INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF INDONESIAN STUDIES ISSUE 4,...

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF INDONESIAN STUDIES

ISSUE 4, 2017

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Forest in the Imagination of Meto People:

Study of Relations between Women and the Forest

Ebenhaizer I. Nuban Timo & Irene Ludji

Biodata: Ebenhaizer I. Nuban Timo is a lecturer at Satya Wacana Christian University in

Indonesia. His research interests are contextual theology, systematic theology, and

Indonesian studies. His email is [email protected].

Biodata: Irene Ludji is a lecturer at Satya Wacana Christian University in Indonesia. Her

research interests are ecofeminism, ethics, and Indonesian studies. She is now a Ph.D

student at Claremont Graduate University, California. Her email is [email protected].

Abstract

This article aims to describe how Meto tribe women living around Oenaek water spring located in Desa Camplong, Kecamatan Fatuleu, Kabupaten Kupang utilize and preserve Camplong forest. Camplong Forest is an area of in the Nature Park that still contains the most complete number of plant varieties on Timor Island. Meto women consider the forest as the guardian of their brethren, food storage, pharmacy, learning place, and transit to the ancestral world. Based on these functions, women develop eco-friendly economic relations, in the sense that while preserving nature, they also utilize nature ecosystem-services for the development of their lives. This research uses qualitative method, and the data are collected through observation, in-depth interview, focus group discussion, and literature review. The findings show that the eco-friendly behavior of Meto women in Camplong Village is practiced because they uphold the local wisdoms taught in the Meto tribe.

Keywords: Ecology, Forest, Local Wisdom, Timor, Meto, and Women.

“Ketika kami orang Meto berbicara kepada alam, maka alam akan menjawab.

Mengapa? Karena kehidupan kami sudah menyatu dengan alam.”

(Trianus Utan. Tribe leader)

Introduction

It is often stated that farmers who conduct slash and burn agriculture (assarting, swidden,

and fire-fallow cultivation) are the main cause of forest destruction. Stephen Kakisina in his

Micro Economy book states "tradition of slash and burn agriculture for example is a form of

economic activities that will damage the environment” (Kakisina, 1998:8). Therefore, to

protect the existing Indonesian forests of the possibility of fiercer damage, laws or

government regulations are drafted to prohibit slash and burn agriculture pattern and

encourage farmers to live in permanent settlements and to stop burning the forests. For

example, Law No. 11/1999, PP No. 6/2007, and PP No. 3/2008 on Forest Arrangement and

Preparation of Forest Management Plan and Forest Utilization (Tata Hutan dan Penyusunan

Rencana Pengelolaan Hutan serta Pemanfaatan Hutan). Furthermore, the policy of forestry

development and conservation of natural resources is regulated in Law No. 19/2004.

mailto:[email protected]

mailto:[email protected]


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Social justice perspectives illustrate a complex situation in the context of farmers

who use slash and burn agriculture systems. Some perspectives attribute these practices to

widespread destruction of forests. Yet others such as Mochtar Lubis (1988:180), an

environmentalist journalist, points to the much more destructive logging practices

conducted by giant companies who use modern technologies for industrial purposes as the

real cause of tropical forests’ destruction. By presenting data, Khalisah Khalid supports Lubis’

opinion that small-scale farmers activities to support livelihoods pale in comparison to the

destruction caused by large-scale logging companies. Yet, these logging groups often face

less scrutiny than the less powerful farmers’ groups. Thus, crises of environmental and

natural resources, according to Khalisah, cannot be separated from injustice and unequal

social and economic structures in which natural resources are commonly dominated and

controlled by corporations (Khalisah Khalid, 2014: 125). The main hypothesis of this

research is that farmers, who perform slash and burn agriculture techniques, in the greater

scheme of things, are in fact, not forest destroyers. They have performed slash and burn

agriculture for thousands of years, but the forests is still intact. In addition, traditional

farmers only cultivate 17.5% of the total forest lands while the corporations control 82.5%

of forest lands (Khalisah Khalid, 2014:125). Mochtar Lubis and Khalisah Khalid’s confirmation

paved a path for the researchers to show that traditional farmers of Timor by performing

slash and burn agriculture system are not the destroyers of forests and ecology; instead,

they have many concepts for conservation. The focus of this research is on the models of

forests utilization and conservation developed by Meto’s women living around Oenaek

water spring in Camplong forest in Timor Island.

Camplong Forest is an area of Nature Park (Taman Wisata Alam/TWA) located in

District Fatuleu (Gubernatorial Decree Level I No. 46/BKLH/82 of 30 March 1982) (Book of

Regional Data of Forestry Office). The regions of the Camplong forests’ area was appointed

by Timor residents on May 11, 1929 as protected forests to protect water springs, nature,

and its wildlife. The name “Camplong” is derived from a name of tree growing there, which

is the Samaploho Tree. This tree produces fruits that can be crushed and combined with

cotton to make a torch (interview with TB, one of the male leaders who live around the

nature park). In this article, the term TWA Camplong and Camplong Forest are used

alternately with similar meaning in this paper. There are eleven water springs in Camplong

Forest and four of them had dried some decades ago (interview with NT, one of the male

leaders who live around the nature park). Out of seven functioning water springs, Oenaek

water springs contains the largest water budget of them all. In the local language, Bahasa

Dawan, Oenaek means ‘lots of water’; this name is given to Oenaek water springs because

this water spring is the biggest water spring if compared to other water springs in TWA

Camplong (interview with AM, one of the male leaders who live around the nature park).


