of us . And , when

    indiv iduals are aggressed against there, it is equally unjust and harmful.

    George McGovern, who was the Democratic Party's candidate for the 1972

    presidential

    election,

    had

    opposed the Vietnam War .

    He had

    a

    firm

    anti-war

    Slance . However, he strongly advocated humanitarian intervention in Cambodia

    whe:n he realized what the Communists had wrought to the country. He firmly

    believed that the rise

    of

    the Khmer Rouge was one of the greatest single costs

    of U.S. involvement in Indochina. 7 As sovereign rulers, the murderous Khmer

    Rouge regime killed Cambodians under the lawful backing of the international

    syste

    m,

    which turned a blind eye to abuses happening inside Cambodia. What is

    now happening in North Korea is

    no

    different.

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    Why Peace

    Conclusion

    Cambodia's story is a cautionary tale

    o

    antagonists and protagonists when it

    coilles to intervention. While some academics have checkered pasts

    with respect

    to Cambodia, encouraging intervention

    by

    the Khmer Rouge to reorder society

    into an agrarian utopia, they have long been forgotten. Some, like Ben Kieflll l,

    have apologized and have gone

    on

    to become celebrated leaders in

    genocide

    studie:> . Other paid

    with

    their lives. The Good Samaritan story that is really my

    life

    story shows that were it not for strangers along the way, and their pe

    rsonal

    interventions, it would be impossible for me to write these words today.

    Acknowledgements: .lim Chhor

    and

    Richard Chhuon provided excellent

    research assistance. The views expressed are Sophal Ear's alone, and

    do

    not

    reflect the views

    of

    he Department

    of

    he Navy or the Department ofDefense.

    I Michael Paterniti. Never Forget , GQ, July 2009. Available:

    http://

    www

    .gq.com/news-po I ticslbig-issues/200907/

    cam

    bodia-khmer-rouge

    m ichael-paterniti

    : Laura Summers, Defining the Revolutionary State

    in

    Cambodia, Current

    History,

    December 1976

    p.

    216.

    3 Neilson, Kathryn E. They Killed All the Lawyers: Rebuilding the Judicial

    System

    in

    Cambodia. CAPI Occasional Paper #13 . Victoria: Centre for Asia

    Pacific Initiatives, 1996.

    4 Chomsky did this

    with

    Edward Herman repeatedly. First in an article in

    he

    Nation entitled Distortion at Fourth Hand on 25 June

    1977

    and

    then

    in 1979

    in

    their book After the Cataclysm : PosMar Indochina the Reconstruction of

    //II[ erialldeology (South End Press) on page 161.

    ) Preamble to the Declaration

    o

    Independence. Available:

    http:

    //www .archives.gov/exh ibits/charters/declaration_ ranscript.html

    (> Article 1o the Universal Declaration o Human Rights. Available:

    http: //www.un.org/en/documents/udhr/index.shtml

    Samantha Power, A Problem from Hell: America

    and

    the Age ofGenoci

    de

    ,

    Harper Perennial Edition, 2007,

    p. 133.

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