INSTITUTION: THE CONTROL OF SOCIAL PERCEPTION
Transcript of INSTITUTION: THE CONTROL OF SOCIAL PERCEPTION
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INSTITUTION:THECONTROLOFSOCIALPERCEPTION-TOWARDATHEORYOFMINORITY-DIRECTEDINSTITUTIONALCHANGE
ADISSERTATIONINEconomics
AndSocialscience
PresentedtotheFacultyofthe
UniversityofMissouri-KansasCityinpartialfulfillmentoftherequirementsforthedegree
DOCTOROFPHILOSOPHY
By
FRANKLINA.LENK
B.A.,StanfordUniversity,1978M.A.,StanfordUniversity,1979
KansasCity,Missouri2015
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©2015FRANKLINA.LENK
ALLRIGHTSRESERVED
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INSTITUTION:THECONTROLOFSOCIALPERCEPTION-TOWARDATHEORYOFMINORITY-DIRECTEDINSTITUTIONALCHANGE
FranklinA.Lenk,CandidateforDoctorofPhilosophyDegree
UniversityofMissouri-KansasCity,2015
ABSTRACT
Thisdissertationseekstomakeprogresstowardatheoryofminority-directed
institutionalchange.Itbeginswithareviewofresearchonurbansociologyandhow,
despitetremendoustechnologicalandlegalchange,thefactofinstitutionalracism
remains.ItthenreviewsrelevantportionsofOriginalInstitutionalEconomics(OIE)thought
describingtherelationshipbetweenindividualsandinstitutions,endingwithanOIEtheory
ofinstitutionalchange.Itthenshowshowatheoryofhumanpsychology,Perceptual
ControlTheory(PCT)islargelyanalogoustoOIEwhilealsohelpingtoclarifyandupdate
someportionsofit.ExtendingPCTintothesocialrealmandcombiningitwithsome
insightsfrombothneuroscienceandnetworkscienceenablesthedevelopmentofamore
completeunderstandingofinstitutionformation.Thishelpsexplainwhyinstitutional
changeissodifficult,whyeffortstochangeinstitutionsmustfocusonchangingsocial
perceptions,andhowapowerlessminoritymightmoresuccessfullydojustthat.Though
thecasestudiedhereisinstitutionalracism,allpurposefulsocialchangeinevitablybegins
withthosewhoseopinionisinitiallyintheminority.Therefore,asuccessfultheoryof
minority-directedinstitutionalchangecouldbeappliedtoawidevarietyofotherissues,
includingglobalclimatechangeandappropriatepolicy-settingformodernmonetary
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economies,wherethoserecommendingpotentialsolutionsareactivelyopposedby
entrenchedandpowerfulinterests.
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APPROVALPAGE Thefacultylistedbelow,appointedbytheDeanoftheSchoolofGraduateStudies,
haveexaminedadissertationtitled“Institution:TheControlofSocialPerception—Toward
aTheoryofMinority-DirectedInstitutionalChange,”presentedbyFranklinArthurLenk,
candidateforDoctorofPhilosophy,andcertifythatintheiropinionitisworthyof
acceptance.
SupervisoryCommittee
PeterEaton,Ph.D.,CommitteeChairDepartmentofEconomics
DouglasBowles,Ph.D.
SocialScienceConsortium
JamesSturgeon,Ph.D.DepartmentofEconomics
MatthewForstater,Ph.D.DepartmentofEconomics
MichaelFrisch,Ph.D.
DepartmentofArchitecture,UrbanPlanningandDesign
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CONTENTSABSTRACT..........................................................................................................................iii
ILLUSTRATIONS..................................................................................................................vii
TABLES..............................................................................................................................viii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS.....................................................................................................ix
Chapter1. INTRODUCTION......................................................................................................1
2. REVIEWOFLITERATURE.........................................................................................5
3. INTEGRATINGPCTWITHOIE................................................................................88
4. TOWARDACONTROLTHEORYOFMINORITY-DIRECTED INSTITUTIONALCHANGE........................................................................105
5. SUMMARY,CONCLUSIONANDFUTURERESEARCH...........................................142
REFERENCELIST..............................................................................................................156
VITA................................................................................................................................166
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ILLUSTRATIONS
Figure Page
1. Abasicperceptualcontrolsystemunit................................................................51
2. Singleperceptualcontrolunitwithmemory showingtheimaginationconnection.......................................................67
3. Ahierarchyofcontrol,showingtheoperation oftheimaginationmode..........................................................................70
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TABLES
Table Page
1. CorrespondencebetweenOIEandPCT..............................................................101
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Whenittakestenyearstocompleteanacademicprogram,thenumberofpeople
whodeservethanksforpushingmetoitssuccessfulconclusionislarge.Ibeginwiththe
entireeconomicsprogramattheUniversityofMissouri-KansasCity,whichistrulyunique.
Itcombinesamixofmodernmonetarytheory,post-Keynesianmacroeconomics,
heterodoxmicroeconomicsandinstitutionaleconomicswithastrongrespectforthe
historyofeconomicthought,creatingaprogramwherethegoalisnoteleganttheory,but
anaccuratedescriptionofhowtheeconomicworld,andthepeoplewithinit,actually
work.Conceptsofdifferentialpower,agencyandsovereignty,aswellasthoseofhuman
natureandvalues,arenotassumedawayordisregarded,butembracedasfundamental.
Onetrainedinthehighlymathematicalandtheory-boundworldofneoclassicaleconomics
cannothelp,iftheelixirofideasisdeeplyimbibed,toemergecompletelychanged,with
neweyesandanewperspective.Ihavelikenedittobeingofferedtheredorbluepillin
TheMatrix.Itmaynotbeforeveryone,butforthosewishingtoperceivetheeconomy
closertothewayitisratherthanthewayitistheorized,thereisnoturningback.
Needlesstosay,Itooktheredpill.
IwanttothankallofmyprofessorsatUMKC.Inparticular,IwanttothankPeter
EatonandDougBowles,whonotonlymentoredmethroughoutmytenyearsinthe
program,butwhoalsobecamemyfriends.Doug’scoursesallowedmetodevelopthe
conceptofasyntheticsocialscience—syntheticbecauseitblendsmanystrainsof
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economicandsociologicalthought,butalsobecauseitcouldonedaybesimulatedusing
artificial,i.e.,synthetic,agents.Iwasalreadyfairlywell-versedineconometricswhenI
begantheprogram,butPeter’scourseshelpedpushthatexpertisetonewheights,andhis
advice,especiallytoquitholdingmydissertationhostagetomymeagerprogramming
skills,helpedfocusmyeffortsanddrivethisdissertationtocompletion.
IalsowanttothankRandyWrayandStephanieKelton,whoseexplanationsof
modernmonetarytheoryandpost-Keynesianeconomicsforeverchangedmyviewofhow
thefederalgovernmentisfinancedanditsproperroleintheeconomy.Ialsodiscovered
thatmacroeconomicshadbeenre-inventedtwicesinceIhadleftStanfordin1979,not
necessarilyforthebetterandsomethingofwhichIwascompletelyunaware.
ItwasJimSturgeonwhonotonlytaughtmeaboutVeblen’sinstincttheoryof
humannatureandinstitutionaltheoryofeconomics,butwhointroducedmetoPerceptual
ControlTheoryandhowitmightbeusedtomodelVeblenianagents.AlongwithJimWebb,
healsotaughthowinsightsfromthepragmaticphilosophyofPeirce,Dewey,andMead
underlaytheinstitutionaleconomicsofVeblen.MatForstater’shistoryofthoughtcourse
completelyalteredmyunderstandingofAdamSmithasaniconofcapitalismtobeinga
moralphilosopherdeeplyconcernedwithtamingcapitalism’sselfishandacquisitive
tendencies.MikeFrischandIworkedtogetheronseveralprojectsandhasbeenan
exampleofhowonecancreateconflictrespectfullyandproductively.
Inadditiontotheirseparatecontributions,Iwanttothankmydissertation
committeeasgroup—PeterEaton,whowasitschair,DougBowles,JimSturgeon,Mat
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Forstater,andMikeFrisch—fortheirseeminglyendlesspatience,perseveranceand
supportovertheextendeddurationofmydissertationpreparation.
IhaveemergedfromUMKCthinkingmorebroadly,understandingmoredeeply,
andhopefullymoreenlightened.Despitetheirbestefforts,however,anyremainingerrors
ofinterpretation,explanationandlogicinthisdissertationremainminealone.
Icouldnothavefinishedthisdoctoralprogramwithoutthesupportofmy
employer,theMid-AmericaRegionalCouncil,forwhomIhaveworkednearly37years,
currentlyasDirectorofResearchServices.DavidWarm,MARC’sExecutiveDirector,not
onlyallowedmethetimeoffnecessarytocompletethework,butactivelyencouragedme
tostretch,learnandgrow.MarleneNagel,MARC’sCommunityDevelopmentDirector,has
alwaysbeenmybiggestsupporteratwork,evenasIpusheddeadlineswaybeyondtheir
expirationdatesinmydesiretogettheanalysisright.JimCaccamo,MARC’sDirectorof
EarlyLearning,providedacontinualsoundingboardfornewideas.ThecurrentResearch
Servicesstaff—TerryAnderson,JeffPinkerton,MannyTrillo,JayHeermann,Andrea
Repinsky,JakeGoldman,TinaSikes,SasanBaharaeen,andJohnHwang––aswellasthose
whoretiredormovedontonewpositionsoverthepastdecade,keptallthedepartment’s
projectsmovingforwardwhenIwasoutoftheofficeononeofseveral“dissertation
vacations.”WithoutthespacegivenmebyeveryoneatMARCtoconcentratemyattention
ontheissueofinstitutionalracism,thisdissertationwouldneverhavebeencompleted.
Finally,Iwanttothankmyfamily.Myextendedfamily,toonumeroustomention
byname,hasalwaysprovidedabaseofloveandsupportthatmakesstretchingtoreach
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thenextlevellessscaryandmoreachievable.Mygrandparentsemigratedtothiscountry
insearchofabetterlife,agiftIwasbornintoandcannotpaybackexceptbyhelping
otherstosimilarlyachievesuchalife.Ifeelallofthemsmilingdownonmefromabove.
GrandmaMollie,manyyearsagoIpromisedyouIwouldgetmydoctorate.Ididit!
Mymomanddadcreatedahomewhereknowledgewasvaluedandsciencethe
pathtoknowing(thankyouforthattelescope,Dad),taughtmetothinkformyself(I’mnot
jumpingoffanybridges,Mom),andencouragedexcellence(“Youwanttobeaplumber?
Bethebestplumber!”).
Mysons,LyonandAdam,alwaysunderstoodwhenIwasbusy,workinglate,
stressedoutandnotfullypresentwhenIshouldhavebeen.Yet,stilltheyloveme.Asone
ofmyrabbissaid,“‘Iloveyou,’thatweunderstand.‘Iamlovedbyyou,’thatisthemiracle
beyondcomprehension.”Youtwoaremymiracles.
Mostimportantly,Iwanttothankmywife,Martie,whosuggestedIreturnto
schooltogetmydoctorateaftershecompletedhermaster’sdegree.Throughouttheyears
ofdoctoralexplorations,shewasalwaysmybiggestcheerleader.WhenIgotboggeddown,
sheremindedmethedissertationdidn’tneedtobemylife’swork,therewouldbetime
afteritwasdonetolearnandgrowevenmore.Sheevenbetmeshecouldcompleteher
secondmaster’sdegreebeforeIcompletedmydissertation,halfinjest,butalsotogetmy
competitivejuicesflowingsoIwouldworkharder,smarterandfaster.Shewononboth
counts(yes,shebeatmetoadegree)asInarrowedmyfocustosomethingmoredoable
andsetasidemoretimetogetmyideasinorderandatleastsemi-coherentlyexpressed.
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Butitwasnotwhatshedidformethathelpedmost.Itiswhatshedoesforher
studentsatScuolaVitaNuova,asmallcharterschoolintheurbancoreofKansasCity,
Missouri,thatmostinspiresme.Asaresearcher,Istandoutsidetheproblem,workingata
30,000footlevelusingtheory,dataandanalytics.Asateacher,shestandsinsidethe
problem,workingdirectlywithkidstohelpthemachievetheirfullpotential.Daily,she
bringshomestoriesofherstudents’incredibleworth,theirwarmth,laughterand
humanity,aswellastheirheartbreakingchallengesandknowledgeandresourcegaps.
Thesestoriesmakemewanttoworkevenharderonthesystemchangesnecessaryto
eliminatethesocialandeconomicbarriersthatkeepherkids—andtheyarereallyallour
kids,aren’tthey?—frombeingandachievingtheirbest.Shebreathesauthenticityandlife
intomytheoriesandhelpsgroundthem,andme,inreality.Withouther,myheadwould
getsofullofideas,anditself,itwouldfloatoffintomeaninglessness.Withher,mysoul
founditsmate,Iamrenewedandtheimpossibleseemspossible…someday,ifnottoday.
Finally,Iamremindedthatthemostmostoftenrepeatedcommandmentinthe
Torahisn’tthe“GoldenRule,”but“Ahavatger!”ThisistypicallytranslatedfromHebrewas
“Welcomethestranger,”butliterallymeans,“Lovethestranger.”IntheTorah,Godcallson
theIsraelitestolovethestrangerbecausetheywereoncestrangers—slaves—inthelandof
Egypt.Today,thiscommandmentcallsonustoseethecommonhumanityinallthosewho
arenotlikeusandtreatthemasoneofourown.
Itisinthisspirit,tohelpmeliveuptothisideal,thatIwrotethisdissertation.
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DEDICATION
ThisisdedicatedtothestudentsofSVNCharterSchool,andallchildren
everywhere,whodeserveaworldwithoutsystemicbarrierstosuccessfulandusefullives.
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CHAPTER1
INTRODUCTION
“Neverdoubtthatasmall,committedgroupofcitizenscanchangetheworld.
Indeed,itistheonlythingthateverhas.”
-attributedtoMargaretMead,dateunknown
Despitetheseencouragingwords,tothebaneofactivistseverywhere,theworld
remainsastubbornlydifficultthingtochange.AccordingtoOriginalInstitutionalEconomics
(OIE),thisisbecausethereexist“prevalenthabitsofthought,”orinstitutions,that
structuresociety.Institutionsresistchangebecausemanybenefitfromthecurrent
structure,andthosethatbenefitmosttendtovigorouslydefendcurrentstructureswith
thenotinsignificantresourcesattheirdisposal.Thechancesforasmallgroup,especiallya
powerlessminority,tochangeadefendedinstitution,then,arevanishinglysmall.How
mighttheybeimproved?
Itisclearthatmoreisrequiredthanchangesinlaw.Despitethepassageofnearly
50yearssincetheenactmentofmajorcivilrightslegislationoutlawingdiscriminationon
thebasisofraceinemploymentandhousing,thelifechancesofblacksandwhitesremain
significantlydifferent.Reeves(2014)findsthatwhilewhitechildrenbornintothelowest
incomequintilehavearoughlyequalchanceofendingupinanyincomequintileasan
adult,similarlypoorblackchildrenhavea50percentchanceofremaininginthelowest
householdincomequintileandalmostnochanceofclimbingtothetopincomequintile.
Thatblacksandwhitesachievedifferentincomesevenwhenbornintosimilareconomic
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circumstancessuggestthatdespitechangesinlaw,thereissomethingaboutthestructure
ofsocietythatiscausingtheseunequaloutcomes.
Whydoessuchastructurepersist?GalsterandHill(1992)explainthatblacks
experiencesystematicallymoreobstaclestoopportunitythanwhitesastheresultof
interactionbetweenplace,powerandpolarization,thelatterbeingtheirtermforracial
disparities.Whileeachaffectstheother,thecausalchainthatlinksthemrunsasfollows:
“Residentialsegregation(place)andeconomicdeprivation(oneaspectofpower)havebuilt
onthehistoryoflegalsegregationanddiscriminationtoreinforcesocialandeconomic
polarization.Polarizationthenfeedsbacktoreinforcedifferencesinplaceandpower.”
Theyaddthatchangeisdifficultbecauseitrequiresaredistributionofopportunityand
“Themajoritywillfeelextremelythreatened”(p.7).
Thecausalchainisactuallyaloopexhibitingpositivefeedbackandsoisself-
reinforcing,whichtheysuggestissimilartoMyrdal’s(1944)modelofcumulativecausation:
“Whites’prejudicesandtheirpowertodiscriminateagainstpeopleofcolorresultin
segregationandinter-racialeconomicdisparitieswhich,inturn,reinforcetheoriginal
prejudices”(p.11).
Howcanthisself-reinforcingcyclebestopped?Thatistheproblemwrestledwith
here.Wereviewtheurbansociologyliteratureandfindthatatrootarewidelyheld
perceptionsandracialprejudices.Suchprevalenthabitsofthoughtaretheverydefinition
ofaninstitution,andsoweturntoOriginalInstitutionalEconomics(OIE)tobetter
understandthenatureofinstitutionalchange.OIEhaslongembracedaviewofeconomic
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agentsashavingpurposesanddifferentialpower,andwhereprevalentpatternsofthought
(includingbutnotlimitedtoperceptionsandprejudices)arecriticaltounderstandinghow
thosepurposesareachievedorfrustrated.Weplaceaparticularemphasison
understandingtherelationshipbetweenindividualsandinstitutionssincetheneedfor
changeislikelytobefirstperceivedbyarelativelysmallnumberofindividualsseekingto
changethelargersociety.TheOIEtheoryofinstitutionaladjustmentisreviewedandfound
tobeincomplete.
Insearchofmoreguidance,wethenexaminePerceptualControlTheory(PCT),a
psychologicaltheorythatspecificallyconsiderstherelationshipbetweenperceptionsand
power,definedascontroloverone’sperceivedenvironmenttoachieveone’spurposes.
PCTisfoundtobeanalogoustoOIEinseveralimportantaspects,whileatthesametime
unifyingandclarifyingcertainpartsofit,especiallythenexusbetweenindividualand
institution.Italsoprovidessomeadditionalinsightintonecessaryconditionsfor
institutionalchange.ThoughPCTwasoriginallydevelopedtoexplainindividualpsychology,
morerecentextensionsallowittobeconsideredasabasisforsocialtheoryaswell.
Thisrecentworkhelpsexplainhow“habitsofthought”becomeprevalent.In
particular,habitsattheindividuallevelandinstitutionsatthesociallevelareshowntobe
composedofthesame“stuff.”Armedwiththisdeeperunderstandingofinstitutions,a
theoryofminority-directedinstitutionalchangeisdeveloped.Alongtheway,insightsfrom
neuroscienceandnetworkscienceareaddedtoitsothetheoryattemptstobridgethe
ontologicalgapfromneuralnetworktosocialnetwork.
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Finally,thistheoryisappliedtotheproblemofinstitutionalracismwithwhichwe
beganandconditionsforsuccessfulminority-directedinstitutionalchangearederived.The
meansofcreatingsomeofthoseconditions,however,arenotcompletelyclear.Thus,the
worldremainsastubbornlydifficultthingtochange,butperhapstheinsightsderivedfrom
thisanalysismakethechancessomewhatlessvanishinglysmall.
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CHAPTER2
REVIEWOFLITERATURE
UrbanSociologyofInstitutionalRacism
Galster(1992)elucidatesacumulativecausationmodelofthecreationand
persistenceofanunderclassastheresultofinteractionsamongsevendifferentaspectsof
people,placeandlabormarkets.First,theunderclassexhibitsdiminishedcapacities
(education,skills,workhistories,etc.)andsubstandardmaterialconditionsrelativetothe
restofthepopulation.Second,thisdisparitybreedsdiminishedpsychologicalconditions,
includingpessimism,angerandapathy,whichleadstodeviantoruncontrolledbehavior—
welfaredependency,crime,drugs,andunwedbirths—thatfurtherdiminishcapacitiesin
boththepresentandfuturegenerations.Third,therestofthepopulationexhibits
prejudicesagainstpoorblacks,prejudicesthatarereinforcedbytheirlowstandardofliving
andnon-standardbehaviors.Fourth,theseprejudicesplayoutbyphysicallyisolatingpoor
blacksindeterioratingpoorcentralcityneighborhoodswhile,fifth,creatingbarriersto
excludethemfromsuburbancommunities.Sixth,thecumulativeeffectofspatialisolation,
prejudices,pessimism,self-defeatingbehaviorandeducationaldeficienciesworkto
excludetheunderclassfromhigherpayingjobs(the“primary”sector)andso,seventh,
segregateunderclasslaborforceparticipationinthelow-wage(i.e.,“secondary”)sectorof
theeconomywherejobshavelittlepotentialforearningsincreasesandtheperformance
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ofwhichdoeslittletoenhanceeitherthehardorsoftskillsneededforworkintheprimary
sector.Lowincomesthenreinforcethepessimisticattitudestowardworkandthe
inadequatestandardsoflivingexperiencedbytheunderclass,perpetuatingthecircleof
cumulativecausation.
AsexplainedbyGalster,thismodelidentifiestheendogenousfactorscreatingand
perpetuatinganunderclass.Therearealsoexogenousfactorsthatareimportantincluding,
1)theadventofapost-industrialsocietywhichloweredopportunitiesforlow-skilled
workerstoearnmiddle-classincomes,2)thebuildingofinterstatehighwayswhich
destroyedmanyAfrican-Americanneighborhoods,and3)thesubsidizingofmortgagesfor
newhomesinhomogenousneighborhoodsbutnotforolderhomesinraciallyor
economicallymixedareas.Nonetheless,thesewereimposedontopofasystemalready
designedtosegregateopportunitiesbyrace,andtheysimplyaddedfueltofire,
intensifyingthestrengthofthelinkagesbetweenthesevenfactorsandtheextentoftheir
cumulativeimpact.
Asidefromidentifyinganddescribingthereinforcingelementsofthismodel,its
mostdistinguishingfeatureisitsemphasisontheroleofpsychologicalfactorssuch
prejudices,beliefs,andperceptionsonmaintainingexistingsocialandeconomic
relationships.Standardeconomicmodelsofhumanbehaviorwouldconsidersuchthingsto
be“tastes”or“preferences,”andassuch,givenfromoutsidetheeconomicsystemandnot
thepurviewofformalanalysis.ThestudyofconcentratedAfrican-Americanpoverty,
however,requiresperceptionsandprejudicesbebroughtinsidetheanalysistoexplain
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theirformation,adoptionandpersistence,especiallytounderstandhowtheymightbe
significantlychanged.Inparticular,theinteractionbetweensocialstructureandhuman
developmentmustbemorefullyexamined.Theabovemodelisatleastabeginning,
showinghowmaterialconditionsproducepsychologicaladaptationsandbehaviorsthat,
unfortunately,oftenreinforcedestructiveperceptions,beliefsandprejudices.
Alsoimportantisthemodel’sdescriptionofagency.Agencyisn’tuniformly
distributed.Agencyprimarilyaccruestothepowerful,astheyhavetheabilitytodefine
whois“other”andexcludeandsegregatethemonthebasisofthembeingsomehowless,
inferiorordangerous.Thisplaysoutinboththesegregationofresidencesintothosethat
areresourcerichandthosethatareresourcepoor,andthesegregationoflabor-force
opportunitiesintothoseoccupationswithmanyopportunitiesforadvancementandthose
withfew.
Galstergoesontocharacterizethreedifferentkindsofpolicyinterventionsaimed
atreducingtheblackunderclass:“breakthelinkages,”“reversethecycle,”and“establisha
parallelsystem.”Hethencriticizestheminlightofhismodelofcumulativecausation.
“Breakthelinkages”strategiesattempttointerveneinonestrategicplacetostop
theself-reinforcingnatureofsystem.Suchprogramsincludeanti-discriminationlaws,job
trainingandaffirmativeaction.Galster’smaincriticismoftheseisthatevenifeffective,
enoughoftheremainingpartsofthesystemremaininplacesothatatbest,theymay
reducetherateofdeterioratingcircumstancesfortheunderclass,ratherthanreverse
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trends.Inotherwords,thesystemisresilientandadaptive,andsosingle,“silverbullet”
policychangesareunlikelytobebroadlyeffective.
“Reversethecycle”strategiesattempttousetheself-reinforcingnatureofthe
system,butimplementpoliciesthatrunitinreversesothatviciouscyclesbecomevirtuous
ones.OneexampleofsuchapolicydiscussedbyGalsterisdispersingsubsidizedhousingto
de-concentratethepoorandmovethemclosertowhereopportunitiesaregrowing.If
successful,thisshouldprovidetherolemodelsneededtoreinforcesuccessfulbehaviors
butarenolongerprevalentintheinnercitywhileprovidingtangibleeconomicpayoffsfor
adoptingthem,assuggestedbyWilson(1987).But,accordingtoGalster,thesestrategies
havemetwithmixedsuccess.Merelydispersinglow-incomehousingisnotsufficientto
produceachangeintheattitudesandbehaviorsofeitherthedisplacedurbanpoorortheir
newmiddle-classwhiteneighbors,makingaccesstoopportunityafunctionofmorethan
justgeographicproximity.
Finally,“establishaparallelsystem”strategiesattempttoreproduceinsidethe
distressedareathecommunity-ownedbusinessesandotherinstitutionsneededtoprovide
accesstoprimaryaswellassecondarysectorjobs.Galsterappearstobemostsympathetic
tothisstrategy,butquestionswhetheraparallelsystemcanbeviableinthelong-run
withoutsupportfromthemainstreamcommunity.Ifnot,thenitisnotreallyaparallel
systemandwillrunupagainstmainstreamoppositionassubsidizedminoritybusinesses
competeagainstunsubsidizedmainstreambusinesses.Eveniftheparallelsystemrequires
noeconomicsupportfromthemainstream,Galsterquestionswhetheritcanbe
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constructedinawaythatdoesnotfuelmistrustonbothsides,whichwouldlikelyresultin
thewithdrawalofthepoliticalsupportneededtomaintainparallelsystems.
Hence,Galstersuccessfullyshowswhymostinterventionstoameliorate
concentratedminoritypovertyintheurbancoresofmetropolitanareashavemetwith
limitedsuccess.Theintenseentanglementsbetweenthesevenmutuallyreinforcingfactors
enabletheproblemtoseeminglyhaveawillofitsown,repeatedlydemonstratinganability
toadaptandadjusttointerventionsandcontinueonitsownpath.
Briggs(2005a)similarlyidentifies“anunevengeographyofopportunitybyraceand
class”(p.4)wherethedisadvantagedliveincommunitiesthatare“isolatedandisolating
trapswithsecondclasssupportsystems”ratherthan“communitiesthatserveasstepping
stonestoopportunity,politicalinfluenceandbroadersocialhorizons”(p.3).Thisuneven
geographyfollowsanimplicitbutwell-definedpolicy—containmentplussprawl.Thispolicy
isbeingfollowed,evenasthecountry’spopulationbecomesmoreraciallyandethnically
diverse:
SincetoolsforregulatinglanddevelopmentatthelocallevelweredevelopedintheUnitedStatesacenturyago,adiversityofraceandclasshasbeencontained,ensuringthatdisadvantageisconcentratedinparticularplaces.Inthe1990s,asthepopulationbecamemorediverse,itwasnotthefactofcontainmentthatchangedsignificantly,buttheshapeofthe‘container,’whichmorphedtoincludemanyat-risksuburbs.(p.8)
Whilecontainmentconcentratesthepoorminorities,well-offhouseholdsfollow
whatBriggs,citingRobertReich,callsa“thesecessionofthesuccessful”(p.9)strategy.
“OnewayAmericansseparatethemselvesfromurbanproblemsisbyleavingthembehind
andcreatingnewlocalgovernments”inthesuburbs.“Fromthestandpointofraceand
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housingchoice,sprawlingnewgrowthcreatesexitoptionsfromolder,built-upareas—but
moreoftenforwhitehouseholdsandmiddle-andupper-incomeminoritiesthanforother
groups.”
Thissimplebuteffectivestrategycreatestheillusionofprogresswithoutchanging
underlyingsocialrelationships.Ratesofhousingsegregationasmeasuredbytheindexof
dissimilarityhavedeclinedoverthedecades,albeitveryslowly.Minoritieshavegained
politicalpowerinmanycities,thoughmainlybecausewhiteshaveleft.Thesuburbsare
growingindiversity.Whites,seeingtheprogressinanti-discrimination,believethe
problemissolved.Blacks,seeingtheirincreasingpoliticalpower,believethecurrent
residentialpatternoffersadvantagesthatoutweighanyattemptsatfurtherintegration.
Theresultisanabsenceofsocialconflictdespitethefactthatcontainmentplussprawl
perpetuatessystemicracialinequalityandleavesintacttheimplicitpolicyofdividing
metropolitanareasintoplacesofopportunitylargelyinhabitedbywhitesandplacesof
isolationlargelyinhabitedbyblacksandotherminorities.
Therearemanywaysinwhichthiscontainerisheldtogether,andseveralare
describedbelow.Butunderpinningthemallaretheattitudesofblacksandwhites
regardinglivingtogether.Charles(2005)explorestheseattitudesusinganinnovative
surveytechniqueaspartofthe1992-94Multi-CityStudyofUrbanInequality(MCSUI),
whichexaminedracialinequalityinfourmetropolitanareas—Atlanta,Boston,Detroitand
LosAngeles.Surveyrespondentswereshowncardswith3rowsof5clip-arthousesandthe
respondentwastoldtoassumethathe/shelivesinthemiddlehouse.Thehousesare
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coloredaseitherwhite,blackorgreyandeachcolorrepresentsaraceorethnicity—white
forWhites,blackforBlacks,greyforeitherAsianorHispanic,dependingonwhichethnic
groupwasbeingsurveyed.Therespondentisshownaseriesofcardsdepictinghis/her
houseassurroundedbyvaryingproportionsofown-racehouseholdsandother-race
households.(The“other”racewasrandomlychosenforeachrespondent.)Therespondent
isaskedhowwillingheorshewouldbetomovetosuchaneighborhood.
Whatemergesisaverystrongordering,wherewhitesarethemostpreferredas
neighbors,blackstheleast,andHispanicsandAsiansinbetween.Thishierarchyholds
regardlessoftheraceoftherespondent.Allraceandethnicgroupsprefertolivein
neighborhoodswheretheirownracial/ethnicgroupisinthemajority.However,itappears
thatminoritiespreferneighborhoodswith“agreaternumberofco-ethnic(nonwhite)
neighborsthanmostwhitescouldtolerateintheirownneighborhood—suggestingthat
racialchangeinneighborhoodsmightinevitablyleadto‘tipping’towardamajorityrace
makeupratherthanastablemix”(Charles,2005,p.51).
Fewmembersofminoritygroupsprefertoliveinsegregatedneighborhoods,either
inaghettoentirelyinhabitedbytheirownethnicgrouporinonewheretheyareonly
tokenrepresentativesofit.Moreover,amajorityofrespondentsinallracialandethnic
groupssaytheywouldbewillingliveinneighborhoodswhere1/3ofresidentsarefroma
differentgroup.AccordingtoCharles,thislevelofexpressedwillingnesstolivein
integratedneighborhoodsisasignificantincreasefromthe1970s,whenthesurveywas
firstgiven.
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Charlesthenexamineswhatunderliesthepreferenceorderingandprovidesthree
alternateexplanations.First,itcouldbethatclassistherealdriverandthatraceismerely
beingusedasaproxy.Second,perhapsallgroupsareethnocentricandsonaturallyhavea
preferenceforlivingwithotherslikethemselves.Finally,perhapspreferencesaredriven
morebyprejudiceagainstan“out-group”thanbydesiretolivewithco-ethnics.
Charlesreviewstheevidenceforeachandfindsthat:
1) Theincomesandexpendituresonhousingofwhitesandminoritiesoverlap
considerably,sotheprevalenceofsegregatedneighborhoodscannotbe
explainedbyclassdifferences,atleastasdefinedintermsofincomegroups.
2) Whitesseemtobestereotypingblacksthemselves,notjustblack
neighborhoods.However,actualexperienceofgreaterintegrationbywhites,
eitherintheirneighborhoodoratwork,isstronglyandpositivelyrelatedto
whitepreferencesforneighborhoodintegrationasmeasuredintheMCSUI.
3) Whileallgroupsprefertoliveinneighborhoodswithsignificantproportionsof
residentsthatsharetheirownraceorethnicity,theirdesiretobesurrounded
by“peoplelikethem”reachesitsmaximumwhenthe“out-group”isblack,
somethingthatmereethnocentrismcannotexplain.Ethnocentrism“playssome
roleintheshapingneighborhoodracialcompositionpreferences,butitsroleis
alwayssmallandinconsistent”(Charles,2005,p.66,emphasisintheoriginal).
Moreover,thereis“virtuallynosupportfortheethnocentrismhypothesis
amongblacks,”basedontheMCSUIdatawhichshowsthatblacksstrongly
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preferlivinginaneighborhoodthatissharedroughlyequallywithwhites.There
isevidenceofsometypesofethnocentrismamongwhites,butwhenprobedas
tothereason,“themajorityofwhitesarticulatedtheirobjectionstoresidential
integrationbyinvokingnegativeracialstereotypes”(Charles,2005,p.66).
4) Thefactthatracialstereotypesunderlieneighborhoodracialcomposition
preferencespointsinthedirectionoftheprejudicehypothesis,ofwhichthere
aretwovariants.Thefirstissimpleprejudiceagainstanout-group,where
negativeracialstereotypesfueldistasteforlivinginthesameneighborhood.