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Oenaek water spring is also located in the middle area so that many people can

easily access it. Camplong forest, 696.60 hectares in width, is enclosed with five villages,

which are Silu village, Oebola Dalam village, Camplong II village, Camplong I administrative

village, and Naunu village. This study focuses on Camplong II village and Camplong I

administrative village; two regions located around Oenaek water spring. There is a small

water spring in Camplong I, which is called Air Bak (bath full of water) by commoners

(because people had built a construction like a small pond around the water spring). This

water spring is called Oesusu in Meto language (result of FGD with tribe leader [TU]). Today,

Oesusu water spring has a small amount of water debit and is utilized by the surrounding

community to irrigate their plants and to fulfill household needs. The water of this spring

also comes from Oenaek water spring (interview with AM and NT, two of the male leaders

who live around the nature park). The informants in this research basically have overlapping

roles in the community. For example, a tribal leader of Meto is also a church councilor of the

local church and he also works as an employee of the forestry office in Camplong forest; a

Meto woman, who sells fruits around Camplong forest, is also active in serving the local

church. Consequently, the information collected from the informants is highly complex and

needs to be analyzed prudently.

The numbers of workers who live around the forest are 1644 people. Out of the total

numbers, 1362 work as farmers, of which 681 of them are women (Kantor Kelurahan

Camplong I, 2015). On the other hand, in Camplong II village, the numbers of women who

work as farmers only reaches 547 people (Buku Daftar Isian Profil Desa Camplong II). If the

forest in the sub-regency is still carefully sustained, can even be used as conservation area,

people should never take female farmers for granted. The research questions are

formulated into three points. First, why do women of Meto tribes living around Camplong

Forest, especially in Camplong village participate in maintaining the viability of the forest?

Second, what types of local wisdom or indigenous knowledge of the Meto people guide the

maintenance and conservation of the forest around their settlement? Third, what form of

forest preservation is performed by female farmers of Meto tribe in line with the indigenous

knowledge of their tribe? Besides showing that women have pivotal roles in forest

conservation, this study also emphasizes one area of local wisdom that guides traditional

farmers in their preservation of the forest.

Forests as the lungs of the Earth

The forest is an ecosystem containing flora and fauna whose lives are intertwined with each

other and cannot be separated (Indriyanto, 2006:4). Forests are also commonly referred to

as the ‘lungs of the Earth’. Every year, plants on earth produce approximately 150,000

million tons of CO2 and 25,000 million tons of hydrogen. They also release 400,000 million

tons of oxygen to the atmosphere and produce 450,000 million tons of organic substances

(Zoer'aini Djamal Irwan, 1992:43). Life on earth can carry on due to unobtrusive plants’

activities. Humans and animals acquire foods in the form of organic substances from the


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plants. Aside from producing oxygen and consuming carbon dioxide, forests also act as

water-binding regions, preventing erosion, controlling the climate balance, and providing a

chain of food beneficial for living creatures (Wahli & YLBHI. 1993:1). No matter how concise

the data are, the importance of forests and plants for preserving the life on earth is obvious.

Flourishing life on earth which Larry L. Rasmussen calls the House of Earth (Rasmussen,

2010:155) is also determined by the volition of all living creatures, including humans, to

preserve it.

Rasmussen shows a strong correlation between economy, ecology, and oikumenika

(Rasmussen, 2010: 155-8). ‘Economy’ is derived from the world eco meaning household and

nomos meaning provisional codes or law. Among Christians, there is a proverb oikonomos,

housekeeper. In English, it is called steward, which is from sty warden, stable keeper. This

etymological definition signifies huge responsibility and trust. Ecology means knowledge of

how to manage household systems (ecosystem) to fulfill and support the material demands

of a household (2010: 158). Simply speaking, ecology means the logic of household,

knowledge of household structure and dynamics, which is how a household is managed and

performed. The purpose of the assembling and implementation of such structures of course

focuses on integrity of creation and sustainable life. Oikumenika refers to integrity of

households living together on earth for the sake of true living or to find a solution to realize

a true living in the House of Earth (2010:159). This word becomes a technical term in

Christianity referring to the unity of Christians around the world.

Women and the Forest

Compared to men, women have a closer and more direct relationship with nature.

