Im Sothearith - A Public Service Broadcasting Model for Developing Countries the Case of Cambodia
Transcript of Im Sothearith - A Public Service Broadcasting Model for Developing Countries the Case of Cambodia
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A Public Service Broadcasting Model for Developing Countries: The Case of Cambodia
A dissertation presented to
the faculty of
the Scripps College of Communication of Ohio University
In partial fulfillment
of the requirements for the degree
Doctor of Philosophy
Sothearith Im
June 2011
2011 Sothearith Im. All Rights Reserved.
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This dissertation titled
A Public Service Broadcasting Model for Developing Countries: The Case of Cambodia
by
SOTHEARITH IM
has been approved for
the School of Media Arts and Studies
and the Scripps College of Communication by
_______________________________________________
Drew McDaniel
Professor of Media Arts and Studies
_____________________________________________
Gregory J. Shepherd
Dean, Scripps College of Communication
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Abstract
IM, SOTHEARITH, Ph.D., June 2011, Mass Communication
A Public Service Broadcasting Model for Developing Countries: The Case of Cambodia
Director of Dissertation: Drew McDaniel
The study had three objectives. The first was to explore the potential for
establishing a Public Service Broadcasting (PSB) system in developing countries using
Cambodia as a case study. Four main factors - political circumstances, economic
conditions, civil society and donors, and socio-cultural compatibility -- were examined to
determine their impact on prospects for a future PSB system. The second was to develop
an organizational structure for a future PSB that would make it independent of political
and corporate influences. And the third was to develop a funding scheme for PSB that
would make it financially sustainable in the long run.
A qualitative method was used to conduct field research in Cambodia. In-depth
interviews and focus groups were undertaken with 68 informants, including
policymakers, media executives, media practitioners, civil society activists, and
representatives of donor organizations as well as with ordinary citizens from different
regions. Research data were also collected from primary materials.
The study reached two key conclusions. The first was that dependency media was
created by the interactions of a dominant political party, a weak economy and civil
society, and the absence of a participatory culture. Thus, the prerequisites for the
establishment of a PSB system hardly exist in Cambodia at the time the study was
conducted in 2008. This was due to the fact that the ruling party dominated the political
scene and strictly controls the existing media system, from which it derived important
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political benefits; Cambodias weak economic conditions and low living standards
severely limited the prospects for sustainable funding of a PSB system; civil society and
donors were neither sufficiently strong nor had an interest in exerting pressure on the
government to reform the existing media system and to place the establishment of a PBS
on its agenda; and Cambodian society lacked a participatory culture, which was one of
the crucial requirements for establishment of a PSB system as well as for democracy. The
second conclusion was that an independent media system such as a PSB could easily
emerge when political life was no longer controlled by a single political party.
Approved:_____________________________________________________________
Drew McDaniel
Professor of Media Arts and Studies
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To my mother, Kong Len,
To my son, Zanara Thearith
To my son, Santrana Thearith
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Acknowledgements
I have a few institutions to thank. First of all, I would like to express my
appreciation to UNESCO for offering me the UNESCO/Keizo Obuchi fellowship which
allowed me to complete writing of this dissertation. Ohio Universitys Student
Enhancement Award, Ohios Graduate Student Senate Original Research Grant Award,
and Ohio Universitys Graduate Student Senate Travel Grant must be acknowledged also
for their contributions to make the fieldwork of this study successful. Also, I would like
to express appreciation to the Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) for
partially funding fieldwork and providing me with office space, Internet access,
transportation to the provinces, and a research assistant.
I also have many people to thank, but I selectively choose those who were directly
involved in making this dissertation a reality. My research over the past several years
would not have been possible without advice, encouragement, and support of Professor
Drew McDaniel, who has been my continuous mentor and chair of the dissertation
committee. I thank dissertation committee members: Professor David Mould, Professor
Robert Stewart, and Professor Judith Millesen. Don Jameson, who is a former U.S.
