Impeachable Impeachment

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    27 February 2012

    Miss CLARE MARIA FRANCESCA CAGURANGAN y DE ALBAN

    My dear Clare :

    Re: IMPEACHABLE IMPEACHMENT

    We write to you who, being the youngest at 4 months

    old, are the least likely to overtake us in wisdom and, therefore,

    the most in need of guidance. By the time you become literate we

    shall have passed the thresholds of our twin missions : one, todelay our death ; two, to use that blessed delay to process our life

    in faithful imitation of Christ.

    Dear Maria, your Nurse-mother, our daughter, will tell

    you that her paternal grandfather, her father and his siblings (her

    five tios and two tias) were/are all full-fledged lawyers and that

    one of her said tias is qualified to take the Bar Exams and is

    running a school for the poor and the underprivilegrd.

    Dear Francesca, your mother and College -Instructor

    father will tell you that among your close kin are School Teachers;

    Deans; School Administrators; Civil, Electrical, Electronics,

    Aeronautical and Nautical Engineers; College Professors;

    Physicians; Nurses; Farmers; Labour Leaders; Working

    Housewives; Priests; Nuns; Dentists; Architects; Bank Clerks;

    Judges; Government Officers; Priest -Monk Abbot. Among your

    other relatives are much of the same, plus other Lawyers.Commerce, Law, Theology, Philosophy, Sociology, Graduate and

    College students amongst your kin .

    It has now become our duty to answer your future

    doubts: So what had they done in such troubled times of

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    challenge to their professional and occupational

    disciplines?

    And so, this paper.

    It is a historical fact that on 16 July 1935 the Holy Pope(PopePius XI), as the Supreme Head of predominantly-Catholic

    Philippines, proclaimed the Lady of Guadalupe as the Patroness of

    this Christian nation ( on 12 September 1942, Pope Pius XII

    proclaimed the Lady of the Immaculate Conception as the Primary

    Universal Marian Patroness of the Philippines) .

    As we are wont to do we write this paper with a prior

    prayer through the Blessed Virgin : Lord, please speak through

    us.

    It has been said that The voice of the people is the

    voice of GOD. The Philippine Constitution is a recording of the

    voice of the ratifying Filipino people. The Constitution, the Filipino

    concerned, must therefore be the voice of GOD.

    It is also a fact that impeachment-trial witnesses take

    an oath to uphold the truth, praying : SO HELP ME GOD.

    The PREAMBLE of the Philippine Constitution, xx

    Imploring the aid of Almighty God xxx commits this country

    to faithful observance of the Rule of Law as a policy of

    governance.

    RULE OF LAW

    Thousands have gathered to rally support and

    respect for this Rule of Law. Thousands have gathered to rallysupport for the timeliness and fairness of their monetary/title

    claims with their employers and landlords.

    It is primarily for the first-described thousands that we

    (together with our families, friends, relatives and those within our

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    demonstrable sphere of professional and occupational influences)

    offer this representation of a common sentiment : Ours is a

    government of laws NOT of government officials!

    We believe that the Constitution is a legal documentand that its provisions ,including that on Impeachment, should

    therefore be discussed on legal grounds.

    It is respectfully submitted that IMPEACHMENT , as a

    constitutionally-set disciplinary measure, is a political issue but

    ONLY because it is initiated by POLITICANS. The impeachment

    trial is conducted also by politicians but politicians who are

    automatically vested with the additional role of judges of a very

    special court and not merely as participants in a political/partisanconference. During trial they are viewed as, perforce,

    conducting themselves with the cold-neutrality of judicial

    magistrates without, however, shedding off their

    collective political wisdom as the supreme-setter of

    national policies that should, nevertheless, be in

    accordance with the Constitution.

    There is no Constitutional or statutory provision

    that authorizes the suspension of the Bill of Rights ,

    especially its DUE PROCESS intendments, upon the

    institution of impeachment proceedings, political as

    they may seem.

    We feel called upon to register our anger at ournagging helplessness watching, aloof, the seeming validation ofnot only fishing expedition but dynamite fishing!

    We would have opted to address, officially, this paper

    to the Honourable Supreme Court but we are, presently, without

    sufficient wherewithal and sustaining boldness ( given medical

    requirements) to neutralize the seeming vindictive impulses of

    those in power. Instead of focusing adversarial attention to our

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    selves, we invite concentration on theories, as written in cadence

    with the drums of our conscience.