Culturally, women are related to nature. Based on this notion, ecofeminism thinkers believe

that that there is conceptual, symbolic, and linguistic relation between feminist and

ecological issues (Rosemarie Putman Tong, 2010:359). Francois d’Eaubonne, an ecofeminist

figure, in her book entitled Feminisme Ou la Mort as quoted by Khalisah Khalid, emphasizes

that women and nature often times are articulated into two very tight and close matters

(Khalisah Khalid, 2014:136). Women are the most vulnerable party when there is a conflict

of natural resources. That is why in their conscious instinct women act responsively in

defending the life of mother earth, often through feminist approaches (Mary Mellor,

1997:12). Sherry B. Ortner, as quoted by Rosemarie Putman Tong, mentions three reasons

that show women’s proximity with nature (Rosemarie Putman Tong, 2010:371). First is

physiology, the belief that women are involved in species of life longer than men. Second,

women’s sphere is in the domestic context, so that women are much more familiar with the

domestic context than men. Third is that women’s psyche tends to be made into more

relational, concrete, and distinctive thinking compared to men’s. Therefore, women are

closer to nature compared to men. This can be seen in two ways. First, for centuries, women

in traditional communities have had a more intensive relation with the environment.

Women gather food, firewood, traditional medicines, make clothes, do the farming around


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the house, and so on. Women’s proximity towards nature is in the form of an intimate and

direct relation (Catriona Sandilands, 1999:59).When life crisis related to nature occurs,

women are the most vulnerable and impacted group. Susanne Rodemeier shows one

interesting example, on Pura Island, Alor, East Nusa Tenggara (Nusa Tenggara Timur/NTT),

where women are given the duty to find water. They carry heavy jerry cans of water from

the water spring close to the coast and walk towards their houses often on an incline on

foot for about 20 minutes. The men, on the other hand, only pray and sometimes give

offerings to prevent the water spring from drying (Rodemeir, 2104:30).

Second, as the most vulnerable party in the event of environmental crisis, women

develop a more intimate relationship with nature, by trying to avoid economic activities that

may damage the ecology (Mellor, 1997:12). The friendly and intimate relations, according to

Khalisah Khalid, cannot be found in the political economy system focusing on development.

When political economy is combined with sophisticated technology and modern knowledge,

natural destruction is inevitable due to the exploitation of sources of economic life in

nature, which also marginalizes women and local wisdom and tradition (Khalisah Khalid,

2014:132). On the other hand, feminist approaches towards ecology posit economic activity

as needing to respect the earth’s spirituality (Per Larsson, 2004).

Economic activities that can damage ecology are not only a product of political

economy combined with modern knowledge. The command in the Holy Bible to humans to

dominate and conquer the earth, hold the power over fish and birds in the air, is a concrete

support that nature only has its instrumental function. The relationship model between

humans-nature introduced in here is a form of arrogant anthropomorphism model

(Rosemarie Putman Tong, 2010:362). To challenge the two economic activities in ecology as

mentioned above, that tend to damage the existence of nature, ecofeminism emerged,

because basically, feminism respects what Khalid calls the distinctive experience of every

human being (Khalid, 2014:133). In sociological language, this distinctive experience is called

local wisdom.

Local Wisdom

Malcolm Brownlee mentions there are three sources of value that usually influence humans’

behavior today in their effort for development. The three values are (Brownlee, 1989:114)

first, traditional value derived from traditional customs; second, modern values that are

mainly characterized by rational western world; third, religious values believed by the actors

of development efforts. Observing Brownlee’s explanation of traditional values, it is strongly

imprinted that traditional values are no other than local wisdom, while modern and

religious values refer to modern knowledge and the tradition of Jewish-Christian cultures.

Related to the first value, what Brownlee refers to as traditional values are rules,

norms, or standards of conduct of people’s behavior in the society, which are believed to be

revealed by the founding fathers and mothers of a society (Brownlee, 1989:153). The values

are understood to form identity or the identity of a community, and, therefore, it is


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important to maintain and preserve these values. This is what people refer to as local

wisdom in this research, which are traditional values in society’s functioning as the standard

of the community’s behavior. Describing the way of life and viewpoint of traditional people

in Asia about themselves and building life, Emerito P. Nacpil stated that traditional people

are usually building a life, both privately or communally not by understanding scientific

concept; rather, they should be based on tales (myths); s/he is able to understand concrete

and closer things compared to abstract concept compared to abstract and thematic

concepts (Emerito P. Nacpil, 1978: 229).

Traditional people, especially the farmers, tend to think relationally rather than

rationally (NubanTimo, 2006:41). Their relational thinking is reflected through their attitude

and behavior, always trying to keep the harmony of the relationship between humans,

nature, and the spirits around them (in Christianity, God has replaced the spirits). In

traditional ways of thinking, nature is considered as a brother. Humans are subject among

other subjects. On the other hand, rational thinking appears on the behavior that treats

humans as autonomous entities, relatively free of social, historic, anthropologic, economic,

ecology, and theology relations.

Forest in the Imagination of Meto Women

From their birth until their death, Meto women have a close relationship with nature.