diplomat posted to Cambodia between 1970 and 1974 and who follows Cambodia hour
by hour, voluntarily copyedited the entire dissertation. Karla Schneider, Associate
Director of Ohio Universitys Center for International Studies, initially proofread two
chapters of the dissertation. Chris Decherd, a chief of Voice of Americas Khmer Service,
was very encouraging and adjusted my working schedule so that I could travel to consult
with my dissertation committee chair. Sinoun Kim, an Ohio Universitys graduate student
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Table of Contents
Page
Abstract .............................................................................................................................. iii
Dedication ..v
Acknowledgements ............................................................................................................ vi
List of Tables ................................................................................................................... xiii
List of Figures .................................................................................................................. xiv
Chapter 1: Introduction ....................................................................................................... 1
Background and Purpose of the Study ............................................................................ 1
Problems and Research Questions .................................................................................. 3
Country Profile................................................................................................................ 6
Cambodias Media Landscape ........................................................................................ 8
Print media. ................................................................................................................. 9
Broadcast media. ....................................................................................................... 11
The growth of Cambodian broadcasting 1992-present. ............................................ 13
Challenges facing Cambodian broadcasters. ............................................................ 19
Professionalism. .................................................................................................... 19
Administration and management. ......................................................................... 23
Finance. ................................................................................................................. 24
Summary ....................................................................................................................... 25
Chapter 2: Review of Literature ....................................................................................... 26
Introduction ................................................................................................................... 26
Political Circumstances ................................................................................................. 27
Economic Conditions .................................................................................................... 32
Civil Society.................................................................................................................. 37
Socio-Cultural Compatibility ........................................................................................ 40
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Summary ....................................................................................................................... 43
Chapter 3: Methodology ................................................................................................... 45
Introduction ................................................................................................................... 45
Preliminary Study ......................................................................................................... 46
In-depth Interview ......................................................................................................... 48
Focus Group .................................................................................................................. 49
Analysis of Documents ................................................................................................. 52
Samples and Informants ................................................................................................ 53
Samples for in-depth interviews. .............................................................................. 55
Samples for focus groups.......................................................................................... 71
Data Analysis ................................................................................................................ 80
Data Organization Process. ....................................................................................... 82
Limitations and Exclusions ........................................................................................... 86
Summary ....................................................................................................................... 87
Chapter 4: Political Circumstances ................................................................................... 89
Introduction ................................................................................................................... 89
Direct and Indirect Control ........................................................................................... 89
CPP and government................................................................................................. 90
Opposition parties. .................................................................................................... 94
Station representatives. ............................................................................................. 98
Media professionals. ................................................................................................. 99
Ordinary citizens. .................................................................................................... 103
Independent observers. ........................................................................................... 108
Law and Regulations................................................................................................... 115
CPP and government............................................................................................... 118
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Opposition parties. .................................................................................................. 124
Station representatives. ........................................................................................... 124
Media professionals. ............................................................................................... 127
Independent observers. ........................................................................................... 128
Summary ..................................................................................................................... 129
Chapter 5: Economic Conditions, Civil Society, Socio-Cultural Compatibility ............ 131
Introduction ................................................................................................................. 131
Economic Conditions .................................................................................................. 131
National economy. .................................................................................................. 131
Economy of broadcast media. ................................................................................. 133
Peoples Living Standard. ....................................................................................... 140
Civil Society and Potential Donors ............................................................................. 143
Local civil society groups. ...................................................................................... 143
Potential donors. ..................................................................................................... 149
Socio-cultural Compatibility ....................................................................................... 156
Social structure........................................................................................................ 157
Participatory culture. ............................................................................................... 161
