International Relations Outline

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International Relations Outline

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International Relations*Exam to be held on Thursday, 14 October 2010, 14:00 17:00 in room A144.

**Exam re-take on 6 December 2010.

Globalization and the Evolution of International Society

1. The concept of globalization- Globalization is the increasing interdependencies in the world, not only in the field of economics

but also information, culture, science and military affairs. Growing interconnectedness between

national societies render national boundaries out-dated.

- Any part of the world is being affected by major events in other parts (global village).2. Does it represent a new phenomenon? Is globalization new?

- No, big (geographical) discoveries of the 15th and 16th century and subsequent Europeanimperialism (overseas territorial expansion) was the first wave of globalization. Prior to WWI

there were high levels of interdependency among European nations as the result of

industrialization (second wave) and the scramble for Africa (modern imperialism). The thirdwave incorporated changes in communication and technology.

- Yes, because present-day globalization has wider scope, greater intensity and pace, and strongerimpact on daily lives of large numbers of people. Time-space dimension has revolutionized.

- Prominent role of multinational corporations (large shares of world trade and investment).About 30% of global economic output is from multinational corporations and 70% of global

trade is controlled by multinational corporations and 80% are directly affected by such trades.

3. If so, did globalization cause a transformation of international relations?- Changing nature of the (nation-) state and the rise of non-state actors (disaggregation of the

state and networks).

o International relations have traditionally relied on the action and inactions of nation-states.o The very notion of nation-states has become problematic on several accounts.

a. If a nation-state represents 90% of the majority, only a small amount of nations fall underthe definition. Most states are multi-national states (not homogeneous).

b. Present day states are widely different from states a century or even fifty years ago;before it was an individual writ large (suggesting that the state could be conceived of as

a unitary act under a central authority).

c. Many states are the amalgamation of loose or semi-autonomous organizations (e.g. U.S.,where there is a growing scope and diversity of foreign policy; foreign policy often denied

as an alternative course of actions). The state as a unitary actor is not realistic.

d. Rise of non-state actors has to be considered as well, such as NGOs and terrorist groups.e. Be mindful of the changing nature of the nation-state and the state cannot be examined

as an individual personality or as a unitary actor.

- Growing scope and diversity of foreign-policy agendao Interests include trade and national security. The foreign-policy agenda has exploded

enormously, it will include the two, but also human rights, environmental, financial, disease,

etc. so we have seen a wide expansion of foreign-policy goals.

- Increasing costs of unilateral use of power.o The primary example is of the United States and the Iraq War. Here we must also examine

the distribution of power. But even the US has also realized how the unilateral use of power


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was damaging to the reputation of the US and also to their efforts in establishing friendly and

allied nations.

o This is a rather new feature of international relations with regard to the political cost ofdamage to reputation and the reluctance of other nations to take part in particular actions.

- Blurring the distinction between domestic and foreign policies (internationalization of domesticpolicies and domesticization of foreign policy).

o This is with regards to environmental, financial and other policies on the international scale.o The domesticization of foreign policy forces us to examine the domestic roots of the direction

of the policy, such as the Middle East policy and public opinion.

4. Can it be taken as a blessing or a curse? It depends- Globalization breeds winners and losers- Powerful force for the creation of prosperity but often widening the gap between rich and poor

o Globalization has created major economic growth (e.g. China, Japan and Korea) and somestagnation but it is still unprecedented to see such an amount of growth.

- Major vehicle for the transfer of technology and knowledge but at the same time posing a threatto traditional cultures and values (coca-colonization of the world)

o There is also the destruction of local jobs as well as traditional cultures and values.- Weakens control of national governments and fuels races to the bottom. Makes the case for

strengthening international regulation and global governance compelling.

o The races to the bottom, where countries are trying to out compete other countries bylowering taxes, lax standards on employment, sacrificing environmental rules. So there need

to be international organizations to compensate for the weakened control of national

governments.

o So globalization may be a force for good but there must be acknowledgement of the negativeimpact of globalization and a method to combat those negative impacts. It is an unstoppable

force and no country can just ignore it.

Chapter 1: Globalization and global politics

A. Making sense of globalization Over the last three decades the scale and scope of global interconnectedness has becomeincreasingly evident in every sphere from the economic to the cultural. Sceptics do not regard this as

evidence of globalization if that term means something more than simply international

interdependence, i.e. linkages between countries.

B. Conceptualizing globalization Globalization is evident in the growing extensity, intensity, velocity and deepening impact of

worldwide interconnectedness.

Globalization denotes a shift in the scale of social organization emergence of the world as a sharedsocial space, the relative deterritorialization of social, economic, and political activity, and the

relative denationalization of power.

Globalization can be conceptualized as a fundamental shift or transformation in the spatial scale ofhuman social organization that links distant communities and expands the reach of power relations

across regions and continents.

Globalization is to be distinguished from internationalization and regionalization.C. Contemporary globalization Contemporary globalization has proved robust in the aftermath of 9/11 than sceptics recognize. Contemporary globalization is a multidimensional, uneven and asymmetrical process. Contemporary globalization is best described as a thick form of globalization or globalism.D. A world transformed: globalization and distorted global politics


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Globalization is transforming but not burying Westphalian ideals of sovereign statehood. It isproducing the disaggregated state.

Globalization requires a conceptual shift in world politics from a geopolitical perspective to theperspective ofgeocentric or global politicsthe politics of worldwide social relations.

Global politics is distorted global politics because it is afflicted by significant power asymmetries.E.

From distorted global politics to cosmopolitan global politics

Globalization creates a double democratic deficit in that it places limits on democracy within statesand new mechanisms of global governance which lack democratic credentials.

Global politics has its own global political theory which draws upon cosmopolitan thinking. Cosmopolitan offers an account of desirability and feasibility of democratization of global politics. Distorted global politics can be interpreted as expressing a contest between the forces of statism

and cosmopolitanism in the conduct and management of world affairs.

Evolution of International Society

The evolution of international society us that international (or world) politics represents more thanan international system (i.e., a collection of interrelated units), this plays an important part in one of

the classics of International Relations literature: Hedley Bull, The Anarchical Society. A Study of

Order in World Politics (1977).

Title: Contradiction in terms? The anarchy is from an absence of authority and is a basic status ofinternational law. Nevertheless, there is some order in the international system which is why we can

speak of an international society.

Bulls Thesis- Also in political systems lacking central authority (like international relations) there can be some

degree of order.

- For example, the European state-system, which is commonly referred to as the Westphalianorder was marked by common bonds of understandings, international norms and join

institutions (diplomacy, international law and the balance of power).

o The option of war was considered a legitimate or lawful alternative to statecraft at the time.- Thus, the option of war was open as a foreign-policy instrument but circumscribed by a set of

rules (limited wars, no unconditional surrender).

o After the end of WWII, the demand of unconditional surrender was accepted and the losingparty could not sit at the negotiation table.

o Limited war was about the idea of civility and was absent at the time.- But the idea of international society falls short of the idea of international community (with

strong we-feeling and identification with common interests).

o It is highly doubtful whether we can speak of an international community (a clear distinctionbetween community and society). A community is characterized by being together, common

interests and views that would define an international community. We can hope that

international politics will create an international community but we have not arrived therebecause of the enormous difference in views with regard to numerous subjects. This is

idealized by the member states of the United Nations.

Transition to Post-Westphalian Order- Erosion of national sovereignty and deterritorialization of political authority. EU as instance of

New Medievalism (overlapping authorities and multiple loyalties)?


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o There is exclusive political control fixed over a set territory. But the question changes withinthe EU and expands from where you live to what you are doing? What is your status in the

economic process?

o New Medievalism shows the EU as a system of governance without a of government it isa system of governance because binding and authoritative decisions are made in the

framework of the EU but at the same time there is no clear sense of political authority (like

the autonomous states of medieval times who all took part in the decision making process).