Thesecondhypothesisrelatesracialprejudicetogroupposition.Thatis,what
givesprejudiceitssocialpowerisitscreationofgroupdifferentiation,andthe
greaterthedifferentiationthein-groupmembershavelearnedtoexpect,the
greatertheresistancetosharingneighborhoods.Charlesseesthisgroupvariant
oftheprejudicehypothesisasthemostconsistentwithhersurveydatafor
whites,whilebothhypothesesseemtobeatworkfortheothergroupsinthat
eachdisplaysnegativestereotypesaboutout-groups,butlesssoforwhitesthan
blacks.Blacksalwaysappearatthebottomofthesocialhierarchyastheleast
preferredout-group:Whenaskedtoconsidertheirpreferencesforamulti-
ethnicneighborhood,one-fifthofwhites,one-thirdofHispanics,and41percent
ofAsianschoseaneighborhoodwithoutanyblacks.
5) Examiningthecorrelationbetweenneighborhoodracialcompositionand
specificnegativeracialstereotypes,perceiveddifferenceinsocioeconomic
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statusandown-groupattachment,negativestereotypeswerethestrongest
predictorofneighborhoodcompositionforwhites,withtheothertwofactors
beingstatisticallyinsignificant.“Whenwhitesholdnegativestereotypes,their
preferencesforintegrationwiththosegroupsdeclinesignificantlyand
preferencesforsame-raceneighborsincrease”(Charles,2005,p.70).Whilethe
influenceofnegativeracialstereotypeswaslesspowerfulfornon-whites,
especiallyHispanicsandAsians,nonetheless,“Theseandotherdataclearly
pointtoracialstereotypesastherace-relatedattitudeorperceptionthatis
mostinfluentialinformingneighborhoodracialcompositionpreferences”
(Charles,2005,p.72).
Inconclusion,then,CharlesfindssubstantialsupportforthethirdfactorofGalster’s
model—racialprejudiceagainstblacksbywhites—asacontributingfactorincreatingthe
concentrationofblacksthatproducestheunevengeographyofopportunitydescribedby
Briggs.Moreover,itisaspecifickindofprejudicerootedinpromotinggroupposition,in
thiscase,whitesocialdominationofotherracialandethnicgroups.Hence,itisnotmere
prejudice,butprejudicewithpurpose—tomaintaintheexistingsocialandpower
relationships.Forwhites,“Maintainingtheiradvantagesandprivilegesrequiresacertain
amountofsocialdistancefromnon-whites—particularlyblacksandHispanics,whooccupy
thelowestpositionsonthetotempole.Morethantokenintegrationwiththesegroups
signalsanunwelcomechangeinstatusrelationships”(Charles,2005,p.73).
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Forminorities,however,therelationshipbetweenstereotypes,grouppositionand
neighborhoodracialcompositionpreferencesismorecomplex.Minoritiesseeksubstantial
integrationwithwhitesasthishasbeenmostassociatedwithupwardmobility,butsee
thoseneighborhoodswithonlytokenrepresentationsofminoritiesasasignalofhostility.
Thisappearstobeespeciallytrueofmiddle-classblacks,who“maybeamongthemost
suspiciousofwhitesandtheleastinterestedinsharingneighborhoodswiththem.Forthis
group,affordabilityisnotnearlytheobstaclethatwhites’racialprejudiceis”(Charles,
2005,p.74).Theresultisaself-reinforcingcyclewherewhitehostilitygeneratesblack
hostilitywhichgeneratesfurtherwhitehostility.
Hence,whiteprejudiceandblackresponsetoitcreatesanurbandynamicwhere
stablyintegratedneighborhoodsarerare.Asmorethantokennumbersofminoritiesmove
intoaneighborhood,whitesmoveoutinsearchofneighborhoodswheretheyareagain
dominant.ConsistentwithBriggs,theresultisanexpandingurbanareawithanexpanding
“container”inthemiddleofitreservedprimarilyforthepoorandminorities,acontainer
thatmaintainsagreaterisolationfromopportunitiesthanthoseavailabletomostwhites.
Butifwhiteprejudiceistheresultofnegativestereotypes,wheredothesecome
from,howaretheyreproducedandhowcantheybechanged?Charlesgivessomeclues
whenshesuggeststhattheexperienceofintegrationisnegativelyrelatedtostereotypical
thinking.Thatis,stereotypesflourishintheabsenceofactualcontact,butfirst-hand
observationsubstitutesrealexperiencesforhypotheticalones,diminishing—thoughnot
eliminating—theirprejudicialinfluenceonbehavior.
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Whateverthemechanismsbywhichnegativestereotypesaboutblacksarecreated
andreproduced,itiscleartheyareemployedbywhitestojustifytheircontroloversocial
outcomes.Thebenefitsfromsuchcontrol,inturn,thenhelpexplainwhy,ifnothow,such
prejudicialattitudesaresustainedandreproducedinsucceedinggenerations.Anadequate
explanationofinstitutionalracismmustdescribetherelationshipsbetweenpower,
attitudes,stereotypicalthinkinganddesireforcontroloverothersthatresultsinasocial
hierarchyofthesortuncoveredbyCharles.
Manymechanismsexistbywhichthesepowerrelationshipshavebeenand
continuetobepreservedinthehousingmarket.(Pendall,2005)reviewsthehistoryofhow
lawsandregulationshavebeenusedinthepasttopromotehousingsegregation.Racial
zoning—thatis,explicitlycreatingethnicenclaves—wasappliedearlyon,datingbackto
the1870sinCaliforniawithrespecttoAsianimmigrants.Intheearly1900s,theSupreme
Court’sdecisioninPlesseyvs.Ferguson“allowedseparatebutequal”facilitiestoremain
legal.Explicitblack/whiteracialzoningfollowed,whereownerswereforbiddenfrom
sellingpropertytoanyonebutthoseoftheraceallowedintheirzone.Suchzoningbylocal
governmentswassubsequentlydeclaredunconstitutionalintheCourt’s1917decisionin
Buchananvs.Warley,butthisjustshiftedthesegregationeffortsfromthepublictothe
privatesector.Insteadofzoning,privatedeedrestrictionsandcovenantswereemployed
bydevelopers,landownersandhomesassociationstoexcludepeopleofaparticularrace,
religionorethnicity.These,too,wereoutlawedbytheSupremeCourtin1948.
Nonethelesstheycontinuedinusethroughthe1960s.
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Effortstosegregateneighborhoodsthenshiftedtomoresubtlemeans.FHAloans
favored“stable”neighborhoodswhichtheagencydefinedlargelythroughtheprevalence
ofwhites,withtheresultthatloanswerehardtoobtaininmixed-raceneighborhoods.Of
course,becauseminoritiestendtohavelowerincomesand,especially,lowerwealth,they
haverelativelymoredifficultybuyinghomesevenwithoutdiscriminatoryhomefinancing.
Useoflocallanduseregulations,then,tofurtherincreasethecostofhousinghadthe
effectofexcludingmanylow-incomeminorityhouseholdsfromthesuburbs.Examplesof
policiesadoptedtocreatecommunitiesthatcatertohigher-incomehouseholdsinclude
increasingminimumlotsizerequirements,separatinglandusestocreatelow-density
communitiesthatforcedependenceontheautomobile,andlimitingtheamountofland
zonedformultifamilyhousing.
Tegeler(2005)reportsthatevengovernmenthousingprogramsdesignedto
providedecenthousingforthepooranddisadvantagedlargelyprovidedshelterinaway
thatpromotedsegregationisttendencies.A25-yearbuildingboominpublichousing
beginningmid-centuryproducedvirtuallyallofitslow-incomehousingunitsinmostly
black,high-povertyneighborhoods.Withthepassageofthe1968FairHousingActand
subsequentcaseofShannonv.HUD,itwasintendedthatthischange,anditdidforhigh-
risehousingprojects.Butsimultaneously,thenation’seffortsatprovidinglow-income
housingshiftedfromsuchhigh-densityprojectstoprogramsthatwerenotaswell
regulatedwithrespecttofairhousing.
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Forexample,thefederalLow-IncomeHousingTaxCredit(LIHTC)programfailed“to
explicitlyrequirecompliancewithfairhousingpolicy…[and]ledtoageographic
distributionofLIHTChousinginmanystatesthatmirrorsexistingconditionsofracialand
economicsegregation”(Tegeler,2005,p.202).TheCommunityReinvestmentAct(CRA)
rewardsbanksforfinancinglow-incomerentalhousinginalreadypoorareas,exacerbating
theconcentratedpovertythatalreadyafflictsminorities,especiallyHispanicsandblacks.
TheHOPEVIpublichousingredevelopmentprogramtoredownmanyhigh-risehousing
projectsthatcreatedthehighestconcentrationsofpoverty,butdidnotinsistonaone-for-
oneadditionoflow-incomehousingunits.Thisdiminishedtheneedtobuildscatteredsite
low-incomehousinginnon-poorareasand,consequently,littlesuchhousinghasbeen
built.TheHousingOpportunitiesMadeEqual(HOME)programlimiteditsapplicationoffair
housingstandardstotheconstructionofnewrentalhousing,buttheprogramfundslittle
newconstruction.EventheSection8housingvoucherprogram,whichisdesignedto
increaselow-incomehousingchoiceandrequirespublichousingagenciestoadoptincome
deconcentrationgoals,onlyappliesthesegoalstoequalizingincomesamongthefacilities
withineachagency’sgeographicarea.Infact,“noeffortsaremadeintheregulationsto
bridgethedemographicdividebetweenurbanandsuburbanagencies,”(Tegeler,2005,p.
208)andsothepoorremainconcentratedincentralcities.
Ineachcase,theFairHousingAct’smandateshavebeenwhittledawayeither
explicitlyorthroughlackofenforcement.AccordingtoTegeler,thisreflects,“agrowing
emphasisoncommunityrevitalizationstrategies(upgradingtheplaceswhere
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disadvantagedpeoplearealreadyliving),aseffortstopromoteresidentialintegration
(changingwherepeoplecananddochoosetolive)havefacedrepeatedandseemingly
intractableobstacles”(Tegeler,2005,p.198).WhileTegelersaysthatthetwoobjectives
arenotinherentlyincompatibleandshouldactuallybecomplementary,Briggsmight
counterthattheformerstrategyleavesthe“container”intactwhilethelatterthreatensto
breakitopen,soitislittlewonderthatresidentialintegrationhasrunintomoreobstacles.
Evenwhenthelawclearlyprohibitsdiscriminationbasedonrace,professional
practicescanadapttoundoit.TurnerandRoss(2005)examinetheroleofrealtorsin
reproducingraciallysegregatedneighborhoods.Usingpairedtestingthatwasconductedin
2000,theyfindthatroughly20percentofthetime,whiteswereprovidedsomeassistance
orinformationbyrealestateagentsthatwasnotofferedtoblacksorHispanics.Hence,
systemicdiscriminationagainstminoritiesstillexistswhenbuyingorrentingahome.In
general,thisdiscriminationisoccurringatsignificantlylowerratesthanin1989(thelast
timesuchnationwidepairedtestingwasconducted),soitappearsthatincreased
educationandenforcementactivitiesarehavingapositiveimpact.Despitethisoverall
improvement,however,itistellingthatoneformofsystemicdiscriminationagainst
minoritiesisstillincreasing—geographicsteering.Thatis:
Whiteandminorityhomebuyersmaybothbetreatedcourteously,shownawidevarietyofhousingoptionsandofferedplentyofadviceandencouragement.Butifwhitesaresystematicallyshownhousesinmorepredominantlywhiteneighborhoods,whileminoritiesaresteeredtomixedorminorityneighborhoods,theymayneverfindoutaboutopportunitiesforgreaterresidentialintegration.(Turner&Ross,p.94)
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Thus,whileovertdiscriminationisdecreasing,theincreaseofamoresubtleformof
discriminationnonethelessisatworktomaintainaneffectiveresidential“container”for
minorities.
Oneissuewithusingalegalandregulatoryapproachtoequalizingopportunityis
thelengthoftimeittakestochangeattitudesversusthelengthoftimepublicpolicy
remainsconsistent.InthecasestudyofMinneapolis-St.Paul,Goetz,Chappleand
Luckerman(2005)findthatduringthe1970s,theTwinCitiesregionwasoneofthemost
progressivemetropolitanareaswithrespecttofairhousing.In1967,thestatelegislature
hadestablishedtheMetropolitanCouncil,aformofregionalgovernancethathad
responsibilityforestablishinganurbangrowthboundary,directinginfrastructure
investmentsandotherwiseshapingtheregion’sgrowthpatterns.By1971,theCouncil
begandispersingwhattheycalled“modest-cost”housingthroughouttheregion,viewing
fairhousingaspartofitsmandate.Then,in1976,thestatelegislaturepassedthe
MinnesotaLandUsePlanningAct(LUPA)whichrequiresmandatorylanduseplanningand
thatlocalgovernmentsabsorbtheirfairshareoftheregion’sneedforlow-incomehousing.
TheCounciluseditsfederallygrantedpowerasaMetropolitanPlanningOrganization
(MPO)toreviewfederalapplicationsforroadandsewerfundingtoensurethatlocalplans
setasidesufficientlandforthehigh-densityhousingneededforunitstobeaffordable.By
1983,thecentercity’sshareofsubsidizedhousingfellfrom82percentto59percent,
makingitanationalleaderinfairhousingachievements.
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Yet,thiseffortwasderailedsothatbythelate-1980sand1990s,effortstodisperse
low-andmoderate-incomehousingbecamevirtuallynon-existent.Threefactorswere
primarilyresponsible.First,theelectionofRonaldReganbroughtsweepingchangesto
federalsocialprograms.Inparticular,theU.S.DepartmentofHousingandUrban
Developmentbudgetwasslashedby80percentoversixyears,severelydiminishingthe
levelofsubsidiesavailabletolocalgovernmentsforbuildinglow-andmoderate-income
housing.Second,thestategovernorshipalsochanged,firsttoaDemocratwhowas
uninterestedinurbanaffairsandthentoaRepublicanwhosebaseresidedinthesuburbs.
ThisresultedinappointmentstotheMetropolitanCouncilwhowerelesswillingto
interfereinsuburbanplansorholdthemaccountableforacceptingtheirfairshareof
affordablehousing.Finally,minoritydemographicschangedsignificantly,doublinginsizein
the1970sandagaininthe1980s.Moreimportantly,theincomedisparitiesbetween
centralcityandsuburbsgrewsothatbytheendofthe1980s,Minneapolis-St.Paul’s
incomedisparitywasrankedsixthamongthe25largestmetropolitanareasintheU.S.and
itspercentageofpoorblacksthatlivedinhighpovertyareaswasrankedfirst.These
disparitiesfueledincreasesincrime,drugsandgangs,andthesesocialproblemsbecame
moreandmoreassociatedwithneighborhoodsofhighminorityconcentration,and
resistancefromsuburbancommunitiestoacceptingresidentsfromthoseareasgrew.
Yet,onecanalsodiscernsomethingmoreatwork,asintimatedwhentheauthors
saythattheMetropolitanCouncilviewedproviding“modestcost”housingasequivalentto
providingsubsidizedhousingandthatasaresult,whenthefederalsubsidieswhenaway,
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sodidtheenergybehindmonitoringorenforcinglocalgovernments’compliancewith
LUPA.Thismeansthatsuburbsabsorbingtheirfairshareofhousinglow-incomeresidents
neverbecameawidelyheldlocalvalueandsosimplyapartofthewaythehousingmarket
operates.Itwassomethingimposedfromtheoutsidebythepowerfulagencyofthe
federalgovernment.Butwhentheforceofthatimpositionwaned,localagencyreasserted
itselfresultinginareversiontotheoldwaysofhousingmarketoperation.
Itisinterestingthatthischangeoccurredjustastheaffordablehousingmarketwas
closetoachievingtheconstructionofamajorityoftheaffordablehousingwherethe
majorityofpeoplelived—inthesuburbs.Suchanachievementhadthepotentialto
significantlyalterperceptions,andwiththem,entrenchedsocialrelationships.Thevoting
majorityreacted,however,placingintopowerleaderswhoweremoreopposedto
governmentinterventionintomarkets.
Ineachcaseabove,thestoryisthesame.Attemptstouseformalinstitutionsoflaw
andgovernmenttocreateequalopportunityregardlessofraceorincomecontinually
conflictwiththeinformalinstitutionsembeddedinexistingsocialandpowerrelationships
thatfavorwhitesoverallracialandethnicgroups.Consistently,andmostlysuccessfully,
theinformalinstitutionsresistchangedespitesomeinitialprogress.Infact,aftersufficient
time,politicalpendulumsshift,andthentheformalinstitutionsarere-employedtore-
codifythepre-existingpowerrelationships.
Tilly,Moss,KisrchenmanandKennelly(2001)documentthatemployersaswellas
residentsusespaceasasignalofanarea’sattractiveness,associatingitwithstereotypical
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perceptionsofrace,class,andworkerskillsandattitudes.“However,withinthismix,racial
composition—inparticular,thelocationofconcentratedblackpopulations—playsa
prominentroleinemployers’perceptionsofdifferentlocationswithintheirmetropolitan
area.Inmanyemployers’minds,whiteareasarelinkedtopositiveworkforceandlocation
attributes;blackandLatinoareasarelinkedtonegativeones”(Tilly,Moss,Kirschenman,&
Kennelly,2001,p.306).
Suchstereotypesareatleastpartlyresponsiblefortheoutmigrationoffirmsfrom
innercitytothesuburbs,aratethatisestimatedatsixtimesthatfromsuburbanareasto
theinnercity(Tilly,Moss,Kirschenman,&Kennelly,2001,p.327).Thisemployermobility
worsensthespatialmismatchbetweenblackworkersandjobs.Asaresult,Hertz,Tillyand
Massagli(2001)concludethatsimplystrengtheninganti-discriminationactivitiesinthe
suburbsisunlikelytobeeffectiveinraisingblackemploymentbecausetheresimplyaren’t
verymanyblackswhoapplyforworkinthesuburbs.
Incombination,stereotypedassociationsandfirmmigrationhelpexplainthegapin
black/whiteemploymentprobabilities.Hertz,TillyandMassagli(2001)estimatethatthe
probabilityofemploymentforablackmanwithahighschooldegreeand5yearsof
experiencetobe0.83whileforawhitemanitis0.89,asignificantthoughnotespecially
largedifference.Theeffectisstronger,however,iftheyincludeinvoluntary
underemploymentasanegativeratherthanpositiveemploymentresult.Thissuggeststhat
discriminationmaynowtakeplacemoresubtlythanittimespast,affectinghoursofwork
oroccupationalopportunitiesasmuchasemploymentperse.
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Occupationalopportunities,ofcourse,dependuponeducation.Hertz,Tillyand
Massagli(2001)findthat,whentheyincludeallthecontrolsintheirmodel(whichinclude
takingaccountofparentaleducation,familystructure,worktasksanddetailed
occupations),educationturnsouttobemuchmoreimportantthanracealonein
determininghourlywage.Thepenaltyforhavingahighschooldiplomavs.acollegedegree
is22percent,whilethepenaltyforbeingfemalerelativetomaleis10percentandthe
penaltyforbeingblackvs.whiteis5percent.However,allthesecontrolsessentially
representanunpackingofthediminishedcapacitiescreatedwhenblacksliveisolatedina
“container”characterizedbyconcentratedpoverty.Education,parentaleducation,family
structureandoccupationalchoiceareallweakerinsuchlocations.Hencetheseplacesmay
bethemechanismbywhichasignificantamountofvariationinthecontrolvariablesis
createdandperpetuated.Because,asBriggssuggests,thesegeographicareasarethe
resultofanimplicitpolicytocontainpoorminorities,thisbringsusbacktoresidential
segregationasanimportantvariableindeterminingrelativeeconomicopportunity.
Briggs(2005b)seesthemetropolitaneffortstoward“smartgrowth”and
“sustainability”asperhapsthebesthopesforrestoringsocialequitytothepublicagenda.
Smartgrowthcallsforhigherdensity,mixedusedevelopmentthatisserviceablebytransit,
bikingandwalking,ratherthantheauto-dependentsprawloftraditionalsuburban
development.Sustainabilitycallsforavibranteconomythatnonethelessmakesmuch
wiserchoiceswithrespecttoutilizationofnaturalresources,especiallycarbon,while
increasingsocialequity.StillBriggssuggestsitisthesocialequityportionofthisagenda
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thatwillprovetobetherealtestofwhethertheseeffortsdo,infact,producemore
sustainabledevelopmentpatterns.Withoutamoreuniformgeographicdistributionof
disadvantage,itsconcentrationwillalwaysformahigh(social)pressureareathatblows
developmentandinvestmentawayfromit.AsPendall,Nelson,DawkinsandKnaap(2005)
reveal,smartgrowthmayproducegreaterintegration,butitmayalsoproduce
gentrificationthatsimplyshiftsthelocationofwhiteandblackenclaves.Theoutcome
depends,inlargepart,onwhethersocialequityisanexplicitgoalofthepoliciesand
regulationsthatimplementthesmartgrowthagenda.
Thepromiseofcreatingmoreintegrated,mixed-income,mixed-raceneighborhoods
isgreat.Chetty,HendrenandKatz(2015),forexample,analyzeddatafromtheMovingto
Opportunityexperiment.Thisexperimentrandomlyselectedimpoverishedfamilies,and
offeredthemthechancetomovetoalower-povertyneighborhoodsthroughtheuseof
housingvouchers.Childreninthosefamilieswhowereyoung—under13—didsubstantially
betterthanthecontrolgroup.Incomeswere31percenthigherintheirmid-20s,theywere
morelikelytoattendcollege,andtheyweremorelikelytoliveinlower-poverty
neighborhoodsasadultsandtorefrainfromhavingchildrenoutofwedlock.Similarly,
ChettyandHendren(2015)analyzedIRSdataongeographicmobilityandincomeand
foundthatwhenchildrenmovetobetterneighborhoods,theirincomesconvergetothose
oflong-timeresidentsatarateofabout3.5percentperyearofexposure.Thus,they
attributebetween50percentand70percentoftheobservedvariationinintergenerational
incomemobilitytothecausaleffectsofplace(Chetty&Hendren,2015,p.2).
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Insummary,wefindthattherearemanyinformalinstitutionsintheU.S.that,when
combined,makeexistingsocialandpowerrelationshipsstronglyresistanttochange,
despitethesignificantchangesinpolitics,economicsandtechnologyduringthe20th
Century.Thisisnottosaysocialrelationshipshavenotchangedatall—theyclearlyhave—
butattheveryleast,theyalwaysseemtostopshortoffundamentallychangingthe
“containmentplussprawl”strategyforbuildingU.S.cities.
Toreplacethisstrategy,itappearsweneedtosignificantlyalterourinformal
institutions.Inpart,thisisdifficulttodobecause,likethefishthatisunawareofthewater,
theyaresopervasivethatwearealsomostlyunawareofthem.
BriggsidentifiesseveralAmericanvaluesthatbothunderliethe“unevengeography
ofopportunity”andservetomakeitarelativelyinvisiblesocialproblemtoday.These
include:
1) Theattractivenessofaplacecanbebestjudgedbythestatusofthepeoplewho
livethere.
2) Communitiesaredefinedbythehomogeneityofrace,classandhomevalues.
3) Politicaldecisionsshouldbemadeatthelowestpossiblelevelofgovernment.
4) Marketsarecapableofmeetingallneeds.
5) Incomeisdeterminedbyindividualeffort.
Themostglaringomissionintheabovelistisanymentionoftheblindspot
Americanshavewithrespecttocontinuingracialdiscrimination.Suchdiscriminationisno
longerexplicit,inlaworinmostordinaryconversation.StatedasavaluesimilartoBriggs,
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Americansseemtobelievethatequalrightshavebeenlegallywon,thereforeequal
opportunityexists.Consequencesthatfallmoreheavilyonblacks—whetherincarceration
rates,mediaportrayalsorjustplainsuspicion—arebelievedtobetheresultofcharacter
andculturealone.
Feagin(2013)wouldbeunsurprisedbythisblindspot.Heassertsthatwhites
operateoutofwhathetermsa“whiteracialframe”soprevalentitcontaminatesthe
thinkingofevenwhitesociologistsstudyingrace.By“whiteracialframe”hemeansnotjust
prejudices,stereotypesandideologies,whicharewell-studiedbysuchacademics,butalso
“anoverarchingwhiteworldviewthatencompassesabroadandpersistentsetofracial
…images,interpretationsandnarratives,emotions,andreactionstolanguageaccents,as
wellasracializedinclinationstodiscriminate”(Feagin,2013,p.3,emphasisintheoriginal).
Thisworldviewframesthinkingsocompletelythatitpersistsevenwhen
contradictedbyclearlyobservablefacts.Feagincitestheexampleofawhiteman
approachingagroupofblackpilotsinuniform,andaskingoneofthemtocallhimacab.
Whenthepilotsaystheonlythingheknowshowtodoisflyaplane,thewhitemansayshe
understands,butnonethelessasksthepilotagaintocallhimacabinspiteoftheuniforms
andbeinginformedofhiserror(Feagin,2013,Preface,p.x).InFeagin’sview,thewhite
racialframeisnotmerelyoneamongmanysocio-cognitiveframespeopleemploydaily,it
isthedominantframethatroutinelydefines“awayofbeing,abroadperspectiveonlife,
andonethatprovidesthelanguageandinterpretationsthathelpstructure,normalizeand
makesenseoutofsociety”(p.11).Ithasbecome“amajorpartofmostwhites’character
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structure,acharacterstructurehabituallyoperatedoutof,withimportantindividual
variations,ineverydaylife”(p.14).
Underlyingthewhiteracialframearedeeprootsdatingtopre-colonialtimes.
FeagindescribesaEuropeanconceptofa“greatchainofbeing”thatcreatesahierarchyof
alllivingthings(pp.40-41).Itplaceshumansabovetheanimalsbecauseofsuperior
rationality,Christiansabovenon-Christians,andChristianmaleEuropeansaboveallother
people.Asaresult,endemictothisframeisnotonly“other”inferioritywherenon-whites
wereregardedonlyalittlemorethananimals,butastrongassertionofwhitevirtueand
whitesuperiority.
Still,itwastheEuropeancolonizationoftheAmericasthatsharpenedthesenotions
withrespecttoAfricansandindigenousAmericans,theformerenslavedtoworktheland
takenfromthelatter.Linkingphysicalcharacteristics,suchasskincolorandfacialfeatures,
tonon-whitesbeinguncivilizedheathensavageslessthanfullyhumancreatedthesocial
distancerequiredtojustifythetakingoflife,libertyandland.
TheresultingsocialhierarchycreateswhatFeaginterms“racialcapital”(p.28)
Goingbeyondmaterialandfinancialwealth,racialcapitalincludessocialstatusandthe
abilitytoaccesssocialnetworks.Itgeneratessymboliccapital—sharedassumptionsand
understandingsthatsmoothinteractionsandgrantprivilegesbetweenwhitesbutdon’t
extendtonon-whites.
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Suchracialcapital,inturn,helpsproducetheracialhierarchydescribedbyCharles
thatpersiststothisday.Feagincallsthishierarchy“theheartofsystemicracism”
producing
aracistrelationship—atalowerlevel,theraciallyoppressed,and,atamuchhigherlevel,racialoppressors.Thesesociallyseparatedandalienatedgroupshavedifferentinterests.Theformerseekstooverthrowtheracialhierarchy,whilethelatterseekstomaintainit(Feagin,2013,p.29).
Thedeeprootsofthewhiteracialframearerevealedinitsembeddinginthe
nation’sfoundingdocuments.The“blessingsofliberty”tobesecuredfor“We,thepeople”
didnotapplytoslaves.FeagindocumentssevensectionsoftheConstitutionthatprotected
theinstitutionofslavery,andarguesthattheU.S.wouldhaveexperiencedquiteadifferent
historywithoutthem—forexample,ThomasJeffersonwouldnothavebeenelected
presidentandMissouriwouldnothaveenteredtheunionasaslavestate(p.32).
Perhapsmoreimportantly,theConstitutionincludedseveralanti-democratic
elements.TheU.S.Senate,withequalratherthanproportionaterepresentationbystate,
gaveSouthernsenatorssufficientpowertoblockbothanti-slaverylegislationbeforethe
CivilWarandcivilrightslegislationafterit.TheSupremeCourt,untilrecentlytheexclusive
domainofrelativelywealthywhitemalejudges,oftendecidedcasesinwaysthathelped
reproducethewhiteracialframeinsucceedinggenerations.Forexample,theDredScott
decisionof1857ruledthatblackswereinferior.FeaginquotestheChiefJusticeassaying
blackshad“norightswhichthewhitemanwasboundtorespect”(Feagin,2013,p.33).In
addition,rulingsinfavorof“statesrights”providedprotectionfromfederalintervention
withrespecttoslaverybeforetheCivilWarandlegal“JimCrow”segregationfollowingit
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(p.33).In1896,thePlesseyv.Fergusondecisionupheldblack-whitesegregationofpublic
facilities(p.84).
Theseanti-democraticelementshelpedensurethatthosewithpowerhave
influenceoverpoliticaldecisionsdisproportionatetotheirnumbers.Inexaminingthe
impactofthenation’sFoundingFathers,senatorsandjustices,Feaginholdswhiteelites
especiallyaccountableforthedecisionsthathavecreatedtheinstitutionalarrangements
responsibleforreproducingthewhiteracialframeoverthenearlyfourcenturiessincethe
introductionofslaveryonthiscontinent.
Suchdecisionscontinuetothisday.IntheaftermathofBrownv.TopekaBoardof
Educationandthecivilrightslegislationofthe1960s,“whiteleaders…createdweak
enforcementmechanisms…[that]guaranteethecontinuationofthedominantracial
hierarchy,”(Feagin,2013,p.95)asdocumentedbytheexperienceofMinneapolisabove.
Federalandstatelegislatures’decisionsregardingwhichcrimesdeserveprisonandto
removejudicialdiscretion,alongwithprosecutorialdecisionsconcerningwhotocharge,
haveledtodisproportionateincarcerationofblackmales(p.153).Thedecisionsoflocal
mediaexecutivesconcerningthecoverageofviolentcrimedescribeblacksuspects
disproportionatelytotheiractualarrestrates,whilewhite-collarcrimeisunder-covered(p.
104).Discretioninhealthcaredecisionsbymedicalprofessionalsrevealsaracialbiasin
treatment(p.152).
Employers,too,showevidenceofdecisionsinfluencedbythewhiteracialframe.
Aftersendingout5,000resumesto1,300businesses,BertrandandMullainathan(2003),
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foundthatittookaverageof10resumestogenerateonecallbackifthenameonthe
resumewereacommonwhitename,suchasEmilyorGreg,butittookanaverageof15
resumestogenerateonecallbackforcommonblacknames,suchasLakishaorJamal.By
alsosystematicallyvaryingotherqualifications,theyfindaresumewithablack-sounding
namerequiresanadditionaleightyearsofexperiencetooffsettheadvantagegrantedbya
white-soundingnameonthesameresume.
Banksshowevidenceofoperatingunderthewhiteracialframeaswell.Swarns
(2015)describesbanksinNewYorkandMissouricontinuingtoengagein“red-lining,”the
practiceofdiscriminatingtheofferingofservicestoprospectiveborrowersbasedonthe
racialandethniccharacteristicsoftheneighborhoodsinwhichtheycurrentlyorwishto
live.Abankexecutiveisquotedassayingminorityareaswere“likeawholeotherworld”as
thejustificationforwhymoreloansweren’tmadethere,inferringthattherulesfor
assessingtheriskinessofborrowersin“ordinary”areasdidnotapplytothis“otherworld.”
Suchovertexpressionsofthewhiteracialframearerare.Generally,theyhave
becomemoresubtleandcovertintheaftermathofoutlawingsegregation.Feagin(2013)
provideddiariestostudentstorecordincidentsofracismandfoundthatwhileracist
remarks,jokesandstereotypesweretypicallysuppressed“frontstage”wheretheremight
beotherslistening,suchreferencesoftenflourishedamongwhitesin“backstage”settings
whentheyfeltsafelyalonewithmembersoftheirowngroup(pp.11-12,122-129).
Meanwhile,whitevirtueispromotedinmovies,TVandvideogames,where“whitesare
regularlyportrayedasnoble,brave,andkind,andasnaturalbornleaders…”(Feagin,2013,
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p.129)Asizablenumberofportrayalsgobeyondthistoshowwhitesasthesaviorsof
peopleofcolor,suchasinthemoviesDancesWithWolvesandAvatar.
Bobo,Charles,KrysanandSimmons(2009)reviewednearly40yearsoftheGeneral
SocialSurvey(GSS)andsimilarlyfoundthatwhiteattitudestowardblackshadshiftedfrom
moreoverttomorecovertformsofracialanimus.Whilesupportforlawsbanningracial
intermarriageorallowingwhitestokeepblacksoutoftheirneighborhoodshasconsistently
declined(p.14),ashavebeliefsthatblacksarelazierandlessintelligentthanwhites,
collectiveracialresentmentofblacksbywhitesappearstohaveincreased.Such
resentmentsinclude“asenseofantagonismtopoliticaldemandsbyblacks,rejectionofthe
assumptionthatrealdiscriminatorybarriersimpededblackadvancement,andhostilityto
anyfavororbenefitblacksmightnowreceivefromgovernment”(p.29)Inshort,thereisa
strongfeelingbywhitesthat“othergroupsmadeitinAmericawithoutspecialfavors,and
blacksshouldtoo”(p.30).Mostoften,whitesjustifytheireconomicadvantageoverblacks
asaresultofthelatter’s“lackofmotivationorwill.”Bobo,Charles,KrysandandSimmons
(2009)thusfindthatwhites’negativeperceptionsofblacksappear“tohaveshiftedaway
frompresumedbiologicalornaturaldifferencestowardpresumptionsrootedingroup
culture”(p.41).Moreover,sinceblackeconomicdisadvantageis,intheviewofwhites,
entirelythefaultofblacksthemselves,whitesareabletomaintainconsiderablesocial
distancefromblacksanddenyfullidentificationwiththem,reducingwhitefeelingsof
compassionfororadmirationofblacks.