Imagination is their source of inspiration encouraging people. Imagination always exists

preceding reality they are about to present (Tedjoworo, 2001:17). Edwards defines

imagination as an effort to create images through mental concept that is indirectly acquired

through sensory concepts (Hudjolly, 2001:104). The presented images in imagination are

still in an abstract form; they have not manifested into perceivable forms. The house of

imagination, according to Jacquas Lacan, Michael Foucault, Levi Strauss and Jacques Derrida,

is in human’s psyche or consciousness. Therefore, imagination is an entity inside a human. It

preconditions our experience of the world (Hudjolly, 2001:105).

The imagination of the Meto tribe women towards the forest can be categorized into

the following forms. First, forest is perceived as a shelter for the dead people’s spirits while

they are waiting to ascend to the ancestral world. Forest is a transit terminal for spirits

before they join their ancestors. The spirits use one of the trees or stones as a temporary

shelter (FGD result with women group). This can be seen through the Meto people’s phrase

to describe a death, which is Nao nbihaubianma fatubian, which means ‘go behind a tree or

a stone’ (interview with one of Meto tribe leaders, AB). In an elegy when someone dies,

they are described in a phrase: the big tree has fallen; the tree branch has broken

(Ebenhaizer NubanTimo, 1989:76). The mourners in Meto tribes are usually women.

One of the important components in their mourning is poetic and rhymed sentences.

Another important element in the poem and rhyme is the mentioning of name rock

(tombstone) and clan name tree (kanaf). It serves to tell the dead so that the spirit goes to


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its name rock and clan name tree (Ebenhaizer Nuban Timo, 1989:85). One of the functions

of the poems is to tell the spirits of the route towards the name rock and clan name tree (P.

Middelkoop, 1982:142). It is possible that in the bustling activities when the spirits were still

alive, they forget the route they passed when they were born. The mourners tell the name

rock and clan name tree to prevent the spirits from straying off the path. This belief is

contradictory with the belief that death is a moment where the dead goes back to their

name rock and clan name tree, while birth is seen as the coming of a new individual from

name rock and clan name tree. Reciting name rock and clan name tree to the dead relates

to the thing that happened at birth. Meto people also have a ritual in remembering those

who passed away in the “outside” (meaning, outside the house or outside of Timor Island)

by going to the place of his death, take a stone to be brought home and buried (as a symbol

that one has brought the spirit of the dead to home) (interview with NT, one of the male

leaders who live near the natural forest). Further, Meto people also have a tradition in tying

dried leaves in a branch of a tree and after that spat with betel nut saliva. This action is done

to talk with the dead brother/sister and go behind a name rock or clan name tree (interview

with NT). The practices done by Meto people enable them to protect the trees and rocks,

land and forest wholeheartedly.

When someone is born, people think that he comes from behind a name rock or

name tree (interview with one of tribe leaders, GT). To integrate the child (male and female)

into the society, s/he will need to be introduced to the villagers. The introductory moment is

performed in a form of ritual (ceremony) when the child is 40 days old. The Amanuban tribe

calls this ceremony Napoitan Liana (bringing out the child), while Amfoang, Fatule’u, and

Amarasi tribes call it Nanon. In the ceremony, the mother’s brother brings out the baby out

of a round house (ume kbubu) associated as women’s house, accompanied with the mother

to introduce the baby to the village elders who have gathered outside the house (FGD result

with women group). In the ceremony, there is a question and answer as the following (FGD

result with Meto tribe leaders):

Question:1Hi miko me kah? (where do you come from?)

Answer:2Hai miko ???? (we come from…. Mentioning name of rock and name of clan tree).

Question: Hi mekisa, kah? (what do you bring?)

Answer: Hai mekisuni ma auni (we bring machete and spear).

This answer is for man. For woman, the answer is: “Hai mekiike ma suti.” These two things

are weaving tools usually used by women to make thread.

Since their birth till their death, Meto people’s lives are inseparable from the forest.

The placenta considered as the brother of the baby is kept in an earthen pot and hung on

the trees in the forest or buried in the ground with a coconut tree. Trees with hanging

1 This question is delivered by a tribal leader.

2 The answer is given by the brother of a mother who was carrying her baby.


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earthen pots containing placenta or the ones with placenta buried under it are forbidden to

be cut down. If the trees produce fruits, the ones who can enjoy it are those who have their

placenta hung or buried there. When they died, a branch of tree is taken and drilled where

the dead body is placed before the burial.

Second, forest (nature) is more understood as the life keeper of twin brother/sister

of each Timor person. Due to its role as a keeper, nature serves as mother (interview with

YM, one of the women who live near the natural forest). Aleta Baun, a Timor woman who

fought for Mollo land from the exploitation of marble mining (1996) describes the earth as

human, in which the land is flesh, water is blood, forest is artery veins, and stone is bone

(Irene Ludji, 2014:107). The imagination of the forest as human (brother’s keeper) can be

seen through the following treatment (FGD result with Meto tribe leaders).

In the first place, the placenta of a newborn child is usually hung on a tree depending

on the gender of the child. For male babies, the placenta is hung on a coconut tree, sugar

palm, gewang or papyrus (lontar palm), also in a kusambi tree (Stadmanniasideroxylon; Alb.