    This paper wishes for the eventual declaration

    of the nullity of the on-going impeachment proceedingsand immediate stoppage of the same on grounds of abuse

    of discretion amounting to lack, or in excess, of

    jurisdiction resulting in damage not only to the

    Respondent Chief Justice, and the majesty of the law

    symbolized by his office, but to the entire Government,

    The Filipino People and, in effect, to the State.

    We would like the Chief Justice to somehow know that

    we wish for the reader to realize that we mention him in thispersonal letter only as a recognizable, admirable fellowman yet a

    personal stranger. And may it be so known.

    Admirable, dear Maria, because thrice upon a time he

    reminded us of your Lolo Isaac who was fond of confronting us

    with a quote: If a man offends you in public with his rudeness ,

    punish him with the obvious superiority of your conduct!

    We read somewhere that a true gentleman is: one

    who never deliberately causes pain and one who fulfils his

    obligation in favour of another who is not in a position to demand

    fulfilment of that obligation.

    It has always been our daily ambition to be

    gentlemanly. We wish to be a gentleman of the Filipino -for the

    enlightenment of our countrymen.

    STATEMENT AND OFFER OF

    PERTINENT ASSUMPTIONS

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    A. It is the intent of the Constitution to preserve and nurture

    the independence of the offices of impeachable officers by

    protecting the security of tenure of the incumbents.

    B. Security of Tenure is protected by making it difficult to

    remove the incumbent impeachable officers who may be

    ousted from office only on impeachment for, and

    CONVICTION of, culpable violation of the Constitution,

    treason, bribery and graft and corruption and OTHER HIGH

    CRIMES or betrayal of public trust. (Emphasis ours)

    C. Being in the nature of crimes or offenses for any of which the

    impeached officer may be convicted, such impeachment

    grounds must be strictly construed as having distinct

    elements that set them apart from one another.

    D. It is the clear intent of the Constitution to give

    extraordinary protection to Supreme Court Justicesconsistent with the extraordinary nature of their

    function and mission as supreme implementer of the Rule

    of Law and also consistent with the assurance of their fealty

    assumable from their entry-credentials ofmoral and

    academic excellence ; as in fact it is a measure of this

    assurance that while a Justice may automatically qualify to

    be President or President of the Senate the latter two may

    not necessarily qualify to become a Judge, much less aJustice.

    E. It is the intent of the Constitution to protect and nurture the

    separation, and balance, of power among the three (3) great

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    Departments by maintaining their independence from each

    other

    STATEMENT OF THE PREDICATE GROUNDS

    CONSTITUTING GRAVE ABUSE OF DISCRETION

    AMOUNTING TO LACK, OR IN EXCESS, OF

    JURISDICTION

    A. THE SENATE IMPEACHMENT COURT IS CONDUCTING TRIAL

    UNDER THE AUTHORITY OF RULES ISSUED NOT IN

    COMPLIANCE WITH THE REQUIREMENTS OF THE

    CONSTITUTION.

    B. THE SENATE IMPEACHMENT COURT IS CONDUCTING TRIAL

    ON AN IMPEACHMENT GROUND (BETRAYAL OF PUBLICTRUST) NOT APPLICABLE TO THE RESPONDENT CHIEF

    JUSTICE.

    C. THE IMPEACHMENT TRIAL ABETS COLLUSION BETWEEN

    THE EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT AND THE HOUSE OF

    REPRESENTATIVES IN THEIR VIOLATION OF THE PRINCIPLE

    OF SEPARATION-OF-POWERS AMONG THE THREE GREATDEPARTMENTS OF GOVERNMENT.

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    DISCUSSIONS/ARGUMENTS

    Re: Ground A

    The senate impeachment court is conducting

    trial under the authority and guidance of rulesissued not in compliance with the requirements of

    the Constitution:

    Section 3, Article XI of the Philippine Constitution

    Provides:

    x x x

    (8) The congress shall promulgate its rules on impeachmentto effectively carry out the purpose of this section.

    It is true that the Senate issued Resolution No 890 for it to

    embody Senate rules of impeachment. It is also true that the

    House of Representatives issued its own impeachment rules.

    Still, Article VI of the said Constitution provides:

    Section I. the legislative power shall be vested in the

    Congress of the Philippines which shall consist of a senate and ahouse of representatives xx.