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With“JimCrow”segregationoutlawedandexplicitlyprejudicialviewsonly
expressed“backstage,”manywhiteshavebeguntoassertthatweliveinapost-racial,
colorblindsociety,furtherevidenceofthepowerofthewhiteracialframetolimitboth
whatisperceivedandthedepthofwhiteintrospection.Thesolution,accordingtoFeagin
(2013),isaggressivecounter-framing.
MostAmerican’sbelievethateveryonehastherightto“life,liberty,andthepursuit
ofhappiness”aspromisedinthenation’sDeclarationofIndependence,andthatits
Constitutionworksto“ensurejustice”and“securetheblessingsofliberty”for“We,the
people”(pp.163-164).Feagindescribesthisasa“liberty-and-justice”framethat,
historically,hasbeenhypocriticallyappliedonlytowhites.However,amoreauthentic
liberty-and-justicecounter-framehasbeenarticulatedbypeopleofcolor,aswellassome
whites,thatactivelydemonstrateswherethedominantframefallsshortofitsownideals
of“libertyandjusticeforall,”asstatedintheoft-recited“PledgeofAllegiance.”This
counter-frameincludes:“astronganalysisandcritiqueofwhiteoppression;anaggressive
counteringofanti-blackframing;andapositiveassertionofthehumanityofallpeopleand
theirrighttorealfreedomandjustice”(Feagin,2013,p.205).
Thedifficultyisingettingwhitestoperceivetheircurrentliberty-and-justiceframe
asinauthentic.AccordingtoFeagin(2013,pp.204-211),thisrequiresde-framing,i.e.,
“consciouslytakingapartandcriticallyanalyzingelementsofthewhiteracialframe…
Entrenchedframestendtotrumpnewfacts,”however(pp.204-205).Asaresult,while
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factsareimportant,theymustclearlycontradictthedominantframeandcausedeeper
introspectionandmorethoroughconsiderationofalternativepointsofview.
Evenwhenarmedwithclearandthought-provokingfacts,racializedemotions
trumpreasoning.Therefore,factsmustbeaugmentedwithpersonalencountersbetween
whitesandpeopleofcolorwhohaveactuallyexperiencedtheimpactofinstitutionalized
racism(p.208).Further,bothgroupsandindividualsmustengageinactivedissentaimed
at“remindingwhitesoftheirbettervalues”andfostering“identification…withthosebeing
racializedandattacked”(Feagin,2013,p.215).
FosteringidentificationisthesubjectofresearchbyBryan,AdamsandMonin
(2015).Theyfoundthat,whengivenachancetoanonymouslycheat,admonitionsto
“Don’tcheat”werenoteffective,butadmonitionsto“Don’tbeacheater”werevery
effective.Peoplewhoengageindishonestorimmoralbehaviordisassociatethatfromtheir
identitiessotheycanhavetheircake(benefit)andeatittoo(stillseethemselvesas
honest).Theyhypothesizethelatterphrasinglinkstheimmoralbehaviorwithidentityina
waythattheformerphrasingdoesnot,increasingthepsychologicalcostofthatbehavior.
TheycitesimilarfindingsbyBryan,Walton,Rogers&Dweck(2011)withrespecttoasking
peoplehowimportantitis“tovote”vs.“beavoter”thedaybeforeanelection,thelatter
inducingmoreactualvoting.Seeminglyminorchangesinlanguagemaymay,therefore,
helpwhitesachieveincreasedidentificationwiththeexperiencesofblacks.
Increasedidentificationallowsincreasedengagement.Pentland(2014)arguesthat
trustisbuiltthroughengagement,thefullestformofwhichoccurswhenthepeopleyou
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talktoalsotalktoeachother.Thisallowsheretoforeseparatesocialnetworkstospread
andintersect.Pentlandsuggeststhatwhenideasfromdifferentnetworksintersect,the
possibilityofsocialinnovationarises.
Suchinnovationcanappearsuddenlyoncenetworksaremorethoroughly
connected.CentolaandBaronchelli(2015)findthatthemorecompletelythenetworkis
connected,thequickeritevolvesanewconventionheldbyall.Randomlybutincompletely
connectednetworksarealsocapableofevolvingsuchaconvention,thoughittakeslonger.
TheresultingselectionistheresultofwhatCentollaandBaronchellicallsymmetry-
breaking.However,theconventionselectedisrandomlychosenamongtheavailable
alternatives.Howaminoritymightusethispropertytodirecttheselectionofaconvention
byaminorityisleftforfutureresearch.
Iftheinformalinstitutionsofthewhiteracialframearebehindtheresilienceofthe
“containmentplussprawl”strategythatproducesan“unevengeographyofopportunity,”
thenanytheorythatproposestoprovidesomeinsightintofundamentallychangingthat
geographymustalsoprovideinsightinhowtochangetheseinstitutions,whichimplies
describinghowtheyariseandbecomeprevalentinasociety.Weturnnexttoinstitutional
economicstouncoveritsinsightsonsuchmatters.
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OriginalInstitutionalEconomics
Toexplaininstitutionalracism,weneedatheorythatallowsforpurpose,
differentialpoweranddiscrimination.Tofigureouthowasmallgroupofindividualsmight
influencesocialchange,suchatheorymustexplainhowindividualagencyandsocial
structurecanbemutuallyconstitutive,whereagentsareinfluencedby,butcanalso
influence,socialrules.Theinspirationforsuchanagentcanbefound,notintheutility-
and/orprofit-maximizingagentofneoclassicaleconomics,butintheclassicaleconomic
thoughtofSmithandintheOriginalInstitutionalEconomics(OIE)ofVeblen,Dewey,and
Mead.
Veblenrecognizedthatrealhumanagentsareactive,purposeful.Forexample,
Veblen(1898)writes,
…itisthecharacteristicofmantodosomething,notsimplytosufferpleasuresandpainsthroughtheimpactofsuitableforces.Heisnotsimplyabundleofdesiresthataretobesaturatedbybeingplacedinthepathoftheforcesoftheenvironment,butratheracoherentstructureofpropensitiesandhabitswhichseeksrealisationandexpressioninanunfoldingactivity.…Theeconomiclifehistoryoftheindividualisacumulativeprocessofadaptationofmeanstoendsthatcumulativelychangeastheprocessgoeson,boththeagentandhisenvironmentbeingatanypointtheoutcomeofthelastprocess….Whatremainsashardandfastresidueisthefactofactivitydirectedtoanobjectiveend(pp.390-391).
Theseagentsareinherentlysocial.Indeed,theselfitselfisconsideredtobesocial.
Mead(2006a,pp.472-473),forexample,arguesthat,“Itisabsurdtolookatthemind
simplyfromthestandpointoftheindividualhumanorganism;for,althoughithasitsfocus
there,itisessentiallyasocialphenomenon.”Thisisbecause,“Theprocessesofexperience
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whichthehumanbrainmakespossiblearemadepossibleonlyforagroupofinteracting
individuals:onlyforindividualorganismswhicharemembersofasociety;notforthe
individualorganisminisolationfromotherindividualorganisms.”Asaresult,“Theself,as
thatwhichcanbeanobjecttoitself,isessentiallyasocialstructure,anditarisesinsocial
experience.”
Therefore,theselfisemergent,constructedfromcontactwithothers.“Thus,the
childcanthinkabouthisconductasgoodorbadonlyashereactstohisownactsinthe
rememberedwordsofhisparents”(Mead,2006b,p.482).
Farfromconsideringwhatwasbestforthemalone,then,suchsocialagentsare
imbuedwithmoralsentiments.AsdescribedbyAdamSmith(2006),chiefamongthemis
sympathyfortheirfellows,orwhatwemightcallempathytoday.WhileSmithwouldallow
thatwecaremuchmoreaboutourlittlefingerthananearthquakeinChina,andthatwe
empathizewiththerichmorethanthepoor,nonetheless,Smiththoughtthatsympathy
providedthebasisformoralsentimentsthatcouldrestraintheselfishacquisitivenessof
unbridledcapitalism.Pre-datingMead,Smitharguesthatsympathyenablesustoimagine
ouractionsastheywouldbejudgedbyothers,andthisishowwecometolearnwhatis
goodandappropriate,andwhatisnot.Societyprovidesamirrorthat,“inthecountenance
andbehaviorofthoseheliveswith”anindividualcansee“theproprietyandimproprietyof
hisownpassions,thebeautyanddeformityofhisownmind”(Smith,2006,p.101).
Still,Smithworriedthatourselfishinterestswouldwinoutintheend.To
counteractthemrequiredsufficientcapacityforsympathytoimagineouractionsasthey
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wouldbeviewed,notjustbyothers,butbythebestandwisestjudge,whathetermedthe
“impartialspectator.”AsSmithconsideredtheimplicationsoftheassertionabove,i.e.,
thatmostpeoplecaremuchmoreaboutlosingtheirownlittlefingerthanthelossof
millionsofChineselives,heasks:
Toprevent,therefore,thispaltrymisfortunetohimself,wouldamanofhumanitybewillingtosacrificethelivesofahundredmillionsofhisbrethren,providedhehadneverseenthem?Humannaturestartlesatthehorroratthethought…Butwhatmakesthisdifference?...Itisnotthesoftpowerofhumanity,itisnotthatfeeblesparkofbenevolencewhichNaturehaslightedupthehumanheartthatisthuscapableofcounteractingthestrongestimpulsesofself-love.Itisastrongerpower…Itisreason,principle,conscience,theinhabitantofthebreast,themanwithin,thegreatjudgeandarbiterofourconduct….Itisfromhimonlythatwelearnthereallittlenessofourselves…andthenaturalmisrepresentationsofself-lovecanbecorrectedonlybytheeyeofthisimpartialspectator.Itishewhoshowsustheproprietyofgenerosityandthedeformityofinjustice…(Smith,2006,pp.106-107)
Thus,assummarizedbyHeilbroner(2006),wemovefrommodesofbehavior
calculatedtowintheapprovalofotherstomore“idealizedmodes—themodesthanan
‘impartial’observerwouldfindfitting.Inthisway…weprogressfrommerelywishingtobe
praisedtobeingworthyofpraise…”(p.59,emphasisintheoriginal).
Veblen,however,sawaworldwherecapitalism’sacquisitivetendencieswere,in
fact,winning.Henonethelesstheorizedthathumannatureincludedinstinctsand
proclivitiesthatwerebothother-regardingandself-regarding.AsdescribedbyMcCormick
(2006),theother-regardinginstinctsincludedtheinstinctsof:
• “parentalbent,”bywhichVeblenmeantallthatpropelsustoleavetheworld
betterforfuturegenerations,notjustmotherscaringfortheirchildren,
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• “idlecuriosity,”sothatbyengaginginexplorationforitsownsake,theknowledge
ofthecommunity,andindeedallofhumanity,isincreased.
• “workmanship,”themostimportantinstinctforeconomics,asitisworkmanship
thatspursmakingincreasinglyproductiveandefficientmeanstomeetends.
Theseinstinctswerecounterbalancedbyself-regardinginstincts,whichincludedthe
instinctsof:
• “self-preservation”—regardedasthestrongestoftheinstincts
• “emulation,”especially(echoingSmith),ofthosewithgreaterstatus.Inamodern
capitalist(aka,“pecuniary”)society,suchemulationoftengaverisetomaking
“invidiousdistinctions”wheresomepeople,orsomeclassesofpeople,arejudged
tobeworthmorethanothers.Thisjustifiedtheinstinctof…
• “predation,”theactualholdingdownorhurtingofothersinordertobenefit
oneselforone’ssocialgroup.
Tomodernears,callingtheseinstinctsseemsalittle“off,”andVeblenhimselfwas
uncomfortablewiththetermbutsimplycouldn’tfindabetterword.Nonetheless,modern
discoveriesdo,infact,providesomebiologicalbasisforseveralofVeblenianinstincts.
Forexample,theinstinctofemulationissupportedbythediscoveryofmirror
neuronsinthebrainsofprimatesthat“hardwire”theirbrainstomakeemulationofothers
easier(Rizzolatti2008).Theparentalbentinstinctappearstobeatleastpartlysupported
bythechemicaloxcytocin,inwhichbothmotherandchildarebathedingreatquantities
duringchildbirth.Ithasbeenfoundtopromotestrongfeelingsofempathyforothers(Zak
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2012).Interestingly,whileoxytocinengendersincreasedempathyforthoseinone’sown
group,italsoincreasesthepropensitytotreatthoseinanoutgroupunfairly,perhaps
simultaneouslyprovidingabiologicalbasisfortheinstinctofpredationaswellasparental
bent(Pfeiffer2013).
Inasimilarfashion,theYaleInfantCognitionCenter(Bloom2010)findsthatinfants
andtoddlersaresignificantlymoreattractedtoagentswhoarehelpfulthanarehurtful,
alsosupportingtheideaofanaturalpropensitytoempathizewithothers.Atthesame
time,though,theydesiretopunishthosewhosepreferences(evenforsimplefoodchoices
suchcheeriosorcrackers)aredifferentfromtheirown,showingtheyarealreadycapable
ofmaking“invidiousdistinctions”concerningwhohasgreaterworthandawillingnessto
supportpredationofthoseconsidered“other.”
Whilethesedon’tprovetheexistenceofVeblenianinstinctsasVeblenconceived
them,hisprimaryassertion—thatweareallheirstoacommonhumannaturethat
containssometimesconflictingpropensitiestoactbothinself-interestandinthe
community’sinterest—ringstrue.
WhileVeblenunderstoodcommoninstinctstomotivatebehavior,theydidnot
determineit.Howeachindividualexpressedthoseinstinctsdependeduponhisorher
habits.AccordingtoDewey(1922/1988),“Repetitionisinnosensetheessenceofhabit.…
Theessenceofhabitisanacquiredpredispositiontowaysormodesofresponse…”(p.17,
emphasisintheoriginal).Assuch,habitsarealwaysactive,evenwhentheyarenot
currentlybeingemployed.Theystandreadytoengagewheneverthesituationwarrants.
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Itisatthelevelofhabitsthattheindividualandsocietywerejoined.Notably,as
explainedbyDewey(1922/1988),habitsaren’tsimplygiven—agentsareactiveparticipants
inacquiringhabitsthatfavortheirsurvivingandthriving.Butneitherarehabitsfreely
chosen,becausetheyareacquiredwithinaparticularsocialandphysicalenvironment—“a
societyorsomespecificgroupoffellow-menisalwaysanaccessorybeforeandafterthe
fact”(p.16).Farfrombeingbad,mosthabitsareconstructiveinthattheyallowusto
navigatetheworldandsatisfyourindividualandsocialneeds.AsDeweysays,“Thetruthis
ineverywakingmoment,thecompletebalanceoftheorganismanditsenvironmentis
constantlyinterferedwithandasconstantlyrestored”(p.125).Habitsarewhateffectthis
constantrestoration.
Deweycallshabits“arts,”inthesensethattheyaretheproductofpracticeand
adaptationtopastexperience,resultinginsufficientmasterytoachieveendswehavein
view.Thebesthabitsareintelligentratherthanroutine,infusedwiththoughtandfeeling
ratherthanmechanicalbehaviors,similartothedifferencebetweenanartist’sworkvs.a
meretechnician.Whenhabitsareintelligent,theybecomemoreratherthanlessflexible,
moreratherthanlessadjustabletonewcircumstances.Asourhabitscombineand
interact,theinterpenetrationofhabitsgovernshowwebehave,whatweperceiveand
howwethink.AccordingtoDewey,weareourhabits;theydefineourcharacter.Assuch,
theyaremorefundamentaltoourselvesthanourconsciousthoughts.
Thatagentsarecomposedoflearnedhabitsandpropelledbyinstinctstocarefor
boththemselvesandothersleadstocomplexagentsinvolvedincomplexrelationshipswith
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others.Inspiteofthatcomplexity,orperhapsbecauseofit,theresultisacommunityof
agentswhosharecertainwaysofthinkinganddoing.Such“prevalenthabitsofthought”
canbedefinedasinstitutions,accordingtoVeblen(1899,p.88),thedevelopmentofsuch
institutionsbeingthedevelopmentofsociety.Thefactthatindividualsarebornintoa
societyandthatindividualhabitsarelearnedwithinthecontextofprevalenthabitsof
thoughtmakeinstitutionsdominantorcoerciveoverthelivesofindividuals.AsDewey
(1922/1988)sayswithrespecttotheinstitutionoflanguage,
Thereisnomiracleinthefactthatifachildlearnsanylanguagehelearnsthelanguagethatthoseabouthimspeakandteach,especiallysincehisabilitytospeakthatlanguageisapre-conditionofhisenteringintoeffectiveconnectionwiththem,makingwantsknownandgettingthemsatisfied(p.43).
Habits,whetherindividualorcollectiveintheformofinstitutions,represent
adaptionstopastconditions.“Habitsbecomenegativelimitsbecausetheyarefirstpositive
agencies”(Dewey,1922/1988p.122).Therefore,inaconstantlychangingworld,theymay
notrepresentthebestadaptationstocurrentconditions.Oftenthissurfacesasahabitthat
isdeniedcompletionoraconflictbetweenhabits.Theresultingfrustrationorconflictthen
“releasesimpulsiveactivitieswhichintheirmanifestationrequireamodificationofhabit,
ofcustomandconvention”(Dewey,1922/1988,p.62).Suchimpulsesareoutburstsof
emotionalenergythatmakeareorganizationofhabitandcustompossible.Indeed,
becauseconflictbetweenhabitsstopstheircompletion,itiswhatmakesrealchoice,
consciouschoice,freechoicepossible.AsDewey(1922/1988)remarks,
Conflictisthegadflyofthought.Itstirsustoobservationandmemory.Itinstigatesinvention.Itshocksusoutofsheep-likepassivity,andsetsusatnotingandcontriving…conflictisthesinequanonofreflectionandingenuity(p.207).
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Butthethoughtrequiredisofaspecialkind,accordingtoDewey—deliberation:
…deliberationisadramaticrehearsal(inimagination)ofvariouscompetingpossiblelinesofaction.…anexperimentinfindingoutwhatthevariouslinesofpossibleactionarereallylike.…Eachconflictinghabitandimpulsetakesitsturninprojectingitselfuponthescreenofimagination.…Inthoughtaswellasinovertaction,theobjectsexperiencedinfollowingoutacourseofactionattract,repel,satisfy,annoy,promoteandretard.Thusdeliberationproceeds.Tosaythatatlastitceasesistosaythatchoice,decision,takesplace(pp.132-134).
Byconsideringallthepossiblelinesofactionandreaction,thisallowsthe
applicationofthenecessaryintelligenceharmonizecompetingtendenciesandreunify
habitssotheysupportthelifeofthecommunity,andinthisway,becomemoral.
Itisnotclearthatsuchanintrospectiveprocesscansuccessfullyeffectsocial
change,however.Whensystemsarecomplex,peoplecan’taccuratelypredictmorethana
fewstepsaheadbeforeunanticipatedreactionsandfeedbackoverwhelmourlimited
cognitivecapacity(Senge1990,p.365).Moreover,thereisstillaquestionastohowthe
reunifiedhabitsresultingfromsuchadeliberativeprocessspreadtothelargersociety.
WhileDeweyadmittedconflictatthelevelofhabit,hepresentstheconflictashappening
mostlywithintheindividual.Whilethedeliberativeprocessissocial,asareallprocessesof
inquiry,thatprocessispresentedasoccurringconsensuallysothatonceasolutionis
achieved,itisimmediatelysharedbyall.Inlargepart,thisisbecauseDewey’smodelof
socialchangeisprincipallytoencourageindividualstolearnmoreintelligentandflexible
habits,habitsthatcanbemoreeasilyadjustedwhenitiscleartheyarenolongerwell-
adaptedtothepresentsituation.“Notconventionbutstupidandrigidconventionisthe
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foe”(Dewey,1922/1988,p.115).Thus,forDewey,themostimportanthabitwasthehabit
oflearning,forthisiswhatallowshabitstobecomemoreintelligentovertime.
ThisisnottosaythatDeweydidn’tseeconflictarisingatthelevelofinstitutions,
buttoalargedegreesuchconflictsweretriggeredbyimpersonalforces,perhapsmaking
themmoreamenabletointelligentadjustment.
War,commerce,travel,communication,contactwiththethoughtsanddesiresofotherclasses,newinventionsinproductiveindustry,disturbthesettleddistributionofcustoms(pp.58-59).
Thesignificantpointis…whetherintelligentdirectionmaymodulatetheharshnessofconflict,andturntheelementsofdisintegrationintoaconstructivesynthesis(p.90).
Veblen,ontheotherhand,sawconflictsbeingcreatedbyagentswithpurpose.Asa
result,whatmightbegoodforthelifeprocessofthecommunitycouldbeactivelyopposed
bythewealthy.Theirresourcesmeantheyareshelteredfromchangesinthecurrent
environmentthatothersexperience.Hence,theirhabitsneednotadapt.“Themembersof
thewealthyclassdonotyieldtothedemandforinnovationasreadilyasothermen
becausetheyarenotconstrainedtodoso”(Veblen,1899,p.92).Moreover,membersof
thisclasshavetheabilitytorestricttheresourcesavailabletothelowerclassesandso
“makethemincapableoftheeffortrequiredforthelearningandadoptionofnewhabitsof
thought”necessarytodemandprogress(p.94).Asaresult,Veblenviewswhathecalls“the
propertiedclass”asbeing“ofaparasiticcharacter,andtheirinterestistodivertwhat
substancetheymaytotheirownuse,andtoretainwhateverisundertheirhand”(p.96).
Inthisway,whilethewealthywerenotimmunefromtheimmenseforcesofeconomic
changebroughtbytheIndustrialRevolutionandMachineAgethathewasconsidering—
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factories,electricity,automobiles—theycouldnonethelessturnthesechangestotheirown
account.
Veblenwasclearthatinstitutionsmustchangeasconditionschange,andthatthey
changethroughanevolutionaryprocessthat,inpart,employedindividualsasasourceof
variationuponwhichnaturalselectioncouldoperate.Butprincipally,heviewedthe
evolutionofinstitutionsbeingcarriedoutatthelevelofinstitutionsandwasneververy
clearabouthowthismightcomeabout.
Foster(1981),however,morefullyfollowsDewey’sconceptionthatinstitutional
changeisinitiatedbyindividualswho,themselves,aremembersoftheinstitution.Foster
assertsthat“solving[social]problemsrequireschoosingrationallyamongalternatives”(p.
929),whichimpliesthereareconsciouschoosersplayingaprincipalrole,notsimply
impersonalforcesofevolutionandchange.ForFoster,rationalchoicemeansmuchmore
thanmaximizingindividualself-interest,thestandardinneoclassicaleconomics.Rather,
rationalalternativesarethosethat“actuallyresolvetheproblematicsituation”(p.929).
Sucharesolutionresultsinanimprovementin“instrumentalefficiency,”definedasmaking
acontributionto“thefullnessandthecontinuityofthesocialprocess”(p.930).Thus,for
Foster,arationalchoiceisonethatisconsistentwiththesocial,notindividual,interest.
As“answerstosocialproblemsnecessarilytaketheformofinstitutional
adjustments”(p.931),Fosterproposesthreegeneralprinciplesforsuchadjustments.The
first,“technologicaldetermination,”echoesVeblenthattheinstitutionsoftodayarethe
resultofsuccessfuladaptationstotheconditionsofyesterday.However,theadvanceof
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humanknow-how—technology—advancesfasterthanourhabitscanchange.Asaresult,
morebecomespossiblethanourcurrentinstitutionsallow,andthisisthesourceofmost
socialproblems,accordingtoFoster.Consequently,socialproblemscanonlybesolvedby
adjustinginstitutionsuntiltheyarebettersynchronizedwiththestateofhuman
knowledge,whatFostercallsbringingthemintoan“instrumentallyefficientcorrelation”
(p.932).
Thesecondprinciple,“recognizedinterdependence,”suggeststhatinstitutional
adjustmentishardbecauseitconflictswiththeexistinghabitualbehaviorofthemembers
oftheinstitution.Todepartfromthesehabits,
…requiresadeliberatechoicebemadeamongthepossiblealternativesrecognizedbythosewhomustaltertheirbehavior.Anewpatternofbehaviorrequiresthatthebehaviorbe“directed”initsinitiation.Itbecomeshabitualthroughrepetition,butitsinitialperformancerequiresconsciousdirection.…[A]lladjustments,andthereforethewholeofinstitutionalstructure,arespecifiedatinitiation…Patternsofhumanrelationshipthatwecallinstitutionsare“madeupof”habitualactionsandattitudes,buttheyarenotdeterminedbyhabit.Theirdeterminationisamatterofdeliberateandguidedaction.Thehabituationfollows;itdoesnotprecede(p.933).
WhatismostremarkablehereisFoster’sbeliefinthepowerofdeliberatechoiceto
changeinstitutionalstructure—thewholeofinstitutionalstructureisdeterminedbysucha
choice.
Thethirdprincipleofinstitutionaladjustmentisthatof“minimaldislocation.”
Institutionscanonlychangesofarsofast.Foranadjustmenttosurvive,itmustbe
incorporatedintothepre-existinginstitutionswhileatthesametime,improving
instrumentalefficiency.Moreimportantly,potentialadjustmentsmustbecomprehended
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bythoseinvolvedassolvingaproblemwhile,atthesametime,“notdoviolencetothe
factorsnotconsideredproblematic”(p.934).
Fostersummarizeshisprinciplesasfollows:Thefirstprincipledisclosesthegap
between“whatis”and“whatshouldbe”toidentifypotentialcoursesofadjustment.The
secondprinciplethendiscloseswhatshouldbedonefromthepointofviewofthepersons
involved,aswellastheprobabilityofsuchachoicebeingmade.Thethirdprincipledefines
whatcanbedone.
Itisthesecondprinciplethatseems,atbest,incomplete.EvenDeweydidnotput
thismuchfaithindeliberatechoice.Whileintelligentdeliberationmayilluminateabetter
path,Deweyfeltthatchanginghabitsrequiremuchmorethansimplydecidingtodo
somethingdifferent.Itrequiredchangingobjectiveconditionsandcreatingawholenew
setofcapacitiesthat,throughtheirexercise,wouldchangehabitualmodesofthinkingof
andacting(1922/1988,pp.23-29).Foster’sprinciplesdonotadequatelyaddresshowto
changeobjectiveconditions,determinewhichcapacitiesneedimprovingandgarnerthe
resourcesnecessarytodoso.
Equallyimportant,thesecondprincipleglossesoverthefactthatthe“persons
involved”mightbeonoppositeendsofthesituationandsohaveconflictingpointsofview,
conflictingperceptionsoftheproblemtobesolvedorevenwhetherthereisaproblemto
besolved.Itisnotatallclearhowconflictsoverwhat“shouldbedone”areresolvedin
Foster’sschema.
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Ingeneral,thereisnotenoughinOIEtofigureouthowtopurposefullydirect
institutionalchangeinasociallydesirabledirection—amoraldirection,touseDewey’s
term.IntheOIEtradition,technologyisseenasthemostpowerfulforceforinstitutional
evolution;yet,thepastcenturyhasseenunprecedentedtechnicalchangewithout
changingthefactofinstitutionalracism.Infact,widespreadadoptionofautomotive
technologyhasbeenthechiefinstrumentofthesprawlcomponentofthe“containment
plussprawl”institution.Socialchanges,suchasthecivilrightsmovementandtheits
accompanyinganti-discriminationlawsgoverninghousingandhiringhavealsobeenshown
tobeinsufficienttoeliminateinstitutionalracism,asunderlying“habitsofthought”
reassertthemselvesafteratime.
Deweypredictedasmuch:
Asocialrevolutionmayeffectabruptanddeepalterationsinexternalcustoms,inlegalandpoliticalinstitutions.Butthehabitsthatarebehindtheseinstitutionsandthathave,willynilly,beenshapedbyobjectiveconditions,thehabitsofthoughtandfeeling,arenotsoeasilymodified(1922/1988,p.77).
Ifthesocialandtechnologicalchangesthusfarhavebeeninsufficientto
substantiallyreducetheincidenceofinstitutionalracism,thenwhatelseisneeded?What
aretheevolutionarypathsthatwouldeliminateit,andhowcansocietybemovedonto
them?
ItisassertedherethatprogresscanbemadebyaugmentingOIEwithatheorythat
offersafullerexplanationhow“prevalenthabitsofthought”becomebothhabitsand
prevalent.AkeyturnsouttobeupdatingOIE’stheoryofindividualpsychologyandthen
showinghowthisupdatedtheorycanbeextendedintothesocialrealmtomorefully
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explaininstitutionformationandchange.Thatupdatedpsychology,PerceptualControl
Theoryisdescribedinthenextsection.
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PerceptualControlTheory
PCTBasics
PerceptualControlTheory(PCT)wasdevelopedbyWilliamPowers,andhis1973
book,Behavior:TheControlofPerception,isstillconsideredtobethemostcomplete
explanationofit.PCTisbasedaroundtheideathatalllivingthingshavepurposes,1suchas
self-preservation,andhavelearnedovertimehowtocontroltheirinteractionswiththeir
environmenttoachievethem.Iftheydonot,theydie.Evenlowlybacteriasensefood
gradientsandknowtoswimtowardhigherconcentrationsinordertoobtainsufficient
energytoreproduce.
Thehallmarkoftheseinteractionsisthenegativefeedbackloop.Suchloopsactto
maintainsomereferencecondition.Forexample,mybloodsugardropsandIfeelhungry.I
eatuntilIamnolongerhungry,andmybloodsugarrisesandthenstabilizesatits“normal”
value.Similarly,homeostasismaintainsnormalbodytemperaturebycausingsweating
whenIamhotandshiveringwhenIamcold.
Figure1,reproducedfromPowers,Abbot,Carey,Goldstein,Mansel,Marken,
Nevin,RoberstonandTaylor(2011),describesthebasicstructureofacontrolsystemmore
formally:
1ThisisincontradistinctiontoDewey(1922/1988),whoarguesthatonlypeoplearecapableofhavingmotives.
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Figure1.Abasicperceptualcontrolsystemunit.FigureandcaptionreproducedfromPowers,etal.(2011),withpermissionfromBenchmarkPublicationsInc,allrightsreserved,BloomfieldNewJersey07003.Thereferenceto“LCS3Programs”inthecaptionarethoseprovidedontheCDthataccompaniesPowers(2008).
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Inthisdiagram,theexternalenvironmentisperceivedviaaperceptualinput
function(e.g.thatcaraheadofmeisgettingcloser).Thisperceptiongeneratesasignalthat
iscomparedtoareferencesignalretrievedfrommemory(thisishowacarlookswhenIam
followingatasafedistance).Ifthereisanerrorsignalgenerated(thatcaristooclose),an
outputfunctiontranslatesthisintoactions(quitpressingthefootongasandstartpressing
thefootonbrake)thatproduceaneffectontheexternalenvironment(thecarslows
down).Thisfeedbackfromtheexternalenvironmentisthenperceivedbytheinput
function,whichagaingeneratesasignalthatcanbecomparedtothereference.This
continuesuntiltheperceptioniscloseenoughtothereferencethatnoerrorisgenerated.
Withoutanerrorsignal,theoutputfunctiontoslowthecarceases,buttheloopisstill
switchedtothe“on”position.Thatis,eveninconditionsthatsatisfythereference,the
controlsystemcontinuestoperceivetheenvironmentandmeasurethoseperceptions
againstthestoredreference.Iftheerrorreoccurs,theoutputfunctionresumes.
Mathematically,asimplecontrolsystemcanberepresentedbythefollowing
systemoflinearequations,asdescribedinPowers,etal.(2011):
(1)p=KiQi—inputfunction
(2)e=r-p—comparator
(3)Qo=Koe—outputfunction
(4)Qi=KfQo+KdD—feedbackanddisturbancefunctions
wherep=perceptualsignal,r=referencesignal,e=errorsignal,Qi=input
quantity,Qo=outputquantity,D=disturbance,andKineachcase(Ki,Ko,Kf,Kd)isa
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constantconvertingamountofinputtoamountofoutputateachoftheindicatedpointsin
theloop.
AccordingtoPCT,allbehaviorcanbeunderstoodintermsofsuchcontrolsystems.
Wehavereferences.Someofthesearegiven(Powerscallsthem“intrinsic”,though
“essential”and“critical”arealsosometimesused),especiallythosethatrelatedirectlyto
theorganism’ssurvival.Butmostarelearnedovertimeandeventheintrinsicreferences
arenotcompletelyfixedandunchanging(e.g.,thereislikelyanintrinsicreferencefor
hungerbutthelevelofhungerthattriggersanerroris,tosomeextent,learned).Behavior
iswhatwedo,anoutput,butitisnotwhatweaimtocontrol.Rather,wealterour
behaviorinanattempttocontroltheworldtoaccomplishourpurposes/satisfyour
references.However,wedon’thaveunmediatedaccesstotherealworld;allweknoware
ourperceptionsofit.2Hence,behaviorissimplyabyproductofcontrollingourperceptions
tomatchourreferences.Whilewethinkofourselvesascontrollingoutputs—i.e.,actions—
PCThasdemonstratedusingbothcomputersimulations(Powers,2008)andrepeated
experimentsonindividuals(seeforexample,therubberbandexperimentdescribedin
Powers,2005,pp.243-45)thatwe,infact,controlourinputs—i.e.,ourperceptions.