C. Kryut, 1921:781). Placenta of a female baby is hung on a cottonwood tree. There is a

belief that in the future the child will be able to tap the sap of coconut, sugar palm, gewang

or papyrus (lontar palm) or is skillful in weaving. The trees with placenta are forbidden to be

cut down. This belief relates to plasenta in Meto language. Meto people in Timor Tengah

Selatan call placenta as li an olif, the baby’s twin brother (Ebenhaizer I NubanTimo, 2009:8).

While Meto people in Fatule’u, Amfoang, Amarasi name the placenta as Ore, the synonym

of Ori that means ‘brother’ (Melkisedek Sniút, 2003:26). Brother or twin brother of the child

is placed on the tree to teach the brother skills such as processing the respected tree

products for their lives.

In the second place, if Meto people need a log from the tree as construction material

for homes or furniture, even a casket, they perform a ritual before they cut down the trees;

they place rice grains and pour a few drops of water in the tree roots to ask permission to

cut down the trees. The purpose is to tell the spirits who guard the trees. Meto people talk

to the trees or stones before taking or doing something because they believe that the trees

and stones are their siblings. As explained previously, Meto people believe that when they

die, the spirits go into the woods to stay behind a tree or across the rocks while waiting for

their turn to ascend to the ancestral world. To make a casket, Meto people use the trunk of

a cottonwood (interview with TB, one of the male who live around the natural forest).

Third, Meto people also imagined the forest as a pharmacy, a place where they can

take medicines to cure certain diseases (FGD result with women group). When one gets

fever, white resin leaves (Jarak Putih) and banana leaves or trunk are placed in the forehead

or chest to relieve the fever. If one has sore throat, they take the worms of nikis or buni tree

to relieve the inflammation. The interview shows interesting data. Female farmers who

become the interviewees were excited to tell the name of trees and its benefits for health.


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When a woman gives birth, then the forest becomes the source of medicines for her

recuperating process. Camplong forest has more than 70 types of trees, and is one of the

forests with the most complete plant varieties in Timor Island. For a woman who has just

given birth, she will be treated with various types of forest plants such as the bark of forest

teak, the bark of red wood tree (a type of angsana tree), Taduk tree, Faloak

(Sterculiacomosa Wallich), Raru wood, and Kayu Ular wood (Strychnoslucida) (interview

with SA, one of the women who live near the forest). Furthermore, a woman who just gave

birth is also asked to stay in a special room, also known as the ‘hot room’ for 40 days. The

room is warmed by burning Kesambi woods taken from the forest. They choose Kesambi

woods because if they are burned, they will turn into charcoal able to produce heat in a long

period of time (interview with SA). For a newborn baby, they place a type of wood namely

Ganoak in their clothes; this plant can also be crushed and placed on the baby’s head crown

to keep the body temperature warm (interview with NK, one of the women who live near

the forest). A Meto woman will give a toddler who cannot walk skillfully will be given

Fenfena wood that is crushed and rubbed on its knees. Similarly, they will give a toddler

who cannot speak fluently the Bobe fruits, which are cut and placed in to a glass of water to

be drunk (FGD result with women group). All these types of medicinal herbs can be found in

Camplong Forest. It is clear that by protecting Camplong forest, Meto people also protect

their lives and their future.

Furthermore, there are other types of plants and forest fruits that can be consumed

to cure some diseases, Meto women for example take Faloak fruits to be consumed to cure

liver disease. If a child gets fever or cankerous mouth, Meto women will take

Babatek/Kabatek fruits produced by Nikis tree to relieve the fever. They can also take the

sap of Damar putih (white resin) and place it on the feverish child’s tongue to relieve the

fever (FGD result with women group). For children’s snacks, Meto women take kesambi

fruits, forest Anonak fruit, Lelak fruits, and so on. These types of foods are foraged from the

forest (interview with YK, one of the women who live near the forest).

Fourth, the forest is also imagined as a living kitchen by Meto people (FGD result

with women group). Meto people take varieties of food from the forest such as vegetables

(mushroom), fruits, and even honey. The forest serves as a kitchen or food storage providing

food and drink necessities for people, even for cattle and pets. The forest is a region

nurturing the life of traditional farmers in Camplong village. In Camplong forest, women

usually go to the forest to do many things such as foraging for cattle fodder (banyan tree

leaves), collecting firewood for cooking, taking medicinal herbs, taking water for household

consumption in Oenaek water spring, collecting fruits to be sold, and collecting fallen

gmelina fruit to be sold (interview with YM, one of the women who live near the forest). In

the past, Meto women also foraged for staple foods such as Ubi Mae (purple sweet potato)

and Arbila (type of nuts), especially when they faced food crises.


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Fifth, Meto people consider the forest as a learning place containing a range of

lessons, lessons useful for the establishment of ethics, moral, and spirituality (interview with

one of Tribe leaders, GT). Something similar thing is emphasized in Fary Dj Francis’ article

that the forest is a ‘university’ for Meto people (Fary Dj. Francis, 2008:3). A Meto woman,

for example, educates her children by using proverbs of a pine tree/Ayaob (Meto language),

“Don’t be like an Ayaob tree, easily swayed left and right by the wind” (Interview with MM,

one of the women who live near the forest). This advice means that a child is expected to

grow with integrity and firm faith so that he would not be easily influenced by others.