There is no clear centre of political authority like there is in a nation-state, there is a diffuse

pattern of power.

o Multiple loyalties. In an established nation-state there is only one loyalty to the establishednation. But as a member of the EU, there is an individual loyalty to both the European Citizen

and their nation-state.

o But the battles in the EU is not applicable to the entire world, the whole idea of the national-sovereign is the legacy from the European states. Traditional definitions of national

sovereignty need to be retooled to understand other nations. Ideas of national sovereignty

and non-interference in countries, such as China and India, follow the traditional definitions

of sovereignty while this has been changing in more Western countries. Chinas particular

affinity for traditional definitions of sovereignty may stem from its history of humiliation andinterference by Western countries.

- The principle of non-intervention is being challenged (human rights, responsibility to protect)o Five years ago in the UN World Summit, the responsibility to protect was accepted.

- Revolution in military technology has rendered national defense obsolete- Transnational ideologies and movements link people to common causes across national borders.

o During the cold war, communism was the ideology. Now the transnational terroristmovement is united by a transnational ideology.

Chapter 2: The evolution of international society

A. Introduction: the idea of international society International society is any association of distinct political communities which accept some

common values, rules, and institutions. It is the central concept of the English School ofInternational Relations. Coined to refer to relations among European states, the term may be

applied to many different sets of political arrangements among distinct political communities.

B. Ancient worlds Elements of international society may be found from the first organized human communities. Early forms of diplomacy and treaties existed in the ancient Middle East. Relations among city-states

of ancient Greece were characterized by developed societal characteristics, such as arbitration.

Ancient China, India, and Rome all had their own distinctive international societies.C. The Christian and Islamic orders Medieval Europes international society was a complex mixture of supranational, transnational,

national, and subnational structures. The Catholic Church played a key role in elaborating the

normative basis of medieval international society. Islam developed its own distinctive understanding of international society.D. The emergence of the modern international society The main ingredients of contemporary international society are the principles ofsovereignty and

non-intervention and the institutions ofdiplomacy, the balance of power and international law.

These took centuries to develop, although the Peace of Westphalia (1648) was a key event in theirestablishment throughout Europe.

The Napoleonic wars were followed by a shift to a more managed, hierarchal international society


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within Europe and an imperial structure in Europes relations with much of the rest of the world.

The League of Nations was an attempt to place international society on a more secureorganizational foundation.

E. The globalization of international society The United Nations was intended to be a much improved League of Nations but the cold war

prevented it from functioning as such. Decolonization led to the worldwide spread of the European model of international society. The collapse of the Soviet Union completed this process.F. Conclusion: problems of global international society Globalization poses serious problems for a sovereignty-based international society. These include

the challenges emanating from new forms of community, failing states in Africa, American

hypowerpower, growing resistance to Western ideas, and global poverty and environmental issues.

The End of the Cold War and the Emerging Power Structure

Leading Questions:1. What caused the end of the antagonism between the West and East (1947 -1989/1991)?

o There was the armed intervention of Hungary by the USSR in 1956 and the Western powerswere reduced to issuing statements. In the latter half of the 1960s there was the Czech

intervention where the Western powers were again reduced to issuing verbal protests.

o Both powers used everything short of actual military action between them to underminethe other power (e.g. propaganda and economics).

2. How do we conceptualize the patterns in distribution of capabilities between the major powers?o Unipolarsystem, greater strength in economic/military power in one actor, (e.g. US post-

cold war).

o Bipolar distribution of power (e.g. during the cold war, between the USSR and US).o Multipolar distribution of power (e.g. mostly current system, power distribution between

many state and non-state actors; H. Kissinger advocates this because he believes it is stable).

o Diffuse examines the link between the system of power and the stability of the system. Different Images of the Cold war

- The Cold War as ideological conflict (clash of two secular religions or social systems)o Ronald Reagans characterized the USSR and communism as the evil empire; the more a

conflict is perceived in moral terms or values, the more difficult it is to resolve or settle it.

- The Cold War as more or less inevitable outcome of struggle for power and mastery of Europeo Argument: many bids for hegemony by major European powers to gain ascendancy (17th to

19th century), likewise the cold war fits into this pattern. After Germanys surrender in May

1945 and was unrepresented in the conference; the US and the USSR filled the power

vacuum. Has the EU overcome this pattern?

- The Cold War as accidental/inadvertent conflict in human misperceptions and miscalculationso

Misconceptions came from Western leaders misreading Eastern leaders and vice-versa(mirror-image often occurring in politics); the build-up of arms caused both sides to believe

in an imminent attack. Open exchange may have prevented the cold war.

Causes of the end of the cold war- Imperial overstretch: USSR was unable to carry the burdens of empire and sustain the arms race

with the US. Paul Kennedy, The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers (1987) concluded the demise

of the powers was overstretch, where great powers assumed political and military burdens than

their economic strength can bear (USSR economy heavily focused on war time settings).


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- Failure of state-controlled economy. Rigid central planning was counter to demands andrequirements of modern economy which rely on decentralization and people in lower echelons.

- The death of communist ideology (classless society) as source of legitimacyo Ideology acts as a source of legitimacy (gives someone the right to rule) (E.g.: China was

ruler-ship on behalf of a classless society, now it may have evolved to an economic basis).

- Impact ofHelsinki process (1975). Conference on European security and cooperationfinal acta relaxation of tension (dtente); agreement on fundamental principles like: non-intervention,

human rights, exchange of information and people (latter two were conducive to opening the

political and social Soviet system, and helped human rights organizations gain access).

- The (decisive?) role ofMikhail Gorbachev. Many are still mystified the cold war endedpeacefully. Gorbachev was willing to give power to others and played a positive part in leading

to the end of the cold war. Gorbachev is popular in the West but is deeply unpopular in Russia.

Chapter 3: International history 1900 90

A. Modern total war Debates about the origins of the First World focus on whether responsibility should rest with the

German government or whether war came because of more complex systemic factors.

The Paris Peace settlement failed to address the central problems of European security, and inrestructuring the European security, and in restructuring the European state system created newsources of grievance and instability.

The rise of Hitler posed challenges that European political leaders lacked the ability and will to meet. The German attack on the Soviet Union extended the scope and barbarity of the war from short and

limited campaigns to extended, large-scale, and barbaric confrontation, fought for total victory.

Japanese attack on Pearl Harbour brought America into the war in Europe and eventually ledGermany into war on two fronts (again).

Debate persists whether the atomic bomb should have been used and the effect on the cold war.B. End of empire The First World War produced the collapse of four European Empires (The Russian, German, Austro-

Hungarian, and the Ottoman Empire in Turkey).

Different European powers had different attitudes to decolonization after 1945: some decided toleave (British), others preserved their empires, in part (the French) or whole (the Portuguese).

European powers adopted different attitudes to different regions/countries For example, Britishwithdrawal from Asia came much more quickly after 1945 than from Africa.

Decolonization was relatively peaceful in many cases; it led to revolutionary wars in others (Algeria,Malaya, and Angola), scale and ferocity reflected colonial power and nationalist movements.

The struggle for independence/national liberation became embroiled in cold war conflicts when thesuperpowers and/or their allies became involved, for example Vietnam.

Whether decolonization was judged successful depends, in part, on whose perspective you adoptthat of the European power, the independence movement, or the people themselves.

C. Cold war There are disagreements about when and why the cold war began, and who was responsible. Distinct phases in East-West relations, when tension and risk of confrontation grew and receded. Some civil and regional wars were intensified and prolonged by superpower involvement; others

may have been prevented or shortened.

The end of the cold war has not resulted in the abolition of nuclear weapons. Nuclear weapons were an important factor in the cold war. How far the arms race had a momentum

of its own is a matter of debate. Agreements on limiting and controlling growth of nuclear arsenals

played an important role in Soviet-American (and East-West) relations.


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Various international crises occurred in which there was the risk of nuclear war. Judging how closewe came to nuclear war at these times remains open to speculation.