Behavioristhusflexiblewhilethepurposeofthatbehaviorismorestable.Behavior
mustbeflexiblebecausetheworldisadynamicplaceanddifferentconditionsrequire
differentactionstomaintainperceptionsnearreferences.Inthecaseofhunger,Iseek2NotethatthisisconsistentwiththemodestrealismofclassicalpragmatistssuchasPeirceandDewey,describedinWebb(2007)as“small‘r’realism.”Inthehungerexampleabove,Idon’thaveaccesstothereal-worldtriggerofhunger,i.e.,changesinbloodsugar.IamonlyabletoperceiveanuncomfortablesensationinmybellythatIhavefoundthroughexperiencetheactofeatingrelieves.
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food.ButhowIdoitdependsonavarietyoffactors,includingwhereIamwhenIrecognize
thatIamhungry,howstrongthesensationofhungeris,wherefoodis,whatfoodchoices
areavailable,howmuchenergyIhave,modesoftransportationavailable,theavailability
ofakitchen,etc.Ifoneofthesethingschanges,mybehaviorchanges,butIstillmanageto
findawaytoeat.Istillfindawaytorestoremyperceptionofhungertoitsreferencelevel
(i.e.,zero,whichmeansIamnothungry).
Seenfromthisperspective,muchofeconomicscanbeunderstoodassimply
behaviorundertakentocontroltheamountoffoodonthetable(andmeetotherbasic
materialneedsforwater,clothing,shelter).
AccordingtoPCT,controlsystemsinhumanagentsarefunctionallyarrangedina
hierarchy.Thelevelsofthishierarchyarenotsetinstone,moreillustrativethandefinitive,
buttheyprovideaframeworkforunderstandinghowhigher-levelperceptionsare
constructedfromlower-levelones,yetallowformultiplelevelstobeexperiencedatonce.
Thelatestversionoftheselevels(Powers,2008)areasfollows:
1. Intensities—Thesearetheresultsofstimulatednerveendings.Whatisperceivedis
onlythequantityofstimulation,notthequalityofit.Intensitiesarethe
representationweperceiveofhowmuchorlittlelight,sound,pressure,smell,etc.
weareexperiencing.
2. Sensations—Atthislevel,thevectorofintensitiesistransformedintovarying
qualitiesofperception.Forexample,thevectorofstimulationtotheconesofthe
eyetransformlightanddarkintoedges,thevectorofstimulationtotherodsofthe
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eyeistransformedintocolors.Inthesameway,thevectorofauralintensitiesare
transformedintotone,pitch,andtimber,whilethevectoroftasteintensitiesis
transformedintosweet,sour,etc.
3. Objects/configurations—Thevectorofsensationsisorganizedatthislevelinto
stable,recognizablegroups.
4. Transitions—Howweexperiencesmallchangesinourperceptionofobjectsas
motion(asinframesofamovie)ormovementfromonestatetoanother(asfrom
coldertowarmer)
5. Events—Similartoobjectsinthatthereisstableconfigurationofasinglething,but
aneventincludestheelementoftimeinadditiontospace.Theamountoftimeis
sufficientlyshortsothattheperceptionisstillofasinglethingatasinglemoment,
likethespeakingofaword,thebounceofaball,theopeningofadoor.
6. Relationships—Theperceptionofhowmultiplesinglethings,whetherobjectsor
events,comparetoeachother,particularlywhentherelationshipisstable.For
example,thisisapartofthat,orbiggerthanthat,orwhenthisgoesup,thatgoes
down.
7. Categories—Theperceptionsofthingswithstablerelationshipsasbeingpartofa
stablegroupofobjectsorevents.Suchcategoriescanthensymbolize,standfor,
wholegroupsofperceptionsthatuptothislevelhavebeenindividualandunique.
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8. Sequences—Essentiallyanextensionofeventsandrelationships,thisisthe
perceptionoftheorderofperceptionsandthattheorderinwhichthingsare
perceivedcanmatter.
9. Programs—Thisistheperceptionofasequenceofsequencesneededtoaccomplish
agivenpurpose.Logicappearsatthislevelbecausethesequenceofsequencesmay
varywithvariationintheexternalenvironment,requiringtestsatdecision-points
alongtheway.
10. Principles—Theseprovidetheobjectivesoftheprograms,anddeterminewhat
decisionsaretobemadeandhowthetestsshouldbeevaluated.Infact,which
programtorunandhowitisrunisselectedtosupportperceivedprinciples.
11. Systemconcepts—Thisistheperceptionofagroupofprinciplesasacoherent
whole,aworldview.Principlesareselectedinsupportofthisworldview.
Eachlevelhasitsownperceptualfunction.Atthelowestlevelaresensesthat
interactwiththerealworld.Theseare,insomeway,aggregatedtoproduceintensities.
Intensitiesare,insomeway,aggregatedtoproducesensations,whichareaggregatedin
somewaytoproduceconfigurations,whichareaggregatedinsomewaytoproduce
transitionsormotions,etc.Thekeyphraseis“insomeway.”Powersadmitsthatexactly
howthebraincreatesperceptionsfromcombiningthingslikewavelengthsoflightand
soundwithitsownoutputsis,atthispointinourunderstanding,“magic.”Currentmodels
basedonPCTthereforeusehighlysimplifiedperceptualfunctions,thoughmoreadvanced
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modelsofperceptioncanbeincorporatedintoPCTastheyaredevelopedby
neuroscientists.
Someofthesecretsbehindthe“magic”ofperceptionmay,indeed,beinthe
processofbeingrevealed.Forexample,themoreadvancedcomputermodelsofvisual
perceptioncurrentlybeingdevelopedforimageandfacerecognition,infact,employ
simulatedneuralnetworkswherehigher-levelperceptionsareconstructedfromlower
levelperceptionsarrangedinahierarchy.Lee,Grosse,Ranganath,andNg(2009)developa
convolutionaldeepbeliefnetworkthat,shownnothingbutunsupervisedimagesdrawn
fromtheInternet,firstcombinespixelintensitiestolearnedges,thencombinesedgesto
detectfeatureparts(suchasthelefteye,righteyebrow,noseormouthofaface),and
finallycombinesfeaturepartstoperceivewholefeatures,whethertheybefaces,carsor
elephants.Whilesuchdetectionandrecognitionstopsatthelevelofconfigurationsin
Powers’hierarchy,Lee,GrossRanganathandNgprovideaproofofPowers’concept,
developedfourdecadesearlier,thatverylow-levelperceptionsarrangedproperlyina
hierarchycanproducethekindsofhigher-levelperceptionsthathumansmostoften
consciouslyandeffortlesslyperceive.
Theseperceptionsprovidethebasisforformingreferences.Eachcontrolsystem
hasareference.Exceptforthosethatareintrinsic,allreferencesarelearnedthrough
interactionswiththephysicalandsocialenvironment.Whilenotallperceptionsare
controlled,ahugenumberare—thephonemesoflanguage,thesmellsoffoods,thesound
ofvoices—anythingthatif,uponexperiencinganunusualvariationofit,causesafeeling
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thatsomething’snotquiteright.Thatfeelingimpliesareferencehadbeenpreviously
createdandwithitanaccompanyingcontrolsystem.
Areferenceissimplyastoredperception.Whatisstoredasareference,though,is
itselftheproductofaprocessoflearningwhatisessentialaboutasensation,object,event,
sequenceorconcept.Formostreferences,thisboilsdowntodiscoveringwhatisinvariant
uponrepeatedexperiences.This,too,isconsonantwithcurrentneuroscienceas
perceptionitselfisaproductof“Firetogether,wiretogether.Outofsync,loseyourlink,”
accordingtoCarlaSchatz,DirectorofStanfordBio-X,amulti-disciplinaryresearchlab
(Adams2014).However,explicitteachingofonepersonbyanothermaybeusedtospeed
thelearningofreferences.Suchteachingmay,infact,benecessaryforlearningreferences
atthehighestlevelsofthehierarchy.Yet,thatthelessonsofexperienceoftenseem
deeper,morefundamentalandlongerlastingthanthoselearnedthroughinstructionalone
indicatethepowerthatperceptionslearnedoveralongperiodoftimeholdoverrational
thought.
Evenafterlearning,itisimportanttorealizethatreferencesaren’tfixedovertime.
Thisisbecause,exceptforthelowestlevelofthehierarchy(whichgenerallyaffectthe
musculartensionsnecessarytochangesomethingintheenvironment),theoutput
functionsofhigher-levelcontrolsystemsprimarilyworktoadjustthereferencesforlower
levels.3
3Presumably,outputfunctionsmightalsoaffectparametersofalower-levelperceptualinputfunctiontoadjusttheaspectsoftheenvironmenttowhichitismostsensitive,orchangethegainofalowerlevelcontrolsystemsoastoincreaseordecreasethetolerance
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Forexample,itisattheconfigurationlevelthatIhavelearnedwhatconstitutesa
safedistancetofollowacar,givenmyvehicle’scurrentrateofspeed.Ifthatdistance
shortensandIrecognizeIamnowtooclosetothecarinfrontofme,theoutputfromthat
leveldirectsachangeinthereferenceatthesensationleveltochangetheangleofmyfoot
andatintensityleveltoproduceareducedpressureofmyfootonthegaspedal.The
outputfromthatlevelthencreatesmuscletensionthatcausesthefrontofmyfoottolift
up.Theenvironmentchangesbytheacceleratorpedalmovingupandthecarslowing.This
isperceivedattheconfigurationlevelasthedistanceincreasingbetweenthecarahead
andme.ThiscontinuesuntilIperceivethecarisnowagainatasafedistanceandtheerror
betweenperceptionandreferencegoestozero.Atthispoint,thehigherlevelloopthatis
directingwherewearetryingtogo(thesequenceleveldirectingmetowork,forexample)
takesoverandadjuststheappropriatereferencesinreversetostoptheslowingofthe
vehicleandinsteadresumeapacethatmatchesthecarsaroundme.
Thebeautyofthissystemisthathigherlevelsystemsdon’ttelltheloweroneswhat
todo,butwhattoperceive.Thelowerlevelsystemsthenactinwhateverwaysare
necessarytheproducethoseperceptions,giventheconditionsoftheenvironmentatthat
time(Powers,1998-2010pp.38-40).AsPowerssays,“allbehaviorconsistsofreproducing
pastperceptions”(Powers,1973/2005,p.219,emphasisintheoriginal).
Ifoutputfromhigherlevelloopslargelyworkstocontrolthereferencesforlower
levelloops,whatthencontrolsthereferencesforthehighestlevelsofthehierarchy?Here
oferrorinthatsystem.PCTmodelsthatusetheseadditionalavenuesofoutputcontrolarerareintheliterature,however.
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PowersprovidesaveryVebleniananswer.Thechoiceofsystemconceptsisatleast
partiallydrivenbyinstincts(Powers,1973/2005,p.174)!Farfrombeinglower-levelorbase
instincts,theinstinctsPowershasinmindoperateatthehighestlevels,includingthe
instincttobeconnectedtoothersandpartofagroup.TheparalleltoVeblen’sinstinctsof
parentalbentandemulationisreadilyapparent.
ForPowers,socialstructures,suchassocietyandculture,aren’tinthephysical
realityofhumanexistence,butinthepsychologicalrealityproducedbyperceptionsof
configurations(groups),relationshipsandsystemconcepts.Yetthisdoesnotmakesociety
andcultureanylessreal.ALLweknow,ALLthatisrealforhumans,isperception.This
includesour“knowledge”ofphysicalconceptssuchasmass,energyandforce.Wecan’t
standoutsideourbrainstofindatruer,objectivereality.Thesearchforreferencesis,in
essence,thesearchforwarrantedknowledge—thatwhichisinvariantunderawiderange
(thoughperhapsnotall)conditions.
Powersalsoacknowledgesthatconceptsmayalsobedrivenbymemory—thatis,by
whatconceptshavebeenmostoftenencountered(Powers,1973/2005,p.175).Butthe
contentandfrequencyofsuchencountersaredeterminedbythegrouporgroupsofwhich
oneisapart,i.e.,bythelargersociety.So,atthehighestlevels,thismodelofwhatgoes
insideanindividual’sbrainopensuptobeingdrivenbyacombinationofinstinctsand
experiencedsocialinteractions.
ItisofthesehigherlevelsthatPeirceandDeweywrotemost.AsdescribedbyWebb
(2007),PeirceandDeweywereconcernedwiththebasisforknowingwhichconceptswere
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warrantedandthoughtthiscouldbedecidedbytakinganexperimentalistapproachto
inquiry.Theinquiryprocessbeginswithanirritating,disturbedorotherwiseuncomfortable
(Dewey’swordis“indeterminate”)situation—anerror,inPCTterms.Thisisfeltasan
existentialimbalanceakintohunger.Suchanimbalanceinitiatesasearchforasolution
thatbringsthediscomforttoanend,thatis,wherewhatisdiscoveredduringtheinquiry
processisre-integratedwithwhatwasknownbeforesothatthesituationagainbecomes
determinate.FromaPCTperspective,then,thewholeinquiryprocessisoneofusing
intelligencetoreorganizeacontrolsystem,aprocessthatendswhentheerroris
eliminatedandthereferenceforexperiencingadeterminatesituationisre-achieved.
Becausehigherlevelsworkthroughlowerlevels,itmustmeanthatreferencesat
higherlevelsaremorestablethanreferencesatlowerlevels.Hencewearemorelikelyto
beawareof,consciousof,higher-levelreferences.Equivalently,forthehierarchyitselfto
bestable,controlsystemsathigherlevelsmustoperateataslowerspeedthanthoseat
lowerlevels.Indeed,Powerssaysthatlowerlevelsmustcompletetheirresponsetoa
disturbancebeforehigherlevelsevenbegin(Powers,1973/2005,p.247).Errorsaresensed
andhandledatlowerlevelspossiblesoquicklytheyaren’tevennoticedbythehigher-level
systems.4Errorsareonlysensedbyhigher-levelsystemsiftheyaren’tresolvedatalower
level.
4NotethatthisisverysimilarinconcepttoKahneman’s(2011)System1(lowerlevel,fast)andSystem2(higherlevel,slow),thoughwiththefinergradationofferedbyasystemin11levelsratherthantwo.Higherlevelsdon’tevenperceivetheerrorsthatlowerlevelsdo,whichpreventshigherlevelmanipulationoflowerlevelreferencesfromcausingviolentoscillationsastheyreacttooslowlytoconditionsthathavesincechanged.
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Sometimeserrorisnotwell-controlled,however.Thismightarisewhensomething
noveloccursandourcontrolsystemsarenotwelladaptedtoit.AsDeweymightsay,the
novelelementpreventsthesuccessfulcompletionofpriorestablishedhabits.ForDewey,
thisthwartingofhabitproducesanimpulsiveenergytodosomethingtofixthesituation.
SimilarlyforPowers,acontrolsystemerrorgivesrisetoafeelingthatsomethingiswrong,
whichinturnproducesanemotionsuchasangerorfearorsadness.Iftheerrorisin
somethingimportanttotheagent—alargeandpersistenterrorinanintrinsicvariable—
controlsystemsundergowhatPowersterms“reorganization.”
Inessence,reorganizationishowcontrolsystemslearn.Itislearningatitsmost
fundamental,atthelevelofthe“wiring”or“programming”ofthesystem,changingwhat
functionsitcanperform.“Itchangestheparametersofbehavior,notthecontent
…permittingaccomplishingoldendsinnewwaysandaccomplishingnewendsthatwere
formerlyimpossible”(Powers,2005/1973,p.181).
Reorganizationisconductedusinganevolutionaryprocessbywhichtheparameters
ofacontrolsystemarechangedrandomlyuntilachangeisfoundthatsuccessfullyreduces
error.Suchasuccessfulchangealsodefinesadirectionofchangefromthepriorvalues.
Thatdirectionofchangeintheparametersisthenmaintained,nottheirspecificlevels.The
parameterscontinuetochangeinthebeneficialdirectionuntiltheerroronceagaingrows
worse,inwhichcasethecontrolsysteminitiatesanewrandomsearchuntilanother
directionisfoundthatreducestheerror.Powerscallsthisprocess“E.colireorganization”,
aftertheprocessbywhichthebacteriaswimsupafoodgradientuntilthegradient
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declines,thenrepeatedlytumblestoswiminrandomdirectionsuntilitfindsanotherone
wherethefoodgradientisagainrising.Whenerrorisdrivenbackdowntotolerablylow
levels,reorganizationstopsandcontrolsystemsaremaintainedintheircurrentstatefrom
thatpointforward—unlesssomethingelseagaincreateslargeintrinsicerror.
Forsimplicity,Powersmodelsthereorganizationsystemasonethatsitsofftothe
side,independentofthelearnedhierarchyofcontrolsystemsthatgovernhoworganisms
perceiveandinteractwiththeworld.Thereorganizationsystemonlymonitorsintrinsic
variablesandsendsrandomvariationintothelearnedhierarchy.Thisisbecausethe
reorganizingsystemmustbeabletooperatebeforethehierarchyitselfhaslearnedto
perceiveanythingmorethansensations,asthereorganizationsystemgovernsthe
organism’sconstructionofthehierarchyitself(Powers,2005/1973,p.185).
Assuch,thereorganizationsystemisinheritedratherthanlearned,asarethe
intrinsicreferencesitmonitors.Powersacknowledgesthatmodelingthereorganization
systemasseparatefromthelearnedhierarchyisonlyasimplification,andthatitmay,in
fact,beinaspectsofeverylevelofthehierarchybeingorganized(p.184).Itisworth
consideringthatbecausethereorganizationsystemandtheintrinsicvariablesitmaintains
arebothinherited,oneplacewherethereorganizationsystemmayparticularlyresideisin
theunspecifiedlevelsofthehierarchyabovesystemconceptswhereinstinctsalsoreside
andarepresumablyrelatedtointrinsicreferences.Suchahighlevelisconsistentwith
Powerscharacterizationofthereorganizationsystemas“themostgeneralizedcontrol
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systemsofarconsidered”and,assuch,“willalsooperateontheslowesttimeofall”
(Powers,2005/1973,p.185).
Throughtheoperationofthereorganizationsystem,controlsystemsevolvehow
theyinteractwiththeenvironmentovertime.Theyadapttotheenvironmentatthelevel
ofparameterstobecomemoreefficientandeffectiveatvaryingbehaviortokeepcritical
perceptionundercontrol—i.e.,nearintrinsicreferencesdespiteoperatinginachanging
theenvironment.
Inaremarkabledemonstrationofreorganization’sabilitytocoordinateacross
controlsystems(Powers,2008),Powerssimulatesanarmwith14jointsbylinking14
separatecontrolsystems,eachwithitsownreference.Iftheyallachievetheirreference,
theresultwillbeasmootharmmotion.Buttheiroutputfunctionsbeginwithrandom
parameters.Asaresult,whenthesimulationbegins,thejointsproduceuncoordinatedarm
movementthatinhibitseachjoint’sabilitytoachieveitsreferences.Yet,astheyreorganize
byvaryingtheirparametersinthefaceofthedisturbancescausedbytheotherjoints,the
jointmovementsgraduallyorthoganalizeinto14separateandnon-interferingdimensions.
Theylearnhowtoachievetheirreferencewithouthurtingtheotherjoint’sabilityto
achievetheirs,allowingeachcontrolsystemmaximumautonomytoachieveitsindividual
purposewhilestillresultingincoordinatedmovementofthewholearm.
Whilereorganizationisanevolutionaryprocess,itiscapableofmuchmorerapid
changethanapurelyDarwinianprocessesutilizingonlyrandomvariationandselective
retentionatthetimeoforganismreproduction.Whilerandomvariationisusedtoprovide
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informationtotheorganismconcerningabeneficialdirectionofchange,theamountof
movementinthatdirectionisunderthepurposefulcontroloftheagent.Moreover,not
onlydoeschangerepeatedlyoccurinthatdirectionsolongasitreducestheagent’s
perceptionoferror,suchareorganizationcanoccurmultipletimesinanagent’slifetime.
Therefore,itisamodelmoreconsistentwiththerelativerapidityofpersonalandsocial
evolutionthanthemerereproductivefitnessassociatedwithnaturalselection.
Itisnotclearexactlywhattheparametersofahierarchyofperceptualcontrol
systemsmightbe.Attheveryleast,controlsystemparametersmustgovernwhatwepick
outasimportanttonoticewhenweperceiveasituation(theinputfunctioninthecontrol
systemdiagramabove).Inthisway,PCTisinlinewithDewey’sviewthatsensedataare
notgiven,buttakenbytheagent.AsnotedinbyWebb(2007),“observationismediatedby
limitedsenseorgans,habits,intellectualconstructs,perspectivesandpurposesof
observation.”Similarly,controlsystemparametersmustalsogovernwhatarethekindsof
actionswethinkareimportanttoattempttoreduceerror(theoutputfunctioninthesame
diagram).
Controlsystemparametersalsoanoperateatamorefundamentallevelof
determininghowtolerantweareoferrorinthefirstplace(whichisdefinedasthe“gain”
ofacontrolloop)andwhichcontrolsystemsshouldbeengagedinresolvingit,orforthat
matter,whetheranewcontrolsystemneedstobecreatedoranexistingonedestroyed,
thoughcreationseemstohappenmuchmoreoftenthandestruction.
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Intriguingly,someofthisre-parameterizationmaybedoneinwhatPowers
describesasthe“imaginationmode”ofthehierarchyofperceptualcontrolsystems.While
herefersspecificallytoimprovementstocontrolthattakeplacesinthoseimaginingswe
call“dreams”(Powers,1973/2005,p.197),theprinciplewouldseemtoholdforother
imaginingswecall“plans.”
AsdescribedbyPowers(1973/2005,pp.207-228)thatreferencesarestored
perceptionsmeansthateverylevelofthehierarchyhasitsownmemory.Thisimpliesthat
perceptionsdonothavetoonlybeexperiencedin“realtime.”Theycanberecalled.
Powershypothesizesthatwhenthisoccursatonelevelinthehierarchy,current
perceptionsfromlowerlevelsareessentiallyswitchedoffandtherecalledperceptionis
substituted.Simplyrecallingaperceptiondoesnottypicallyresultinactionthough.From
this,Powersreasonsthatusingmemoryasareferencetocallforthbehaviortocorrect
perceivederrorcanalsobeswitchedoff.(Figure2)
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Figure2.Singleperceptualcontrolunitwithmemoryshowingtheimaginationconnection.FigureandcaptionreproducedfromPowers(1973/2005,p.223),withpermissionfromBenchmarkPublicationsInc.,allrightsreserved,BloomfieldNewJersey07003.
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Thesetwoswitchesthenprovidethepossibilityforfourmodesofcontrolsystem
operation.Thefirst,whenbothswitchesareturnedon(i.e.,intheclosedorvertical
positioninthediagram),thisisthenormalcontrolmode—perceptionsareeither
immediatelycomparedagainstareferencethathadpreviouslybeenstored,orsenttoa
higherlevelinthehierarchyforadditionalprocessingandcomparison.Apassivelearning
modeoccurswhentheperceptualswitchissetto“on”butthememoryswitchisturnedto
“off.”Inthismode,perceptionsfromlowerlevelsarriveandmaybestored,butno
comparisontoreferencesoractionensues.Theperceptionissimplyabsorbed,perhapsfor
lateruseasareference.Conversely,whentheperceptualswitchisturnedoffbutthe
memoryswitchissetto“on,”anautomaticmodeisengaged.Memoryprovidesa
referencefor,say,theperceptionofwalking,allowingthelowerlevelsystemstokeep
puttingonefootinfrontoftheotherwhilehigherlevelsystemsconsiderotherissues,such
asthinkingaboutwork.(Powerssaysthismodeisoneweareinoften.)
Finally,imaginationmodeoccurswhenbothperceptualandmemoryswitchesare
turnedoff,asillustratedinthediagram.Nowthecontrolhierarchyhasbeenshort-
circuited.Ratherthanperceptionsoriginatingwithsensorysystems,memoryinstead
suppliesarecalledperceptionthathigherlevelsthenperceiveasoccurringagain.When
thehighersystemscomparetheperceptiontotheirreferencesandsenddowntheir
responsetolowerlevelsystems,callingforadifferentperceptiontobeachievedinorder
toreducehigher-levelerror,thatperceptionisagainsuppliedbymemoryratherthan
throughsensingchangesintheenvironment.Asaresult,manyalternativeresponsescan
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besentdownfromthehigherlevelstotestouttheimpactofexperiencingavarietyof
perceptions.
Powerssuggeststhatthiskindofprocessingiswhathappensduringdreaming,
whichheviewsasakindof“feasibilitytesting”(Powers,1973/2005,p.226)wherenormal
constraintstobeconsistentwithrealityareloosened.Adreammayconnectperceptions
thathaveneverbeen,andneverwillbe,connectedin“reallife,”whichcanaccountfor
theirstrangeandsometimesuncomfortablenature.
Additionally,animaginedexperienceistypicallynotasvividlyperceivedasone
occurringinrealtime,in“reallife.”Powershypothesizesthatthisisbecausenotasmany
perceptionsaretriggeredacrossthebreadthanddepthofthehierarchy.Asimagined
perceptionsinvolvelowerlevelsofthehierarchy,therememberedexperiencebecomes
morevivid,asmayoccurinsomedreams.Invividdreams,withallconstraintsof
interactingwiththerealworldturnedoffexceptforautonomicprocesses,imaginationis
freetotravelallthewaydown,onlyshort-circuitingjustbeforeaction,asshowninFigure3
below.
Butwhenfullyconscious,theshort-circuitingtypicallyoccursathigherlevels.At
theselevels,theimaginationmodeallowsindividualstoengageinmoreabstractthinking
andplanning,essentiallyproducingtheequivalentofDewey’sdeliberation—playingoutin
dramaticrehearsalpotentialoutcomesuntiloneisfoundthataddressestheindeterminate
situationrequiringdeliberation.InPCTterms,theerrorcreatedbysuchasituation
promptsentryintoimaginationmode,whichrunsstoredperceptionsthroughthe
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hierarchyuntilasetisfoundthatreducestheerror,atwhichpointthehierarchyreturnsto
controlmodetobegintheactionsthatwillactuallyproducethoseperceptionsforreal,
ratherthaninmemory.
Figure3.Ahierarchyofcontrol,showingtheoperationoftheimaginationmode.FigureandcaptionreproducedfromPowers(1989,p.278),withpermissionfromBenchmarkPublicationsInc.,allrightsreserved,BloomfieldNewJersey07003.
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Oneconditionthatoftengivesrisetosuchindeterminatesituationsiswhenthereis
conflictbetweencontrolsystems.ConflicthasaveryprecisemeaninginPCT.Itoccurs
whentwocontrolsystemshavedifferentandmutuallyexclusivereferencesforthesame
controlledvariable.Thereisnowayforbothsystemstoexperiencezeroerrorintheirgoals
simultaneously(Powers,1973/2005,p.266).Forexample,onecontrolsystemmayhavea
referencefortherelativelyhighquantityoffoodthatisconsistentwithloweringstress
levelswhileanothermayhaveareferenceforthelowquantityoffoodthatisconsistent
withbeinghealthy.Whiletheconflictisexpressedorobservedatthelevelofthe“putfood
inmouth”controlsystem,thatlowerlevelcontrolsystemisactuallyworkingfine—ithas
notroublegettingthefoodtothemouth.Theconflictiscausedbyitbeinggiventwo
differentamountsoffoodtoputintherebythetwohigherlevelsystemsthatarein
conflict.
Thefactthattheyconflictdoesnotmeanthecontrolsystemsarefaulty.Theyhave
learnedverywellwhattherightleveloffoodistosatisfyeachgoal,andhavedeveloped
appropriateoutputfunctionstodeliverthatquantityoffood.Theissueariseswhenboth
areactivatedatonce.Atsuchtimes,thebettereachisatcontrollingthedesiredfoodlevel,
themoreintensetheconflictbecomes(Mansell,CareyandTai,2013,p.39).
Thisisbecauseeachsystemincreasesitsoutputinresponsetoaperceivederror.As
aresult,theiroutputsincreasetotheirmaximumpossible.However,becausetheyare
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pushingindifferentdirectionsonthesamevariable(onewantsmore,onewantsless),
thoseoutputscanceleachotherout.Atthis,pointtwooutcomesarepossible.
Allsystemshavelimitsthat,whenexceeded,causeabreakdownorcollapse.
Powersdemonstratesthiswithtwopeoplepullingontworubberbandsknottedtogether.
Oneistoldtokeeptheknotoveraonedotonthetable.Theotheristoldtokeeptheknot
overadot¼inchfromthefirstdot.Firstonegoalisachieved,thentheotherpersonpulls
harder,increasingthetensionontherubberbanduntiltheirgoalisachieved,whichthen
causethefirstpersontopullharder,andsoon.Thiscontinuesuntiltherubberbandsbreak
oronepersonstopsplayingthegame.
Alternatively,ifthemaximumoutputofeachsystemisbelowitsbreakingpoint
thentheknotcomestorestata“virtualreference”thatistheweightedaverageofthe
relativestrengthsofeachcontrolsystem’soutput.Bothsystemsremaininperpetual
conflictbecauseneithercanachieveitsreference.Bothsystemsoutputlotsofenergy—
maximumenergy,infact—buttonoavail,makingconflictwasteful.Becausebothsystems
aremaxedout,though,anyadditionaloutsidedisturbancecannotberesisted.Withina
rangeofthisvirtualreference,then,controliscompletelylost.Thislossofcontrolis
typicallyexperiencedasvacillationorindecisionorbehaviorsthatchangewithevery
changingcondition.
Thiskindofexperienceiscommon.Continuingthestressvs.healthyeating
example,aparticularlystressfuldaymayleadtoeatingalargedinnerthatnight,reducing
stressbutcausingself-criticism.Forthenextfewmeals,lessiseatenbutstressisn’t
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relieved.Graduallystressbuildsuntil,willpowerexhausted,abaddayspursanotherbinge
period.Thus,theconceptofconflictingeatingcontrolsystemsverywelldescribesthe
phenomenonof“Yo-Yo”dieting.
Whenconflictbetweencontrolsystemsthwartstheirabilitytoachievetheir
purposes,thisgenerateslargeintrinsicerrors(Powers,1973/2005,p.270),accordingto
Powers,whichinturnisfeltasstrongemotions(p.256),suchasdisgust,fear,angeror
sadness.Suchemotionsareseenasasignthatreorganizationofthecontrolsystemsis
occurring,andinfacthelpdirectawarenesstowhereinthehierarchytheconflictis
occurringandsowhatportionsneedtobereorganized.Suchareorganizationmayresultin
oneoftwopaths.
Moretypically,itresultsinreorganizingtoavoidsituationswherethetwosystems
comeintoconflict,forexamplebynotgettingonthescaleandconfrontingthefactthat
stresseatingisleadingtoobesity.Suchavoidanceleavestheconflictintactbut
unexperienced,atleasttemporarily,andsotheuncomfortableemotionsarenot
experienced.
Amorefruitfultypeofreorganizationoccurswhenitmorefundamentallyinvolves
higherlevelsinthehierarchy.Afterall,thetwocontrolsystemsconflictbecauseeachdoes
agoodjobcontrollingthesamevariable.Theyjustaretryingtocontrolittotwodifferent
levelssimultaneously.Thoselevels,though,arebeingsetbyoneormoreevenhigher-level
controlsystems.Thusthereareatleastthreelevelsofcontrolsystemsinvolvedinany
conflict—“thelowestlevelwheretheconflictisexpressed[e.g.,foodtomouth],thenext
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levelwheretheconflictiscaused[e.g.,healthyeatingvs.stresseating],andatleastone
higherlevelthatiscreatingthesituation5thatgivesrisetotheconflict”(Powers,1998-
2010,p.78,emphasisintheoriginal).Itisatthehigherlevelthattheconflictcanactually
beresolved,forexample,byinvokinganexercisecontrolsystemtodealwithstressrather
thanthestresseatingcontrolsystem.Thistheneliminatesitsconflictwiththehealthy-
eatingcontrolsystem.
Notethatawarenessmustfirstbeshiftedtolevelofthesystemscausingthe
situationbeforereorganizationatthathigherlevelcanbegin.Anentiretypeof
psychotherapycalled“MethodofLevels”hasbeendevelopedaroundhelpingindividuals
goupalevelintheirperceptualhierarchyinordertoseetheirconflictsfromanew,higher
perspectivefromwhichtheycanbemorefullyperceived,understoodanddealtwith
(Mansell,CareyandTai,2013,andCarrey,2006).Thesehigherlevelsoftensurfaceas
backgroundthoughts,disruptionsintheflowofaconversation.Whenawarenessisshifted
tothesesignsthatsomethingisgoingonbehindthescenesofone’sconsciousthoughts,a
newperspectivemaysuddenlyemergefromwhichtheconflictthatbroughtthepatientto
thetherapist’sofficesimplyvanishes.Othertimes,ittakesmorereflectionandwork—
deliberation,touseDewey’sterm—butresolutionofconflictnonethelessrequires
developingahigher-levelperceptionthanthelevelatwhichitisoccurring.Achievingthat
awarenessseemstotheninitiatereorganizationattheleveltheconflictcanactuallybe
resolved.
5Powers’term,thoughitisinterestingitmatchesDewey’s
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Notethatoncethesecondtypeofreorganizationoccurs,theconflictdisappears.
Thereisnosenseoftryingtoovercomeresistanceordoingwhatoneshouldeventhoughit
ishard.Anewnormalisachievedwithallcontrolsystemsachievingtheirreferenceswith
minimalerrorandminimaleffort,asistypicalwhentheyarewell-organized.