Another lesson from a mother, for example, “Be like a banyan tree,” means to be a strong-

willed man, one who is able to support and protect others (interview with NK, one of the

women who live near the forest). Meto women also teach their children by using metaphors,

for example a woman said “Do not be like a gecko,” which means do not be a snobbish

person, just like a gecko that will only mention its name, it will be better for compliments to

come from others (interview with MM, one of the women who live near the forest).

The forest is the storage of knowledge and wisdom serving as a guide for them to

understand life. The poems that the author was able to collect obviously describe this. The

followings are three types of poem as examples.

Riddle poem (Tekab)

1. Uimke’ kase ma luippuabika

(The room of a new comer has stem nut as its walls)

Nananke’ kasematuasinas

(The owner is a Chinese)

Answer: forest pomegranate (interview with one of Tribe leaders, GT)

2. Usifmeselenu in ana hen sanu bi pahafui

Namnikiksobe. In hen fain neo in sobenane

Onmekanahine

A king sent his son to the earth

He left his crown

He was about to take his crown back

But he did not know how


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Answer: fruit of palm trees. If the fruit fell to the ground, the crown stayed on the

top of the tree (P. Middelkoop, 1925).3

Poem of life lesson (Nee Noina)

1. Koi afmoloahaketeno

(Guava fruit ripens in front of the house)

Kol bi ba’u nit namnaonem

(Bats come and go)

The lesson: The house of a Wiseman is favored by many (interview with one of Tribe

leaders, TU).

2. Nekelapu bi tuknamtukan

(Cotton wood has brittles on the edges)

Mesanmoinnapae bi tnanan

(But it blossoms in the middle)

The lesson: Human’s life is fragile when he is a baby and an old man, but he is very

useful when he is young (interview with one of Tribe leaders, TU).

3. Maun sufsilubissuf sab lelo

(A cluster of betel nuts should not be separated)

Kais am sab lelohaibabaun

(We the poor ones should not be ignored)

The lesson: Every human should be treated equally(interview with one of Tribe

leaders, GT).

Satire poem (Nee Siu)

1. Muik sum lilinafuaaobabut

(Kaffir lime has wrinkly skin)

Bait hem aolekote lo au kun

(If it was smooth, I am the owner)

A satire for bad-mannered people(interview with one of Tribe leaders, GT).

2. Pen min kelimanapul ton

(Short-lived corn aims for the rain)

3 This riddle is used by P. Middelkoop as a basis to deliver a very meaningful preach, which is a description of

humans’ live who has lost their nobility in the heaven because they fall into their sin.


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Manap-manapnaleun in taun

(Because they are hasty, they broke their own branch)

A satire for naughty youngsters (interview with one ofTribe leaders, GT).

Forms of Relation between Meto Women and Nature

The imagination of Meto people of forest as described above is the indigenous knowledge

that becomes their main reason before taking something from the forest for their daily

needs while trying to maintain the sustainability of the forest. Destroying the forest also

means killing their twin brother’s keeper for the Meto people. Destroying the forest for the

Meto people also means making their spirits lose a shelter when they die. Therefore,

destroying the forest is an unforgivable crime for the Meto people.

Tedjo woro mentions that the imagination works to precondition our experience of

the world (Tedjo woro, 2001:32). Experiences and forms of action of Meto women for the

forest, as it is preconditioned by their imaginations, are seen through the following actions

(FGD result with women group). First, fence resin (Jarak) or in Indonesian language is called

Jarak Putih believed by the traditional farmers to be effective for curing fever and cleaning

the baby’s tongue and palate. If a child’s or teenager’s body temperature is quite high until

they have fever, take some jarak putih leaves to be put on the forehead and chest. It is used

to relieve the fever. That is why jarak putih is planted around the house yard, usually used

as fence for the yard. In addition to its use as a medicinal plant, the seeds can also be used

as fuel for oil lamp (Sonya Titin M. Nge & Ana Wijayanti Purnomo, 2014:171-5).

Second, Nikis and Buni tree are known as plants that help people for medical

treatment. People with sore throats such that they have difficulties in eating or drinking

often go into the woods to find these two plants. There is a type of worms (kbate) living in

the bark of the trees. They cut the bark with a cleaver and the worms are fried and fed to

the baby. When the author was young, she often went into the woods with her father to

find worms in the bark for sore throat cure when the author’s siblings had sore throats.

Strychnoslucida tree (or Pohon Elu/Bahasa Indonesia: kayu ular) and papaya tree

(Meto language:kaut) are plants used to treat malaria and high fever. When someone

suffers from fever that is indicated by seizures, take some papaya leaves and boil them with

one to two glasses of water. Let the boiled water cool down and drink it. The boiled leaves

can be eaten directly or be used as complementary food along with rice or corn. If someone

trips and gets wounded, take some papaya leaves then chew them, and place it on the

wound to stop the bleeding. In case of prolonged fever, take some bark of Strychnoslucida

tree or take a few slices of seeds and then boil them with water to be drunk routinely once a

day for four to five days (interview with YO, one of the male who live around the forest).