Publics attitudes toward broadcast media. ............................................................. 168
Summary ..................................................................................................................... 172
Chapter 6: Discussion and Conclusion ........................................................................... 174
Summary of Study ...................................................................................................... 174
Prospects for the establishment of PSB in Cambodia. ................................................ 175
Impact of political circumstances. .......................................................................... 177
Impact of the interaction between politics and economy........................................ 180
Impact of the interaction between politics and civil society. .................................. 182
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Impact of the interaction between politics and socio-cultural compatibility. ......... 185
Impact of economic conditions. .............................................................................. 187
Impact of the interaction between economy and socio-cultural compatibility. ...... 189
Impact of civil society. ............................................................................................ 190
Impact of socio-cultural compatibility. ................................................................... 192
A Potential PSB System in Cambodia ........................................................................ 196
Approaches to the creation of a PSB system. ......................................................... 197
Transformation. ................................................................................................... 197
New creation. ...................................................................................................... 202
PSB organizational structure................................................................................... 203
Selection committee. ........................................................................................... 206
Broadcasting Council of Governors.................................................................... 207
Executive Board of Directors. ............................................................................. 209
PSB Financial Framework .......................................................................................... 209
Commercial revenue or underwriting. .................................................................... 213
Compulsory contribution by private broadcasters. ................................................. 215
License and utility fees. .......................................................................................... 215
Taxes. ...................................................................................................................... 216
Donations. ............................................................................................................... 218
PSB Program Funding ................................................................................................ 220
Conclusion .................................................................................................................. 222
Recommendations for Future Research ...................................................................... 224
Recommendations for Practitioners ............................................................................ 225
References ....................................................................................................................... 228
Appendix A: Sample of an Invitation Letter................................................................... 244
Appendix B: Sample of the Letter to Thank Participants ............................................... 245
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Appendix C: List of Research Informants ...................................................................... 246
Appendix D: Interview Guide ......................................................................................... 249
Appendix E: Terms and Abbreviation ............................................................................ 252
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List of Tables
Page
Table 1: Age and Gender of Research Participants .................78
Table 2: Gender and Education of Research Participants.....78
Table 3: Gender and Social Status of Research Participants.79
Table 4: Data of Fieldwork Interviews..84
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Chapter 1: Introduction
Background and Purpose of the Study
Public Service Broadcasting (PSB) serves as a public institution that educates
(Graham & Davies, 1997; Tharoor, 2006), informs (Tharoor, 2006) and entertains the
public, shapes public consciousness, and acts as a public forum (Garnham, 1986, 1992;
Habermas, 1989) through which the public can voice their opinions. These concepts
education, information, and entertainment are the principles formulated by the first
Director-General of the BBC John Reith (Coppens & Saeys, 2006). PSB can be of great
value to citizens who are willing to engage in policy making processes and political
discussions in a democratic society (McCauley, Peterson, Artz, & Halleck, 2003). This
role can only be possible in countries where the concepts of democracy and development
are fully exercised and implemented.
The dissertation aims to explore prerequisites for the establishment of a PSB
model and its applicability in developing countries, using Cambodia as a case study. In
seeking to identify the prerequisites for a PSB system, one must consider the interplay of
factors such as politics, economics, civil society, donors, social structure, socio-cultural
compatibility, and so on. Even without knowledge of the specific impacts of these factors
on PSB, one can assume that each individual factor and their interactions with others will
affect possibilities for creation of a PSB system in complex ways. Such complicated
conditions need to be explored in full detail. How these factors and their interactions
influence the introduction of a PSB system will be discussed in chapter 6.
As this is a feasibility study for PSB, the dissertation mainly focuses on three
major issues. The first one is the prerequisites for the establishment of PSB in a
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developing country such as Cambodia. The second is the most feasible organizational
structure for day-to-day operation of a PSB system in Cambodia. And the third is a policy
for financial sustainability of a PSB system in Cambodia.
A PSB system is being explored for Cambodia because: (1) the need for PSB
system in a developing country such as Cambodia, which lacks impartial and unbiased
news, is presumably high; and (2) broadcasting can play an important role in fostering a
countrys development (Colle, 1973; Eltzroth, 2006; Eltzroth & Kenny, 2003; Melkote &
Steeves, 2001) and can be a crucial factor in alleviating poverty (Eltzroth, 2006; Eltzroth
& Kenny, 2003). Cambodia was chosen as a case study because: (1) Cambodia has been
categorized as a least developed country (LDC) (United Nations, 2010), in which an
independent means of communication is needed for socio-economic development. On
this subject, Mr. Henrikas Youshkavitchu, adviser to Matsuura, UNESCO Director-
General, emphasized that PSB is the cheapest and most effective tool for supporting the
cultural and educational traditions and potential of a nation. At the same time PSB may
serve as a very powerful instrument for the harmonious development and the
strengthening of the democratic structures and institutes of states (Youshkavitchus, para
11, n.d.). And (2) it has never experienced politically and commercially independent
media such as PSB in its history.
This study may serve as a potential guideline for the creation of a broadcasting
law, which is lacking in Cambodia at this time. In addition, the results of the study may
be beneficial in deciding how to establish a PSB system, through which the Cambodian
people could participate in political debates, be involved in decision making, policy
making and policy implementation, and voice their opinions about social issues. This
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research may also contribute to policy making as well as to media education, which is a
recent development in Cambodia. In addition, it may serve as a model in other
developing countries with similar socio-cultural, political and economic conditions to
those in Cambodia.