Ifwesubstitute“habit”for“controlsystem”Deweydescribesasimilarprocessas
heexaminestherelationshipbetweenhabit,impulseanddeliberation.Conflictbetween
habitscausesthemtostop,releasingemotionintheformofanimpulsetodosomething.
“Habitisenergyorganizedinacertainchannel.Wheninterferedwith,itswellsas
resentmentandasanavengingforce”(Dewey,1922/1988,p.54).Yet,asDeweysayslater,
“Conflictisthegadflyofthought”(p.207),spurringeffortstoapplyintelligencetoresolving
theindeterminatesituation.Asaresult,“Emotionisaperturbationfromclashorfailureof
habit,andreflection,roughlyspeaking,isthepainfuleffortofdisturbedhabitstoreadjust
themselves”(p.54).Oncehabitsarereadjusted,theyagainworkseamlessly—“…themore
suavelyefficientahabitthemoreunconsciouslyitoperates.Onlyahitchinitsworkings
occasionsemotionandprovokesthought”(p.125).
Themostconcerningtypeofconflictbetweencontrolsystemsiswhenoneperson
attemptstocontrolanother.Byonepersoncreatingdisturbancesinasecond’scontrol
systems,itispossibletoinducebehaviorthatmayassistthefirstpersoninmaintainingher
perceptionsnearherreferences.Innocuousversionsofthisoccurallthetime,aswhenthe
firstasksthesecondtopassthesaltandthesecond,controllingforbeingperceivedas
cooperativebutnotatallcontrollingtheperceivedpositionofthesaltshaker,immediately
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complies.Butmorecoerciveversionsalsooccur,aswhenchildrenarepunishedtoinduce
obedience,orevenmoredamagingversionsasinthecaseofblackmail,threatsofbodily
harmorincarceration.
InPowers’opinion,theattempttocontrolothersresultsfromafundamental
misunderstandingofpeopleasautonomouscontrolsystemswiththeirownreferencesand
goalswhowillstrenuously,andsometimesviolently,resistattemptstointerferewith
achievingthegoalsthatareimportanttothem(Powers,1973/2005,p.279).Whatothers
wouldcalldeviancy,Powersseesasthenaturalreactionofhumancontrolsystems
resistingdisturbancesattemptingtobeimposedonthemfromtheoutside.Thatweareall
autonomouscontrolsystemsdefineswhatitmeanstobe“createdequal”—weallworkthe
sameway.Hedescribesthisideaas“littlevirus…calledPCT”(Powers,1998-2010,p.126),
onehehopeswillworkitswayintothebackofreaders’mindsandbeginaprocessof
reorganizationthatincreasestheperceptionofothersasequals.FromPowerspointof
view,then,theonlyoptiontocreateaconflict-free,non-violentsocietyistogiveup
foreverthedesiretocontrolothers.Instead,interpersonalconflictcanonlyberesolvedby
negotiationsbetweenequals(Powers,1998-2010,p.104).
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SocialPCT
Wehavenowbeguntoexploretheinteractionofhumansascontrolsystemsin
socialsettings.ItisherethatPCT,asdevelopedbyPowers,essentiallystops,and
extensionshaveonlyrecentlybeguntobeexploredinanydetail.Powersclearlysaw
individualsadverselyaffectedbywidelyheldsystemconceptsthatviewedpeoplemoreas
inanimateobjectstobecontrolledthanself-aware,purposefulcontrolsystemsintheirown
regard.Heacknowledgedthosesystemconceptsweresupportedbybooks,institutions
andcustoms,thechangingofwhichmaytakegenerations(Powers,1973/2005,p.277)Yet,
ultimately,thosesystemconceptsonlyhadpowerbyvirtueofbeinginsidetheheads
individuals.Asmentionedbefore,Powersdidnotseesocietyashavingaanykindof
separateexistencefromorpoweroverthepeoplewhocomposeit.
Thequestionwenowturntoiswhethercontrolsystemsexistoutsideofindividuals,
i.e.,aretherewhatwemightcallsocialperceptualcontrolsystems,andifso,howmight
wedescribethem?Tobeclear,inthiscontext,toknowthereisacontrolsystematwork
hasaveryparticularmeaning—theremustbeaquantitythatisafunctionofthings
observableintheenvironmentthatwouldtypicallychangewhenforcesareappliedtoit,
butchangesmuchlessthanpredictedasaresultofactionstakenbyandonlybythe
suspectedcontrolsystem(“TestfortheControlledQuantity,”Powers2005/1973pp.234-
236).
Taylor(2015)suggeststhatcontrolsystemsexistbetweenpeopleasmuchasthey
dowithinpeople.Thesimplestsuchsystemiscomposedoftwopartnerswhoactively
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cooperatetoinfluenceeachother’sbehavior,whichTaylortermsa“protocolloop.”Insuch
aloop,thereisaninitiationbyonepersonandthenacorrespondingcontinuationbythe
other.Anexampleisanewbornandhismother.Thebabyhasanintrinsicreferencefornot
beinghungrywhilethemomhasareference,mostlikelyintrinsic,forthebaby’swell-
being.Whenthebabyishungry,itmayattemptavarietyofbehaviors,fromfacial
expressionstolimbmovementstosounds,noneofwhichontheirownwillallowthebaby
toeat.Acry,though,willattractthemom’sattentionandwilllikelybeperceivedthatthe
babyisnotdoingwell,thatsomethingiswrong.Themom,too,willtryavarietyof
behaviors,fromtalkingtothebaby,pickingthebabyup,rockingthebaby,changingthe
baby,butnoneofthesewillmatterifthebabyissimplyhungry.
Theerrorexperiencedineachperson’scontrolsystemscausesthemtoreorganize.
AccordingtoTaylor,suchreorganizationcanoccuramongcontrolsystemsspreadacross
individualsasmuchastheydoamongcontrolsystemswithinanindividual.The
reorganizationofthebaby’ssystemsallowsittolearntocryimmediatelywhenhungry,
andsubsequentlytocryinacertainwaywhenhungry,whilethereorganizationofthe
mom’scontrolsystemsallowhertodistinguishbetweenthehungrycryvs.thewetcryvs.
the“I’mbored”cryvs.the“I’mhurt”cry.Thusalanguagedevelopsbetweenthetwothat
reducestheerrorexperiencedbybothcontrolsystems,producingforbothperceptions
thataremorestablyneartheirrespectivereferences.Notethatthislanguagedepends
uponsimultaneouslybuildingnewperceptionsandusingtheminafeedbacksystem,an
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insightTaylorattributestoJ.G.Taylor(1963).Perceptionsaren’tfixedbybiologybut
learnedinthecontextofsocialsituations.
Taylorbelievessuchprotocolloopsarethewayinwhichlanguagemoregenerallyis
acquired,aswellasculture.Reorganizationnevercompletelyeliminateserror,however,
andweneverknowexactlywhatperceptionanotherisperceivingandcontrolling.Hence
acquisitionisnevercompletelythesamefromonepersontoanother.Asthenumberof
peopleandexpanseoftimeandspaceinvolvedincrease,languageandculturaldriftoccurs,
eventuallyevolvingintodifferentsocialgroups,languagesandcultures.
Nevertheless,protocolsaredevelopedforcommunication.Oncethebabyisfed,
thecryingstopsandboththebaby’sandthemom’swell-beingisrestored.Despitethe
operationoftwoseparatecontrolsystems,errorisreducedinboth,theoppositeofthe
conflictsituationdescribedpreviously.Itisthiskindofmutualsuccessthatcausesthemto
befrequentlyused,mostoftenwiththosewithwhomwecommunicatemostoften—our
families,ourcommunities,ourcolleagues.
Specificprotocolsaredevelopedforinteractionwithspecificgroups.Participatingin
socialgroupsincreasesthecapacityofprotocolstoaidcontroloftheenvironmentto
matchpurposesandincreasetrust.QuotingTaylor:
Tobelongtoaself-organizedgroup(asopposedtoagroupdefinedbysomeexternalauthority)istobeabletouseprotocolsspecifictothegroup,andtobeknownbyothergroupmemberstobeabletodoso.Sinceaprotocolservesonlytoaidincontrollingsomeperceptionthroughtheactionsofanotherperson,tobelongtoagroupistoextendthenumberofperceptionsonecancontrol.Andthemoreperceptionsonecancontrol,themorecomfortableonefeels,thelessreorganizationisgoingon,andthebetteronecantrustone’ssocialenvironment(p.79).
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Asthoseprotocolsbecomegraduallymorespecificandsituationallyaware,they
supportandhelpdefinesocialroles.Theseroleslayerontopofoneanother,aswhenone
personisaparent,communitymemberandworker.Astheydo,theyalsoextend
horizontallytointeractwithpeopleinotherroles—bosses,co-workers,politicalleaders,
andsoon.
Themultiplicityofandoverlappingnatureofsuchroleshavethepotentialto
produceconflict,however.Indeed,withoutstructure,conflictislikely.Taylorpointsto
Powers’armcontrolsimulationasanexampleofhowreorganizationcanresultina
structurenearlyfreeofconflictamongautonomouscontrolsystems,andsuggeststhat
reorganizationsimilarlyworksbothinterpersonallyandatthelevelofgroupstoallow
individualcontrolsystemstoachievetheirgoalswhileproducingminimalinterferencewith
eachother.
Importantly,Taylormakesclearthatnotallgroupsarecontrolsystems.Tobea
controlsystem,membersofthegroupmusthaveacommonobjective,ameansof
perceivingwhetherthatobjectiveisbeingachieved,andameansofactinginacoordinated
waytoinfluencetheenvironmentsoastobringtheperceivedachievementinlinewiththe
desiredobjectivetobeachieved.Taylorseesprotocolsasthewayinwhichgroupsachieve
thecapacitytoactinacoordinatedway.
Onekindofgroupthatdoesqualifyasacontrolsystemisateam.Teamshave
objectivesandtheabilitytoacttogethertoachievethem.Memberslearntheteam’s
protocolsinordertocoordinatetheiractivitytomaximizetheirabilitytoachievetheteam
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objectivewithoutconflictingwitheachotheralongtheway.Indeed,individualsonthe
teamrecognizeothersasteammembersbytheirabilitytousetheteam’sprotocols
appropriately.Thosewhodoaretrustedmore,whilethosewhodon’taretrustedless.As
individualslearntoperceivethemselvesasmembersoftheteam,thissimultaneously
createsbothan“us”ontheteamanda“them”notonit.Whilethosenotontheteam
neednotnecessarilybeopposedtothosewhoareonit,competitionbetweenteamsoften
encouragessuchaperception.
Teamsareonekindofabroadercategoryofgroups—organizations.Organizations
maybeformalorinformal.Taylorobservesthatformalorganizationstendtodevelopa
hierarchicalstructureofprotocolsandsystemstoachievetheirpurposes.Thehierarchyof
functionsinaformalorganizationdramaticallylimitsthepotentialforconflictamong
peopleperformingdifferentfunctions,thoughconflictmaystillarisebetweenpeople
performingthesamefunctionatthesameleveloftheorganizationalhierarchy.Becausein
aformalorganizationhasbothpurposesandthecoordinatedmeanstoachievethem,and
theflowofinformationinsuchanorganizationutilizesprotocolsandfollowsahierarchical
structure,Taylorsuggestsitispossibletotreatsuchanorganizationasanorganism.
Indeed,weoftenspeakofcompaniesasindividuals.
OnekeydifferenceTaylornotesbetweenanorganismalhierarchicalperceptual
controlsystemandanorganizationalhierarchicalperceptualcontrolsystem,however,is
thenatureofthecontrolsystemsinthehierarchy.Anorganization’ssub-systemsare
themselvesfullyautonomouscontrolsystems,whereaswithinanorganismtheyarenot.
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Thereisalwaystheopportunityforanindividualtoresistachangeinreferencesfroma
higherlevel,whereasthishappensautomaticallywithinanorganism.Assuch,
organizationalcontrolsystemsrequiresomeelementofvoluntarycooperationatlower
levelstosuccessfullycontrolhigherlevelperceptionstotheirreferences.Thisistrueeven
thoughsuchcooperationmaybeobtainedbyusingcoercivepoliciesandpractices.In
practice,suchcooperationisusuallyachievedbytheremovalofthosewhohavea
significantconflictbetweentheirownreferencesandthosedemandedbytheorganization,
removalwhichmaybevoluntaryorinvoluntary.
Taylornotesthatbothlivingsystemsandformalorganizationalsystemshave
evolvedahierarchyofcontrolsystemstoachievepurposes,andaskswhethersome
mannerofhierarchyintheformofdifferentiatedrolesisthereforesomethingPCTsayswe
shouldexpecttodevelopevenininformalorganizationsstartingfromaperfectlyflat
structure.DrawingonPower’sarmcontrolsimulation,apaperbyMcClelland(2015)
describednext,andKauffman(1995),Taylordeducestheanswerisessentially,“Yes.”The
necessityofcontroltoaccomplishpurposetypicallyrequirestheestablishmentof
hierarchytominimizeconflictandachieveeffectivecontrol.
McClelland(2015)seestheproblemsocietyistosolveasoneofestablishingthe
stabilitynecessaryforpeopletocontroltheirlivesinthefaceofachaoticworld.Control,
fundamentally,isproducedthroughtheuseofanegativefeedbackloop—adisturbanceto
perceptioniscounteredbyactionthataffectstheenvironmentinsuchawayastorestore
thatperception.ThekeypointMcClellandhighlightsisthattheobjectofcontrolis
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perception,butperceptionchangeisindirect;itcanonlybeachievedbyfirstchangingthe
environment.
McClellandusesthisinsighttoobservethatonewaysocietiescreatestabilityisto
altertheenvironmentsoastolowerthecostofdesiredenvironmentalfeedbackpaths,
increasingtheprobabilitythatthesechosenfeedbackpathswillbemoreoftentraversed.
Buildingroadstolowerthecostoftravelingtoobtaingoodsandservicesneededfor
membersofthesocietytosurviveandflourishisperhapstheprototypicalexample.Butso
isthecreationoftools,ortheconstructionofcities,orthedisplayofimages.Theseall
makemaintainingsomeperceptionseasierandthusmorelikelytobeheldbymembersof
thesociety.Thattheyarephysical(evendigitalimagesarestoredaspatternsinaphysical
medium)meanstheypersistandthatmanypeoplecanexperiencethem(evenmoreso
whentheycanbetransmittedintoinboxesaroundtheworld).
Yet,atthesametimetheseenvironmentalchangesmakesomeperceptionseasier
toexperience,theytypicallymakeothersharder.Automobilesincreasetheterritorythat
canbeperceivedas“closeby”,buttheyhavemadetheperceptionofpeopleinteracting
dailywithhorsesmuchmoredifficulttomaintain.Morerelevanttotheconcernsofthis
paper,thewidespreadadoptionofcarsandtheconstructionoftheroadwaystosupport
themhavemadeiteasiertoperceivehomogeneous,low-density,high-income,single-use
neighborhoodsassuccessfulwhilemakingitmoredifficulttoperceiveintegrated,high-
density,mixedincome,multi-useneighborhoodssimilarlyso.Theleast-coststabilitypaths
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createdbyasocietystronglyinfluencewhichperceptionsaremosteasilycontrolled,and
thereforemostlikelytobecontrolledaswell.
Towhatendstheseleast-costpathsarecreated—thatistosay,towhatpurposesor
references—isdeterminedbyaprocessMcClellandterms“collectivecontrol.”Basically,
McClellandtakestheresultsfromPowers’rubberbanddemonstrationofthe“virtual
reference”createdwhentwosystemsconflict,plusTaylor’sprotocols,andextendsthese
fromtwopeopletoanentiresociety,showingthattheprinciplesholdateverystage—
smallgroupsandcommunitiesaswellassociety-wide.Collectivecontrolworksatevery
levelofthisoverlapping,stratifiedstructure.
McClelland(2004)showsthatwhenmultiplecontrolsystemsareatworktryingto
controlthesamevariable,theendresultistheestablishmentofavirtualreferencethatisa
weightedaverageoftheindividualsystems’references.Ifeachsystemisofthesame
strength,andmaintainingperceptionsnearthatreferenceisequallyimportanttoeach
system,thentheweightissimplythenumberofpeopleholdingeachreference.If,
however,somecontrolsystemshavegreaterstrength(i.e.,morepoweroverthe
environment),oriftheycontrolthisparticularreferencemoretightlythantheycontrol
others(i.e.,theycaremore,aswithaninterestgroup),thenthevirtualreferencewillmove
towardthosecapableofgreatercontrol(i.e.,the“gain”oftheircontrolsystemsishigher).
Mathematically,thevirtualreferenceissetatthegain-weightedaverageoftheindividual
systems’references.
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Thissimplesetupproducesasocietyinwhicheverypersonlikelyfeelssome
conflict,sincethevirtualreferenceisunlikelytomatchanyindividualreference.
Moreover,anyoneindividual’sabilitytochangethatreferenceisextremelylimited.Toa
singleindividual,itappearsthatalltheothercontrolsystemshaveagreedonthevirtual
reference,andtheirpowertomaintainitequaltotheircollectivegain.Thus,thelargerthe
socialsystem,andthemorepowerfullysomeindividualsareabletoinfluenceothersto
adopttheirreferences,themoredifficultitisforordinaryindividualsorsmallgroupto
changeit.
McClelland(2015),followingTaylor(2015),callsthislargecollectivecontrolsystem
a“giantvirtualcontroller.”Whileithassuper-humanstrength,inisnotasupra-human
entitythatexistsinadifferentontologicalplane,inMcClelland’sview.Itisanatural
propertyofaggregatingtheinfluenceofindividualcontrolsystems.Yetitstillhasmanyof
thepropertiesassociatedwithasociety—itconstrainsthebehaviorofanyparticular
individual,influencesthereferencesthoseindividualsadoptinternallyandmaintain,and
soexistsbeyondthelifetimeofindividualmembersassomedieandothersarebornintoit.
Thisgiantvirtualcontrollerthusestablishesreferencesthatbecomeembeddedin
themindsofitsmembers.Thosereferencesaresupportedbythecreationofleast-cost
stabilitypathsintheenvironmentthatmakeiteasiertoformperceptionsconsistentwith
thosereferencesthanother,more“deviant”perceptions.Wethushavetherecipefora
verystablesocietywhosegoalsaredifficulttochange,andwhoseenvironmentshavebeen
constructedtoreinforcethe“rightness”ofthosegoals.McClellandcitesFeagin’s(2013)
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conceptofa“whiteracialframe”asanexampleofacollectivecontrolsystemwitha
referenceforwhitesuperioritysoprevalentthatwhitesareblindtotheheadstartthey
havebeengivenbygenerationsofwealthaccumulationdeniedtopeopleofcolor,andthat
iscontinuallyreinforcedbythethingsintheenvironmentsuchasmediaportrayalsandthe
geographyofraceandwealth.
Giventhestabilityofsocietygovernedbygiantvirtualcontrollers,onemayusefully
wonderthen,whatcausessocialchangeinsuchasystem?McClellandcitesseveral
possibilities.First,atalltimesthereisbothaninflowandoutflowofmembersofthe
society,andiftheydifferintheirreferences,thiscangraduallyshiftthevirtualreferenceof
thecollectivecontrolsystem.Second,despitecollectivecontrol,someexogenous
changes—war,newtechnologies—maybesufficienttodisruptit.Thisisconsistentwith
Dewey’s(1922/1988)viewofwhatbringssocialchangeinahierarchicalsocietyboundby
custom:
Butmobilityinvadessociety.War,commerce,travel,communication,contactwiththethoughtsanddesiresofotherclasses,newinventionsinproductiveindustry,disturbthesettleddistributionofcustoms.Congealedhabitsthawout,andafloodmixesthingsonceseparated(p.59).
Finally,becauseconflictalwaysexists,atleastsomeindividualswillbeundergoing
reorganization.Whilethismostoftenwillresultinareadjustmentthatlimitsconflictwith
theexistingsocialreferencethroughaccommodatingit,sometimesitwillresultinan
innovationthatallowsthesocialreferencetobecircumvented.Thisinnovationmaythen
diffusetoothersexperiencingthesameconflict,andeventuallyreachenoughpeopleto
begintoaffectthegainholdingthepriorreferenceinplace.
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TheseargumentsmakepurposefulsystemicsocialchangeinMcClelland’smodel
essentiallyaside-effectofeventsthatoccurforotherreasons.Thenetdifferencein
referencesbetweennewcomerstosocietyandthoseleavingitmayshiftvirtualreferences,
butcreatingsuchashiftisnotthepurposeofthepopulationmigration.Warand
technologymayproducesignificantsocialchange,butthedirectionofanysocialchange
thatfollowsisessentiallyrandom.Eveninthecaseofpurposefulinnovationbyindividuals,
whichparticularinnovationsdiffuse,andwhichdiffusesufficientlyfarandfasttochange
thevirtualreference,isunpredictable.Theonlythingpredictableisthatallthesekindsof
changeswillberesistedbythecollectivecontrolsystemsinplaceatthetime.
Thuswereturntothequestionwithwhichwebegan,whatkindofprocessesare
necessarytomakethechancesforminority-directedminoritychangeless“vanishingly
small?”Buildingonalltheresearchabove,amodelofminority-directedinstitutional
changeisdevelopedinChapter4.Butfirst,letusrestateandsummarizewhatwehave
learnedsofar.
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CHAPTER3
INTEGRATINGPCTWITHOIE
ThehierarchyofcontrolsystemsinPCTmeansitisdrivenfromthetopdown,and
thetop-mostlevelsthemselvesaredrivenbyinstinctsandinstitutions,i.e.,bybothbiology
andsociety.Whilebiologicalandsocialimperativesmaydeterminewhatindividualswant
andneed,controlsystemsdeterminehowtheyareperceivedandinternalizedas
referencesandhowindividualsacttoachievethem.Assuch,atheorybasedonperceptual
controlsystemssharestheVeblenianpointofviewthatinstinctsarepropulsiveandsociety
isdominant,buttheindividualnonethelessretainssignificantscopeforagency.
LikeVeblen’sagents,perceptualcontrolsystemshavepurposes—tomaintain
perceptionsnearreferences.Moreover,controlsystemsarealwaysactive,alwayslooking
toperceivewhetherpurposesarebeingachieved,andifnot,initiateasequenceof
behaviorsuntiltheyare.Asocialsciencebuiltonagentswho,themselves,arecomposedof
purposefulevolving,learningcontrolsystemsprovidesasoundbasisforconstructingthe
active,purposivehumanagentsVeblendescribedanddevelopingeconomicsasthe
evolutionarysciencehesought.
Inessence,perceptualcontrolsystemsareanalogoustoDewey’shabit.Bothresist
disturbances.Likeahabit,theessenceofacontrolsystemisnotrepetitivebehavior;a
controlsystemcreatesapredispositiontoactinwaysthatallowsanorganismto
consistentlyachieveapurpose.Acontrolsystemisarts,thatis,itishighlyadaptedthrough
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experiencetohelpnavigatelife.Awell-adaptedcontrolsystemfeelseffortlesstoexecute,
justasawell-practicedhabitdoes.
Whileinstinctsmaybethepropulsiveforcethatdefinewhatweneed,control
systemsdeterminehowthoseneedsareachieved.Asaresult,Powerssaysthehierarchyof
controlsystemsdefineus,justasDeweysaidtheinterpenetrationofourhabitsdo.Weare
ourcontrolsystems.Weareourhabits.Theseareequivalentstatements.
ManyoftheVeblenianinstinctshaveaPCTexplanation.Forexample,idlecuriosity
dependsuponfirstsensinganerror.Afterall,asthestorygoes,themostimportantwords
inscienceare“Huh,that’sfunny.”Somethinghappenedthatwedidn’texpect,showingour
preconceptiontobeinerror.Apreviouslyestablishedreferenceisrequiredtowonderwhy
somethingisonewayandnotanother.Anunderstandingofhowtheworldworks
sufficienttoreliablymakesuccessfulpredictionscanbeconsideredastepinachieving
controlofthatworld.Whenpreviouslyreliablepredictionsfail,resolvingtheerrorthrough
controlsystemreorganizationopensapathtobothgreaterknowledgeandgreatercontrol
inthefuture.
Anothernameforthisprocessofgraduallygaininggreatercontroloverone’s
environmentis,ofcourse,workmanship.Veblenintuitedthisinstinctlargelyonthebasisof
whatisrequiredfromanevolutionarystandpointforhumanstohavecontinuallyimproved
theirabilitytoapplymeanstobringdesiredendsintobeing.Insofarasthoseendsare
biologicallyrequired,theyinturnhaveintrinsicreferencesthatmustbemaintained.The
meanstothoseendsimproveovertimeusinganevolutionarymethodofrandomtrialsand
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selectivelyretainingthosemethodsthatdoabetterjobofmaintainingthosereferences.In
thisway,higherlevelsofcontrolintermsofimprovedefficiency,reliabilityand
minimizationofeffortisobtained,i.e.,higherlevelsofworkmanship.BothVeblenand
Powersviewthisevolutionarymethodoflearningassomethingthatappliestoindividuals
learningaskillaswellasthespeciesdiscoveringnewtechnologies.Thesearchforgreater
control,liketheinstinctofworkmanship,leadstoimprovementsintheproductivelifeof
thecommunity.
Ofcourse,therecanbenolifeofthecommunitywithouthumanlifecontinuing.
Hencemuchofourcontrolsystemshaveevolvedtostabilizetheenvironmentenoughto
supportthelifeneedsofhumanity’smostvulnerable—itsinfantsandchildren.Yethuman
survivalalsorequiressurvivalofthegrouptowhichwebelong.Thenecessityof
simultaneouscontrollingforgroupaswellasindividualsurvivalprovidesanexplanationfor
thedevelopmentofinstinctofparentalbent.
Buttheconceptofcontrolgoesbeyondidlecuriosity,workmanshipandparental
bentbecauseitaccountsfortheself-regardinginstinctsaswell.Forexample,predationis
alsoaformofcontrol,butitinvolvescontrollingone’sownreferencesbycontrollingothers
withoutconcernforviolatingtheirreferences.Emulationoccursbecausethosewhomwe
observecreatereferencesthatwethenstrivetoperceiveourselvesasachieving.Which
referenceswechoosetoemulateisbasedlargelyonwhomweperceivetohavethemost
control,explainingwhySmithfoundweseemtohavegreatersympathyfortherichthan
thepoor,aswellaswhyprocessesofcollectivecontrolresultinsocialreferencesthatmore
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nearlymatchthoseoftherich.Judgingrelativelevelsofcontrolthenformsbasisfor
making“invidiousdistinctions”amongindividualsandgroups.
Controlalsohelpsexplainthosebehaviorsthatarein-betweenother-andself-
regarding.Forexample,controlcanaccountforcooperativebehaviorsuchasreciprocity.
Likepredation,reciprocitycanbeviewedasameansofcontrollingthebehaviorof
others—i.e.,Idoforyoutodaysothatyouwilldoformetomorrow.Butunlikepredation,
reciprocityallowsbothpartiestoachievetheirreferencesbyessentiallyestablishingwhat
Taylorcallsaprotocol.
Dewey,forhispart,didnotfindcategorizinginstinctstobeuseful.“Itisunscientific
totrytorestrictoriginalactivitiestoadefinitenumberofsharplydemarcatedclassesof
instincts”(Dewey,1922/1988,p.92).Callingthisa“falseabstractionism,”hegoesonto
saythat,“Theoristsdifferonlyorchieflyastotheirnumberandranking.Somesayone,
self-love;sometwo,egoismandaltruism;somethree,greed,fearandglory;whiletoday
writersofamoreempiricalturnrunthenumberuptofiftyorsixty”(p.92).
ForDewey,eithertherearetoomanyinstinctstobeusefulortheyessentially
boileddownto“lifeislife”(Dewey,1922/1988,p.95).Eventhedistinctionbetweenself-
andother-regardinginstinctsdidnotmakesensetohim.Lifemustpreserveitselfifisto
remainalive,andweareallbornhelplessso“everypersonlearnstorecognizetosome
extentthequalityofanactonthebasisofitsconsequencesintheactofothers”(p.106).
ThisfocusontheprocessesoflifeallowsDeweytofindcontrolamoreimportant
conceptforexplaininghumannature,thoughhedoesn’tusethatvocabulary.Dewey’s
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worksquareswithPowersinthatwhatweobserveasbehaviorislargelyactionsina
negativefeedbackloopintendedtomaintainpreviouslyestablishedreferences.“Thetruth
isthatineverywakingmoment,thecompletebalanceoftheorganismisconstantly
interferedwithandasconstantlyrestored….Lifeisinterruptionsandrecoveries”(Dewey,
1922/1988,pg.125).Thatrestorationisthefunctionofhabitundernormalcircumstances.
However,“Withconflictofhabitsandreleaseofimpulse,thereisconscioussearch”(p.
126),thatis,deliberation,whichendswhenhabitsarereintegratedandcontrolsufficient
tomaintainreferences—orinDewey’sterm,balance—isagainachieved.
Whatperceptualcontrolsystemsofferisaclarificationandgeneralizationof
Dewey’sconceptsofhabit,conflictanddeliberation.First,itavoidstheuseofaword
“habit,”whichtomostconnotesrepetitionorunthinkingresponsestostimulusorcue.
Deweyhimselfwasuncomfortablewiththewordbutthoughtitcameclosesttothe
concepthehadinmind(Dewey,1922/1988,p.31).Aperceptualcontrolsystemclarifies
thatwhatisheldconstantunderavarietyofconditionsisourperceptionofachievingone
ofourpurposes,nottheactionsusedtoachievethisperception.Wecontrolourinputs,
notouroutputs.
Second,itmakesmoreprecisewhatDeweymeantwhenhesaidhabitsarearts.
Controlsystemsarelearned,finelytunedthroughreorganizationovercountlessexposures
torealitytomoreassuredlyprotectwhatisessentialtooursurvivalfromacomplex,
dynamicandever-changingenvironment.Moreover,theconceptofahierarchicalcontrol
systemmakesclearerhowahabitcanbeflexibleandintelligent.Higherlevelsshiftthe
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referencesoflowerlevelswhenperceptionsdeviatefromreferences,sowhilethe
structureofthecontrolsystemismoreorlessfixed,thatstructurecreatesasystemthat
canadapttoawiderangeofdisturbancesintheenvironment.Andifthatstructureproves
insufficienttoreduceerror,thewholestructurecanevolveviareorganizationtobecome
evenmoreintelligent—i.e.,todoanevenbetterjobofaccomplishingpurposesbykeeping
perceptionsnearreferences.
Third,Dewey’sdesireforabroadconceptionofhabitsometimesstretchesitsuse
beyondrecognition,whileperceptualcontrolsystemsmoreeasilyaccommodatethis
conception.Forexample,Deweysays,“Concretehabitsdoalltheperceiving,recognizing,
imagining,recalling,judging,conceivingandreasoningthatisdone”(Dewey,1922/1988,p.
124).Aperceptualcontrolsystemclarifieswhatpartofahabitisperception,whatpartis
judging(comparingtoreferences),whatpartisrecollectionandhowimaginationand
reasoningtakeplaceasthehierarchyisruninimaginationmode.
Yet,despiteDewey’sbroadconceptionofhabit,hestopsitatthepointof
knowledge.“Yethabitdoesnot,ofitself,know,foritdoesnotofitselfstoptothink,
observe,remember”(Dewey,1922/1988,p.124).Deweyseekstoclarifythathabits“know
how”todothings,buttheydonot“knowofandabout”them.“Knowledgethatinvolves
reflectionandconsciousappreciationisofadifferentsort”(p.125).
Howcanhabitsdoallthinkingandreasoninginthefirstquote,andstillbesaidnot
toknow?Thisisconfusing.Clearly,Deweyseekstocarveaspacefordeliberationthatis
differentthanhabit.PCTdoestoo,butdoesnotrequiresettingupanontological
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distinction.ForDewey,theconditionthatcausesdeliberationtobeginiswhenhabitis
stoppedbyconflict,releasingimpulse.AsdescribedbyWebb(2007),thisirritating,
disturbedorotherwiseuncomfortable(Dewey’swordis“indeterminate”)situationisfelt
asanexistentialimbalanceakintohunger.Suchanimbalanceinitiatesasearchfora
solutionthatbringsthediscomforttoanend,thatis,wherewhatisdiscoveredduringthe
inquiryprocessisre-integratedwithwhatwasknownbeforesothatthesituationagain
becomesdeterminate.
Thus,deliberationbeginsnottopaperoveroravoidtheconflictbutto“uncoverthe
conflictinitsfullscopeandbearing”(Dewey,1922/1988,p.150),emphasisintheoriginal).
Manyalternativesareexaminedandtheirconsequencesevaluatedindramaticrehearsalin
theminduntilonesetisfoundthatresolvesthesituation.Deliberationendswhena
decisionismade.
InPCT,deliberationiscausedbyexperiencingthesamekindoferrorcondition—a
conflictbetweencontrolsystemscausingcontroltocease,creatinganintrinsicerrorakin
tohunger.Thisbeginsaprocessofreorganization,whichisalsoaprocessforsearchinga
solutionspace.ButE.colireorganizationisamoreclearlyspecifiedsearchprocess.Itisone
ofrepeatedstopsandstarts,headingoffinadirectionthatseemspromising,onlytofind
thesituationworsensandhavingtoheadoffinadifferentdirection.Itgiveslesscredence
torationalthoughtandmoreemphasisonthekindofexperimentationthatwasatthe
heartofDewey’sapproachtoproblem-solving.AsDeweyhimselflaterstates,“Thetruth
canbeboughtonlybytheadventureofanexperiment”(Dewey,1922/1988,p.163).
