info RQ and intonation.docx

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RQ and intonation

Rohde, 2006

If spoken, a rhetorical question often has different intonation than a regular

question, often intoned like a statement.

Gunlogson captures key properties of informativity and bias that are relevant torhetorical questions, but her analysis is restricted to the behavior of yes/noquestions which do not exhibit full range of question intonation and structure seenin the rhetorical data.

Rhode compares the characteristics of rhetorical questions with the properties sheassociates with falling intonation and interrogative structure.

Using a context-update model of discourse, (Gunlogson, 2001) establishes animportant connection between the form/intonation of an utterance and the

attribution of commitment.Declarative structure is linked to commitment update and bias while interrogativestructure is connected to commitment preservation or neutrality. UnderGunlogsons model, falling declaratives commit the Speaker to the propositionalcontent of an utterance, while rising declaratives commit the Addressee.Interrogatives commit no one and their context update is an identityfunction. In (24), a context C is updated with the falling (from Gunlogson ex. 78,p. 52)

After the commitment update for the falling declarative, the Speakers commitmentset speaker includes the content of the sentence. In general, declaratives induce an

update to some participants commitment set, and falling intonation assignsthe commitment to the Speaker. In (25), the rising intonation associatescommitment with the Addressee.

(25) Context Update of rising declarative (Its raining?)

(from Gunlogson ex. 77, p. 52)

her context-update model of discourse defines classes of utterances differing in two

dimensions: syntax (declarative/interrogative) and intonation (falling/rising). Hermodel targets yes/no questions; her idealizations about question syntax andintonation do not map directly to rhetorical questions or to most wh- questions.

Figure 7. Gunlogons utterance typology(pdf)

Rhetorical questions share some properties with interrogatives(syntactic structure and preservation of commitment sets) and someproperties with falling declaratives (intonation contour and Speakercommitment).

At first glance, the open category of falling interrogatives is a tempting classificationfor rhetorical questions. Unfortunately rhetorical questions use neitherconsistent falling intonation nor consistent interrogative structure.What follows is a breakdown of the question-like and statement-like properties ofrhetorical questions a breakdown that shows the parallels between rhetorical


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and regular questions/assertions but concludes that they require their ownusage conditions.

Some evidence for rhetorical falling intonation comes from the large numberof wh- adjunct rhetorical questions in the corpus a class of questions whichusually receive falling intonation (Bartel 1999, page260). The following examplefrom Bartel shows the two pitch contours that are available for the same rhetoricalquestion (ToBI tonal transcription):

(i) I dont see why I should pay for Gregs excesses.

Am I my brothers keeper? (= I am not my brothers keeper.)

(a) H*/L* H-H%

(b) H*/L* L-L% (from Bartel(1999), examples(5-6), page 252)

Bartel (1999) notes the wide variation for rhetoricalquestions, refuting claims that rhetorical

questions rise consistently like yes/no questions or fall consistently like statements. Forexample, the same rhetorical question can be uttered with both rising and falling intonation. In

their study of questions in the Switchboard corpus, Banuazizi & Creswell (1999) show that

yes/no rhetorical questions fall more often than regular questions, but still less than half the

time.

(Rohde, 2006)What characterizes rhetorical questions is their dependence on shared

knowledge in the Common Ground.

Bartel, Christine. 1999. The intonation of English statements and questions: a compositional

interpretation. In Outstanding Dissertations in Linguistics. Garland Publishing, New York

Gunlogson, Christine, 2001. True to form: Rising and Falling Declaratives as Questions in

English. Unviersity of California, Santa Cruz dissertation.

Sadock (1971, 1974)

argues that a rhetorical question is semantically equivalent to an assertion of the opposite

polarity from what is apparently asked, followed by a tag question with a falling intonation.

Sadock (1971, 1974) is mainly concerned with rhetorical yes-no questions. He argues that they

are semantically similar to tag questions with falling intonation.

(Han, 2002)

rhetorical question has an intonational contour of an assertion. Unlike an ordinary question,

which has a rising intonation, a rhetorical question has a falling intonation, just like a

declarative sentence expressing an assertion. I claim that the intonational contour serves as a

cue for the rhetorical question function. Using the intonation contour as a cue for a certain

illocutionary force is not restricted to the domain of questions. For instance, a declarative

sentence with a rising intonation expresses question force rather than assertive force. Thus,

assuming that falling intonation contour in a question is an indication of assertive force seems

reasonable. I do not know why a question can be used to express an assertion. But let us take


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this fact as given, just as we take as given the fact that a declarative can be used to express a

question. Yes-no question expresses an assertion of the opposite polarity.

(Gutierrez, 1998)

The rhetorical reading is optional in yes/no questions with weak NPIs. In normal conditons,when a speaker is trying to disambiguate the two readings (rhetorical and non-rhetorical), he

places focal stress on the NPI when the rhetorical reading is the one intended (20). There is

also a typical intonational contour associated with the rhetorical use that completely

disambiguates the interpretation of the sentence. In wh- questions with weak NPIs we

observe the same ambiguity (21) and the intended reading is also prosodically resolved.