Problems and Research Questions
In many developed countries, such as the United States, United Kingdom, Japan,
and Canada, PSB systems have been implemented. However, future challenges facing
current PSB organizations have been discussed by media scholars. The biggest challenges
facing PSB organizations in developed countries are economic and, technological factors
(Maherzi, 1997), and an identity crisis (Jakubowicz, 2003). In addition to these factors,
socio-cultural compatibility and political circumstances are particularly crucial for the
introduction of PSB systems into post-Communist (Jakubowicz, 2004) and developing
countries.
Cambodian broadcasting has been facing three immediate challenges: political
influences, a shortage of financial resources (McDaniel, 2007), and the absence of
broadcast laws. The absence of broadcast laws and the presence of financial problems are
directly related to politics and the economy because politics determine the possibility of
enacting broadcast laws and favorable economic conditions create the broadcast market,
from which broadcasters generate their incomes.
Based on previous studies, this study will first investigate the influence of macro
factors: political circumstances (Banerjee & Senevirate, 2006; Brown, 1996b; Hallin &
Mancini, 2004; Hrvatin, 2002; Jakubowicz, 2004; Kops, 2001; McChesney, 2008;
McDaniel, 2002; Raboy, 1994; Raboy, 1998; Scannell, 2000; Stiles & Weeks, 2006;
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Wells, 1996), economic conditions, (Jakubowicz, 2004; Kops, 2001, Lanara, 2002;
Maherzi, 1997; McDaniel, 2002; Mediacult, 1995; Mendel, 2000; Picard, 2003; Price
1999; Sousa & Pinto, 2005; Stiles & Weeks, 2006; Teer-Tomaseli & Tomaselli,1994;
Wells, 1996), civil society (Raboy, 1994), and socio-cultural compatibility (Jakubowicz,
2004; Raboy, 1998). These factors will be discussed in detail in Chapter 2. Thus, the first
research question is:
RQ1: Based on the current political circumstances, economic conditions, civil
society situations, and socio-cultural factors in Cambodia, can a politically and
financially independent PSB system be designed for that country?
After the four macro factors have been investigated and if prospects for the
establishment of a PBS system exist in Cambodia, the feasible organizational structures
and financial schemes for PSB system will be explored. The way in which a PSB system
is created and how it is governed and managed determine the independency of a PSB
system. Eltzroth and Kenny (2003), Jayaweera and Mottaghi (2000), and UNESCO
(2001) emphasize that a PSB system can be independent only if its governing board is
independent. Thus, the second research question is:
RQ2: If it is possible to create a PSB system, what approach transformation or
new creation should be taken? And what organizational structure for a PSB
system is necessary and feasible to keep it separate from political and commercial
interference while still successfully fulfilling its mission? Institutional
organizational structure, in this sense, refers to the organizational structure of the
governing board as well as to day-to-day operational management.
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Another important factor determining the independence of a PSB system is the way in
which PSB is funded. Funding is crucial for a PSB organization (European Broadcasting
Union, 2000); OHagan & Jennings, 2003); Witherspoon & Kovitz, 2000). In addition, in
a working paper prepared for the Asia-Pacific Institute for Broadcasting Development
(AIBD), Kops (2001) suggests that the behavior and output of PSB systems are driven by
their revenue structure, not by their legal basis. In the funding of public service
broadcasting, European Broadcasting Union (2000) points out that the choice of funding
framework influences the operation of PSB organizations. PSB funding models vary from
country to country. For instance, as will be discussed in a later chapter, while the BBC of
the United Kingdom and NHK of Japan depend on license fees, SABC of South Africa is
funded by commercials, license fees, and donations and Thai PBS is financed by sin
taxes. Therefore the third research question is:
RQ3: What sources of funding are available to support and sustain a PSB system
to separate it from outside influences so it can be a neutral institution that serves
the interests of the entire population?
Furthermore, the issue that matters to most to the audience is program content. In
order to be successful, a PSB system needs to be program driven (Raboy, 1998); and a
diverse range of quality programs should be produced and made widely available to
everyone in the society. PSB programs have to be free from interference by governments
and corporations regardless of their source of funding (Varney, 2004). Thus, a program
funding model needs to be developed. It is worthwhile developing a system in which the
newly established PSBs programs are financed so that the program content is not
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influenced by either corporations, politics, or even by individuals. The fourth research
question is
RQ4: How should PSB programs be produced and funded so that they are not
under political and commercial influences?