Pax Americana (1991 2003? [because of the Iraq war and a lack of legitimacy])- Unipolarity: the US as the sole remaining superpower[both hard power and soft power]- Preponderance in terms ofhard power: share of world economic output, military strength

(global power projection capabilities) and research and developmento The US was willing to share public goods like oil and other resources. The US holds 20% of

economic output and its defense budget is 45-50% of the worlds. It is one thing to have

various forms of hard power, but it is another thing to have political outcomes your liking.

- Soft power: attraction of US life-style/popular culture, ideas and values, top universities, andentertainment products

Limits to US Power- US military forces became overextended (unable to wage two regional wars). 9/11 showed

vulnerability of American society

- The unanswered challenge ofasymmetrical warfare.Showdown between the powerful and theweak but the weak is still prevail despite modest capabilities (relying on special tactics).

- Financial weakness: structural deficit on current account. US is largest debtor nation in the world(e.g. the US is held hostage by China through its debts).

- US leadership claims are not universally accepted (problem of legitimacy) The Rise of the BRICS

- Brazil, Russia, India and China: heterogeneous group. Impressive economic growth rates.Increasing share of world output. The measurement of power can be its purchasing power.

o Debatable whether Russia is included, since it may be a power in decline than on the rise(less than the entirety of the Benelux).

- Countervailing power? Latent tensions and rivalries between China and India, as well asbetween China and Russia. Between India and China there are unsettled border wars ( 1960s),

regional disagreements, and the difference between the political systems. Between Russia and

China, the former fears mass migration into its territories.

- China the strongest. Will it surpass the US? Still lacks global (military) power capabilities anduniversal (ideological) message. Rise to prominence only because of economic performance.

o The share of output and purchasing power of China is 10%. But we must keep in mind thepopulation difference between China and the US, so the income difference is still very large.

This is why China is still able to make claims to its position as a developing nation.

Europe (EU) Superpower in the Making?- Pros: Largest trading bloc in the world, major donor of development assistance and largest

contributor to UN system [but it has about the same output as the US].

- Cons: Weak foreign-policy structure, limited military capabilities, lack of strategic consensus,unfavourable demographic trends, and perhaps too little economic vitality

o Theres a strong position for trade, in classical inter-government cooperation but there areonly state-to-state structures in place. Theres also the aging of Europe (greater in Japan).

Conclusion- New multipolarity (US, China, India, Japan, Russia, Europe and Brazil) or bipolarity (Chimerica)- Joseph S. Nye, 3-layered structure: (1) military strategic domain. Predominantly unipolar (2)

economic and financial domain. Tripolar/multipolar (3) domain of new international issues

(climate change, infectious diseases, terrorism, organized crime, and human rights). Diffuse

power structure with relations between states, IGOs, NGOs and public-private partnerships.


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Chapter 4: From the cold war to the war on terror

A. The end of the cold war The cold war was a complex relationship that assumed competition but remained cold in large part

because of the existence of nuclear weapons.

Most experts assumed the cold war would continue and were surprised at its peaceful conclusion.

There is no consensus as to why the cold war came to an end. The end of the cold war dividedandstill dividesscholars into mainstream realists and ideas-oriented constructivists.

B. Mapping the post-cold war era Though globalization is a much disputed term, analysts agree that it describes a one-world system

where all actors have to play by the same economic rules.

Globalization has produced many winners and a large number of losers, but there would appear tobe no escaping its competitive logic.

C. From superpower to hyperpowerUS primacy Most experts did not anticipateand some did not look forward tothe new American hegemony

following the end of the cold war.

In spite of the spread of democracy and globalization, most US policy-makers still viewed the worldas a threatening and dangerous place during the 1990s.

After the fiasco in Somalia, the majority of Americans were reluctant to use US force abroad. The United States after the cold war is best described as a superpower without a mission.D. Europe in the new world system Europeans after the cold war were divided over a series of key issues, most notably the degree of

European integration, economic strategy, and the foreign policy aspirations of the European Union.

The European Security Strategyof 2003 was one of the first serious efforts by the EU to think aboutits international role under conditions of globalization.

Many issues face Europe, including Turkish membership of the EU, the position of Europes Muslims,and Chinas economic challenge.

E. Russia: from Yeltsin to Putin The first Russian President, Boris Yeltsin, sought a new partnership with the West but was often

accused by his domestic enemies of not defending the Russian national interest.

Vladimir Putin, Yeltins successor, has pursued more authoritarian policies at home, brought Russiaseconomic assets back under state control, and pursued a more nationalistic foreign policy abroad.

A new cold war between the West and Russia is unlikely because of the important economic andpolitical changes that have occurred in Russia since the collapse of the USSR in 1991.

F. East Asia: primed for rivalry? Compared to Europe after 1945, the international relations of East Asia during the cold war were

highly volatile, marked by revolutions, wars, and insurgencies.

End of the cold war left many issues and Aaron Friedberg (1993) to conclude that Asia was primedfor further rivalry. Friedbergs thesis has been challenged as being too pessimistic: economic growth,

regional integration, Americas presence and Japans peaceful foreign policy continue to make the

region less dangerous than he suggested. Questions facing the region and the US is rising China. Realists insist it will challenge the status quo.

Others believe it can rise peacefully.

G. The haves and the have nots One of the defining areas of instability during the cold war was the Third World. With the end of the cold war the term Third World has been challenged by many analysts. China and India are examples where globalization has produced high levels of development. Inequality creates security challenges in the form of migration, refugees, and in certain instances,


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political violence directed against the more powerful West.

H. The war on terror: from 9/11 to Iraq 9/11 effectively ended the post-cold war era and in the process transformed US foreign policy. The war to remove Saddam Hussein was sold as part of the war on terror; very few analysts,

however, saw a connection between Iraq and 9/11.

The reasons for going to war have been disputed, though most now believe it was a strategic error.

The long-term impact of the Bush doctrine could weaken Americas global position in the long term.Thinking about World Politics

Building (Constructing) Theories- Theories are a set of interrelated propositions (axioms) that allow for the deduction of testable

hypotheses [e.g. Proposition/axiom: States seek to maximize their power or Political leaders

are guided by making rational choices. from which you can infer further principles].

- Function of theories. Framework for (1) systematic description (what is relevant and irrelevant),(2) finding explanations, (3) making (conditional) predictions

o Theories also provide a systematic description which allows you to define what is relevantand what is irrelevant. A theory is capable of confirmation or disconfirmation (according to

thefalsification principle (Karl Popper)); this requires good judgment in order to test the

validity of the theory. And finally, theories provide the basis for making (conditional)

predictions (If , then propositions).

- Generalizations about international relations are from regularities and recurring patterns inbehaviour of governments and their interactions [This includes caveats; consideration must be

given to peculiar occurrences (e.g. Gorbachevs contribution to the end of the cold war)].

Distinction between international relations and the study of history.- Both disciplines seek to describe how and explain why international actors behave. By contrast:

students of International Law prescribe how these actors, given relevant rules and opinions,

should or are allowed to behave. Most historians focus on specific, discrete and individual

phenomena and are sceptical about finding generalizations. Two cases of theory-formation

1. Power-transition theory (dynamic interaction between hegemonic powers and upcomingchallengers)


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o With dynamic interaction, we see a relative decline of the US position or powero Suppose China overtakes the US in the years 2050 or 2055, this theory predicts that the

challenges or instability will increase in relation to the relative power position

o The actual economic position of China, its voting power in established internationalinstitutions (World Bank and IMF), is no greater than The Netherlands, although there is a

movement to make voting power more commensurate with the power of the nation.

o Power positions may be important to indicate rising tension between states.2. Decision-making in crisis-situations (impact of high levels of threat, surprise, and short-decision

time on decisions of policy-makers)

o Here we can see the specific impact of decision in crisis-situation, we can see the impact ofthe decision. First, we should find agreement on how a crisis-situation differentiates itself

from regular situation; this can be broken down into three criteria: (i) high levels of threat;

(ii) surprise; and (iii) short-decision time on decisions of policy-makers. Many decision

makers have shortcomings during this time, findings include: political leaders only consider

a few solutions, rather than a large number of options; being guided by emotions and

stereotyped images of the opponent; group think occurs where a lot of attachment is

placed on consensus and there is hardly any room for dissent/independent critical thinking.3. Self-fulfilling and self-denying prophecies

o Self-denying prophecies can be seen in the decision-making in crisis situation of the Cubanmissile crisis (October 1962), see Barbara Tuchmans The Guns of August about the

misinterpretation and misperception of political leaders.