    It seems clear that when the Constitution uses the words

    the congress shall promulgate its rules xx (underscoring

    ours) the Constitution refers to congress as a whole and not to its

    separate or individual components especially because of the word

    its which does not refer to either of the houses only.

    It is humbly submitted that the separate resolutions of bothhouses of Congress are not the its rules Congress itself should

    promulgate - the Senate is only one of two components of

    Congress, the House of Representatives being the other half. The

    separate acts of these distinct components are not the act of

    Congress, one of the three Great Departments. This disparity is

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    clear from the fact that the two resolutions do not contain on their

    faces an intent to seek mutual concurrences.

    It is humbly submitted that a mere joint- resolution of

    concurrence by both houses, covering their respectiveresolutions, indicates post-fact adoptions that could only mean

    accommodative assent to separate and, therefore, exclusionary

    deliberations that do not reflect a truly unified sense of Congress

    rule-making as one. For instance as presently worded the

    resolutions seem to make it a mere ministerial duty on the part of

    the Senate to accept for trial any impeachment complaint from

    the Lower House whether or not such complaint has substantial

    infirmities.

    A strict interpretation of the constitutional provisions on

    impeachment is in order since the Respondent is entitled to a

    strict interpretation in his favour, impeachment trial being closely

    akin to substantive criminal law and criminal proceedings, given

    the following:

    - The clear intent of the Constitution to make

    removal of a justice difficult in order to preserve

    security of tenure.

    For its guaranty if independence.

    - Use by the Constitution of the words

    impeachment for and CONVICTION of, xxx

    (emphasis ours).

    - Use by the Constitution of specific crimes and

    other high crimes in four (4) of the six

    (6) grounds for impeachment.

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    There seems to be agreement on the opinion that an

    impeachment trial is not clearly criminal, civil or

    administrative; sui generis, they say. If so, dearFrancesca, then with more reason that Congress should

    have resolved for its rules to have a distinctive

    impeachment character with distinct procedural and

    evidential requirements and parameters.

    Whether or not the Senate rules guarantee effective

    implementation of the Constitutional provisions on

    impeachment suggests need for judicial clarification since

    such rules do not provide answers to/on issues relating to

    probable cause, essential elements of the impeachable

    offenses and quantum of evidence sufficient to support

    conviction. Such inherent inadequacies impact negatively on

    any respondents right to due process.

    What seem so glaringly unfair are: the proscription against

    objection, by the defence, to the active interrogation ofsenator-judges no matter how biasedly monopolizing or

    monopolizingly-bias such questionings may be; the

    indiscriminate offer of proof for undetermined elements of

    any impeachment ground (and therefore the whimsical

    appreciation of the existence of such elements).

    Re: Ground B

    The Senate Impeachment

    Court is conducting trial on an Impeachment

    Ground (Betrayal of Public Trust) not applicable

    to the Respondent Chief Justice.

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    It is respectfully submitted that for any of the grounds for

    impeachment to be applicable to any impeachable officer suchground should have a distinct, independent, legal

    existence determined by the presence of unique elements

    that set such grounds apart from one another.

    It seems the theory of the impeachment prosecutors that the

    honourable Chief Justice committed Betrayal of Public Trust,

    supposedly implied from the constitutional /statutory provisions

    that Public Office is a Public Trust, when he supposedly made

    inaccurate entries in his Statements of Assets Liabilities And

    Networth (SALN).

    It should be noted well that the Respondent Chief Justice

    became an impeachable officer not by direct action of the

    people but by recommendation of the Judicial and Bar Council

    and the adoption by the President of such recommendation with

    the appointment of respondent as Chief Justice

    We submit that it is only to elected impeachable

    officers, the Presidentand vice-President, that the ground

    betrayal of public trust applies because it is only to them that a

    unique element (EXPRESS TRUST) may be appreciable and it is

    only on/to them that the public (the electorate) reposes/gives, by

    voting, their trust directly, openly and publicly.

    If EXPRESS TRUST is considered in relation to the Chief

    Justice we would be assuming as valid an unreasonable theory-that at the time the public voted for the appointing power (the

    President) the voters knew who the President would appoint as

    Chief Justice. Speculation as regards the Members of the Judicial

    and Bar Council would fetch a worse assumption.