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ThismakesreorganizationinPCTamoregeneralproblem-solvingmethodology
thandeliberationbecauseitmayormaynotoccurconsciously,dependingonwhetherthe
errorisoccurringinalowerorhigherportionoftheperceptualhierarchy.Onlywhenthe
errorperceivedoccursatsufficientlyhighlevelsdoesitinvolvereflectionanddeliberation.
High-levelerrorsthencausethementalswitchestobethenthrowntoenterinto
imaginationmode.Inimagination,thesamehypothesizingandevaluationofideasoccurs
asdescribedbyDewey’sdeliberation,butPCTdescribestheprocessofconductingitasone
ofusingtheexactsamehierarchyofthesamecontrolsystems—i.e.thesamehabits—that
areusedforaction.Thehierarchyissimplyslightlymodifiedtoturnoffactualactioninthe
environment,withmemoryofprioractionsandtheirimpactontheenvironment
substitutinginstead.
Asaresult,deliberationdoesnotrunoutsideofhabit.Itusesanapproximationof
habitsinaction—i.e.,therecalledperformanceofcontrolsystemsinteractingwiththe
environment—astheonlyknowledgewehavetothinkwith.Inessence,deliberationis
thensimplyaparticularkindofoutputfunctioninPCT,oneusingthoughtratherthan
musclestoreducetheerrorinanimaginedperceptionoftheworldrelativetoaninternal
referenceofwhatisgoodandright.Theperceptionsinvolvedinmakingsuchmoral
judgmentsmayinvolvethehighestlevelsofprincipleandsystemconcept,butsolving
problemsatthatleveldoesnotrequireinvokinganewontologicallevelofunderstanding.
Assuch,PCTprovidesamoreunifiedframeworkforproblem-solvingthanDewey’s,where
deliberationrunsoutsideofhabitinordertotameit.
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ThisisagainacasewherePCTisperhapstruertoDeweythanDewey,asthehabit
hemostseekstoengenderisthehabitoflearning.Bydescribingdeliberationinthesame
unitsashabitsandusingthesamesystemsashabits,PCTbettershowshowlearningfrom
deliberationis,itself,aformofhabit.
WhilePCT’sabilitytoclarifyandgeneralizehabit,conflictanddeliberationare
important,whatisperhapsevenmoreimportantisthatcontrolsystemsprovideabetter
bridgebetweentheindividualandthesocial.OIEmustmakeanontologicaljumpfrom
habitattheindividualleveltoinstitutionatthesociallevel.ButPCTallowsforamore
gradualtransition,onewhereaconsistentframeworkcanbeappliedacrossdifferentlevels
ofsocialcomplexity.
Forexample,Dewey(1922/1988,p.216)describesaprocessbywhichachild
beginstounderstandwhatisimportantforbehaviorbyjudgingthereactionoftheadults
whosurroundtheyouth.Thisessentiallyproducesasmallcollectivecontrolsystemwhere
theparents,whohavemorepower,establishareferencefor,say,nothittingother
children,thatthechilddoesnotpersonallyhavebutlearnstoadopttoavoidsufferingthe
errorscausedbyparentaldisapproval.Thisadoptionitself,however,causeserrorsinthe
child’snormalmeansofcontrollingitsenvironment,andsetsoffareorganization.With
controlsystemsthataremoreflexiblethanadults,thisresultsinmostchildrenadopting
differentreferencesfortheirownbehavior,thusinternalizingthereferencesoftheparents
toeliminatetheconflict.
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Interestingly,suchasystemofcollectivecontrolproducesanewstable
configurationthat,uponrepeatedexperience,canbecomeanewjointlyheldreferencefor
somethingthatdoesnotexistattheleveloftheindividual—inthiscase,household
harmony.
Asthecircleofindividualsinvolvedinthecollectivecontrolsystembroadens
beyondthehousehold,somaythereferencethatisjointlyheld—say,fromhouseholdto
socialharmony.Atthislevel,itisunlikelythereferenceswillmatchpreciselyacross
individualsandwhatwillbeestablishedisinsteadacollectivecontrolsystemwithavirtual
referencethatisthegain-weightedaverageofthereferencesofthesystem’smembers.
Still,suchacollectivecontrolsystemmayevolvethenecessaryperceptionsandrolesto
becomeafull-blownsocialperceptualcontrolsystem.Suchasystemnotonlypossessesa
jointlyheldpurpose/reference,buttheabilitytoperceivewhenthatpurposeisbeing
achievedornot,andwhennot,theabilitytocontinuallyadjustitsbehavioruntilcontrolis
successfulreestablished.
Forexample,inthesocietyatlarge,themediaclearlyplaytheroleofperceptual
functionsthatdeterminewhatisrelevanttoobserve.Critics,decision-makersofallkinds,
publicandprivate,andevenpublicopinionperformtheroleofcomparatorsdetermining
whethertheirperceptionsofwhat’soccurringmatchestheirgoalsforpublicsafetyor
accountabilityorprofitability.Ifnot,thentherearethosewhosejobitistobringthe
perceivedrealitybackinlinewiththegoalsthroughoutputssuchaslegislation,policing,
regulationorjustplainwork.
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Itmightbethecasethatgenerallypeopleintheserolesoperatesufficiently
independentlythattrueperceptualcontrolisnottypicallyachieved.Thatis,following
Taylor,whilewecansaythatorganizationalcontrolsystemsexist(sinceorganizationshave
purposestheyareabletoachievebycontinuouslyvaryingtheiroutputsinordertobetter
bringperceptionsintolinewithreferences),full-fledgedsocialcontrolsystemsofthetype
alludedtoabove,wherethereissimilarclarityofpurpose,coordinationofoutputsand
sufficientagreementofperceptiontobetrulyperceptualcontrolonasociety-widescale,is
aspecialcase.
GiventhewidespreadnatureofFeagin’s“whitesocialframe”however,thegroup
purposeofwhitesuperiorityitmaintains,andthemanydocumentedmechanismsinplace
totransmititsperceptionacrosstheworldandmaintainitacrossgenerations,weargue
thatinstitutionalracismqualifiesassuchaspecialcase.MorethanMcClelland’sgiant
virtualcontroller,atruesocialperceptualcontrolsystemisatwork.Thisisthenatureof
differentialpower;indeed,itisadefinitionofit.Thosewithpowerhavegreaterabilityto
maintaintheirperceptionoftheworldneartheirreferenceforhowtheworldshouldbe,
regardlessofwhatotherpeople’sreferencesmightbe.
Likeagiantvirtualcontroller,asocialperceptualcontrolsystemhasreferencesthat
don’tmatchanysingleindividual,perceptionsthatarenotsharedbyanysingleindividual,
outputsthatdependonavarietyofindividualsperformingseparateroles,andsoappears
tohaveamindofitsown.Butitactuallyhasitsownpurposes,itsownintrinsicreferences
needingtobemetfortheentiresystemtosurvive,withtheindividualswhocomposeit
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playingthepartofinputfunctionsgeneratingperceptionsandoutputfunctionstocontrol
themtothesystem’sintrinsicreferences.Atheorybasedonperceptualcontrolsystems,
therefore,mayhelpexplainexactlyhowaseparateontologicallevelemerges,asSawyer
(2005)requiresforanadequatesocialtheory(thoughMcClellandwoulddisputethis).
Liketheindividualperceptualcontrolsystemsuponwhichitisbased,asocial
perceptualcontrolsystemisresistanttochangeandhasrealpower,thepowerofhabiton
asocialscale.AsyoubecomeapartofmycontrolsystemsandIbecomeapartofyours,
theleastcoststabilitypathsthatareconstructedintheenvironmentencouragean
alignmentofperceptionsinadditiontoreferencesand,asaresult,thesebecome
increasinglyprevalentamongourgroup.Astherangeofperceptionsandreferences
narrow,thismakesthemmorestableand,converselymakesintroducingchangeintosuch
socialperceptualcontrolsystemsevenmoredifficult.Oneresultofthisstabilityof
perceptionandreferenceistoallowthedevelopmentofgroupenforcementmechanisms
tomaintainthoseperceptionsnearthereferences,mechanismsthatareoftencoercive.
Veblen’swordforsucharesistant,resilientandprevalenthabitofthoughtis,of
course,aninstitution.Itispositedherethatsocialperceptualcontrolsystemsare
analogoustoinstitutionsinthesamewaythatindividualcontrolsystemsareanalogousto
habits.Byclarifyingwhatismeantby“habit,”controlsystemsalsohelpclarifythemeaning
ofaninstitution.Veblen’sdefinition—a“prevalenthabitofthought”—isusuallyreadwith
theemphasisontheinstitutionbeinga“prevalentthought”inthemindsofitsmembers.
ButVeblen’sinclusionoftheword“habit”wasnotaccidental.Aninstitutionismorethana
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thought,nomatterhowprevalent.Itisathought—areference,inPCTterms—resistantto
disturbances,thathasenforcementmechanisms(outputfunctions)andlearned
perceptionstoreinforceit.Itisprevalentthought,asocialreference,withtheforceof
habitbehindit.
NotethatthiscomportswellwithBinmore’s(2006)notiondrawnfromgametheory
thatthegameoflife,asopposedtosomeofthetoygamesoftenassociatedwithgame
theorylikePrisoner’sDilemma,oftenprovidesmultipleNashequilibriaforasocietyto
choosefromwhencoordinatingbehavior.Forexample,whogenerallygetstogothrougha
doorfirstwhenbotharriveatthesametime,anoldpersonorayoungperson?Theanswer
willbenefitonegroupandhurttheother.Butlifeisarepeatedgame,andsothereare
opportunitiesforthechoicetoevolveovertime.Binmoreallowsthatthechoiceisoften
notrandom,butdrivenbythe“underlyingpowerstructureofasociety(p.24).”Oncean
equilibriumischosen,however,itisdifficultforasocietytomovetoadifferentone
becausethenatureofanequilibriumisthatitisessentiallyself-policing;itincludes
mechanismstorestoretheequilibriumifdisturbed.Thisisapropertyidenticaltothatof
socialperceptualcontrolsystems.
Table1summarizestherelationshipbetweenPCTandOIEtheoreticalconstructs,as
wellasPCT’scontributiontothem.Briefly,controlwrapsaunifyingframeworkaroundthe
Vebleniandichotomybetweenself-andother-regardingpropensities.Ittakesthefuzzy
conceptofhabitandgivesitamoreexplicitspecificationasacontrolsystem.Thisallowsus
topeerinsidetheblackboxsurroundingtheconceptofhabittobetterunderstandhow
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theyformandhowtheychange.Byusingcontrolsystemsastheunitofanalysis,PCTopens
upthepossibilityofmodelinghowthehabitsofindividualsinteract,coevolveandbecome
prevalent,i.e.,becomesocializedasinstitutions.Byenablingtheviewofinstitutionsas
evolvedsocialperceptualcontrolsystems,PCTofferstheabilitytospantheontologicalgap
betweenhabitandinstitution—botharecomposedofthesamestuff,thatis,perceptual
controlsystems.Asaresult,theconceptofacontrolsystemsitsatthenexusbetweenthe
individualandsociety,joininghabitandinstitution.allowingacompletejourneyfrom
instincttoinstitutionandbackagainwithhabit—i.e.,perceptualcontrolsystems—playing
thekeyintermediaryandunifyingroleatthenexusbetweentheindividualandsociety.
Table1.CorrespondencebetweenOIEandPCT.
OIE PCTAnalog PCTContributionInstinct Control Veblen'sseparateinstinctsare
unifiedasdifferentaspectsofcontrol,makingthemmoreconsistentwithDewey.
Purpose Reference Intrinsicreferencesarethoserequiredtobekeptwithinanarrowrangefororganismsurvival
Habit Perceptualcontrolsystem ClearerspecificationofwhatismeantbyhabitandhowsomethingmostpeopleconsiderbadcandoallthegoodthingsDeweyinsiststheycan
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OIE PCTAnalog PCTContributionHabitsarearts,positiveagencies
Perceptualcontrolsystemsarefinelycalibratedthroughexperiencetoachievepurposesunderavarietyofconditions
Essenceofhabitisinnowayrepetition
Essenceofaperceptualcontrolsystemisachievingthepurposesneededforlife
Habitsareflexible,intelligent
Controlsystemsarearrangedinalearnedhierarchythatadjuststotheenvironmentasitchanges.Themorecontrolsystems,andthebetterintegratedtheyare,thebroadertherangeofdisturbancestowhichtheycanadjust.
Deliberation Runningtheperceptualhierarchyinimaginationmode
Deliberationneednotrunoutsideofhabittotameit.Deliberationuseshabitsasencodedintomemoryandthecurrenthierarchytoconducttherequireddramaticrehearsals.Habitcanknow,canreflect.Thereisnomodeofthinkingoutsidethehierarchy.
Conflictbetweenhabitsstopstheirsmoothoperation,releasingimpulsetoharmonizethemthroughdeliberation
Conflictbetweencontrolsystemscreatesuncontrollederror,initiatingE.colireorganization.
Changecanoccurwithoutconsciousdeliberation.Randomchangessearchthesolutionspace,andchangecontinuesinaparticulardirectionsolongaserrorisreduced.
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OIE PCTAnalog PCTContributionInstitutionas“prevalenthabitofthought”
Socialperceptualcontrolsystem
Habitattheindividuallevelandinstitutionsatthesociallevelaremadeofthesame"stuff"-Perceptualcontrolsystems-easingthetransitionbetweentheseontologicallevels
Institutionsbecomeprevalentthroughtechnologicalchangeandemulation
Institutionsbecomeprevalentbecausetheyareneededtoestablishcontrol.
Hierarchyisfunctionalinthatitspeedscontrolandreducesconflict.Least-coststabilitypathsmakedevelopingandmaintainingsomeperceptionseasierthanothers.Collectivecontrolensuresreferencesareweightedtowardthosewiththemostnumbersandpower.
Institutionaladjustment-choosingwhatshouldbedonebythosewhomustaltertheirbehavior
E.Colireorganizationatthelevelneedingtochange
Socialchangecanoccurwithoutconsciouschoicebythosecurrentlybenefitingfromthecurrentarrangements…butonlyifawarenessisshiftedtotherightlevelofthehierarchy,agradientofchangecanbecreatedandrandomexperimentscanbegeneratedinresponsetoconflict.
CombiningPCTwithOIEblendsanevolutionarytheoryofmindwithanevolutionary
theoryofeconomicsandproducesabetter-integratedtheoryofindividual,social,and
economicchange.Italsoprovidessomecluesastohowa“small,committedgroup”of
individualsmightintentionallyguidetheevolutionofthelargersocietytowardeliminating
theinstitutionalracismembodiedintheurbandevelopmentstrategyof“containmentplus
sprawl.”
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Thatsocietiesmightbethoughtofascomposedofsocialperceptualcontrol
systemsmeansthattheycanbesaidtohavetheirownintrinsicreferences—references
thatmustbemaintainedforthesocietytosurvive.Whensomethingcausesthesocietyto
perceiveanerrorinthoseintrinsicreferences,andthaterrorpersists,itcaninitiatea
periodofreorganizationproducingnewreferencesandnewcontrolsystemsuntilthe
intrinsicerrorisreducedtotolerablelevels.Atthatpoint,thesocialorderhas,infact,
changed.
Theissuesforconsciouslyguidingevolutionarysocialchangethenaretwo-fold.
First,howcanasmallsetofindividualsoraminoritygroupcauseandmaintainanerrorin
themajority’sperceptionoftheirsocietythatisimportantenoughtostarttheprocessof
reorganization?Second,howcanthereorganizationprocessbemanagedtomakesurethe
changesreliablymovesocietyinthedesireddirection?Thesearethequestionstowhich
wewillturninthenextchapter.
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CHAPTER4
TOWARDACONTROLTHEORYOFMINORITY-DIRECTEDINSTITUTIONALCHANGE
Wenowattempttoapplytheunderstandingofsocialperceptualcontrolsystems
developedabovetotheissueinstitutionalracismwithwhichwebegan.Wehaveposited
thatinstitutionalracismisactuallyanexampleofasocialperceptualcontrolsystemat
work.Ifso,what,exactly,isitsintrinsicreference?
RecallthatCharles(2005)consideredthreepossibleexplanationsforracial
residentialsettlementpatterns:First,itcouldbethatclassistherealdriverandthatraceis
merelybeingusedasaproxy.Second,perhapsallgroupsareethnocentricandsonaturally
haveapreferenceforlivingwithotherslikethemselves.Finally,perhapspreferencesare
drivenmorebyprejudiceagainstan“out-group”thanbydesiretolivewithco-ethnics.She
designedaninnovativesurveytechniquetodisentanglethesealternativeexplanations
that,fromaPCTperspective,allowedhertoconductatestforwhichparticularracial
perceptionwhitesarecontrollingwhentheymakeresidentiallocationchoices.Shefound
thatthecontrolledvariablemostconsistentwiththedatawasaparticularvariantofthe
out-groupprejudiceexplanation—thatofmaintainingrelativegroupposition.Thatis,white
residentiallocationchoicesweremadetokeeptheminasuperiorpositionrelativeto
blacksandmaintainasmuchsocialdistancefromthemaspossible,notsimplytoavoid
contactwiththem.
ThisisentirelyconsistentwithFeagin’s(2013)thesisthattheexistenceofawhite
racialframehasatitsheartareferenceformaintainingwhitesuperiority.Thismythof
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superioritywascreatedinordertogeneratethesocialdistanceandemotionaldetachment
requiredtoenslaveotherhumanbeings.Itisnearlyfourcenturiesinthemaking,partof
thenation’sfoundingdocumentsandthestructureofitsgoverninginstitutions.
IntheirreviewofthehistoryofracialattitudesfromtheGeneralSocialSurvey,
Bobo,Charles,KryzenandSimmons(2009)similarlyfoundthatwhiteattitudestowardof
blackscontinuetoexhibitaperceptionofconsiderablesocialdistanceandemotional
detachmenttothisday,withwhitesblamingblackcircumstancesonblackculture.
Moreover,whattheytermcollectiveracialresentmentsare“thesinequanonofthenew
racialideologicalregimeinAmerica,”asrepresentedbythe“beliefthatblacksare
singularlyundeservingof‘specialtreatment’”intheformofpublicpolicyand“shouldjust
sinkorswiminthemodernfreemarket.”(p.41)
Thisworkprovidessupportfortheideathatwhitesuperiorityisakeyintrinsic
referencethattheprevalentsocialperceptualcontrolsystemactivelydefends.Yetsucha
nakedlydiscriminatoryreferenceislittlespokenofinmostsettings.Recallthefive
AmericanvaluesdescribedearlierthatBriggsidentifiedasbothunderlyingthe“uneven
geographyofopportunity”andservingtomakeitarelativelyinvisiblesocialproblem
today:
1) Theattractivenessofaplacecanbebestjudgedbythestatusofthepeoplewho
livethere.
2) Communitiesaredefinedbythehomogeneityofrace,classandhomevalues.
3) Politicaldecisionsshouldbemadeatthelowestpossiblelevelgovernment.
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4) Marketsarecapableofmeetingallneeds.
5) Incomeisdeterminedbyindividualeffort.
These“Americanvalues”cannowbeseenasprovidingideologicalcoverforareferenceof
whitesuperiority.Theyarethinly-veiledsubstitutereferences,onesthatcanbespokenof
in“politecompany”buthavetheeffectofcementinginplaceracialdisparitiesand
justifyingtheircontinuationastheresultofdeficienciesinminorities,bothasagroupand
individually.
Giventhisintrinsicreferenceforwhitesuperiority,thenitislittlewonderthatthe
strategyofcontainmentplussprawlasdescribedbyBriggsemergesasoneofthemost
importantoutputfunctionstheprevalentsocialperceptualcontrolsystemusestodefend
it.Physicaldistancepromotestheemotionaldistanceand,asdocumentedbyCharles,
prejudicialattitudesofwhitesagainstblacksaresignificantlystrongeriftheyhavelittleor
noexperiencelivingorworkinginraciallyintegratedenvironments.
Meanwhilethe“unevengeographyofopportunity”thatresultsperpetuatesthe
economicadvantagesofthemajorityovertheminority,therebyreinforcingperceptionsof
whitesuperiority.Disparitiesinwealthcreatedisparitiesinequalityofopportunity,and
suchdisparitiespersistbecausethemajoritycanavoidtheconflictofseeinganddealing
withtheproblemscreatedbyhigh-poverty,largelyminorityareassimplybymovingaway
fromthem,andthenblamingthepoorfortheirpoverty.
Thatthefactofthecontainerremainsdespitesignificantdisturbancesintheform
ofbothadoptionofnewtechnologiesandchangesinlawregardingschools,housing,
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votingandemploymentisexactlythekindofresilienceonewouldexpectfromacontrol
system.Whilesuchlegalandtechnologicaldisturbancesmaytemporarilycreate
environmentsthatmakeithardertoholdontoperceptionsofwhitesuperiority,the
capacityofrealestatepracticestoreorganizehasthusfarprovedmorethancapableof
simplyadjustingtheshapeofthecontainerinordertoleavefactofcontainmentplus
sprawl,alongwiththeracialdisparitiesinopportunitiesitcreates,essentiallyintact.
Theminoritieswhoaresocontainedexperienceonadailybasisconditionsof
deterioratinginfrastructure,poorschools,vacantstructures,highcrime,inadequate
housingandlackofaccesstoeconomicopportunity.Whileallwholiveinconcentrated
povertyexperiencetheseconditions,inmanymetropolitanareas,theydisproportionately
impactAfrican-Americans.Forexample,inmetropolitanKansasCity,approximately70
percentofpoorblacksliveinurbancorecensustractswherepovertyrateisatleast20
percent,comparedtoonly15percentofpoorwhites(MARC,1993).Consistentwith
Galster’smodelofcumulativecausation,suchconditionscauseminoritiestoexperience
economicdeprivation,whichisanotherwayofsayingtheirintrinsicneedsaren’tbeing
met,causingthemtolivewithhighlevelsoferrorintheirintrinsicreferences.
Livingwithconstanterrorislikelythesourceofthedepression,angerandapathy
thatGalsterseesasthesourceofnon-standardbehaviors—welfaredependency,drug
abuse,crime,unwedpregnancies—thatfurtherreinforceprejudicesofthemajorityagainst
theminority.Infact,followingPowers,thosenon-standardbehaviors,whilecalled
“deviancy”bythemajority,areactuallytheresultofautonomouscontrolsystems
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innovativelyseekingtoreducetheerrorsperceivedusingwhateveravenuesareopento
them.Whiledrugabusealtersthoseperceptionsdirectlywithoutchangingtheconditions
actuallycausingtheerror,somenon-standardbehaviorscitedbyGalster,suchaswelfare
dependency,representanattempttominimizetheeconomicdeprivation,whileothers,
suchasgangparticipationresultingincrime,maybeanattempttoregainsomeofthe
esteemlostasaresultoftheeconomicdisparitiesrelativetothemajority.
Galster’scriticismsofthethreedifferentkindsofpolicyinterventionsaimedat
reducingtheblackunderclass—“breakthelinkages,”“reversethecycle,”and“establisha
parallelsystem”—alsoshowawarenessoftheexistenceofasocialperceptualcontrol
system,thoughhedoesn’tcallitthat.Hecharacterizes“breakthelinkages”asastrategy
thatfocusesoneliminatingonelinkinthechainofcumulativecausation,andcriticizesitas
leavingtoomuchoftherestofthesysteminplace.Toacontrolsystem,suchasingle
changeissimplyadisturbanceitisorganizedtodefendagainst.Hecriticizes“reversethe
cycle”asleavingtheattitudesofthemajorityunchanged,sothatpoliciessuchas
dispersingaffordablehousingthesuburbshavemixedresults.Acontrolsystem
encapsulatessuchattitudesasreferences,andtheintrinsicreferenceforwhitesuperiority
hasprovedresilientinthefaceofdramaticpolicyintervention.Solongasthisreference
remainsintact,whitescanoftenlimittheirexposuretoplaceswheresuchpolicyisbeing
appliedorusetheirconsiderablesocialandeconomicpowertoopposedirectlyit.Finally,
Galstercriticizesthestrategyto“createaparallelsystem”becauseitdependsonsupport
fromthemajoritytosurvive.FromaPCTperspective,heisrighttoquestiontheviabilityof
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thisstrategy,forsolongastheintrinsicreferenceofthemajorityremainsoneofwhite
superiority,minoritieslivingtheparallelsystemareunlikelytobeallowedtoachieve
outcomesequaltothoseofthemajority.
Asaresultoflivinginvastlydifferentenvironments,majorityandminorityhave
differentperceptionsanddevelopdifferentreferences.Dewey(1922/1988)understoodas
much:
Forsegregatedclassesdeveloptheirowncustoms,whichistosaytheirownworkingmorals.Aslongassocietyismainlyimmobilethesediverseprinciplesandrulingaimsdonotclash.Theyexistsidebysideindifferentstrata(pp.58-59).
Thenotionofcollectivecontrolsystems,however,suggeststhatthe“segregated
classes”arenotascompletelyseparateasDeweyimagined.Instead,theirreferences
inhabitthesamespaceandregularlyconflict,butthoseofthemajorityhavemuchhigher
gain.Asaresult,thevirtualreference,i.e.,thereferencethatissociallyexperienced,is
heavilyoralmostentirelyweightedtowardthemajority’sreference.Consistentwith
Galster,theresultfortheminorityistoconstantlylivewithrelativelyhighlevelsoferror
whilethemajorityisabletolivemostlyunawareofit.
Thatthemajoritycouldliveunawareandunconcernedoftheconflictexperienced
bytheminorityisexactlytheexpectedresultwhenaperceptualcontrolsystemisinplace.
First,suchcontrolsystemsorganizethemselvesintoautonomous,specialized,non-
conflictingsub-systems,asinthearmcontroldemoofPowers.Second,theyareorganized
inahierarchyinordertoaddressconflictsthatmaynotbeabletobesolvedby
reorganizationatalowerlevelandrequire“goingupalevel”tosetnewreferencesfor
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lowerlevelsthateliminatetheconflict.Third,thathierarchyitselfislikelyaresponseto
priorpersistentconflictthatrequiredevolutionofahigher-levelperception,anew
perspective,inordertoachievebettercontrol.Fourth,suchevolutionisnotrandom;itis
purposeful.Itisconsistentlypushedinadirectiondictatedbytheneedoftheoverall
systemtosurvive.Thosesub-systemsofthehierarchyresponsibleformonitoringthe
variablesintrinsictotheoverallsystem’ssurvivalinitiatereorganizationwhenintrinsic
errorsgrowsufficientlylarge,andtheyevaluatewhichchangesproduceimprovements.
Fifth,thereferencesforwhatisneededforsurvivalarelargely,thoughnotentirely,
determinedatthehighestlevelsofthehierarchy6(recallthatforPowers,instincts,which
arepresumablyrelatedtomaintainingintrinsicreferences,operateatthehighest,not
lowest,levelofthehierarchy).Theendresultis,sixth,awell-organizedperceptualcontrol
systemthatrarelyexperiencesintrinsicerrors.Lowerlevelscontrolwellandworksofast
thathigherlevelsaren’tawareoflower-levelerrors.Onlywhensucherrorspersist
unresolveddothehigher-levelsystemsengagetoresetreferencesor,ifnecessary,
reorganizethesystemitself.
Applyingthismodeltosocialsystems,peoplebecometheindividualcontrolsub-
systemsorthogonallyorganizedtominimizeconflict.Astheypursuetheirownindividual
6IdivergesomewhatfromPowershere,however.Powerssawthereorganizingsystemasseparatefromthelearnedhierarchyofcontrol.Iseeitasembeddedwithinthehierarchy,asPowersalsoallows.Powersdoesnotspecifyalevel,though,whileitmakesthemostsensetomethatwhatisintrinsictosystemsurvivalbeatop-levelfunction.MysuppositionissupportedwhenPowerssaysthatasonemovesupthehierarchy,thecontrolsystemsbecomemoregeneralandoperatemoreslowly,andthatthereorganizationsystemisthemostgeneraltypeofcontrolsystemconsidered.Thesetwoconditionsimplyitoperatesatthehighestlevels.
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goals,reorganizationyieldsindividualswhoengageinspecializedproductionandoccupya
varietyofsocialrolesthatallowthemahighdegreeofautonomy.Thoserolesarearranged
inhierarchies,mostclearlywithinformalorganizationsbutalsowithininformal
organizations(followingTaylor)andthesocietyasawhole.Thoseathigherlevelsare
typicallyresponsibleformaintaininghigher-levelperceptionsandhavethepowertodoso
bysettingthereferences(or,asPowersputsit,callingforththeperceptions)thatneedto
bereproducedbylower-levelsystems.Inorganizationalcontrolsystemstheymayset
referencesforpeopleatlowerlevelsbydirectlycallingfortheperceptionstobe
reproducedinacommandandcontrolenvironment.Inthelargersociety,thosehigherin
thehierarchymayinfluencereferencesindirectlybysettingexamplesthatthoselowerin
thehierarchyperceiveandthenemulate,followingSmith’sgreatersympathyfortherich
andVeblen’semulativeinstinct,orbyinfluencingtheconstructionofleast-coststability
pathsintheenvironmentthatreinforcethedesiredperceptionsandreferences.Following
McClelland,thosereferencesbecomeverystablethroughtheprocessofcollectivecontrol.
Asgenerationsunfold,thosebornintothereferencesandstabilitypathsseethemas
normalandnatural,nottheresultofapurposefulevolutionaryprocess.Infact,because
mostindividualsautonomouslypursuetheirowngoalswithminimalconflict,theyarelikely
toprotestthatanysuchlargersocialpurposesexist.
Theircooperativenatureispartofwhysuchsocialperceptualcontrolsystemsso
difficulttochange.Theautonomyofindividualsmakesithardtoperceivetypicalsocial
interactionsasapartofacontrolsystem.Thatwelearnthereferences,perceptionsand
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behaviorsofthosewhosurroundussoearlyinlifemakethemappearsasafactoflife
ratherthansociallyconstructed.Majorityorminority,higher-levelorlower-level,weall
learntocooperatetosomeextentwiththedominantsocialperceptualcontrolsystem,
becausetheconsequencesofnotcooperatingmakeitevenmoredifficulttocontrolthe
intrinsicvariablesforlife—food,shelter,transportation,andbeingvaluedbyothers.
Suchcooperationdoesnotmeanthereisacompleteabsenceofconflictorthatthe
cooperationisn’tatleastsomewhatcoerced.Infamilies,forexample,thereisoften
conflictamongmembersbutalsoenoughcooperationforthemtoformafunctioning
household.Yet,tocontroltheamountoffoodonthetable,theexistenceofaroofover
theirheads,gasinthetankoftheircar,andtheesteemoffriends,family,colleaguesand
neighbors,mostpeoplefinditeasiertoadoptthereferencesandbehaviorsofthosethey
interactwith.Evenperceptionsarenotgivenfromoutside;ratherwhatbecomes
importanttoperceiveislargelylearnedfromthepeopleandsituationsthatsurroundus.
Despitethecooperativenatureofsuchsocialperceptualcontrolsystems(hence,
wemayalsocallthemas“cooperativecontrolsystems”),thefactremainsthatits
referencesreflectaweightedaverageofthegoalsofthesystem’smostpowerfulandmost
numerousmembers.Thisweightingmeansthattheintrinsicreferencesforsurvivalofthe
overallsystemoftenmostcloselymatchthoserequiredforthesurvivalofthegroup
containingthemostpowerful,andoftenresultsinbehaviorstoprotectperceptionsofthat
group’sposition,asinthecaseofinstitutionalracismdescribedabove.Theabsenceof
conflictamongthoseinthemajorityservestokeepthispurposehiddenfrommost,
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allowingthemtoattributetheirsuccesstotheirindividualeffortsapartfromanyboost
givenbytheevolvedsystemstructure.Onlytherelativelysmallnumberofpeoplewhose
intrinsicreferencesareexperiencingsubstantialerrorsbecauseofthewaythesocial
perceptualcontrolsystemisworking,i.e.,minorities,arecontinuallyremindedofthe
existenceofasocialperceptualcontrolsystemwithitsownpurposes,onesthatare
differentthantheirown.
ThissetupdescribesthemostsalientfeaturesofFeagin’s“whiteracialframe.”It
alsoexplainswhyawell-organizedsocialperceptualcontrolsystemwouldevolvea
strategyofcontainmentplussprawl.Suchastrategymaintainsthereferenceforwhite
superioritywhileminimizinganyconflictthemajoritymightexperiencebyhavingmore
thanoccasionalcontactwithminoritieslivingintheconstanterrorinducedbyeconomic
deprivation,disinvestmentanddisparity.
Giventheabovediscussion,thedifficultyofchangingawell-organizedsocial
perceptualcontrolsystemcannotbeunderestimated.Nevertheless,thatitsevolutionwas
purposefullydirectedishopeful,becausewhatispurposefullydirectedcanbepurposefully
re-directed.However,thechangemustbeofaparticulartypetobelasting.Perceptual
controlsystemsonlychange,evolve,orlearnthroughaprocessofreorganization,andthe
necessaryconditionsforsuchareorganizationarefairlyclear.
Theprocessofreorganizationisinitiatedthroughtheexistenceofconflictthat
threatenstheintrinsicreferencesofthesystem.Suchaconflictisrelativelyeasyto
create—anyonecanstartafight—buthardtosustainandmanagesincethepowerofthose
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benefitingfromthecurrentsystemtoostracize,imprisonor,intheworstcases,killthose
whothreatenitmakesdirectconfrontationunlikelytoachievethedesiredsocialchange.
Instead,echoingFoster,reorganizationmustbedirectedtolevelneedingtochange,i.e.,
thehigherlevelsofthehierarchythatactuallyhavethepowertomakechangesthat
eliminatetheconflict.Assuch,awarenessoftheconflict,andindeed,theconflictitself,
mustbecomeinternaltothoseoccupyingthehigherlevels.