The Roots of Realism and Liberalism- Represent grand or meta-theories (provide pictures of international relations as a whole)- Different views of human nature.

Realists: man is selfish and sinful.

Liberals: natural goodness of man and human perfectibility (impact of Enlightenment).

- Implications of international anarchy (state of nature). Thomas Hobbes: a war of every managainst every man *Leviathan (1651)+. John Locke: state of nature is one of peace, goodwill,mutual assistance and preservation. Intermediary position was taken by Grotius.

o For Hobbes, the only way to deal with the situation of anarchy was to have a strongsovereign state with a monopoly of force taken from individuals (this is problematic in

international law because states continue to hold their ability to use force and thus the

international society continues in a state of anarchy).

o Locke, need international institutions in order to facilitate trade and interactions in general. Core ideas ofrealism

- States are the sole actors in international relations and can be conceived of as unitary actors(individuals writlarge)

- International anarchy creates a security dilemma. International system is a self-help system.o Because there is no central authority taking care of state security, there is the dilemma that

the search for security through the build-up of arms may cause other parties to react by

also amassing their own arms and fuelling an arms race in a self-fulfilling prophecy.

o The cost of unwarranted trust is greater than the cost of warranted trust.- The primary task of states is survival. Hans J. Morgenthau: Statesmen think and act in terms of

interest defined as power. Ethical principles or moral considerations should not interfere with

foreign-policy calculations.

o Machiavelli separated political actions from ethical principles or moral considerations whendealing with foreign policy.


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- Preservation of the balance of power is the safest road to peace. Sources of war cannot beeliminated, only limited or constrained (arms control, not disarmament).

Chapter 5: Realism

A. Introduction: the timeless wisdom of Realism Realism has classical political theorists like Thucydides, Machiavelli, Hobbes, and Rousseau. Unifying

theme: states find themselves in shadow of anarchy so their security cannot be taken for granted.

Realism continues to attract academicians and inform policy-makers, although since the end of thecold war, we have seen heightened criticism of realist assumptions.

B. One Realism, or many? Structural realism divides into two camps: those who argue that states are security maximizers

(defensive realism) and those who argue that states are power maximizers (offensive realism).

Neoclassical realists bring individual and unit variation back into the theory.C. The essential Realism Statism is the centerpiece of Realism. Two claims: (1) The state is the pre-eminent actor and all

other actors in world politics are of lesser significance. (2) State sovereignty signifies the existence

of an independent political community, one which has juridical authority over its territory.

Key criticism: Statism is flawed both on empirical (challenges to state power from above and

below) and normative grounds (the inability of sovereign states to respond to collective global

problems such as famine, environmental degradation, and human rights abuses).

Survival: Primary objective of all states is survival; the supreme national interest which all politicalleaders must adhere.

Key criticism: Are there no limits to what actions a state can take in the name of necessity?

Self-Help: No other state or institution can be relied upon to guarantee your survival.Key criticism: Self-help is not an inevitable consequence of the absence of a world-government; self-

help is a logic that states have selected. There are examples where states have preferred collective

security systems, or forms of regional security communities, in preference to self-help.

Core ideas ofliberalism- International conflicts are not intrinsic to international anarchy. Lack of institutions, evil policies

and misinformation are responsible for outbreak of war.- Peaceful relations are feasible through (1) international institutions and law, (2) democratic

regimes (Kantian view: democracies dont fight with one another) and (3) economic

interdependence (war doesnt pay)

o Immanuel Kant believed this would leave to perpetual peace.- Liberals believe war can be eliminated (world organization, disarmament and collective security)

o Realists believe in constraint through the balance of power.Chapter 6: Liberalism

A. Introduction Liberalism: a theory of both government within states and good governance between states and


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peoples worldwide. Unlike Realism, which regards the international as an anarchic realm, Liberals

seek to project values of order, liberty, justice, and toleration into international relations.

The high-water mark of liberal thinking was reached in the inter-war period in the work of Idealistswho believed that warfare was unnecessary and outmoded way of settling disputes between states.

Domestic and international institutions are required to protect and nurture these values. Note:these values and institutions allow significant variations which accounts for debates in Liberalism.

Liberals disagree on fundamental issues such as the causes of war and what kind of institutions arerequired to deliver liberal values in a decentralized, multicultural international system.

An important cleavage within Liberalism, which has become more pronounced in our globalizedworld, is between those operating with a positive conception of Liberalism, who advocate

interventionist foreign policies and stronger international institutions, and those who incline

towards a negative conception, which places a priority on toleration and non-intervention.

B. Core ideas in Liberal thinking on international relations Early liberal thought took the view that the natural order had been corrupted by undemocratic state

leaders and out-dated policies such as the balance of power. Prescriptively, Enlightenment liberals

believed that a latent cosmopolitan morality could be achieved through the exercise of reason and

through the creation of constitutional states. In addition, the unfettered movement of people and

goods could further facilitate more peaceful international relations.

Important continuities between Enlightenment liberal thought and twentieth-century ideas, such asthe power of world public opinion to tame states interest, liberal Idealism was programmatic. For

idealists, the freedom of states is part of the problem of international relations. Two requirements

follow: (1) the need for explicitly normative thinking: how to promote peace and build a better

world. (2) states must be part of an international organization, and be bound by its rules and norms.

Central to Idealism was the formation of an international organization to facilitate peaceful change,disarmament, arbitration, and (where necessary) enforcement. The League of Nations was founded

in 1920 but its collective security system failed to prevent the descent into world war in the 1930s.

C. Liberalism and globalization The victor states in the alliance against Germany pushed for a new international institution: the

United Nations Charter was signed in June 1945 by 50 state in San Francisco. It represented adeparture from the League: (1) Membership was near universal and (2) the great powers were able

to prevent any enforcement action from taking place which might be contrary to their interests.

Post-1945, liberals turned to international institutions to carry out functions the state could not. Thiswas the catalyst for integration theory in Europe and Pluralism in the United States. By early 1970s

Pluralism had mounted a challenge to Realism. It focused on new actors (transnational corporations,

non-governmental organizations) and new patterns of interaction (interdependence, integration).

Neo-liberalism a more sophisticated challenge to contemporary Realism. Neo-liberals explain thedurability of institutions despite significant changes in context. Institutions exert a causal force on

international relations, shaping state preferences and locking them into cooperative arrangements.

Democratic peace Liberalism and neo-liberalism are the dominant strands in liberal thinking today. Neo-realism and neo-liberalism: similarities

- Both schools have developed greater maturity in terms of scientific sophistication (concepts arewell-defined, testable propositions can be confirmed or refuted)

- Contrary to traditional realists, neo-realists recognize the impact of interdependence on foreignpolicy and the role of non-state actors in world politics

- Contrary to traditional liberals, neo-liberals accept the assumption that international actors aremainly driven by self-interest (however, they define national interest wider than neo-realists).

o Important part of national interests is that it is being shared with other states.


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Neo-realism and neo-liberalism: differences- Unlike neo-liberals, neo-realists emphasize the importance of power structures (Kenneth Waltz)

and remain sceptical about the relevance of international institutions (John Mearsheimer)

- Neo-realsists focus on military strategic issues; neo-liberals on economic and financial topics.- Neo-realists care about relative gains from transactions; neo-liberals about absolute gains.