(20) a. Does John read anything?

b. Has anybody ever read Barriers'}

c. Has Mary ever kissed anybody on the first date?

(21) a. Who has ever been to Moscow? (ambiguous)

b. Who did Mary ever kiss on the first date? (rhetorical reading preferred)

c. Who has ever kissed a girl on the first date? (ambiguous)

The "avoid ambiguity in the syntax" strategy of Spanish, contrasts with the essentially

prosodic strategy of English where, as mentioned above, focal stress or a specific intonational

contour disambiguate questions with weak NPIs. We have two additional facts that confirm

the hypothesis proposed for Spanish. First, the presence of the adverb acaso 'by-any-chance'activates the rhetorical reading of the question when there are no NPIs in the sentence, as

predicted by the third of Sadock's tests. This adverb can only occur in yes/no questions, as the

contrast in (25) shows. Second, whereas the NP algn libro 'some book' is a positive polarity

item (26a), the NP libro alguno 'book some' is an NPI. Henee, only the latter triggers a

rhetorical reading (26b).

(Ortiz-Lira, 1999)

Entre las preguntas retricas destacaremos cuatro subgrupos:

4.1.1.

Retricas parentticas. Son aquellas interrogativas que el hablante intercala con el objeto de

darse a s mismo tiempo para completar el enunciado principal. Prosdicamente, tienden a

formar un grupo entonacional independiente que interrumpe la meloda del enunciado en el

cual se insertan, la cual es retomada una vez concluida la pregunta retrica. La condicin de

expresin parenttica a menudo se refuerza con un cambio de tesitura tonal, es decir, el

campo entonacional completo que utiliza la retrica se desplaza hacia arriba o hacia abajo. La

ocurrencia de pausa se advierte con mayor frecuencia al final de la pregunta y su duracin

depende del tiempo que tome el hablante para producir la respuesta que sigue. Cuando esta

pregunta parenttica sigue a un tono ascendente o de suspensin, el hablante tiene la opcin


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de incorporarla a ese movimiento tonal, formando una frase entonacional nica, tras lo cual

puede completar el enunciado con un patrn diferente, por ejemplo, un descenso:

La pregunta parenttica se puede realizar con tono ascendente H*H H%, descendente H*L-L% o !H*L-L% o de suspensin H*H-L%.

La pregunta interjectiva con palabra interrogativa generalmente adopta un patrn

descendente. Tambin puede tener entonacin ascendente o de suspensin, en cuyo caso el

efecto interjectivo se obtiene con un acento de arranque descendente previo H*L... La

interjectiva sin palabra interrogativa favorece el acento tonal sostenido o ascendente. En estos

casos la fuerza interjectiva se complementa con el uso de efectos paralingsticos. La

interjectiva estereotipo tiende a adoptar una entonacin descendente.

(Escandell, 1996)

Declaratives have a final falling contour. Yes/no interrogatives show a special-rise ending.

o Rising-falling contour (conversacional y afectivo): Cmo que se cas? Enreflejas que expresan: desacuerdo, sorpresa, duda, irritacin; o pueden

comentar las palabras del interlocutor con sorpresa, irona, inters; o pueden

expresar desacuerdo, rechazo, etc.

Preguntas eco.o Rising-falling contour. Atribuyen el contenido de lo que se pregunta a otros

hablantes (a veces al interlocutor, pero no siempre). Es el interlocutor el quetiene que inferirlo. Son preguntas eco. Representan el pensamiento del

hablante que resulta ser la interpretacin de otra persona. El hablante

manifiesta su opinin.

a) Afirmaciones atribuidas La nica solucin consiste en Recortar los tipos de inters? Nunca he

credo en eso.

b) Respuestas atribuidas (subjectio) autopregunta. Expositora y didctica. Qu si tenan xito? Les iba estupendamente.

c) Repetitivas Te gusta la gramtica? (F/R) Qu si me gusta la gramtica? (R/F) Me

encanta.

Desde cundo la conoces? (F) Desde cundo la conozco? No sdesde hace dos o tres aos.

Y cuando se cas Ah! Se cas?o Rising contour en exploratorias (el hablante ofrece voluntariamente por s

mismo una explicacin a la pregunta) Pero qu creis? Qu soy tonto? Qu

me chupo el dedo?

Falling-rising: interrogativas neutrales.


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Propsito ilocucionario: no requiere informacin del interlocutor, sino que expresa

una opinin o informacin acerca de la pregunta. Actan como un recordatorio.

Cunto te crees que cuesta ese cuadro? Mucho, no tienes ni idea. Quin se ha

dormido hoy? Perdn, llego tarde. No es obligatorio y tiene numerosas

interpretaciones.

Alternative interrogatives show a distinctive contour, con dos partes separadas poruna pausa. La primera presenta el contour de una interrogativa yes/no, y la segunda

tiene una entonacin falling/declarative.