Sohowmightsuchareorganizationofasocialperceptualcontrolsystemproceed?
Itseemsthatthereareatleastfournecessaryingredientsforreorganizationtooccurin
PCT:1)large,persistenterrorinanintrinsicvariable,mostoftencausedby2)asignificant
conflictbetweencontrolsystems,3)theexistenceofahigher-levelcontrolsystem
operatingatthelevelofthesituationcausingtheconflictcapableofalteringthereferences
fortheconflictingcontrolsystemstoreduceerror—ifithadtherightparameters,and4)a
sufficientlysteepgradientforthoseparametersthat,oncetherandomexperimentationof
thereorganizationprocessbegins,canbedetectedandfollowedsothattheychangeina
directionthatreduceserror.Thus,whileconflictbetweencontrolsystemsmayinitiatethe
processofreorganization,thereorganizationistrulysuccessfulonlyif,intheend,the
resultisasubstantialreductioninconflictintheoverallsystem.
Itisclearthat#2and#4abovehavebeenpartofmostsocialchangemovements.
Abolition,women’ssuffrage,unionization,civilrights,women’srights,gayrightsallhave
usedconflicttoshiftawarenesstowardapartofthesocialsystemthatneedsreorganizing,
thenpersistedlongenoughandusedincreasinglyinnovativetacticstocreateagradientof
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change,sothatwhensocialsystemparameterschange,theychangeinthedesired
direction—i.e.towardthereferencesforgreaterequalityandtheincreasedjusticethatthe
socialchangemovementsaretryingtoestablish.
Howtheyuseconflicttogenerate#1-i.e.,large,persistentintrinsicerror-is,of
course,amajorissue.Whileviolencehasbeenapartofmanyofthesemovements,it
typicallystimulatesastrongpublicbacklashagainstthosewhouseitandsotarnishestheir
causes.Thus,violenceseemstofurtherthecauseofsocialchangemostsuccessfullywhen,
unfortunately,itisperpetratedonthoseseekingchangebythosewhopurporttobe
defendingthereferencesofthelargersociety.Thepublicrevulsionagainsttheviolence,
andthepublicsympathygeneratedforthevictimsofit,helpstomovereferencesaway
fromthosepreviouslyestablishedreferences.Yetthetragiclossoflifeandproperty
requiredtoproducesuchrevulsionmakesputtingpeopleinsituationswhereviolenceis
likelytobedonetothemandextremelycostlystrategy.
Bycontrast,whenviolenceisperpetratedbythosetryingtocreatesocialchange,
thepublicbacklashagainstviolencemostoftenhardensthesupportforthosepreviously
establishedreferences.Itcreatesanexternalconflictratherthananinternalone,andso
callsforthallthepoweroftheexistingcontrolsystem’spowertoresistdisturbances,which
ofcourseiswhatitwasdesignedtodo.Toavoidsettingoffthecontrolsystem’swell-
honeddefenses,creatingconflictusingnon-violentmeansisasurerapathtoshifting
awarenessinawaythatmighttriggerintrinsicerrorfromwithin,andatthelevelsofthe
hierarchythatarelikelytobecapableofchangingtheconflictualsituation.
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Non-violenttacticsarealsoasurerpathtocreatingaconsistent,steepgradientfor
changeinthedesireddirectionofthoseseekingit.Twomodernexamples,oneontheright
andoneontheleft,havesuccessfullyusednon-violentmeanstocreatethegradient
necessarytoshiftsocialreferences.Ontheright,businessesinthe1970sjoinedtogether
tomoreeffectivelycounterwhattheysawasattacksonthefreeenterprisesystemby
consumeradvocates,environmentalistsandcollegecampuses.Foreshadowedina1971
memobysoon-to-beSupremeCourtJusticeLewisPowelltotheU.S.Chamberof
Commerce(Powell,1971),businessgroupsformedandfundedeffectivelobbying
organizations,legaldefenseteamsandthinktankstocountertheseattacks.Theyalso
fundedpoliticalactioncommittees(PACs)tofinancethepoliticalcampaignsofboth
DemocratsandRepublicans,aswelltheirownresearchtocountermoretraditional
researchthatwasgovernment-funded(Schmitt,2015).Ultimately,organizationssuchas
theHeritageFoundation,theAmericanEnterpriseInstituteandtheCatoInstitute,aswell
astheadventofconservativemediarangingfromtheWallStreetJournaltotalkradioto
FoxNewssuccessfullyreframedissuesasbeingcausedbyalackofadherencetotraditional
Americanvalues,andinsodoing,wereabletotakeadvantageofwhiteAmerica’sfearof
thesocial,economicanddemographicchangesunderwayandreligiousAmerica’sfearof
moralrelativism.Asaresult,thoughtheystartedinthe1970sfromaminorityposition,
businessesandconservativegroupshavebeenlargelysuccessfulingainingsufficient
supporttomovethecountry’svirtualreferencesrightward,asevidencedbylawsto
decreaseregulationofbusinessandfinance,reduceaccesstoabortion,increase
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restrictionsonvotingrights,weakenunionsanddiminishsupportforaffirmativeaction,
whilestallingactiononcriticalissuessuchasglobalclimatechangeandhabitat
preservation.
Meanwhile,ontheleft,thoseseekingequalrightsforpeoplewhoaregaywereable
toadvancefavorableportrayalsonTVandinthemoviesthatshowedgaypeoplewiththe
sameproblemsandthesamehopesanddreamsaseveryoneelse.Also,theprocessof
“comingout"andthatfactthatsomewherebetween3and5percentofAmericansaregay
(Newport,2015)meansthatvirtuallyeveryextendedfamilyislikelytohaveatleastone
personwhoisgay,forcingevenveryconservativeindividualstofaceaconflictbetween
theirtheologyorideologyandmaintainingrelationshipswithpeopletheylove.Rising
awarenessandtheeffortsofgayrightsadvocateshavebeeneffectiveinshiftingreferences
ofthemajorityfromseeinggaypeopleasabnormaltoseeingthemasnormal,tothepoint
where63percentbelievegayandlesbianrelationsaremorallyacceptableand60percent
supportgaymarriage.ItwasinthiscontextthattheSupremeCourtruledonJune26th,
2015thattheconstitutionrequiresstatestoallowpeopleofthesamesextomarry.
Ofthetwocases,thesecondismorerelevanttoracialminoritiesseekinga
reorganizedsociety.Thefirstapproachreliesontheconsiderablepowerofthebusiness
communitytomovethegain-weightedvirtualreferenceofsocietyinitsfavor,but
substantialconflictremains.Forexample,amajorityofAmericansareopposedtocertain
conservativeprioritiessuchaseliminatingabortion(Saad2015a)andinfavorofcertain
liberalpolicies,suchasrespondingtoprospectstoclimatechange(Saad2015b).Notonlyis
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suchpowerunavailabletoracialminorities,thesecondcaseactuallysucceedsinchanging
thereferenceofthemajorityoftheAmericanpublic.Thisincludesbusinesses,asshown
whenseveralmajorfirmsinIndianaobjectedtothepassageReligiousFreedomRestoration
ActinApril2015thatallowedbusinessestorefusetoprovideservicesforgaymarriages,
whichwerealreadylegalinthestate.Asaresultofthestrongprotest,within48hours,the
governorandlegislatureamendedthelawtoprohibitsuchdiscrimination(Frizell2015).
Thebiggestissueinproducingminority-directedreorganizationofasocial
perceptualcontrolsystemis#3above,engagingacontrolsystematthelevelactually
causingtheconflictualsituationtoresetthereferencesofthelowerlevelssotheyno
longerconflict.Thisisparticularlydifficultwhenthereisdisagreementwhethersuch
higher-levelcontrolsystemsevenexist.Infact,theymightnot.Theremaynotyetbea
levelofthecurrentlydominantsocialperceptualcontrolsystemcapableofachievingthe
perceptions,theperspective,necessarytosolvetheconflictscausedbycontinuingracial
disparities.
Howhigherlevelsoftheperceptualhierarchycomeintobeing,isnotwell-defined
inPowers,butitappearslikelythathigher-levelperceptions,andsohigherlevelsofthe
perceptualhierarchy,evolvedoutofthesamereorganizationprocessthatallowsthe
currenthierarchytoadapttosituationscausingintrinsicerror.Recallthathigherlevel
perceptionsareconstructedoutofvectorsoflower-levelperceptions.Whenthecurrent
hierarchyisunabletoreduceintrinsicerrortotolerablelevels,therandomsearchingfora
directionthatreducesintrinsicerrormaysometimes,thoughperhapsonlyrarely,combine
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currentperceptionsinanewwaythatgeneratessomethingfundamentallydifferent,anew
wayofperceivingthings,ahigher-levelofperceptionthat,fromthisperspective,opens
newpathsforpotentialsolutionsandthepossibilityofevolvingnewoutputfunctionsto
takeadvantageofthem.Ifsuchanewperspectiverequirestheevolutionofnewphysical
perceptualmachineryornewcognitivecapacity(i.e.,new“wetware”),thensuchnew
levelsofperceptioncanonlyhappeninevolutionarytime-scales.Butifwhatisrequiredisa
newlevelofsocialperception,thensuchachangemayhappeninsocialtimescales.
Fromacontrolsystemsperspective,hierarchiesevolvebecausetheyarefunctional.
Persistentconflictisinherentlywastefulastheoutputlevelsofcompetingcontrolsystem
escalateintheirattempttoachieveincompatiblereferences.Hierarchiesarefunctionalin
thattheyreduceconflictandincreasetheabilitytocontrolthevariablesintrinsictothe
overallsystem’ssurvivaltotheirintrinsicreferences.Ahierarchicalperceptualcontrol
systemcalibratedtoitsenvironmentishighlyflexible,respondingquicklyandsurelyto
disturbances,muchlikeDewey’sflexibleandintelligenthabit.
Yet,whenawarenessoftheconflictonlyextendsmainlytoonepartoftheoverall
system,aminoritywhoseimpactonthesystem-widegain-weightedreferenceissmall,
hierarchiescanfreezethatconflictinplace.That,fromthestandpointofminorities,there
ismuchconflictbutnoreorganizationimpliesitisthewrongkindofconflict.Theconflict
remainsbetweencontrolsystems(oneofwhichisvastlymorepowerfulthantheother)
ratherthanwithinone,externalizedratherthaninternalized.Assuch,theseparatecontrol
systemsaredoingwhattheyaredesignedtodo,resistingoutsidedisturbancestothebest
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oftheirability,withoutevolvingacapacitytogoupaleveltoresetreferencesbasedona
perspectivefromwhichtheproblematicsituationcanactuallyberesolved.
Hence,theconflictbuildsuntil,asDeweyputsit,“mobilityinvadessociety”anda
crisiseruptsthatdemandstheawarenessoftheconflictandthereorganizationnecessary
todealwithit.Unfortunately,inthethrowsofsuchaneruption,thereorganizationismore
likelytoresultinmerelyreducingtheminority’sabilitytocreateconflictthantoactually
resolvetheconflicttheyareexperiencing.
LikeFosterandDewey,weseekalesscrisis-drivenapproach,onethatmore
dependablyresultsinthedevelopmentofamoreflexibleandsensitivehigher-levelcontrol
systemthatiscapableofactuallyresolvingtheproblematicsituation.
Ifhierarchiesincreasecontrolattheexpenseofincreasedrigidity,thenoneavenue
formakingchangemoreregularlyevolutionarythansporadicallyrevolutionaryisto
decreasetheamountofhierarchy.Anothertermfordecreasinghierarchyinsocialsystems
isincreasingdemocracy.Buildingstrongerdemocraticinstitutions,ortakingbetter
advantageoftheonesalreadyinexistence,allowstheconflictsanderrorsofminoritiesto
beexpressedmorefullyandclearly,whichinturnincreasesthechancesoftheirlegitimacy
beingrecognizedbythemajority.Asaresult,thechancesofgeneratingamoresystem-
widereorganizationtoeliminatethoseerrorsalsoimprove.
FromaPCTperspective,institutionalevolutionmightthenbedescribedasa
processofcontinuallyre-balancingthecontrolbenefitsandrelative(thoughcircumscribed)
autonomygeneratedbyhierarchywiththeinnovationbenefitsofincreaseddemocracy.
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Themessy,oftencontentiousbutmoremeaningfulengagementandinteractiongenerated
bygreaterdemocraticparticipationcan,inturn,yieldmoreproductiveconflict,i.e.,conflict
thatproducesmorefrequent,moresensitive,andsomorethorough,reorganization.
Theabovediscussionpermitsthebeginningsofacontroltheoryofminority-
directedinstitutionalchange,usinginstitutionalracismasacasestudy.Itispresentedin
outlineformbecause,atthisstage,itmustbeadmitteditisunfinished,withmanydetails
andsomesubstantialgapsstilltobefilledin.Also,whilethestrategiestowardstheendare
presentedsequentially,inrealitytheywilllikelyneedtobesimultaneouslypursuedsothey
becomemutuallyreinforcing.Nonetheless,thisdescriptionofacontrol-basedtheoryis,
hopefully,ausefulstart:
1. Weliveembeddedwithinasocialperceptualcontrolsystem.Perceptualcontrol
systemsarecomposedofinputfunctions,references,comparatorsandoutput
functionsarrangedinnegativefeedbackloopstomaintainabalancewiththeir
environmentsoastomatchevolvedreferencestates.Theydonotcontroltheir
outputs.Theycontroltheirinputs,whichareperceptionsofthecurrent
environmentalstate.Outputsvarytocounterenvironmentaldisturbancesin
ordertomaintainperceptionsneartheirhistorically-derivedreferences.
2. Fromthiscontroltheoreticperspective,theproblemofinstitutionalracismis
oneofareferenceforwhitesuperioritythatevolvedovernearlyfourcenturies
andisdefendedbyavarietyofoutputsystems.Theseincludethefoundational
documentsoftheUnitedStates,legalprinciple,lawenforcement,media
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imageryandportrayal,fictionalizedandmythologizedhistoriesandideological
justifications.Asaresult,mostchangestotheenvironmentareinsufficient
changethisreference.Thewholesystemhasevolvedtoprotectitsreferences
againstenvironmentaldisturbances.Relativelyrecentchangesincivilrightslaw
andadvancesininformationtechnology…thesearemereenvironmental
disturbancestoasocialperceptualcontrolsystem.
3. Perceptualcontrolsystemsevolveahierarchicaldesigntominimizeconflictand
keepperceptionsofimportantvariablesneartheirreferences.Whilehigher
levelsinthehierarchyachievefine-grainedcontrolbycallingforththelower
levelreferencestobeperceived,thehigh-levelreferencesarerelatively
unchanging.
4. Thehighest-levelreferencesareasystem’sintrinsicreferences,thosethatare
necessaryforitssurvival.Toalargedegree,whatisnecessaryforsystem
survivalisdeterminedbythehighestlevelsofitscontrolhierarchy.7
5. Moreover,theprocessofcollectivecontrolsetsavirtualreferencethatisthe
gain-weightedreferenceofthemembersofthesystem.Whilethisensuresthe
socialreferencesactuallyexperienceddon’tcompletelycorrespondtoany
individual’sreferences,theyreflectmostcloselythereferencesofthose
7Whileitisclearforindividualsthatsomeintrinsicreferencesoccuratlowerlevels,suchasthesensationofzerohunger,othersarerelatedtoinstincts,whichPowerslocatesabovesystemconcepts,thehighestleveloftheperceptualhierarchyspecified.Insocialperceptualcontrolsystems,giventhehighestlevelsarewherepowerisconcentrated,therationaleforlocatingreferencesintrinsictosystemsurvivalatthehighestlevelsis,admittedly,clearer.
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memberswhoaremostpowerful,wherepowerisgeneratedbyacombination
ofnumbersofpeopleandresourcesattheirdisposal.
6. Theonlywaytochangehigh-levelreferencesistoreorganizethesocial
perceptualcontrolsystem.Whilereorganizationisanevolutionaryprocess,in
thatitgeneratesrandomtrialsandselectivelyretainsthosethatdiminisherror,
itisnotDarwinian.Itispurposeful,movinginadirectionsetbythesystem
itself,i.e.,awayfromintrinsicerrorthesystemhasdefined,andmaintaining
thatdirectionsolongasitcontinuestoreduceintrinsicerror.Asaresult,
reorganizationoperatesatmuchfasterspeedsthannaturalselection.
7. Whatispurposefullydirectedcanbepurposefullyre-directed.
8. Reorganizationappearstooccurmostofteninoutputsystems,lessoftenin
perceptualinputsystemsandleastofteninreferences.8Sincereferencesare
simplypreviouslystoredperceptions,thetargetofreorganizationforpurposes
ofachievingastrongerreferenceforracialequalitymustbetochange
perceptions,notmerelycreatedifferentsystemoutputs.
9. Therefore,forminoritiestochangethereferencesofthemajority,theymust
createintrinsicerrorthatputsthesurvivalofthecontrolsystemasitcurrently
standsatrisk.Butcreationofthiserrormustbeaccomplishedinaparticular
way.Itisnotenoughtosimplythreatentheexistingsystem.Itisnotenoughto
8Thisorderingreflectsthefactthatreferencesrepresentadistillationofwhatisessentialbasedonpriorexperience.Asaresult,theyareoftenheldeveninthefaceofnewevidencetothecontraryandcancolorperceptions.
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securechangesinobservablebehavior.Intrinsicerrormustbecreatedinways
thatspecificallychallengeperceptionsofwhitesuperiority.
10. Suchintrinsicerrorbeginswithconflictbetweencontrolsystemsthatis
perceivedatthelevelofthehierarchyneedingtobereorganized,atthelevel
actuallycausingtheconflictualsituation,i.e.,thehighestlevelsofsociety.
11. Becausethecurrentreferenceforwhitesuperiorityisheldinplacebyemotion-
ladenstereotypesandimages,itmustbecounteredbyequallystrongemotion
(Feagin,2013,pp.208-209).Conflictbetweencontrolsystemsgenerateserror,
whichinturngeneratesstrongemotion.AsDeweysays,stoppingahabit
createsimpulsiveenergythatmustbereleased;somethingmustbedone.
12. Thetypeofconflictmatters.Thecurrentdominantsocialperceptualcontrol
systemdependsuponthecooperationofitsmemberstoachievesmooth
control,eventhosethatarecurrentlyinconflictwithit.Thusnon-violent,non-
cooperation9withtheexistingsocialperceptualcontrolsystememergesasthe
strongestandmostconstructivekindofconflict.
9TheauthorwishestoacknowledgeRichardAttenborough’s1982movie,Gandhi,aswherehefirstheardthistranslationofsatyagraha,thecivildisobediencepracticedbyMahatmaGandhiaspartofthemovementtogainIndia’sindependencefromGreatBritain.Formoreonthetheoryonandapplicationofnon-cooperationaspartofanon-violencestrategyseeSharp(1973).FormoreaboutGandhi’snon-violentaction,seethewebsiteoftheGandhianInstitutions-BombaySarvodayaMandal&GandhiResearchFoundationathttp://www.mkgandhi.org/main.htm
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13. Again,thenon-cooperationmustbetargetedtochallengingperceptionsof
whitesuperiority.Potentialstrategiesaremany.Belowaresomethatseem
especiallyrelevanttothiscontrol-basedtheory.
a. Shiftawarenessoftheconflicttotherightlevelsofthehierarchy.If
useful,productiveconflictisbeingsuppressedbyahierarchicalsocial
perceptualcontrolsystem,thenthefirststepistoincreaseandshift
awarenesstotheconflictsbeingexperiencedbytheminority.
i. Factsstillmatter.Perceptionsaren’tsimplytaken;toasignificant
degree,theyarechosen(“cherry-picked”)tominimizeerrorwith
respecttoestablishedreferences.Therefore,themerereporting
offactscountertothosereferencesisunlikelytochangethem
forallbutthemostobjective-mindedindividuals.Still,compelling
factsthatinsteadchallengeexistingperceptionscanopenthe
doortomoreconsiderationofalternativepointsofview.For
example,Reeves’(2014)research,thatwhilewhitechildrenborn
intothelowestincomequintilehavearoughlyequalchanceof
endingupinanyincomequintileasanadult,similarlypoorblack
childrenhavea50percentchanceofremaininginthelowest
householdincomequintileandalmostnochanceofclimbingto
thetopincomequintile,contradictsthebeliefthattheU.S.isa
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meritocracywhereincomeisdeterminedonlybyindividual
effort.10
ii. Protest.Protestssuchas“Handsup.Don’tShoot!”followingthe
shootingofMichaelBrowninFurguson,Missouri,byawhite
policeofficerand“Wearethe99%”aspartoftheOccupyWall
Streetmovementareusefulforshiftingawarenesstothe
conflictsbeingregularlyfacedbythepowerlessthatarebeing
ignoredbythepowerful.Thelatterprotesthighlightsthat
conceptsof“majority/minority”employedherereferstothe
distributionofpowermorethannumbersofpeopleandthat
Smith’sgreatersympathyfortherichandthegain-weighted
natureofsocialvirtualreferencescanresultinthosewitha
majorityofnumbersbutaminorityofpowerstillhaving
referencesmorealignedwiththoseofthepowerfulthantheir
ownself-interest.Hence,theprotestsareusefulforraisingthe
awarenessoftheminorityaswellasthemajority.
iii. Engagementtoshiftawareness.Engagement,ifauthentic,builds
relationships.Itisduringthecourseofanongoingrelationship
betweenmembersofthemajorityandmembersoftheminority
thatbackgroundthoughtsanddisruptionsintheflowofa
10Inaddition,theYouTube®videoaccompanyingReeves(2014)showshowsuchdryfactscanbecompellinglytold.Seehere:https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=t2XFh_tD2RA
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conversationmightemergetowhichthe“MethodofLevels”
couldbeapplied.Byshiftingawarenesstothesesignsthat
somethingelseisgoingonbehindconsciousthoughtand
everydaythinking,anewperspectiveorhigher-levelperception
maysuddenlyemergefromwhichnewwaysofaddressing
conflictsbetweenthetwogroupscanbedeveloped.
iv. Increasedemocracy.Inahierarchicalsociety,increasing
democracyopensavenuesforawarenessofconflictsfacedby
minoritiestoincrease,makingthemhardertoignoreandforcing
thoseerrorsintotheevaluationofwhetheraproposedoractual
changemovesthesystemintherightdirection.Democratization
ensuressomethingclosertodecision-makingasanegotiation
betweenequalsfavoredbyPowers,whileminoritynon-
cooperationmakesclearthepowerdoesn’tallbelongtothe
majority.Minorityparticipationindecision-makingshouldbe
increasednotonlyasapartofpoliticalprocesses,butgreater
participationshouldbeextendedtoboardsofcivic,
philanthropic,non-profitorganizationsaswellasboardsof
corporations.Asparticipationincreases,thegain-weighted
virtualreferencesunderlyingdecisionsshouldalsochangein
favorofgreaterracialequality.
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b. Callforththenewreference.Minoritiescanactasthehigher-level
controlsystemcallingforththereferencetobeperceived,eventhough
theyaretypicallyviewedasapartofthelower,nothigherlevelsof
society.Theextenttowhichthenewreferenceiscompellingcanadd
voicesfromthemajoritytoit,graduallyshiftingthesocialperceptual
controlsystem’svirtualreference.
i. BlackLivesMatter.Thismovementinresponsetopolice
shootingsofunarmedblackmenis,perhaps,thebestcurrent
example.Goingbeyond“Handsup.Don’tshoot!”,itclearlystates
anewreferenceratherthanonlydrawingattentiontoan
injustice.Thatitchallengestheexistingreferenceisevidentin
thegeneralwhiteresponsethat,“No,alllivesmatter.”The
defensivenatureofthisresponseindicatesthemovementis
succeedinginprovokingwhitestoatleastbeginreassessingtheir
previouslyunexaminedassumptionthatlawenforcementhas
historicallytreatedblackandwhitelifeequivalently.
ii. Onehumanity.MartinLutherKing’ssoaringoratorylinkedblack
freedom,justice,andequalitywithavisionforauniversalkinship
amongpeopleofallraces,creedsandcolors,where“white
Americanscouldextendahandofbrotherlyandsisterlyloveto
blacks…embracestrangersasfamiliars,andconverselydenythat
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blacks’humanitywasanewandstrangething”(Lebron2015).
Thisvisionofonehumanity,fullandcompleteforall,continues
tocreateavastgulfbetweenitandthecurrentreality.Such
oratoryhasbeenlargelyabsentrecently,butifgivennewvoice
couldstillchallengethedominantreferenceforwhitesuperiority
andsetupagradientforchangeinthedirectionofareference
forracialequality.Feagincallsthedevelopmentofsuchan
alternativereferencelinkingfreedom,justice,equalityandfull
humanityan“authenticliberty-and-justiceframingofsociety”(p.
204),astrongcounter-frametothedominantliberty-and-justice
framethathypocriticallyappliesonlytowhites.
c. Directlychallengeexistingperceptionsofwhitesuperiority.Conflictswith
existingperceptionscanspurtheirreorganization.Sincereferencesare
storedperceptions,thiscanhelpreinforcethealternativereference
beingcalledforth.
i. Nametheexistingreference.Simplynamingtheexistingintrinsic
referenceas“whitesuperiority”challengesperceptionsofit.Itis
thenatureofasocialperceptualcontrolsystemforitsreferences
tobeconsiderednormal.However,thisnameconflictsevenwith
thehypocritical“liberty-and-justice”frameheldbymostwhites,
letalonethereferenceforauthenticracialequalitybeingcalled
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forthabove.Sincereferencesarestoredperceptions,such
conflictscancallintoquestionpriorperceptionsandbegintheir
reorganization.
ii. De-framing.Feaginsuggeststhatinadditiontothestrong
counter-framingabove,strongde-framingwillbealsobe
requiredtosuccessfullyconflictwithandultimatelyreplacethe
intrinsicreferenceforwhitesuperiority(Feagin,2013,pp204-
211).De-framingrequireseducatingwhitesconcerningthemany
waysinwhichtheclearlyobservableadvantagesofwhitesin
wealthandpowerarebuiltoncenturiesofracialoppression.This
changestheperceptionofwhiteadvantagefrombeingasignof
superioritytobeing“ill-gottengoods”obtainedimmorally,more
deservingofapologyandrestitutionthancelebration.
iii. Developcounter-images.Muchofourperceptionsareformed
basedonwhatweseeoccurringtogether,followingthe“fire
together,wiretogether”principle(Adams2014).Therefore,a
partofthecounter-framingwillrequiredistributingimagesthat
conflictwiththoseseenonTVnewsandentertainment
programs.Becausemanyofthoseimagesareemotion-laden,the
counter-imageswillneedtobesimilarlyemotion-laden,though
withpositiveratherthannegativeemotions.Indeed,Feagincites
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researchthatshowingimagesofblacksinnon-stereotypical
settings,suchaschurch,lessensracialbias(p.205)astheimages
areoutofsynchwithpriorconceptions.Thegoalhereisto
produceimagesthatcapturepeopleofcolorasfullyhumanand
shiftperceptionsinamannersimilartothatachievedbygay
Americans.Imagesofsuccessmakeithardertomaintaina
referenceforwhitesuperiorityandtodenigrateandde-
legitimizethosewhosucceeddespiteit.Inessence,successmay
indeedbethebestrevenge.
iv. “Don’tbearacist.”Bryan,AdamsandMonin(2015)foundthat,
whengivenachancetoanonymouslycheat,admonitionsto
“Don’tcheat”werenoteffective,butadmonitionsto“Don’tbea
cheater”reducedcheatingtoinsignificantlevels.The“cheater”
languagemakesthosesoadmonishednolongerableto
dissociatetheirbehaviorfromtheirdesiretoperceive
themselvesashonest.Thisresearchimplies,then,thatchoiceof
languageiscriticaltosuccessfullychallengingthereferencefor
whitesuperiority.Ratherthanaskingwhitestochangeexisting
policiesbecausetheyresultinracialdisparities,sayinginstead,
“Don’tbearacist;changethepolicies,”maybemoreeffective.
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d. Engageinrandomexperimentationandrapidevaluationagainstthenew
referenceforracialequality.Ifthenewreferenceandaltered
perceptionstakehold,thismagnifiestheerrorexperiencedfromthe
currentsituation,andhencethestrengthoftheemotionalneedtoseek
changethatremediestheproblematicsituation.Moreover,bycreating
conflictwiththeperceptionofwhitesuperiority,thisestablishesa
gradientthatincreasesthechancesofactionsthatincreaseracial
equalitybeingretained,continuedandadvanced.Random
experimentationsearchesthewholesolutionspacewithoutbias,though
withlimitedresources,intelligentexperimentselectionanddesignwill
stillberequired.
i. Altertheleastcoststabilitypaths.Stabilitypathsare
manifestationsintheenvironmentthatmakeiteasierto
maintaincontrolofittomatchexistingreferences.Non-
cooperationhasthepotentialtochangethosepathwaysby
increasingtherelativecostofmaintainingthebehaviorsthat
reinforceexistingperceptionsandreferencesforwhite
superiority,whilesmoothingthewayforbehaviorsthatwould
challengethoseperceptionsandencouragedevelopinga
referenceforracialequality.Inessence,alloftheproposals
abovearelikelytoimpactthoseleast-coststabilitypaths,butin
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additionitwillbenecessarytodosoinwaysthatde-racialize
space.
1. Breakopenthecontainer.Charlesfoundthatthe
experienceofintegratedsettingsatworkorthe
neighborhoodsignificantlyreducednegativestereotypes
andracialprejudice—anotherexampleoftheprincipleof
“Firetogether,wiretogether.Outofsync,loseyourlink”
(Adams2014).Reinvigoratedenforcementoffairhousing
statutescanhelpbreakthelinkbetweenrace,residential
locationandlifechances.Inthisregard,HUDrecently
issuednewrulestoincreasetheintegrationof
neighborhoodsbyraceandclassasrequiredbytheFair
HousingAct(HousingandUrbanDevelopment2015).
Ensuringthesenewrulesareenforcedcanhelpbreakthe
perceivedlinkbetweenrace,povertyandeducationaland
economicoutcomes.Inadditiontoimprovedregulation,
themostprogressivecommunitieshaveinvestedintheir
capacitytoproduceaffordablehousingandhaveadopted
inclusionaryzoningpracticesthatensurethateverynew
developmentincludeshousingforthepoor,making
normalurbanandsuburbangrowthprocessesdiminish
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ratherthanincreasesegregation.Attheveryleast,
communityplansfordevelopmentandredevelopment
mustshowthelocationanddesignofmixedincome,
mixedraceneighborhoodstoincreasepositive
perceptionsofthepotentialattractivenessand
desirabilityofsuchrealestatedevelopmentwhen
executedwell.
2. Restorethewealthofthecontainer.Lenk(2012)
describestheprocessofdevelopingthespecificationfor
aneconometricmodelofincomedeterminationandfinds
thatevenforlaborincome,incomeisnotareturntowork
butareturntowealth.Themostimportantwealthisthat
whichisabsorbedwhilegrowingupasaresultof
interactionsbetweenplace,householdandindividual
characteristics.Suchwealthincludeshumanandsocial
capital,inadditiontofinancialcapital.Preferentialpublic
andprivateinvestmentinthecontainerwillbenecessary
fortheforeseeablefuturetomakeupfordecadesof
disinvestmentandequalizethewealthdisparities
generatingthecurrentlyunequalgeographyof
opportunity.Forexample,MARC’sMetropolitan
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TransportationPlan(MARC2015a)callsforaligning
transportationinvestmentswithpolicygoalsthatinclude
increasingequityandplace-making,thelatterpromoting
redevelopmentincentersalongkeytransportation
corridors.Additionally,itsPlanningSustainablePlaces
program(MARC2015b)providesfundingfordeveloping
theplansnecessarytoattractprivateinvestmentinthe
mixeduse,higherdensitydevelopmentthatcanpromote
greatersocialaswellaseconomicintegration.
ii. Engagementtoreconfiguresocialnetworks.AsSmithobserved,
weperceivehowothersperceiveus,andactaccordingtoour
perceptionoftheirstandardforus.Whileheadvocatedthatwe
holdourselvesaccountabletothegreatestjudgewithin,the
impartialspectator,todaywemorelikelypayattentiontothe
judgmentsofthenot-at-allimpartialspectatorsinoursocial
networks.Weseektheesteemofthoseweesteem,tobe
perceivedasvaluablebythosewhomwevalue.Shouldthe
strategiesabovebegintobesuccessfulandsomeinthemajority
begintoshifttheirintrinsicreferencetooneofracialequality,
thenitbecomesmorelikelytospreadtoothersintheirsocial
network.Pentland(2014)arguesthattrustisbuiltthrough
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engagement.Thusonekeyforthereferenceforracialequalityto
spreadthroughoutthesocietyisforengagementbetween
membersofthemajorityandminoritysotheirsocialnetworks
intersecttocreatethepotentialforsocialinnovation.
e. Evolvethehigher-levelcontrolsystemnecessarytomaintainthenew
reference.Withsufficientengagement,thenetworkshiftsfrombeing
oneconsistingoflocalneighborhoodstoonewhereindividualsare
connectedbothmorerandomly(inthatparticipantshaveabetter
chanceofbeingconnectednomatterwhatlocalnetworktheyareapart
of)andmorecompletely(inthatthenetworkmorecloselyapproaches
onewhereeveryoneisconnectedtoeveryoneelse).
i. CentolaandBaronchelli(2015)findthatthemorecompletely
and/orrandomlythenetworkisconnected,thequickeritevolves
anewconventionheldbyall.Networksthatremainonlylocally
connectedsosomepartsareisolatedfromothersnevergenerate
newjointlyheldreferenceshowever.Thusthemoreintegrated,
overlappingandconnectedthenetworksare,themorelikely
theyaretoevolveanewjointlyheldreference,i.e.,a“prevalent
habitofthought.”Essentially,aphaseshiftoccurs.
ii. InCentollaandBaronchelli’smodel,however,thenew
conventionisrandomlyselected.Instead,theconflict-generating
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non-cooperationstrategiesdescribedabovearedesignedto
createagradientforsuchaselection.Inthepresenceofsucha
gradient,generatingthepropersocialnetworkconnectivityand
structureshouldbesubstantiallymorelikelytoresultin
supplantingthecurrentreferenceforwhitesuperioritywith,not
arandomreference,butadirectedoneforracialequality.
iii. Notethattheprocesstogeneratethisnewreferencehas
requiredreorganizingperceptionsthroughchallengesand
counter-framing,andreorganizingactionsthrough
experimentationinlightofacallingforthofthenewreference.