Contrast between zero-sum (gains and losses) and non-zero-sum games (win-win situations).

o Example of zero-sum gains and losses: the trade between the US and China. Some arguedthe sale of advanced equipment to China was good for the balance of trade; others argued

this aided China create military systems (contributing to the balance of strengths). Liberals

say most transactions fall outside zero-sum scenarios and have a win-win situation in trade.

Chapter 7: Contemporary mainstream approaches: neo-realism and neo-liberalism

A. Introduction Neo-realism and neo-liberalism represent paradigms or conceptual frameworks that shape

individuals images of the world and influence research priorities and policy debates and choices.

There are several versions of neo-realism or neo-liberalism. Neo-liberalism often refers to neo-liberal Institutionalism. In the policy world, neo-liberalism is

identified with the promotion of capitalism and Western democratic values and institutions.

Rational choice approaches and game theory have been integrated into neo-realist and neo-liberaltheory to explain policy choices and the behaviour of states in conflict and cooperative situations.

Neo-realist and neo-liberal theories are status quo-oriented problem-solving theories and shareassumptions about actors, values, issues, and power arrangements in international systems. Neo-

realists study security issues and are concerned with power and survival. Neo-liberals study political

economy and focus on cooperation and institutions.

B. Neo-realism Kenneth Waltzs structural realism claims the structure of the international system is key in shaping

state behaviour. Waltzs neo-realism expands our view of power and capabilities. However, he

agrees with traditional Realists, major powers still determine the nature of the international system.

Structural realists minimize national attributes as determinants of a states foreign policy behaviour.To these neo-realists, all states are similar units, experiencing the same constraints of anarchy.

Structural realists accept many assumptions of traditional Realism, that force remains an importantand effective tool of statecraft and balance of power is still the central for order in the system.

Joseph Grieco represents neo- or modern realists critical of neo-liberal Institutionalists who claimstates are mainly interested in absolute gains. Grieco claims all states are interested in absolute and

relative gains. How gains are distributed is an important issue. Two barriers to international

cooperation: fear of those who might not follow the rules and the relative gains of others.

Scholars in security studies present two versions of neo-realism or modern realism. Offensive neo-realists emphasize the importance of relative power. Like traditional Realists, they believe conflict is

inevitable in the international system and leaders must always be wary of expansionary powers.

Defensive realists are often confused with neo-liberal Institutionalists. They recognize the costs of

war and assume that it usually results from irrational forces in a society. However, they admit thatexpansionary states willing to use military force to make it impossible to live in a world without

weapons. Cooperation is possible, but it is more likely to succeed in relations with friendly states.

C. Neo-liberalism Contemporary neo-liberalism has been shaped by the assumptions of commercial, republican,

sociological, and institutional Liberalism.

Commercial and republican Liberalism provide the foundation for neo-liberal thinking in Westerngovernments. These countries promote free trade and democracy in foreign policy programmes.


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Neo-liberal Institutionalists see institutions as mediator and means to achieve cooperation in theinternational system. Regimes and institutions help govern a competitive and anarchic international

system and encourage multilateralism and cooperation as a means of securing national interests.

Neo-liberal Institutionalists recognize that cooperation may be harder to achieve in areas whereleaders perceive they have no mutual interests.

Neo-liberals believe that states cooperate to achieve absolute gains and the greatest obstacle tocooperation is `cheating` or non-compliance by other states.

D. The neo-neo debate The neo-neo debate is not a debate between polar opposite worldviews. They share epistemology,

questions, and assumptions about international politics. This is an intra-paradigm debate.

Neo-liberal Institutionalists and neo-realists study different worlds of international politics. Neo-realists focus on security and military issues. Neo-liberal Institutionalists focus on political economy,

environmental issues, and, lately, human rights issues.

Neo-realists explain that all states must be concerned with the absolute and relative gains thatresult from international agreements and cooperative efforts. Neo-liberal Institutionalists are less

concern about relative gains and consider that all will benefit from absolute gains.

Neo-realists are cautious about cooperation and remind us the world is a competitive place whereself-interest rules. Neo-liberal Institutionalists believe states and other actors can be persuaded to

cooperate if they are convinced all states will comply and cooperation will result in absolute gains.

This debate does not discuss issues challenging core assumptions of each theory. (E.g. neo-realismcannot explain foreign policy behaviour challenging national interest norms over human interests).

Globalization has contributed to a shift in political activity away from the state. Transnational socialmovements have forced states to address critical issues and in several situations supported the

establishment of institutions to promote cooperation, and fundamentally challenge state power.

E. Neo-liberals and neo-realists on globalization Neo-realists think that states are still the principle actors in international politics. Globalization

challenges some state authority and control, but politics is still international. Neo-realists are

concerned about new security challenges from uneven globalization, namely, inequality and conflict.

Globalization provides opportunities and resources for transnational social movements thatchallenge the authority of states in various policy areas. Neo-realists are not supportive of any

movement that seeks to open critical security issues to public debate.

Free market neo-liberals believe globalization is a positive force. Eventually, all states will benefitfrom the economic growth promoted by the forces of globalization. They believe that states should

not fight globalization or attempt to control it with unwanted political interventions.

Some neo-liberals believe states should promote capitalism with a human face or a market sensitiveto the needs and interests of all people. New institutions created and older ones reformed to end

uneven flow of capital, promote environmental sustainability, and protect the rights of citizens.

Thinking About World Politics II

N.B. Marxist and Social Constructivists are critical of realism and liberalism but share little. Marxismemphasizes material forces in social life, whereas social constructivism is focused on the impact of ideas.

Introduction: Main features ofMarxism- Karl Marx (Capital) *1818-1883] claimed to develop an ideology criticizing capitalism and a

scientific theory for the laws of social development and human progress (historical materialism)

o W.I. Lenin, the communist party acts as a vanguard of the working class (this was an excusefor party dictatorship). The path was believed to be victory of socialism over capitalism.


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o Marxist ideas inspired the communist revolution (amongst others) in China by the end of1949 and gave rise to debates over seat at the UN Security Council. The communist party

led by Mao Tse-Tung, he also added to Marxismbecause China was predominantly a

country of farmers (Marxism was focused more on the workers in the city) he put more

focus on the country side (echoed by the revolution beginning in the Chinese countryside).

o Communist parties have been popular in France and Italy (note theorist, Antonio Gramsci).o Post-USSR, Marxism waned as a theory but for a few exceptions (North Korea). Beforehand,

Cuba supported Marxism but Fidel Castro has made comments indicating otherwise.

o Friedrich Engels worked with Karl Marx to write the Communist Manifesto (1848).- Basic notions are means (modes) of production, relations of production and social classes. Class

warfare is the driving force of history [antagonism between classes (proletariat and bourgeois)].

- Economic basis determines the superstructure of ideas (political and religious beliefs aredependent on social position) [The place you occupy in society determines your view of society].

Chapter 8: Marxist theories of international relations

A. Introduction: the continuing relevance of Marxism Marx`s work retains its relevance despite the collapse of Communist Party rule in the former USSR. Marx`s analysis of capitalism has yet to be improved. Marxist analyses of international relations aims

to reveal the hidden workings of global capitalism, to provide context for international events.B. The essential elements of Marxist theories of world politics Marxs ideas have been interpreted and appropriated in different and contradictory ways, resulting

in a number of competing. Underlying these different schools are several common elements that

can be traced back to Marx`s writings.

C. World-system theory World-system theory (a direct development of Lenin`s work on imperialism and the Latin American

Dependency School).

Immanuel Wallerstein and his work on the modern world-system makes a key contribution to thisschool and has been developed by other writers who have built on his initial foundational work.

D. Gramscianism Drawing upon Antonio Gramsci for inspiration, writers within an `Italian` school made a considerable

contribution to thinking about world politics. Gramsci shifted the focus of Marxist analysis towards

super-structural phenomena. In particular, he explored the processes by which consent for a

particular social and political system was produced and reproduced and through the operation of

hegemony. Hegemony allows the ideas and ideologies of the ruling stratum to become widely

dispersed, and widely accepted, throughout society.