Wh- questions se distinguen por su inversin sintcticamente (fronting interrogativeWord and obligatory subject-verb inversin). La entonacin desempea un papel

secundario, y por tanto el patrn es el mismo

La fuerza ilocucionaria de una asercin no es una propiedad intrnseca de la oracin misma,

sino un efecto de la interaccin entre el significado codificado y las suposiciones contextuales

(Wilson y Sperber, 1995). No se puede predecir la intencin del hablante slo mediante la

forma. Entender un enunciado es decodificar y deducir, combinando lingsticamente

informacin codificada con un conjunto de suposiciones contextuales para avanzar una

hiptesis sobre la intencin del hablante (nivel alto). Sin embargo, el hablante exige que el

interlocutor se esfuerce tanto en este sentido. Cita el concepto de expresin procedimental,

instrumento formal que codifica las instrucciones de como seleccionar la interpretacin. En la

teora de la relevancia, no slo se tienen en cuenta los procesos de decodificacin de las

implicaturas de Grice, sino tambin de lo que se comunica explcitamente, las explicaturas a un

nivel ms bajo (referencias, desambiguacin y enriquecimiento de expresiones confusas). La

entonacin, las propiedades morfolgicas o lxicas y el orden de las palabras indican el modo y

decodifica la actitud del hablante.

Awareness Activity 6.1. The sound of questions.

How can you tell that someone has just asked you a question? Most languageseither mark a question by having musical pitch of that rises at the end of the

sentence. Others add a special question word at the beginning or the end of the

sentence. What does English do? Say the following sentences to yourself.

Take note of how we seem to mark questions.

Its noon already. Time to swim. (statement) Grab your suit and join us. (command) Which pool should we swim in today? (wh-question) How much time do you have? ()wh-question) Can we finish in time? (yes/no-question) Do you need a towel? (yes/no-question) The pools closed today? (unmarked yes/no-question)


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Did you notice that the statement, the command, and the wh-questions all

had the same falling intonation pattern at the end? Only the wh-words where

and how at the first of the sentences indicated that two of them were

questions. There were two signals for the yes/no-questions. Rather than a

special question word, there was a special word order. Instead of the expectedSVO, the auxiliary verbs did and can were moved ahead of the subject.

However, the primary question indicator was the rising pitch on the last word,

the pattern that most languages use. Note that in the unmarked yes/no-

question, only the rising intonation indicated that it was a question. In other

words, if English language learners are listening for the rising intonation

pattern that most languages use to mark questions, they will miss the

important wh-questions that are directed their way.

Rhetorical questions. These yes/no-questions simply introduce a topic thatthe speaker wants to comment on. Again, the intonation may be either rising

or falling. No answer is expected from the listener.

Does swimming really make you healthier? I certainly think so.

2.1.5.2. Rhetorical questionsThe rhetorical question is interrogative in structure, but has the force of a strong

assertion.It generally does not expect any answer. A positive rhetoricalyes-no question is like

a

strong negative assertion (62) a.-b., while a negative question is like a strong

positive one:

(62) a. Is that a reason for deSPAIR?

['Surely that is not a reason...']

b. Can anyone doubt the wisdom of this action?

['Surely no one can doubt...']

c. Isn't the answer OBvious?

['Surely the answer is obvious.']

d. Haven't you got anything better to DO?

['Surely you have something better to do.']

Unlike exclamatory questions, these rhetorical questions have the normal rising

intonation

of ayes-no question, and are distinguished chiefly by the range of pitch movement.

There are also rhetorical wh-questions. The positive question is equivalent to a

statement in

which the wh-element is replaced by a negative element:

(63) Who KNOWS/CARES? ['Nobody knows/cares' or 'I don't know/care']

Nonassertives may occur:

(64) What has HE ever done for you?


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The less common negative rhetorical question is equivalent to a statement in which

the whelement

is replaced by a positive element:

(65) Who DOESn't know? ['Everybody knows']

Rhetorical wh-questions have a rise-fall tone, less commonly a simple falling tone.

2.1.5.2. Rhetorical questionsThe rhetorical question is interrogative in structure, but has the force of a strong

assertion.

It generally does not expect any answer. A positive rhetoricalyes-no question is like

a

strong negative assertion (62) a.-b., while a negative question is like a strong

positive one:

(62) a. Is that a reason for deSPAIR?

['Surely that is not a reason...']

b. Can anyone doubt the wisdom of this action?

['Surely no one can doubt...']

c. Isn't the answer OBvious?['Surely the answer is obvious.']

d. Haven't you got anything better to DO?

['Surely you have something better to do.']

Unlike exclamatory questions, these rhetorical questions have the normal rising

intonation

of ayes-no question, and are distinguished chiefly by the range of pitch movement.

There are also rhetorical wh-questions. The positive question is equivalent to a

statement in

which the wh-element is replaced by a negative element:

(63) Who KNOWS/CARES? ['Nobody knows/cares' or 'I don't know/care']

Nonassertives may occur:

(64) What has HE ever done for you?

The less common negative rhetorical question is equivalent to a statement in which

the whelement

is replaced by a positive element:

(65) Who DOESn't know? ['Everybody knows']

Rhetorical wh-questions have a rise-fall tone, less commonly a simple falling tone.

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