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    The table hereunder shows that if applied to appointed

    impeachable officers the ground of betrayal of public trust

    would have no appreciable unique essential elements and

    ,therefore, may not be a distinct ground since it has no distinct

    element that sets it apart from the other four (4) grounds:

    Grounds forImpeachment

    Common EssentialElement

    Unique EssentialElements

    i. CulpableViolation oftheconstitution

    i. Implied Trust(Publicoffice is apublic

    Trust)

    i. Elements/actsconstitutingviolations ofprovisions ofthe

    Constitutioncommitted intheperformanceof dutiesunder theConstitution

    ii. Treason ii. same- i. Elements ofTreasonunder the

    Revised PenalCode, asamended(RPC))

    ii. Bribery iii. Same- iii. Elements ofBribery underthe RPC, asamended.

    iv.Graft and

    Corruption

    v. same- iv. Elements of acts

    of Graft andCorruptionunder RA3019.

    v. Other HighCrimes

    v.-same- v. Elements of crimes under theRPC, as amended

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    and Special PenalLaws as grave as

    Treason, Bribery andGraft and Corruption.

    vi.Betrayal ofPublic Trust

    vi.-same- vi. Expresstrust(present onlyas regardselectiveimpeachableofficers)

    It is a further demonstration of the soundness of this

    argument (that betrayal of public trust does not apply to the

    respondent Chief Justice) that even if the respondent admitted

    having falsified his SALNs his exposure would only be for liability

    for the crime of PERJURY which is not a ground for impeachment

    even if violation of implied trust is automatically appreciated as

    an element of PERJURY.

    To assert that the Chief Justice, an appointed impeachable

    officer, may be charged for Betrayal of Public Trust on the basis

    of violation of implied trust, and therefore of its implied

    betrayal is to assume that he may be charged for such ground

    on the basis of any and all predicate crime/crimes (Malicious

    Mischief, Unjust vexation, Aiding Suicide, Less Serious Physical

    Injuries, Traffic Violations, Alarms and Scandal, etc). Absurdly, it

    is humbly submitted, in derogation of the protective intent of theConstitution. It is respectively submitted that IMPLIED

    BETRAYAL OF IMPLIED PUBLIC TRUST could not have been

    intended by the Constitution to have parity of evil with the

    adjectival other HIGH crimes, especially as regards a

    Justice of the Supreme Court.

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    In other words if Betrayal of Public Trust is used as

    an impeachment ground without any unique element

    other than implied trust than the other impeachment

    grounds ( treason, bribery, etc) are totally useless as a

    total superfluity. The Constitution, the most sacred law ofthe land , was certainly not meant to be a receptacle of

    verbal wastage and sanctimonious absurdity.

    Still, even if we assume ad arguendo only, that IMPLIED

    TRUST alone is a sufficient unique ground then such uniqueness

    should refer to the CJs duties peculiar to his office. But could the

    public be said to have knowledge of what they entrust to the CJ

    when it seems clear that the average Filipino has absolutely very

    little or no knowledge of the CJs duties? How can the ordinary

    Filipino be betrayed by somebody whose official existence and

    whose duties are hardly known to the former. It seems logical to

    assume that for betrayal to assume the level of evil of a high

    crime the same must be one that is consciously and commonly

    perceived by the public in relation to a trust the nature of which is

    known to the public as peculiarly - pertaining to the impeachable

    officers office. The publics ignorance or lack of consciousness

    of respondents supposed betrayal is demonstrated by the fact

    that prior to the impeachment complaint that was filed by the

    Lower House (and not by the people) there was no public outcry

    or noises of discontent by the people against respondents

    supposed BETRAYAL. What is clear is that marchers who feel

    betrayed are party-litigants in a civil case.

    The Prosecutors may invoke their representation of the people

    but the former are voted into office for the purpose oflegislation not for prosecution, and this assumed

    dysfunction is shown especially so in this case where

    the complaint was not initiated by public clamour, nor by a

    private person under oath, but by the Prosecutors

    themselves who, in fact, are still gathering evidence

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    hoping to utilize the Senate as a watercraft for their

    fishing expedition! What is happening is that the

    Prosecutors are trying to use the Senatecourt to gather

    evidence to yet convince the people that they were

    betrayed in connection with a trust they hardly know of!This has the sequential logicality of putting the socks

    after the shoes.!!

    It seems ridiculously unfair to make much of the CJs

    supposedly-perjured SALNs when the preparation of the same is

    not a duty peculiar or unique to a Justice; the ordinary

    government personnel prepares and submits his SALN too, and

    such is a duty set by statute-based revisable regulatory

    Implementing Rules and Regulations not by the Constitution.