Robert W. Cox `internationalized` Gramsci by transporting concepts (hegemony) to global contexts.E. Critical theory Critical theory (Frankfurt School). Habermas argued that emancipatory potential lies in the realm of

communication and that radical democracy is the way in which that potential can be unlocked.

Andrew Linklater developed critical theory themes to argue for the expansion of moral boundariesin the political community and pointed to the EU as a post-Westphalian institution of governance.

F. New Marxism Rosenberg uses Marx`s ideas to criticize Realists theories of international relations, and globalization

theory. He seeks to develop an alternative approach which understands historical change in world

politics as a reflection of transformations in the prevailing relations of production.

Benno Teschke, social property relations provides the means for analyzing the key elements ofinternational relations and the transitions between one international system and another.


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World System Theory- Leading representative is Immanuel Wallerstein (main work: The Modern World System)- Argues that the development of modern international relations largely coincides with the

emergence and expansion of capitalism from Europe incorporating many parts of the world

o In the North and Western parts of Europe before expanding to America and then beyond.- Capitalism evolves through: mercantile, industrial, monopoly and post-industrial capitalism

o The mercantile stage can be compared to the Dutch merchants. The industrial stage is bestshown by Englands history. The monopoly stage is shown by conglomerates controlling the

economy, we can see this presently in the financial industry.

- Not states and relations between states but social classes and contradictions between classesare key to understanding international relations

o The state is a committee serving the interest of the ruling class and not general interests. Center-Periphery Model

- During monopoly capitalism an imperialistic two-tier structure developed.- A dominant core (center) of highly developed countries is exploiting a dependent periphery of

less-developed countries (intermediary position taken by semi-periphery)

- The root of exploitation is international division of labour which is detrimental to poor regions- High-value economic activities are reserved for the core countries; low-value activities

(agriculture, extracting raw materials) imposed on the periphery

- Sources of exploitation: (1) Unfair terms of trade AND (2) unequal spin-off effectso Example of unfair terms of trade:

The countries in the center are gaining much more than the peripheral countries (also

assume that each core has its own attaching peripheral state).

o Spin-off effect refers to externals like pollution and ill effects on a society as a whole.- Johan Galtung pointed to feudal interactions (pattern of hub-and-spokes). Center plays the

game of divide-and-rule

o There are no relationships between the peripheral countries with one another. It istheorized that the core countries give privileges to some peripheral countries and not toothers, thereby continuing a strategy of divide-and-conquer.

- Application to relationship between North and South America: dependencia theory (AndreGunder Frank and Fernando H. Cardoso)

o Dependencia theoryalthough put forward by Cardoso, he repudiated the theory laterwhile serving in political office.

- Theory provoked a welter of criticism. Said to be overly simplistic, one-sided and outdated. Howto explain the economic success of Asian tigers, China, India and some African Countries?


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o China was particularly interesting because of its former strategy during The Great LeapForward where isolated itself from the rest of the world for independence before opening

itself for trade. Gradually, China made a move from agriculture to industrialization.

o Theres also an idea of division of labour where Asia and Africa are relegated the low-endindustrial jobs but are now given more high-tech jobs, like auto and medical manufacturing.

Social Constructivism- Gained influence among younger generations of international relations students. Appeals to the

belief (or hope) that man can make history: human agents may prevail over social structures

- Scepticism whether social constructivism is a full theory and more than a research agenda? Two Important Claims [of Social Constructivism]

- Epistemological claim: the social world/political reality is not something out-there, external topeople, international system is not like the solar system. It exists only as an intersubjective

awareness among people. It is constituted (constructed) by concepts, perceptions and ideas.

Alexander Wendt: Anarchy is what states make of it.

- Implication: the social world cannot be known by applying the scientific method of the naturalsciences. Instead of finding laws that linkcauses and effects international relation scholars

should turn to the method of interpretative understanding

- Substantive claim: ideas (shared beliefs), norms and social movements play an important part inshaping international politics. Both realists and liberals overrate the importance of material

forces (either military or economic). Fail to explain changing views on national sovereignty,

human rights and the use of military force. States interests are continuously defined and

redefined as the result of new experiences.

- Implication: world orders are created and sustained not only by great power preferences andthe underlying balance of physical forces but also by changing understandings of what

constitute a legitimate international order.

o Idea that international order is more than negative physical peace (the absence of war).Chapter 9: Social Constructivism

A. The main Constructivists tenets Constructivists are concerned with human consciousness, treat ideas as structural factors, considerthe relationship between ideas and material forces as a consequence of how actors interpret their

material reality, and in how agents produce structures and how structures produce agents.

Knowledge shapes how actors interpret and construct their social reality. The normative structure shapes the identity and interests of actors such as states. Social facts such as sovereignty and human rights exist because of human agreement, while brute

facts such as mountains are independent of such agreement.

Social rules are regulative, regulating already existing activities, and constitutive, making possibleand defining those very activities.

Social construction asks questions about the origins of what is now accepted as a fact of life andconsiders the alternative pathways that might have produced and can produce alternative worlds.

Power can be the ability of one actor to get another to do what she would not do otherwise and theproduction of identities and interests that limit the ability of actors to control their fate. Although the meanings that actors bring to their activities are shaped by the underlying culture,

meanings are not always fixed and the fixing of meaning is a central feature of politics.

Although Constructivism and rational choice are generally viewed as competing approaches, attimes they can be combined to deepen our understanding of global politics.

B. Constructivism and global change A key issue in any study of global change is diffusion, captured by the concern with institutional


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isomorphism and the life-cycle of norms.

Although diffusion sometimes occurs because of the view that the model is superior, frequentlyactors adopt a model either because of external pressures or its symbolic legitimacy.

Institutional isomorphism and the internationalization of norms raise issues of growing homogeneityin world politics, a deepening international community, and socialization processes.

Balance- What have the main theories (realism, liberalism, Marxism and constructivism) to say about

international relations over the past 20 years? For instance: (1) globalization and the rise of Asia;

(2) military interventionism of the US; (3) radicalization of the political Islam; (3) the revival of

ethnicity and national identity in state formation; and (5) lasting poverty in many parts of Africa

- Conclusion: no theory can provide the full story of all phenomena. Some are more relevant forexplaining some developments, other are more insightful in explaining other developments

o Globalization has been driven forward by technology [*Prof--liberalism offers the besttheory to explain the drive of globalization]. Also keep in mind the role of ideas. Consider

how globalization affects the above five topics.

Regulating World Politics

Focus on: international law (IL) and international regimes. The two fields are closely connected andthere is some overlap. But IL has broader scope; regimes are associated with issue-specific

institutions and rules. Importance of regimes in promoting international cooperation is illustrated by

discussing the threat of environmental degradation.

Relevance of international law- Conflicting views: liberals and especially social constructivists are convinced of the great potency

of IL to create order and justice in the world. By contrast, Marxists hold IL serves the interests of

ruling classes while realists take a sceptical view.

- Realists are on the side of legal positivism. Reject the belief in inalienable (natural) rights andgeneral principles of civilization. Hold that voluntary consent and contractual obligation are the

only foundation of IL. Main thesis: governments abide by IL only to the extent that compliancewith rules serves the national interests. IL doesnt constitute an autonomous constraining force.

o The problem is that foreign policy and national interests are divergent. How realistic is the Realist position?

- Louis Henkin: most states observe most legal rules most of the time.o There is also high and low politics. Low politics deals with economic and social issues; high

politics deals with military and sovereignty issues (like control over monetary affairs).

Generally, international politics deal with this kind of politics and we have difficulty finding

clear violations of international law. An example of when there are issues of military or

sovereignty at stake was the intervention in Kosovo by the US and UK.

- Why? Self-interest and fear of retaliation are strong incentives to honour internationalobligations. IL is an important source of political legitimacy. Unlawful acts engender political

costs (reputation damage).