Asaresult,theentiresocialperceptualcontrolsystemhasbeen
“rewired”—perceptions,referencesandactions—completingits
reorganizationasamoresensitiveandflexibleinstitutioncapable
ofrespondingtoandeliminatingtheconflictsexperiencedby
minoritiesasamatterofcourse.Successfullyarrivingatthispoint
wouldmeanthesocialsystemhas,infact,evolvedahigher-level
controlsystemthatactuallyresolves,ratherthansuppresses,
racialconflicts.
iv. Note,too,thatthisprocessdependsuponminoritiesfirstcalling
forthareferencethatcapturesthehighermoralgroundandthen
engagingincreatingconflictthat,ifsuccessful,raiseseveryoneto
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thatsamemoralposition.Thuswhitesareraiseduptoo,
operatingatahigherlevelofcontrol,onewithsignificantlyless
wastefulefforttomaintainartificialseparations,thanbeforethe
conflictwasinitiated.Thus,thiskindofconflictisultimately
compassionate,notmerelyantagonistic.While“compassionate
conflict”mayseemlikeanoxymoron,thegoalallalongisnotto
destroyanenemybutchangesystemstructuressothatallmay
betterachievetheirfullpotentialashumanbeings.
Thestrategiesaboverepresenta“kitchensink”approachtocreatingthekindof
non-cooperationneededtoconflictwithperceptionsofwhitesuperiorityandturnthe
conflictinward.Unfortunately,thetheorydevelopedthusfarisinsufficientlyspecificto
identifywhichofthestrategieshavethehighestleverageandgreatestpotentialfor
success.Itremainsthecase,asDeweyremarked,that“truthcanbeboughtonlybythe
adventureofanexperiment”(Dewey,1922/1988,p.163).Itwilltakeaperiodoftrialand
errortodeterminewhichstrategiesareactuallymosteffective,andthencontinuethem
untiltheerrorbetweenthecurrentreferenceandoneofracialequalityispushedtozero.
Thisis,infact,thedefinitionofareorganizingprocess,butonewherethosehistoricallyat
thelowestlevelofsociety,minorities,actasthehigher-levelsystemdefiningtheintrinsic
referencefortheentiresocialperceptualcontrolsystem.
Suchexperimentationislikelytobecostly.Atleastsomeofthecostoftrialand
errormightbeavoidedifasufficientlysophisticatedsimulationmodelofpeopleand
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institutionsascomposedofhierarchicalinteractingperceptualcontrolsystemswere
developedthatwouldallowtheexperimentstobeconductedcomputationallyratherthan
in“reallife.”Whiledevelopmentofsuchamodelwaspartoftheoriginaldesignforthis
dissertation,alas,itmustbeleftastopicforfutureresearch.
Nonetheless,nowmaybethetimeforexperimentation.Thecurrentlydominant
socialperceptualcontrolsystemappearstoalreadybeexperiencingsubstantialconflict,
notaroundracialequalitybutaroundthenationalpoliticalpolarizationcausingpartisan
gridlock.Thewastefulnatureoftheconflictisapparenttomost,giventherisingcostof
campaignsforelectedofficeandthedegreetowhichtheyarefundedbyafewlarge
contributors(Confessore,CohenandYourish,2015).Meanwhile,theenergyandresources
expendedasaresultofpoliticalconflictleavesthecountryvulnerabletooutside
disturbances—e.g.,Eurozonestability,terrorismthreatsfromISIS,decliningChinese
economicgrowth,RussianaggressionintheUkraineandSyria—becausecoherentpolicyor
politicalinitiativescan’tbemountedtocounteractthem.Thediscontentcausedbythis
situationisalreadycausingasearchforalternatives,asevidencedbythesuccessthat2016
presidentialcandidatesoutsidethetraditionalpoliticalestablishmentarehavinginearly
polls.
Inthemidstofthissearchandarmedwiththeclearerunderstandingofminority-
directedinstitutionalchangederivedabove,perhapsasteepergradientinthedirectionof
areferenceforgreaterracialequalitycanbecreated.Ifso,experimentsthatreducethe
errorbetweencurrentperceptionsandthisreferencehaveagreaterlikelihoodofbeing
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retainedandexpanded,andevolvingthenecessaryhigher-levelsocialperceptualcontrol
systemtoachievefullracialequalitycantakeafewmorestepstowardrealization.
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CHAPTER5
SUMMARY,CONCLUSIONANDFUTURERESEARCH
Whatwecallsocietyisreallyagiantsocialperceptualcontrolsystemandthesocial
forceofsocietyisderivedfromthepowerofacontrolsystemtoresistdisturbancesand
eliminateconflict.Notallsocialinteractionsarepartofacontrolsystem,andmanythatare
partofonearevoluntary,suchasTaylor’sprotocols.Butwhenconflictisactivelyavoided
orsuppressed,whenonegrouphastheabilitytopromotewhatitneedstothriveatthe
expenseofothers’abilitytodothesame,whentheeffortsofthoseothergroupsare
activelyresisted,thenthereisasocialperceptualcontrolsysteminplace,whetherwe
acknowledgeitornot.
Byestablishingtheperceptualcontrolsystemastheunitofanalysis,whatemerges
isapowerfultheorythatclarifiestheformationofhabitwithinindividualsandthe
formationofinstitutionswithinasociety.Assuch,itisreductionistbutnotindividualistic.It
isreductionistinthatbothindividualsandinstitutionsareshowntobecomposedofthe
samestuff—hierarchicalperceptualcontrolsystems—withbothhabitsandinstitutions
formedtobringperceptionsoftheworldintolinewithpurposes.Butattheirhighestand
mostfundamentallevels,thosepurposesthemselvesevolvedfromthehistoryofhumans
associalspecies.
Specifically,theadditionofPerceptualControlTheoryclarifies,unifiesandextends
severalimportantaspectsofOriginalInstitutionalEconomics:
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Clarifications
PCTclarifiesnatureofVeblen’spurposiveagents.Agentsarecomposedofa
hierarchyofcontrolsystemsthatvaryactionsasnecessaryuntilperceptionsoftheworld
matchreferenceconditionsdefinedbytheirhierarchyofgoals.Asaresult,purposeis
achievedbycontrollingperceptions(inputs),notbehaviors(outputs).
Allliferequiresthisabilitytocontrolperceptionsanddefendreferencesfrom
environmentaldisturbances.Thishelpsclarifywhysympathyforotherswasdescribedby
Smithasnonethelessstrongerfortherichthanthepoor:Controlisnecessaryforlife,and
therichexhibitgreaterabilitytoresistenvironmentaldisturbances.Extendingsympathyto
therichthenbecomesameansofunderstandingwhichperceptionstheyarecontrollingin
thehopesoflearninghowtodothesame.
PCTalsoprovidesamoreprecisedescriptionofwhatismeantbyhabit.When
Deweysaystheessenceofhabitisinnowayrepetitionbutpredisposition,thismeans
controlsystemsaredesignedtorepeatedlyachieveagoaldespiteenvironmental
disturbances.WhenDeweysayshabitsarearts,thismeanscontrolsystemsevolveover
timetobecomefinelytunedtotheirenvironmentsothattheachievingmostpurposesis
smooth,automaticandefficient.WhenDeweysayshabitsneedtobeflexibleand
intelligent,PCTshowshowflexibilityandintelligenceisgeneratedbyarrangingcontrol
systemsinahierarchywherehigherlevelscallforththeperceptionsdesiredbysettingthe
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referencesforlowerlevels.Thus,habitsarecontrolsystems.Assaidbefore:Weareour
habits.Weareourcontrolsystems.Theseareequivalentstatements.
Byclarifyinghabit,PCTalsoclarifiesinstitutionsas“prevalenthabitsofthought.”
Thepowerofinstitutionstoresistchangecomesnotsimplyfromathought(reference)
becomingprevalentinthemindsofmany,butfrombeingcontrolsystemswithlearned
perceptionsandorganizedoutputfunctionsfortransmittingandenforcingthose
perceptionsoverbothtimeandspace.Moreover,PCThelpsclarifyhowaprocessof
collectivecontrolmightyieldinstitutionswiththeirownpurposes,differentfromthoseof
anyoftheindividualsthatcomposethem,andhencehowaseparatesocialontological
levelmightemerge.
Unifications
PCTunifiestheVeblenianinstincts.Bothother-regardinginstincts,suchas
workmanship,idlecuriosityandparentalbent,andself-regardinginstincts,suchas
emulation,predationandself-preservation,areshowntobemanifestationsofthecontrol
necessaryforlifetoexist.This,then,betteralignsVeblenwithDewey,whofeltthatlistsof
separateinstinctssimplyboileddownto“lifeislife”sincelifemustactinwaysthatenable
ittosurvive.Instead,Deweysawthat“lifeisinterruptionsandrecoveries”withhabits(i.e.,
controlsystems)performingthefunctionofrestoringbalancebetweenorganismand
environment.
Inaddition,PCTunifiesdeliberationandhabit.Ratherthanrequiringdeliberationto
runoutsideofhabitinordertotameit,deliberationinPCTutilizesthesamehierarchyof
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perceptualcontrolsystemsthatdefinehabits,butthenrunstheminanimaginationmode
tocarryontherequireddramaticrehearsals.Thisispossiblebecausethelearned
perceptualhierarchyessentiallycreatesamentalmodelofhowtheworldworks.The
referencescalledforthbyhigherlevelsforlowerlevelstoreproducearestored
perceptionsbasedonmemoriesofwhatprioractionshavepreviouslyproducedinsimilar
situations.Oncetheimaginationswitchisthrown,then,eachshiftofahigh-levelreference
inducesanimaginedsimulation(dramaticrehearsal)oftheconsequencesofthatshift,and
thoseconsequencescanbeevaluated.Asaresult,thehierarchyofcontrolsystemscan
indeed“stoptothink,observe,remember”asDeweyrequiresforhabitstobeableto
actuallyknow.
Perhapsmostimportantly,asdescribedabove,PCTenablesaunificationofhabit
andinstitution,individualagencyandsocialstructure,bypositingcontrolsystemsasthe
unitthatcomprisesboth.Thisallowsamoreseamlesstransitionbetweenthesetwo
ontologicallevelsandenablesaclearerexpositionofhoweachcanaffecttheother.
Extensions
PCTaddstoOIEtheconceptofreorganizationofcontrolsystems.Likedeliberation,
reorganizationbeginswiththeemotionreleasedwhenhabits/controlsystemsconflict,
stoppingtheirnormalefficientoperationandcausingerror.Deliberationthenrequires
dramaticrehearsalandevaluationofdifferentlinesofreasoning,whichnecessarilyentails
higher-levelthinking,orwhatDeweyterms“intelligence.”Reorganization’smental
requirementsarelesstaxing-randomexperimentationandselectionofthosethatreduce
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theerror.Asaresult,itcanoccuratalllevelsofthehierarchyandoperatelessconsciously
andmoreautomaticallythandeliberation.Since,accordingtoKahneman(2011),thevast
majorityofourmentalactivityoccursatthesemoreautomaticlevels,reorganizationisa
moregeneralandmorewidelyapplicablelearningstrategy.
Moreover,reorganization’srandomexperimentationcanextendbeyondactionsto
evaluateandadjustperceptionsandpurposes-evenatthehighestlevelsofprinciplesand
systemconcepts.Assuch,reorganizationmorereadilyallowsforthekindofcompletetop-
down“rewiring”ofcontrolsystemsneededtoeffectsystemicsocialchangeandevolve
newinstitutions.
Extensions-TheoryofInstitutionalChange
Mostofthisworkhasbeenanattempttoshowhowthemoregeneraland
complete“rewiring”allowedbyreorganizationanditsmoreprecisedescriptionofthe
requirementsforoccurringcanprovideabetterbasisonwhichtobuildatheoryof
minority-directedinstitutionalchange.
Reorganizationbeginswhenacontrolsystemexperienceserrorinmaintainingits
perceptionsoftheworldsufficientlynearitsintrinsicreferences—thosenecessaryfor
systemtosurvive.Inturn,whichreferencesthoseareisdeterminedatthehighestlevelsof
thehierarchy.
TypicallyinPCT,conflictsareresolvedbygoingupalevel.Itisonlyatahigherlevel
thattheconflictswitchesfrombeingexternalized—wheretwoseparatecontrolsystems
attempttobringtheirperceptionsofthesameenvironmentalvariableintoalignmentwith
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twocompetingandincompatiblereferences—tointernalized,whereahighergoalallows
theresettingoftheconflictinglower-levelreferences.Reorganizationmustoccuratthis
higherleveltoresolvepersistentconflicts.
Thisisaproblem,though,ifthereferenceatthehighestlevelsofthehierarchyis
whatneedstochangetoeliminatetheconflictexperiencedbylowerlevels,asisthecase
forthereferenceofwhitesuperiority.Nonetheless,reorganizationallowsforevolutionof
anevenhigherperceptuallevelbecausethecurrenthierarchyis,itself,aproductofprior
reorganizations.
Toachievesuchanevolution,awarenessoftheconflictmustfirstbeshiftedtothe
currenthighestlevelsofthehierarchy.Avarietyofnon-violent,non-cooperationstrategies
werediscussedthatcouldbeemployedbyminoritiestoproducethisshiftwithout
triggeringimmediatesuppressionsoastoincreasethechancesofinternalization.These
includecompellingly-toldfacts,targetedprotests,activeengagementbetweenminority
andmajoritypopulations,andincreasingthestrengthofdemocraticinstitutions.
Second,minoritiesmustactasthehigher-levelcontrolsystemtheyareseekingto
evolveandcallforththenewreferenceforracialequality.Referencesarestored
perceptions,however,andintheabsenceofhavingactuallyevolvedthehigher-levelsocial
perceptualcontrolsystemneeded,itfallstothoseseekinggreaterracialequalityto
constructthenewreferenceoutofwordssoclearandinspiring(“BlackLivesMatter!”)as
topaintavividpictureofitintheimaginationsofthosewhohearorreadthem.
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Still,third,thenewreferencecannotsupersedetheoldonewithoutsimultaneously
challengingandsupplantingtheexistingperceptionsthatsupportit.Strategiesdiscussedto
forceareorganizationofexistingperceptionsincludednamingtheexistingreferenceand
makingitmoredifficulttoavoidbeingtarnishedbyitsimmoralelements,deconstructing
theexistingframeanddevelopingcounter-imagery.
Fourth,ascurrentperceptionssoftenandallowconflictwiththenewreferenceto
becomemoreapparent,thisopensthedoortoenhancedexperimentationthatmight
modifyleastcoststabilitypathsintheenvironment.Particularlyimportantwouldbethe
combinationofgreaterregulationofhousingmarketsandgreaterinvestmentinareas
currentlyexperiencingconcentratedpovertyinordertode-racializegeographic
perceptions.
De-racializingspacethenallowsmorecontactbetweenblackandwhite,richand
poor,majorityandminority.Thisincreaseinthechancesofmorerandomcontactcan
produceanewsocialnetworkthatallowsthespontaneousandwidespreadadoptionof
newconventionsaroundrace,muchas“comingout”createdgreateramountsandgreater
randomnessinthecontactbetweenthosewhoaregayandthosewhoarestraight,
producingnewreferencesaroundgayrights.Asthepreviousstepshavetheeffectof
creatingagradientinthedirectionofareferenceforracialequality—anauthenticliberty-
and-justiceframe,touseFeagin’sterm—thereconfigurationofsocialnetworkscanleadto
thisnewreference’swidespreadadoption.
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Then,giventhenewreference,itthenbecomeseasiertoproducethearrayof
outputfunctionsneededtoprotectitfromenvironmentaldisturbances.Atthatpoint,a
newhigher-levelsocialperceptualcontrolsystemwithareferenceforracialequalityhas
successfullyevolvedandminority-directedinstitutionalchangehasoccurred.
OtherInsights
Alongthewaytothistheoryofminority-directedinstitutionalchange,we
demonstratePCTalsohelpsilluminatelong-standingissuesconcerningtheinteraction
betweensocialstructureandhumanagency.PCTexplainswhythenecessityofcontrol
mostoftenleadstoahierarchyofperceptualcontrolsystems,bothwithinapersonand
betweenthem.Thesehierarchiesminimizeconflictbyorthogonalizingtheinteractions
betweensub-systems,whichisanotherwayofsayingcontrolhierarchiesmaximizesub-
systemautonomywithintheconstraintthatthesystemitselfsurvive.Inasocialperceptual
controlsystem,suchautonomyisseductive,inthatitprovidestheappearanceof
significantchoiceinoccupations,technologyandsocialroleswhilehidingthefactofan
overallsystempurposesetmostlybythosewiththemostpower.Assuch,PCTexplains
whythosewhoarehurtbythecurrentsystemaren’tinconstantrevoltandwhymostofus
cooperatesothoroughlywithitastodisputetheexistenceorimportanceofsuchlarger
socialpurposes.
Yetsuchhierarchiescanleadtostagnationandsuppressionofconflict,allowing
themtobuildtowardexplosivecrises.Thetheorydevelopedherecontraststhecontrol
benefitsofhierarchywiththeinnovationbenefitsofdemocratizationandsuggeststhat
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institutionalevolutioncanbestbethoughtofasanebbandflowbetweenthesetwo
organizationalpoles.Democratizationallowsnewsocialreferencestoevolve,while
hierarchybringsgreaterefficiencyinmaintainingthem…untilconditionschangeand
increaseddemocratizationmustagainbecalledupontoevolvenewreferences.
Aside-effectofderivingorthogonalizationofactivityfromcontrolisthebeginnings
ofacontroltheoryofeconomics.Orthogonalizationofactivitiesleadstoahierarchyof
socialrolesthat,inturn,producesahierarchyofsocialobligations.Suchobligations
underpinthecredit/debtrelationshipsuponwhichtheinstitutionofmoneyisbased.
Orthogonalizationofactivitiesalsoleadstospecializationinproduction.Combining
specializedproductionwithmoneyallowsexchangetobederivedasawaytocontrolfor
meetingmultipleneedsinspiteofthatspecialization.
Thathierarchiesevolvetoeliminateconflictandachievethehigher-level
perceptionsneededfororganizationstosurviveleadstoatheoryofthefirmthatexplains
notonlythehierarchicalstructureofmostfirms’management,butwhyfirmsexistatall
when,theoretically,theservicesofemployeescouldinsteadbepurchasedone-by-oneover
openmarkets.
Productionandpricingbecomeactsdesignedtocontrolfirmsurvival,whichmay
leadtodifferentbehaviorsthanthatofpureprofitmaximizationsincetherateofgrowth
thatmaximizessurvivalratesmaynotbethemaximumrateofgrowthpossible.In
particular,therebecomethepossibilityofproducing“enough”ratherthanonly“more.”As
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aresult,marketpricesthemselvescanbeviewedastheoutcomeofcollectivecontrol
processes,whichmayleadtobetterpredictionsofmarketbehavior.
Conclusion
DespitetheprogressandpromisecreatedbyincludingPCTintheOIEtoolbox,we
endwherewebegan:Theworldremainsastubbornlydifficultthingtochange.Veblen’s
institutionsas“prevalenthabitsofthought”aresoprevalentandsohabitualthatweare
(mostly)unawareofhowtheyaffectourbehaviors.Attheirmostcoherent,institutions
formideologiesthatgeneratewidelyheldreferencesthatare,inturn,defendedfrom
disturbancesbycontrolsystemswhichoperateprimarilybygeneratingoutputs—studies,
media,talkingpoints,contributionstopoliticalcampaigns,changesinlaws—designedto
makesureeventsareperceivedinacertainwayandinterpretedfromacertainperspective
soastominimizeanyperceptionoferrorinthosereferences.
Fromthispointofview,minority-directedsocialchangecanbeviewedasaprocess
ofholdingupamirrorsowecanbecomeawareoftheerrorsourdominantsocial
institutionsareinflictingonothersand,insodoing,activateSmith’s“Impartial
Spectator”—which,inPCTterms,residesupalevel(ortwoorthree)fromtheperceptual
framewetypicallyoperateoutof.Arousingtheapprobationofthis“greatestjudge”inside
allofustheninternalizestheconflictandbeginsthereorganizationprocessofevolving
newreferencesand,withthem,newinstitutions.
Forwhatbecomesmoreapparentfromthishighervantagepointisthatwhatisat
work,notjustwithinpeoplebutbetweenthem,isacontrolsystem.Socialoutcomes
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cannotbeviewedas“other,”separatefromus.Theyaretheworkingsofthesamekindof
controlsystemsthatarepartofus,thatweallworkhardtocreate,thatwealluseevery
daytoachieveourpurposes,thoughmostlyunthinkingly.AsKelly(1970)famouslyputit,
“Wehavemettheenemy,andheisus.”
AsDewey(1922/1988)said,nothingisclosertousthanourhabits—theydefineour
character.Thesameistrueforasociety.Thesocialcontrolsystemsinwhichwe
participate,thatwecooperatewithevenifwearenotawareofthem,defineoursocial
character.Hence,weareallcomplicitinthesocialperceptualcontrolsystemgenerating
institutionalracism.Insofaraswecooperatewithit,weareallracists.
Ouch.Thathurts.Asitshould.That’swhatintrinsicerrorfeelslike.Agut-level
emotionthatsomethingisseriouslywrongandwehavenochoicebuttoinitiateasearch
foranswerstoremediateit.ItistheimpulsethatinitiatesandenergizesDewey’s
deliberation.ItistheinternalconflictthattriggersPowers’reorganization.Becauseofthe
discomfortcaused,itisanemotionthatistypicallysuppressed,avoided,orrationalized
away.Thetheorydevelopedheresaysinsteaditshouldbeembracedtosetforthatorrent
ofexperimentsthatreorganizeourwayofthinkingandourwayoflife.AsDewey
(1922/1988)alsosays,“Conflictisthegadflyofthought.Itstirsustoobservationand
memory.Itinstigatesinvention.Itshocksusoutofsheep-likepassivity,and…isasinequa
nonofreflectionandingenuity”(p.207).
Forthegoalisanintegratedsocialcharacterwheretheconflictsexperiencedby
somearenotsimplyshuntedasideandignoredsimplybecausetheirnumbersarefeweror
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theirskinisdarker.Thegoalisforalltolivealifeundercontrol,whereitiswithintheir
powertoattainthepurposesthataremostimportanttothem.Onlyinasocietywithan
integratedcharacteristhispossible.Inlightofthe“unequalgeographyofopportunity”
documentedabove,suchanintegratedcharacterisunlikelywithoutitbeingintegrated
spatiallyaswell.
Thus,whilemuchreorganizationofsocietyhasoccurredinthepast,thereisstill
morereorganizationtooccur.Awell-organizedcontrolsystemeliminatesconflictand
reducesintrinsicerrortonearlyzero.Bythisdefinition,U.S.societyisnotwell-organized…
yet.Still,itremainsmobileenoughtoevolvethehigher-levelsystemrequired.Forthisto
occur,theintrinsicerrorexperiencedbytheminoritymustbedirectedintotheawareness
ofthemajorityuntilitbecomestheirintrinsicerrortoo.Thereorganization-basedtheory
describedaboveisastartatbringingsuchdirectionalinstitutionalevolutionwithinreach.
Hopefully,ithassucceededenoughtomakingthechancesforminority-directed
institutionalchangeatleastsomewhatless“vanishinglysmall.”Onlytime—andthe
adventureofmanymoreexperiments—willtell.
FutureResearch
Thetheoryderivedaboveisjustthat,theory.Thistheoryshouldbeexaminedin
moredetailagainstthehistoricalrecordofsocialchangemovementstoevaluatethe
theory’sadequacyinaccountingforthekeyfactorsthatexplaintheirsuccessorfailure.
Asatheory,itbringsmuchintoeconomicsthatistypicallyleftout,suchas
perceptionsratherthancalculationsasthebasisforbehavior,admittingamuchwider
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rangeofpurposesotherthanutilityandprofit-maximization,andrecognizingthe
importanceofdifferentialpowerinsettingthereferencesthatbecomebothtastesand
prices.Acontroltheoryofeconomicswouldaskwhatreferencesdifferenttypesof
economicagentshold,whatshapestheirperceptionsasinputandwhatoutputsystems
theyhaveattheirdisposaltomaintainthem.Suchaframeworkismorelikelytoyield
accuratepredictionsoftheeconomicbehaviorhumansthanonebasedondefining
rationalityasequivalenttopureself-interest.Behavinginwaysthatdefendconceptsof
fairness,reciprocityandaltruismaren’tirrational—theyarethehardwonknowledgeofthe
referencesthatminimizeconflictinsocialgroups.Thereismuchworktodo,however,in
specifyingthetheoryfullyenoughtoderivetheresultingchangesinpredictedbehavior
relativetostandardmodelsandtheirimplicationsforchangesinacceptedeconomicand
socialpolicy.
Finally,thereductionistthoughmethodologicallysocialnatureofthetheory
developedherebegsforthedevelopmentofanagent-basedmodelthat“grows”the
formationandevolutionofinstitutionsassocialhierarchicalperceptualcontrolsystems
fromsimulatedhumansthatsimultaneouslyarecomponentsofthosesystemsandare
themselvescomposedofinterpenetratinghierarchicalperceptualcontrolsystems.Epstein
(2006)hascalledthisapproach“generativesocialscience.”Suchamodelwouldthen
provideatooltoaiddeliberationbyaddingtheabilitytosimulateexperimentsconcerning
thebeststrategiestoachieveminority-directedinstitutionalchange,ratherthanonlybeing
abletotestthembyattemptingtocarrythemoutin“reallife.”
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Ideally,thehierarchiesinsuchamodelwouldnotbeexplicitlyprogrammedbut
wouldemergeoutthecontrolneededforsurvival.Akeysub-componentofafullyspecified
model,then,ismodellingtheformationofperceptionsthemselvesaspartofachieving
suchcontrol.Modellinghuman-likeperceptionisasubjectofmuchcurrentneuroscientific
andmachine-learningresearchthatisbeyondthescopeofthisdissertation.Itmaybe,
then,thatafully-specifiedmodelwhereperceptionsformandevolvetodrivehierarchies
ofperceptualcontrolsystemsasneededtokeepperceptionsnearintrinsicreferenceswill
dependuponadvancesinneuro-andcomputerscience.Nonetheless,progresstowarda
generativesocialmodelbasedonPCTmaystillbepossibleusinghighlysimplified
perceptualfunctions,ratherthanfull-fledgedperceptionmodels.Indeed,mostPCT
simulationstodatehavebeenconductedusingthisapproach.
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VITA
FranklinArthurLenkwasbornonAugust13,1955inFortMonmouth,NewJersey.
HeattendedShawneeMissionpublicschoolsinJohnsonCounty,Kansas,graduatingfrom
ShawneeMissionEastin1973inthetop10ofhisclass.
Dr.LenkwasadmittedtoStanfordUniversityinthefallof1973.Hiscourseof
studieswasinfluencedbythetimes,especiallythecivilrightsmovement,theriotsthat
followedtheassassinationofDr.MartinLutherKingandRobertKennedy,thestudent
protestsagainsttheVietnamWar,theimpeachmentandresignationofRichardNixon,the
1973oilembargoandYomKippurWar.Inthelanguageofthisdissertation,theseconflicts
allcreatedintrinsicerrorforDr.Lenkandinitiatedaprocessofreorganizationthat
continuestothisday.AtStanford,therandomsearchingtooktheformofsamplingcourses
inmanydisciplines—math,philosophy,religion,astronomy,psychology,law—before
settlingoneconomicsasthedisciplinethatbestintegratedscientificmethodswiththe
desireandcapacitytoimprovepeople’sliveonasocialscale.Hegraduatedwitha
Bachelor’sdegreeinEconomicsinJune,1978.HecontinuedhisstudiesatStanfordandwas
awardedaMastersdegreeinEconomicsinJanuary,1979,specializingineconometrics.His
Master’sthesisanalyzedtheoriesofincomedeterminationand,inparticular,theinfluence
ofeducationonincome.
ThesamemonthhisMaster’sdegreewasconferred,Dr.Lenkbeganworkatthe
Mid-AmericaRegionalCouncil(MARC)asanEconomistII.Hisprincipaltaskwastomake
long-range(20-to30-year)forecastsofthegrowthanddevelopmentoftheKansasCity
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metropolitanregion,bothintermsofitstotalnumberofpeopleandjobsandtheirlocation
downtotheneighborhoodlevel,aresponsibilityhecontinuestoperform.Headvancedto
EconomistIIIin1982andEconomistIVin1986.Hewaspromotedtohiscurrentposition,
DirectorofResearchServices,in1996.
InadditiontobeingresponsibleforMARC’slong-rangeforecasts,Dr.Lenkhasbeen
theprincipalauthorofseveralpublicationsovertheyears.Theseinclude“AnAnalysisof
MetropolitanKansasCity’sOfficeBuildingBoom”in1986,“TheEconomicImpactofthe
KansasCityRoyalsandtheKansasCityChiefs”in1989andupdatedin1992,“Metropolitan
KansasCity’sUrbanCore:What’sOccurring,WhyIt’sImportant,andWhatCanWeDo”in
1993,“MetroOutlook”in2001and“MetroOutlookLive”in2006.Heco-authoredwith
researchersfromtheBrookingsinstitution,“ProsperityataCrossroads”in2014,which
analyzedthereasonsbehindGreaterKansasCity’sdecliningeconomiccompetitiveness
relativetorestoftheU.S.inthe2000scomparedtothe1990s.
BesidesestimatingtheeconomicimpactofmetropolitanKansasCity’sprofessional
baseballandfootballteams,Dr.Lenkhasalsoauthoredstudiesassessingtheeconomic
impactofexpandingtheregion’sprincipalconventioncenter,aproposedaircraftassembly
plant,aproposedWizardofOzthemepark,recreationalsportsactivitiesandtheregion’s
artsandculturalinstitutions.Since1991,hehasalsobeentheprincipleforecasterand
authoroftheannualeconomicforecastfortheregion,preparedonbehalfoftheGreater
KansasCityChamberofCommerce.
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In2009,undercontractwiththeCivicCouncilofGreaterKansasCity,Dr.Lenk
teamedupwithDr.PeterEatonandDr.DougBowleswiththeCenterforEconomic
InformationattheUniversityofMissouri-KansasCitytoconductafour-yearstudyintothe
natureofincomedetermination,essentiallyprovidingtheempiricalanalysismissingfrom
hisMaster’sthesis30yearsearlier.Thisworkresultedinanoveltheoryincome
determination,whereearnedincomewasviewedasthereturntowealth—humancapital,
socialcapitalandcommunityorneighborhoodcapital—thatisabsorbedbyindividualsas
theyaregrowingup,ratherthanthecompensationrequiredtocausesomeonetochoose
workoverleisure.Usingdataforthe50largestmetrosfromthePublicUseMicrodata
SampleoftheAmericanCommunitySurvey(ACSPUMS),twodifferenteconometricmodels
weredevelopedthatenabledpreciseestimationoftheimpactofadditionalyearsof
schoolingonincomewhilecontrollingforrace,ethnicity,age,genderandhouseholdtype.
Themodelincludedthreedifferenteffectsofeducation:thenumberofyears,thediploma
effect,andthefactthathigherlevelsofeducationincreasetheprobabilitiesofentering
intoahigher-paidoccupation.
Sincethe1980s,Dr.Lenkhassearchedforanalternativeeconomicmodelling
paradigm,atvarioustimesexploringchaostheory,systemsdynamicsandagent-based
modelling.Whenhereturnedtoacademiain2006atUMKCtoobtainhisdoctorate,itwas
withtheexpresspurposeofdevelopingasocialagent-basedmodelthatmodelledhow
peoplereallybehave,includingtheirmanymixedmotivationsbeyondutilitymaximization.
Onthesurface,thisseemedlikeanoxymorongiventheindividualistnatureofmostagent-
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basedmodels.TheinstitutionaleconomicsthatisatthefoundationofUMKC’seconomic
programprovidedmuchoftherequiredtheoreticalunderpinningsforsocialagents.Itwas
therethatoneofhisprofessors,Dr.JamesSturgeon,ledhimtoexplorethePerceptual
ControlTheoryofWilliamPowers,whichseemedtoadditionallyprovidetheunderpinnings
fordevelopingagentswho,byactingtoachievepurposesbasedontheirperceptions,
actuallyactedhuman.
Developingatheorythatintegratedthesetwostreamswasseenasafirststepin
producingthedesiredagent-basedmodel,andthatworkhasresultedinthisdissertation.
However,theprogrammingrequiredtoproduceanoperationalmodelbasedonagents
withahierarchyofperceptionsandreferencesstillremainsonDr.Lenk’s“todo”list.