    Prosecutors reference to ill-gotten wealth, represented by

    supposed bank deposits not reported in respondents SALNs, has

    no relevance to Betrayal of Public Trust" simply because

    possession of unexplained, and therefore presumably ill-gotten,

    wealth is neither a crime nor a publicly-presumed offense.

    There is no law that requires any person to explain

    his possession of wealth, no matter how impressively-

    great it can be, unless he is brought to court in a forfeiture trial

    under RA 1379 which is properly initiated by the Office of the

    Solicitor General. The forfeiture, assuming it is finally ordered, is

    not predicated on the commission of a crime/ crimes as the

    source of wealth but on mere failure to explain legitimacy of the

    source of such wealth. A respondent, who happens to be an

    impeachable officer may, driven by personal reasons,

    refuse to explain yet, nevertheless, his waiver ofpossessory right, resulting from such refusal to shoulder

    the burden of explaining, cannot/ may not legally be a

    predicate ground for his impeachment, such failure to

    explain not being a crime or a scandalous offense(Please

    note that jurisprudence says that impeachable officers

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    may not be investigated for any crime during their

    incumbency).

    It should now be clear that for presumption of ill-gotten

    wealth to be a predicate for an impeachable ground (assuming,ad arguendo only, that betrayal of public trust is applicable in this

    case) such presumption should exist at the time of the Complaint

    which is legally impossible because such presumption may be

    ruled as existing only in forfeiture proceedings which

    were not, and may not at this stage be, conducted.

    In fact the non-disclosure of bank deposits, dollar or peso,

    could be explained by accommodative bank-transactions where

    bank accounts are used by depositors (who really own the money

    deposits) other than the registered owner of such accounts. It

    then goes without saying that the account-owner may not

    disclose such funds as his own because in reality they are not.

    Re Ground C

    Violation of the Principle of Separation of Powers.

    That the Executive Department and the House of

    Representatives are passionately working together for the ouster

    of the Chief Justice seems clear from the following:

    1. In seeming total disregard of the ordinary Filipinos

    sensitivity to public display of official courtesy the President,

    delivering his Inaugural Address, totally ignored thepresence of the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. In effect

    the President sent a signal that his policy of governance

    guarantees less-than-awe and selective respect for the office

    of the Chief Justice (CJ). All televised.

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    2. Speaking before high-ranked participants and guests in an

    official summit on law and justice, the President expressed

    his implied objections to the legitimacy of the CJs tenureand to alleged decisional inconsistencies of the Supreme

    Court. He referred to a midnight appointment as though it

    were not an issue already decided with finality by the

    Highest Court. All televised.

    3. This impeachment case appears to have emerged not as the

    culmination of a long-developing, certainly not spontaneous,

    clamour of the people for truth and justice but rather as a

    studied show of party-support for the antecedent

    confrontational acts of the President.

    4. The President publicly explained that the ouster of a

    Representative from the chairmanship of a HouseCommittee was a party-decision. The ousted Representative

    happened to have refused to sign the impeachment

    complaint. Televised.

    5. The House of Representatives used as a basis for its

    impeachment complaint the TRO issued by the Supreme

    Court upholding Congressional Representative GMAs rightto travel (guaranteed by the Philippine Constitution and

    Art.13 of the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human

    Rights); and the House did so at a time when the Supreme

    Court was confronted with the alleged contumacy of the

    Justice Secretarys conduct in defiance of the TRO and with

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    the Highest Courts duty to defend its independence. This

    created in the mind of this writer and others that there are

    endeavours to project advance explanations for future

    failures prominent of which is the looming probable

    failure to explain contempt of Court by the ExecutiveDepartment. Pertinent events televised.

    6. A Malacaan spokesperson had risen to explain a personal

    real-estate wealth of the Lead Prosecutor who had verbally

    demonized the Respondent CJ whom the former then tried to

    exorcize with his opening speech, invoking the Almighty,

    even before the merest mote of evidence had been

    submitted against the respondent CJ; in total, flagrant

    disregard of the Constitution and its guaranty of

    presumption of innocence in favour of the CJ. There seems

    here to be no passion for truth; except an obsession for the

    removal of the CJ from office, with the House probably so

    confident of their trivialization of the CJ s rights to due

    process that, self-fortified by one-track enthusiasm, they

    assume that the event will happen despite the cavalier OJT

    (On-the-job -Training) efforts of the Prosecutors. Televised.