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o During the WWII, fear of retaliation the mistreatment of prisoners of war.- Still, larger and smaller states tend to have different priorities as to the progressive

development of IL. Principle of legal equality is especially appealing for smaller states.

Commitment to IL may serve as compensation for lack of physical power. Reputation of law-

abiding country is a favourite small-power strategy.

o It is in the interest of small trading countries (like NL) that rules of international law prevailin an international system, particularly where no military strength reinforce their claims.

Chapter 16: International law

A. Order and institutions States have incentives to end international anarchy but face common coordination and

collaboration problems, and cooperation remains difficult under anarchy.

To facilitate cooperation, states create international institutions; three levels exist in moderninternational society: constitutional institutions, fundamental institutions (international law falls

here), and issue-specific institutions or regimes.

B. The modern institution of international law Modern international law is a historical artefact, a product of the revolutions in thought and practice

that transformed the governance of European states after the French Revolution (1789).

Prior to the French Revolution, in the age of absolutism, law was understood as the command of alegitimate superior, and international law as a command of God, derived from natural law. In the

modern period law has come to be seen as something contracted between legal subjects, or the

representatives, and international law has been seen as the expression of the mutual will of nations.

Because of its history, modern institution of international law has a number of distinctivecharacteristics, informed by the values of political Liberalism. The most distinctive characteristic are

its multilateral form of legislation, its consent-based form of legal obligation, its language and

practice of justification, and its discourse of institutional autonomy.

C. From international to supranational law? So long as international law was designed to facilitate international order, it was circumscribed:

states were the principle subjects and agents of IL; IL was concerned with the regulation of inter-

state relations; and the scope of IL was confined to questions of order. Global governance is pushing IL into new areas, raising questions about IL as supranational law. Individuals, and to some extent collectives, are gradually acquiring rights and responsibilities under

international law, establishing their status as both subjects and agents under international law.

Non-government actors are more important in developing and codifying international legal norms. International law is increasingly affecting domestic legal regimes and practices, and the rules of the

international legal system are no longer confined to issues of order. As international humanitarian

law evolves, issues of global justice are permeating the international legal order.

D. The laws of war Placing limits on the legitimate use of force is one of the key challenges of the international

community, and the laws of war have evolved to meet this challenge.

The laws of war have traditionally been divided into those governing when the use of force islegitimate, jus ad bellum, and how war may be conducted,jus in bello. Laws governing when war is legally permitted have changed dramatically over the history of the

international system, the most notable difference being between the nineteenth-century that to

wage war was a sovereign right to the post-1945 view that war was only justified in self defence or

as part of a UN mandated international peace enforcement action.

Laws on war conduct divide into three categories: weaponry, combatants, and non-combatants.E. Theoretical approaches to international law


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Realists argue that IL is only important when it serves the interests of powerful states. Neo-liberals explain self-interested states construct dense networks of international legal regimes. Constructivists treat international law as part of the normative structures that condition state and

non-state agency in international relations. Like other social norms, they emphasize the way in

which law constitutes actors identities, interests, and strategies.

New Liberals emphasize the domestic origins of state preferences and, in turn, international law.Within international law, they stress the need to disaggregate the state to understand transnational

legal integration and interaction, and they prioritize international humanitarian law.

Critical legal studies concentrates on the way in which inherent Liberalism of IL curtails its potential. International Regimes: General

- Stephen Krasner: sets of implicit principles, norms, rules and decision making proceduresaround which actors expectations converge in a given area of international relations. Regimes

may also comprise informal rules and policy understandings (cf. OSCE).

o This is not based on a treaty but on similar principles.- Key assumption: international anarchy poses a major obstacle to cooperation because states

always fear cheaters (risk of ill-founded trust are higher than the risk of ill-founded distrust).

o Perhaps states can cooperate but theres always fear that there are no guarantees theother party will comply with the rules (a system of international anarchy).

- States face a prisoners dilemma: non-cooperation seems to be the rational (profitable) short-term strategy. But the shadow of the future looms.

o The problem is the uncertainty about the behaviour of the other party. The idea is that it isbetter to rely on the others bad behaviour than on the cooperation of the other party.

o Shadow of the future, the fact that non-cooperative behaviour will one day have a similarresponse in kind by other countries in reaction to the prior non-cooperative behaviour.

- Regimes are supposed to breed trust and lower transaction costs.How? By collectinginformation on states foreign-policy behaviour and by acting as supervisor of rule compliance

o Example: Market of used cars. Rumours of the poor status of the cars when sold but thereare is also the economic status of the buyer. To resolve some issues, actors can look for

guarantees and other information. Regimes act similarly to ensure compliance of States.- Regimes may also have the authority to apply sanctions, varying from hard sanctions

(economic penalties, suspension of membership or voting rights) to soft sanctions (naming,

shaming, and black-listing).

Hegemony-Stability Theory- To what extent a leading (dominant) power is necessary to establish and sustain regimes?- Problem of collective action and public goods (available to a whole group, none excluded)- Creates free-rider dilemma (the temptation of profiteering without paying)

o Organized international cooperation is to deal with the issue of free-riders. For example,many nations pay lip service to environmental issues but do not actually comply with the

rules and do not share in the actual cost of the collective goals.

-

Thesis: public goods can only be produced if there is a hegemon being able and willing to take adisproportionate share of the costs and force free riders to pay their dues

- Hegemonic power acts as a quasi-sovereignChapter 17: International regimes

A. Introduction Regimes present an important feature of globalization and a growing number of global regimes are

being formed. Dtente, the loss of hegemonic status by the USA, and growing awareness of

environmental problems sensitized social scientists to the need for a theory of regimes.


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B. The nature of regimes Regime theory is an attempt initiated in the 1970s by social scientists to account for the existence of

rule-governed behaviour in the anarchic international system.

Regimes have been defined by principles, norms, rules; and decision-making procedures. Regimes are classified in the formality of the underlying agreements and the degree of expectation

that the agreements will be observed. Full-blown, tacit, and dead letter regimes can be identified. Regimes now help to regulate international relations in many spheres of activity.C. Competing theories of regime formation The market is used by Liberal Institutionalists as an analogy for the anarchic international system. In market/international setting, public goods get underproduced and public bads get overproduced. Liberal Institutionalists draw on the Prisoners Dilemma for impediments to regime formation. A

hegemon, the shadow of the future, and an information-rich environment promote collaboration

and an escape route from Prisoners Dilemmas.

Realists argue that Liberal Institutionalists ignore power when examining regimes and draw on theBattle of the Sexes to illuminate the nature of coordination and its link to power in anarchic settings.

The Environment: A Case Study- Exemplifies the problems of collective action, public goods and free-riding.- At stake is the preservation (protection) of global commons: the national resources owned by

mankind as a whole (minerals in high seas, fish stocks, ozone layer, a healthy climate, etc.)

- The tragedy of the commons: if actors continue to pursue their narrow self-interests,exhaustion of natural resources seems to be inevitable [E.g. several farmers share a common

field but allow their herds to use the commons without consideration of the common.

Eventually the field becomes unusable from over-grazing and none can use the field.].

- Need to redefine the national interest and the transformation of political leaders to statesmen.o The whole notion is to have sustainable development, meeting the needs of the present

generation without endangering the needs of future generations.

Strategies for Change1. Privatization, e.g. the creation of exclusive economic zones (UNCLOS). But pure public goods

cannot, by definition, be divided.2. Establishment of international environmental regimes, setting limits to greenhouse emissions

(UNFCCC/Kyoto protocol) or allocating fish catches.

3. Public awareness campaigns/greening national economies. Life-boat ethics (Titanic metaphor).o Insufficient lifeboats for passengers on Titanic and seating was based on class (with the rich

taking some belongings); likewise, the capacity of natural resources is insufficient to give

every world citizen a standard of living as in the rich parts of the world. Rich societies may

be required to give up some luxuries to allow others to receive a decent standard of living.

