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Transcript of Internet as a critical infrastructure: lessons from the backbone experience in South America F....
Internet as a critical infrastructure: lessons from the backbone experience in South America
F. Beltran, A. Bourdeau de Fontenay, & M. Wohlers
Presentation:
IDATE, Montpellier
22 November 2005
A. Bourdeau de Fontenay & J. Liebenau
Agenda
Given Internet’s strategic role in economic activities around the world,
Is Internet a critical infrastructure & what is it that is “critical” in Internet?
What can we learn from and for the South American experience?
South America’s Internet Infrastructures
Analysis restricted to: Argentine, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Peru, & Venezuela; Below IP: backbones & interconnection/NAPs;
How can we understand different governance structures? Is Internet perceived/treated as an infrastructure? How to compare various governance?
Only a preliminary research step: Internet not studied from that perspective; and Limited empirical information.
Problem Is the backbone sector “competitive”?
Contestability (role of vertical integration); Efficiency.
South America policy perspective Historical & growth; Universal access; vs. targeted access; Suggest some “infrastructure perspective.”
Internet as an infrastructure Markets & market structure; Governance & exchange commons; Internet geography.
Telecommunicationsin Latin America Significant overall progress
Fixed telephones almost doubled 53 million to close to 93 million;
Mobile grew 8.5 times 20 million to 172 million;
Internet users increased twelve-fold 6 million to 72 million.
Growing digital divide 14% penetration in Latin America vs. 50% access in
developed countries; Substantial population without access.
Policy concern Universal vs. localized-targeted.
Emergence of South America Internet
Access characteristics Use of IBPs (international broadband
providers); All traffic routed via US.
Mid-90s: commercial access New entrants; Existing data networks; Some incumbents.
1998: NAP Cabase Argentina Cabase: Argentine Chamber for Databases and
On-line Services; ISPs
Initially: 3 ISPs Now: 12, a mix of ISPs, data networks, & telco.
Not-for-profit NAP outsourced to Comsat Argentina Advocacy
NAP 100% of national interconnection - all must be peering
Exclude international links (bilateral agreements)
Cabase Argentina governance
Open-Policy “equalitarian” NAP governance
Uniform membership requirements Largely consensus; Egalitarian
NAP contracts are uniform Exclusively peering; Members’ routing tables available to all
Governance sustainability 2003: Defection by 4 members
Commercially motivated (expected due to VOIP) Traffic scale-based justification but Disruptive to others (e.g., routing tables) Request for compensation Originally partial & eventually total.
Governance problem No provision for defection foreclosure No provision for dealing with conflicts among members
Appeal to government Available but not pursued
NAP Chile Initiated by 6 ISPs Led to Internet Provider Association Regulation
Non-discriminatory, e.g., Access to content Access to backbones
Peering obligation (national traffic) Quality requirements
1998: NAP Colombia 12 ISPs create the Colombian Chamber of
Informatics and Telecommunications (CCIT) Egalitarian governance
Exclusively peering Member-shared routing tables 90% national traffic Overall cost saving estimated at $1 Million Operating costs migrated from equally shared to
traffic-based
Lessons from South America Geographically-based NAPs; Significance of NAP creation
Commercial/tier-based vs. equalitarian Ability to evolve through time & potential for
disruption Significant cost considerations
Possible lessons Critical infrastructure Justifications for government intervention
Short run vs. long run Peering vs. transit Discrimination
Background Is Internet a critical infrastructure? What constitutes Internet’s infrastructure?
Layer & function-based Utilization routines
Interaction between infrastructure and market structure
Governance efficiency & sustainability
What’s an infrastructure? Intuitive and, yet, complex:
“The basic underlying framework or features of a system or organization.”
Conventional views: Capital-intensive high sunk cost activities (e.g., streets); & Society-wide activities (e.g., health).
Ignored by modern economic analysis Today’s analysis based on goods & services & market-
type environment Limited integration of “exchange commons” dimensions:
Externalities Governance
Critical infrastructures What is happening to infrastructures?
Is infrastructure still a relevant concept? Established New?
How are infrastructures evolving through time?
Are infrastructures context-specific? Today’s FCC Internet regulatory policies Yes: 9-11/terrorism No: Deregulation of incumbents Yes? Broadband as primary strategic goal
Adam Smith & infrastructure economics Government’s 3 duties
Defence Justice Infrastructures
The extent of the market & competition conditional upon the government’s duties
Minimization of government’s role conditional upon the government providing infrastructures
Infrastructure economics:government & market roles Infrastructures generally evolve from markets A review of Coase’s lighthouse analysis:
Private sector Can provide infrastructures; Inadequate treatment of rivalry & excludability Externalities
Regulation &/or licensing “Exchange commons” governance is what
matters
Infrastructures and “round about” production Young (1928): division of labor evolved to “round
about”/layered production/transaction activities Growing complexity of outputs Increasing layering of processes Innovation-based discontinuities
Implications for infrastructures What layers are infrastructures? Are “systems” (e.g., Internet as a system)
infrastructures?Modern infrastructures support
a very wide range of activities across the economy
Infrastructures and “exchange commons” Exchange commons
Conceptualization of transactions taking place in a generalized exchange regime within which markets of various kinds are subsets
Infrastructures are operated within exchange commons Market inadequacy Role of governance
Internet’s geography Internet transforms rather than eliminates the
geographical dimension of economic activities Good for some regions & bad for others Human exchanges can only be partially “codified”
Codification leads to geographical independence Hard-to-codify knowledge implies geographical
limitations (e.g., exchange of personal views, complex transfer of information)
Conclusions