Another plant in the forest beneficial for health is forest eggplant, a type of tarum plant. The

fruits are small in size and the plant serves well as medicine for toothache. The seeds of


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forest eggplant are dried under the sun, after they are dried well, burn them in a glass or a

shell. The smoke of the combustion is directed to the cavities through the midrib of papaya

leaves in the form of pipe. Usually the worms in the cavity will pass out and fall through the

midrib to the glass or shell. Dental worms are white in color, they look like thread about one

centimeter and have two heads.

Third, noni plant (Morindacitrifolia), tarum shrubs, and the bark of cassowary tree

(pine tree, Meto language = ayo’) are plants with special benefits for Meto tribe women

(Bele Antonius, 2011:187). The colors for the woven cloth they produce come from the

roots, barks, and leaves of these plants. It is forbidden for them to destroy the life of trees

producing the color they need for the production of woven cloth. Women are people on the

first line to protect these plants.

The above examples show the relation of friendship, even a brotherhood, between

humans and nature (forest and trees). This relation is symbiotic, a mutually beneficial

relationship. The forest sustains the life of Meto people. It is fitting that the Meto people

sustain the forest as gratitude for the forest.

Forms of Forest Conservation

The forest is the people’s keeper, which means that it is nurtured and maintained due to

some purposes of the forest living in the imagination of Meto tribes and the real ones are

their relations with the forest. There are six forms of forest conservation that are an integral

part of the local wisdom of Meto tribe.

Reading Khalisah Khalid’s article on “Nasib Perempuan dan Alam dalam Paradigma

Pembangunan,” it is possible to see that the use of simple and eco-friendly farming tools of

the Meto tribe’s traditional farmers displays a feminist approach to their economic activity.

Khalisah writes “Using heavy tool penetration to exploit the earth’s resources and the

nature of the job that uses sophisticated technology, *indicates+ ‘masculinity’ and masculine

destructive force” (Khalisah Khalid, 2014:132).

Meto tribes do chop down trees when they expand their farming area. The

interesting matter as told by the respondents is that they do not cut down all the trees

(interview with ML, one of the males who live near the forest). Some trees with special

value and meaning, as previously explained, are usually left in the field. They only trim some

branches and twigs to let through the sunlight beneficial for the photosynthetic process for

short-term trees in the field. This is the second form of the Meto tribe’s concern towards

forest conservation. This pattern is also a form of an ecofeminist approach to economic

activity which is essentially for the preservation of life of the mother earth.

For people who are familiar with the life of traditional farmers of Meto tribe, they

will understand the message delivered through a sign placed in a tree trunk. Among the

farmers of Timor, there is a habit to tie a twig of a small plant in a tree branch, either in the

forest, in the roadside or in the garden. Before tying it, the twig is smeared with saliva after


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chewing betel so that it turns red. The sign is called bunuk (prohibition) in Meto language. It

was a sign that the tree is prohibited to be chopped down or it is prohibited to pick the

fruits before harvest moon comes and the ritual for harvest is performed. Bunuk can be

found on most trees in the forest. If there is someone who ignores the prohibition, he will

get ill or receive a punishment, that can be in the form of a house fire or an accident such

that he gets wounded by a knife or falls from the tree.

The arrangement of the forest as a sacred region is due to the fact that it is believed

to be the dwelling place of the dead spirits, which is also another form (the fourth form) of

forest conservation (interview with one of tribe leaders, TU). The arrangement as a sacred

region does not automatically mean that humans are prohibited to forage for forest

products to fulfil their daily needs. Recorded in the tradition, which is also the local wisdom

of the Meto tribe, there are certain times when people are allowed to enter the forest to

take something for their life survival. The permission is indicated by the conduct of rituals

performed collectively, and led by tribal leaders or traditional, important figures. Some

permission is applicable annually, for example to take honey products, but some are only

valid in one period, for example every five year. This ritual is called oinoef ma sisimaka’,

which means the harvest of tree products and forest animals (Pemerintah Kabupaten Timor

Tengah Selatan, 1987:25). After the ritual is performed, the people are allowed to enter the

forest to hunt for animals such as deer, boar, chicken, weasel or couscous. However, the

number of hunted animals is limited according to the agreement and the duration for hunt

is limited. Usually, the number of hunts is limited to five animals and the duration is a week.

If there is someone who enters the forest to take small products such as firewood or dig

forest taro or yam in their daily activities, it is forbidden for them to intentionally move

stones or big logs from their initial places or to damage the ants or moths nests s/he comes

upon (Krayer van Aalst, 1926:41-46).4 On the time when people still lived according to tribal

religion, people who acted clumsily in the forest would not find their way home. They will

wander around the forest and only return home if someone else passes the area and helps.5

In the area of the Oenaek water spring in the Camplong forest, the rituals for water

spring maintenance were performed for the last time in 1995. At that time, the Meto tribe

community along with the government held hand-in-hand to perform a ritual by sacrificing a

buffalo and a pig. The blood of the sacrificed animals was poured around the water spring,

accompanied with recitations in the Meto language by one of tribe leaders (Tertius Bait).