    7. Malacaan has used the Media to explain the shortcomings

    of the Prosecutors. In fact last 15 February newspapers

    reported that Malacaan asserted the authenticity of

    Prosecution-presented bank records supposedly testified to

    as illegally-disclosed and possibly bogus. And yet the issue

    was/is still being debated upon in the Impeachment Court!!!

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    8. The BIR Commissioner publicly announced her intention to

    conduct probe on the financial status of the CJ even in the

    pendency of the impeachment trial, thus

    impliedly/effectively warning all and assuring the

    Prosecutors that she intended to gather damaging evidenceagainst the CJ. The Commissioner did not express her intent

    to investigate other impeachable officers -a seeming

    indifference to the equal-protection clause of the

    Constitution. The BIR is under the Executive Department.

    Televised

    9. And again the President, on February 16, using power-pointpresentation (Guilty As I See It), argued, before an

    audience of students and government officers, his conclusion

    that the respondent CJ deserved to be removed from office

    on the basis of evidence (supposed bank records showing

    deposits of amounts much larger than those reflected in the

    CJs SALNs) submitted in the impeachment trial , all even

    before such pieces of evidence were/are still to be declared

    admissible . kailangan pa bang tanungin kung impeachableoffense itong ginawa niya? .Televised. And yet the

    issue is still being debated upon in the Impeachment Court.

    10. And, recently, newspapers report the Presidents

    supposedly-declared sense that a ruled-out hearsay evidence

    from the Secretary of Justice should nevertheless be admitted as

    competent evidence.

    We may not appreciate the supposed righteousness of themuch-invoked crusade against graft and corruption to justify

    such seeming lack of respect for the rule of law (violation of

    the principle of separation of powers by openly siding with the

    prosecutors; public declaration of guilty-verdict against the

    respondent despite the Constitutional presumption of the

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    respondents innocence ) especially because such crusade is

    not exclusive and certainly not upon the inducements of

    novelty, the same having been officialised as early as 17

    August 1960 upon the approval of the Anti-Graft Law ( from a

    Bill reportedly authored by Mr DIOSDADO P. MACAPAGAL,former President of the Republic).

    In the pulpits; in the columns of the press; in the

    classrooms: priests, pastors, mentors and pundits warn us

    that for an act to be truly good it should have two

    ingredients :(1)It is the right thing to do and (2) it is the right

    way to do it. A drive against corruption is the right thing todo. But are we doing it the right way. It has been asked :

    May we right a wrong by another wrong.

    My dear Maria,

    In the hierarchy of social evils, what can be more

    contagiously-corrupting, especially to the young, than

    a national leaders public display of seeming lack of

    respect for the Constitution and, therefore, of therule of law.

    Lack of respect , it is humbly and respectfully

    submitted, is the common fundamental element of

    all crimes. We repeat : lack of respect is the common

    basic element of all crimes!

    STATEMENT OF ADHERENCE

    TO THE RULE OF LAW

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    We believe that impeachment trials are not simply

    political; they may be political in their initiation but judicial in

    terms of their proper disposition.

    We may not be moved by the grandeur or pettiness ofthe posturing of any involved in this impeachment trial. We

    believe that no one is above the law. But there is

    something higher than that law -its judicious

    interpretation by the Constitutionally-authorized.

    We mark with favour a Senator who suggested

    that the respondent Chief Justice should be entitled

    to the presumption of innocence as well as to the

    presumption ofhonour. The irony is : did thereminder have to come from a soldier among

    honourable ,learned, leading women and men?! If we

    imagine that it was a reaching-out between former

    friends or foes, such was indeed a beautifully-

    nagging paradox!

    It is in this context that we hereby offer our total reliance on

    the redeeming, exclusionary innate goodness of man. History willjudge the Senators judgment not on the basis of any clever

    reliance on the convenient political wisdom of garnering more

    votes but on their capacity to set progressive national policies,

    for bettering times, and to enlighten the Filipino and protect him

    from himself. The Rule of Law must prevail ! SO HELP US GOD.

    Dear Francesca,

    We respectfully submit this, all for AlmightyGodAlways!!

    Lovingly yours in imitation of Christ ,

    Lolo bob

    Sampaloc, Metro Manila for Cagayan Valley

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