Chapter 20: Environmental issues

A. Introduction Current use and degradation of Earths resources is unsustainable and closely connected to

globalization. There are vast inequalities between rich and poor in use of Earths resources and theecological shadow or footprint they impose. The international response is to attempt to provide

global environmental governance in a system of states that involves international cooperation.

B. Environmental issues on the international agenda: a brief history In late 19th-early 20th century international environmental politics was strictly limited, but around

1960 its scope expanded, environmental problems acquired a transnational and global dimension.

The process was reflected in and stimulated by three great UN conferences of 1972, 1992, and 2002,whose most important role was to make the connection between the international environmental


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and developmental agendas, as expressed in the important concept of sustainable development.

International environmental politics reflected the issue-attention cycle in developed countries andrelied heavily on increasing scientific knowledge.

C. The functions of international environmental cooperation International environmental meetings serve political objectives alongside environmental aims.

A key function of international cooperation is transboundary regulation but attempts atenvironmental action may conflict with the rules of the world trade regime.

International action is needed to promote environmental norms, develop scientific understanding,and assist the participation of developing countries.

International cooperation is necessary to provide governance regimes for the global commons.D. Climate change Climate change, because of its all-embracing nature and its roots in essential human activities, pose

an enormous challenge for international cooperation.

A limited start has been made with the Kyoto regime but this is undermined by the absence of theUnited States. Much more radical arrangements will be required in the period after 2012 and these

will have to involve the major developing world economies.

E. The environment and International Relations theory The environment has been an area for IR in identifying conditions in which effective international

cooperation can emerge. Scholars differ in the importance of explanatory factors in analysing

international environmental regime-building activitiescrude calculations of the power and

interests of key actors (states), cognitive factors (shared scientific knowledge), the impact of non-

government actors, and even the system of states is part of the problem.

IR scholars are also interested in the extent to which the environment in general and particularenvironmental problems are now being seen as security issues in academic, political, and popular

discourse and whether this securitization of the environment is something to be welcomed.

Normative Concerns

N.B. the study of IR has a strong empirical orientation but states commitment to ethical and moral

standards may be an important input to the formulation and implementation of foreign policy.

International Ethics: General- The study of the nature of duties across borders. Cf. Stanley Hoffmanns classical treatise, Duties

beyond borders. On the limits and possibilities of ethical international politics (1981).

- While international law (IL) raises the question of legality of state action, international ethicsraises the question of legitimacy (are state actions righteous, just or necessary?). State actions

may be unlawful but yet legitimate.

o In India and formation of Bangladesh (1971), the formation caused civil strife and refugeesinto India. Indias response was to send its army to enforce peace. People, aside from some

in the Bangladesh army, saw the actions of India as legitimate self-defence and security.

o In Tanzania and Uganda (late 1970s), at the time Uganda was ruled by a brutal dictator(Amin) and many refugees fled to Tanzania. The Tanzanian government took steps toremove the Ugandan dictator and issues remain if the actions were legitimate.

o In the case of Kosovo, Serbia and Milosevic, at the end of the 1990s, Kosovo was a provinceof Yugoslavia and Milosevic was accused of committing ethnic cleansing, genocide, and

crimes against humanity. NATO, under the leadership of the US, came to the conclusion

that action had to be taken to end the violence against ethnic Muslims through aerial


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bombing. The issue was whether it was legitimate, most Western democracies believed

that there was a moral right and a moral duty to end the Milosevic regime.

Relationship Between Insiders and Outsiders- Are duties, if any, towards foreigners different from those towards own citizens?- Three different positions: (1) Cosmopolitan (universalist) view; (2) Realist view; and (3)

Intermediate (middle) position taken by so-called pluralists and communitarians.

Cosmopolitan View- The political writings of Immanuel Kant. Proponents (radical liberals) reject the insider-outsider

distinction. All people are equal, moral point of view, national borders are morally irrelevant.

- There is one humankind a single human community whose rules apply to all- Globalization is believed to buttress the cosmopolitan creed

o Argument that this benefits the global elite. But there is a revival of parochial attitudes,scared about the effects of globalization (such as job protection and mass immigration). So

attention should be paid to the double-edged character of globalization.

Realist View- Realists reject the universal meaning of ethical principles. International anarchy and self-help

dictate statesmen to accept national self-interest and survival as the only viable ethics.

- Political leaders primary duty is to protect the well-being of their own citizens. Individuals cansacrifice themselves; statesmen may not endanger the fate of their country.

- Ethical standards that apply to human relations are not applicable to relations between states.o George Kennan, a famous American diplomat and scholar, emphasized the argument

underlying a qualitative difference between normal human relations and between states.

*+ the functions, commitments and moral obligations of governments are not the same

as those of the individual. Government is an agent, not a principle. Its primary obligation is

to the interests of the national society it represents, not to the moral impulses that the

individual elements of that society may experience. No more than the attorney vis--vis the

client, or the doctor vis--vis the patient, can government attempt to insert itself into the

consciences of those whose interests it represents. (Keenan 1985/1986:205-206).

- Hans J. Morgenthau: a foreign policy guided by universal moral principles is bound to lead tomoral crusades and exhaustion of national resources.o Example: British intervention on the German invasion of Belgium in 1940 and non-

intervention in the invasion of Finland by the USSR. The former was based on morality; the

latter was determined to be too risky and would exhaust national resources.

o Foreign policy arguments framed in moral crusades are harder to negotiate compromises. Intermediate Position

- Pluralists and communitarians contend that morality is not universal but local (circumscribedby particular cultures, geography and time). Different cultures embrace their own ethics.

- States may agree to a minimum core of ethical standards for co-existence as enshrined in IL.- Leading advocate of this is Michael Walzer who distinguished thick and thin moral codes. The

last ones refer to what is unjust (human wrongs) rather than what is just. Ethical pluralism

doesnt prevent the adoption of thin codes (for instance, banning genocide and torture).

o Walzer posited that it is much easier to find agreement between states about humanwrongs than human rights (such as genocide and torture).

Chapter 11: International ethics

A. The ethical significance of boundaries: cosmopolitanism and its alternatives Globalization lends support for cosmopolitan ethical theory. Cosmopolitanism advances a universal

human community in which everybody is treated as equal (most important thinker: Immanuel Kant).


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Cosmopolitanism has both moral and political meaning, but does not require a world state. Cosmopolitans emphasize both positive and negative duties, usually expressed in terms of

responsibilities not to harm and responsibilities to provide humanitarian assistance or hospitality.

B. Anti-cosmopolitanism: realism and pluralism Realism and pluralism are common objections to cosmopolitan ethics and moral universalism.

Realists: necessity demands a statist ethics, restricting moral obligations to the nation-state. Pluralism is an `ethics of coexistence` based on sovereignty.C. Global ethical issues There are two components of the just war tradition:jus ad bellum andjus in bello. Just war is different from holy war, it contains elements of cosmopolitanism and communitarianism. Discussions of global justice are dominated by utilitarian and Rawlsian theories. Disagreement over inequality as a moral problem. Cosmopolitans: a responsibility of the rich to help the poor from positive and negative duties. Human Rights: A Political Perspective

- Universalist ethical vocabulary reflected in body of human-rights treaties after WWII.o Universalism means that the right is applied anywhere, to all and at all times.

-

Premise of universalism challenged by (1) communist countries giving priority to economic andsocial rights over political and civil rights; (2) the Asian values debate (individualism vs.

collectivism); and (3) the rise of the political Islam (application of sharia law). Universalism

doesnt mean uniformity in implementation. Vienna Declaration (1993).

o Communist countries suggest a hierarchy to rights, with economic and social rights overother categories (like civil liberties); what is the point of freed speech when starving?

o The Asian value debate places greater value on the collective rather than the individual,relying on the ideas of Confucius.

o The Vienna Declaration focused on the universal application of human rights but withspecific consideration of local cust

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