This rite, according to the indigenous knowledge of Meto people is conducted not as a form

of worship towards the water spring; rather, it is a form of gratitude for the benefits

provided by the water spring to support its surrounding ecosystem (interview with NT, one

of the males who live around the forest).

4 Based on the belief of Meto people, ants nest is the door for pahtuaf, Gods of earth.

5According to the respondents, this condition is no longer performed recently. The reason that they give is the

fact that after converting into Christians, they are no longer attached to the spirits, and gradually the influence of the spirits on them is weakening.


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The last form of forest conservation done by Meto tribe is agricultural activity

(economy) which is initiated by rituals.

“When we are about to clear the forests to be made into farming area, we perform

prayers and butcher sacrificial animals such as chickens to know the favor of the

spirits and their permission. Before we plant the seeds in the field, we also perform

ritual of sacrificial animals butchering (minimum a chicken) for sending rain, fertility,

protection from pests. When it is time for harvest, two or three days in advance,

some corn kernels are taken from the field. The corn kernels and a piece of sacrificed

chicken meat for the ritual are placed in a flat stone within the field used as the

altar” (Interview with one of tribe leaders, GT).”

The objects are used as offerings for the spirits, especially for pahtua who also keep the

plants growth until it is harvest time (Piet and Jet Middelkoop, 2006:6). Farmers’ working

tools (sickle, crowbar) are smeared with crushed corns and oil from sacrificial animals. The

cattle that help the farmers from preparing the land to harvest time will also receive their

portion in the ritual. The last ritual is called Pen suf Bia ritual (Majelis Sinode GMIT, 1995). It

is performed as gratitude towards the working tools.

These rituals ceased to be performed since the ancestors of Meto converted to

Christianity (FGD result with tribe leader). The church considers these rituals as a form of

paganism (FGD result with tribe leader). As the substitute for these rituals, the pastors and

council of congregation in some villages, including Sion and Bethania Camplong

congregation, will organize worship for the agricultural cycle (FGD result with tribe leader,

Council of Congregation, and Pastor of GMIT Bethania Camplong). At the beginning of the

planting season, the Council of Congregation performs worship of prayer for sending rain

and fertility for the plants. In Timor, this is popularly called as Klei Oe (worship of water).6

When it rains and planting season comes, there is no special worship in the church but the

council of congregation encourages the people to bring special offerings, in the form of

natzar. After the farmers have finished harvesting, worship of gratitude for harvest is

performed in the church. It is usually conducted a day after Pentecost celebration, which is

on Monday. This worship is widely known as Onen Fua Tulu (Prayer for the harvest;

Indonesia: doa hulu hasil) in Meto local language. The offerings are piled up upon the altar,

and the livestock are tied outside the service building. After the worship, the crops are

auctioned and the sale proceeds are used to fund the church service.

Conclusion

6Klei Oe is held on 31 October by the village congregation in Timor. The service is usually held in forests or

water spring that is usually used by the community for showering, washing, and defecating. The main purpose of Klei Oe is to deliver the prayer to God to send rain and to bless seeds and plants they are going to plant in the upcoming rainy season. The worshippers who come to the ritual by bringing the seeds they are about to plant to be blessed.


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Even though living in a modern era where people tend to perceive forests as objects to be

managed and exploited, the people of Meto tribes, especially the traditional farmers living

around Oenaek Camplong water spring, tend to think relationally rather than rationally

(Eben NubanTimo, 2006:41). The fertility of plants and abundant crops will be addressed

differently by the farmers. Rational farmers believe that the success is the fruit of their hard

work and perseverance in nurturing the seeds’ growth and taking care of their plants. On

the other hand, relational farmers consider abundant crops as a blessing from the spirits

(Allah in Christianity). This viewpoint determines the farmers’ behavior on harvest moon.

Rational farmers will continue the harvest, while relational farmers will perform some

rituals or ceremonies that are directed to the spirits as gratitude before harvest is

conducted.

As time passed, the changes of the function of the forest from adat

(customary/indigenous) forest to recreational forest also influence the relation between

Meto women and forest, who have pivotal roles in managing and maintaining the quality of

life. Traditional farmers in Camplong district and in Timor islands basically tend to build a

strong relation with family, tribe, and community. They almost never see oneself as an

independent individual; rather, they are always in a close relation with nature, family, tribe

and the community. They are also strongly attached to the authority of custom, community

regulations, and hereditary customs. The attention and subjugation of personal decisions

under the volition of the people is considered important to maintain the cosmic order,

including the communal comfort of all entities, both the living and the spirits of the dead

ancestors.

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Website

Kupangkab.bps.go.id, accessed on June 2015.

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journal/ is licensed under Attribution 4.0 International (CC BY 4.0)

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