Country Profile
Cambodia has been a laboratory for ideologies and a variety of political
structures. It is a country that has experienced feudalism, absolute monarchy,
colonialism, populism, republicanism, Maoist and Leninist socialism, and constitutional
monarchy. Cambodias modern history has also been scarred by almost 30 years of civil
war that not only hindered its development, but also caused the destruction of all sectors
of its society, including the media.
Geographically, Cambodia is located on a land area of 181,035 sq kilometers
(slightly smaller than Oklahoma) on the Indochinese peninsula of Southeast Asia. Its
population was estimated in July 2010 to be 14,494,293 (Central Intelligence Agency,
2010). It shares borders with Vietnam in the east and northeast, Laos in the north,
Thailand in the west and northwest, and the gulf of Thailand in the southeast. Cambodia
was under a French protectorate for almost a century from 1863 (Ghosh, 1960, p. 272)1 to
1953 (Chandler, 1972, p. 77).
Cambodia gained its independence from France on November 9, 1953 (Chandler,
1972). After independence, Cambodia was one of the most developed countries in the
region. It was considered a golden age in Cambodian history after the Angkorian period
(12-14 centuries), when the Khmer Empire built the stunning architectural structures of
1 Manomohan Ghosh specified that the treaty of Protectorate was signed on August 11, 1863. However, theFrench power was not felt in Cambodia until 1877 for two major reasons: (1) A stiff resistance byVietnamese and (2) Preoccupation of the French emperor Napoleon III with the Mexican War (1863-1867).
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Angkor Wat, listed by UNESCOs world heritages sites as one of the worlds seven
wonders. Following independence, Cambodia enjoyed relative peace and prosperity until
March 18, 1970, when Prince Norodom Sihanouk, who was then the head of state, was
ousted by a coup masterminded by Lon Nol, Sihanouks former Minister of Defense. The
monarchy was then abolished and Cambodia became the Khmer Republic led by Lon Nol
and supported by the U.S. Government. The Lon Nol government was overthrown by a
guerrilla fanatical communist group, the Khmer Rouge, on April 17, 1975. Under the
ultra Maoist Khmer Rouge, the name of the country was changed to Democratic
Kampuchea, and all people were forced to leave the cities and work in the countryside
on large irrigation and agricultural projects. Because of the harsh conditions about two
million of Cambodia's seven million population, including many of the educated, were
killed or died of hunger and diseases. Some of them fled to refugee camps along the
Cambodian-Thai border. Democratic Kampucheas policy was to introduce an absolute
central-command economy by abolishing all private ownership. No one during this
regime had the right to possess anything, even their own lives. Everything, including
human lives, belonged to the state. Those who were accused of being enemies of the
government (Angkar) were killed without any judicial process. All social structures were
destroyed and religious buildings, such as Buddhist temples, were destroyed or used as
prisons called security centers; all schools were also closed.
Democratic Kampuchea was toppled by a Marxist-Leninist communist group,
supported by Vietnam and the Soviet Union bloc, on January 7, 1979. The people who
had been forced into the countryside during the Khmer Rouge regime moved back to
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cities and life there gradually returned to relative normality, with private ownership
reintroduced. However, a central-command economy was still practiced.
A free market economy was reintroduced to Cambodia after the collapse of the
Soviet Union and the withdrawal of the Vietnamese occupying forces that had established
and supported the new government. A general election, overseen by the United Nations,
took place in 1993, when a new constitutional monarchy was established with Prince
Sihanouk as king. However, civil war between the newly elected government and the
Khmer Rouge guerrillas continued until 1998.
Cambodias Media Landscape
Like other emerging democratic countries, Cambodias political pluralism is a
relatively recent development and the notion of the media as societys watchdog is not
well understood by the government or even by many media practitioners themselves.
In general, ordinary people can make good decisions about their nation only if
they are well informed and are able to share their thoughts with others, including their
leaders. This can be done through the media. The ability of media practitioners to
identify, comprehend, and explain events and issues helps societys members understand
and respond to events and issues. The need, therefore, is for the media to be reliable and
ethical in gathering and disseminating the information citizens require to understand their
world.
There was a time when the media in Cambodia were highly respected and trusted
by the public. When I was young, my grandfather told me to study hard to become a
journalist. He saw how Cambodian people honored journalists, who were considered
highly professional and ethical by the majority of Cambodian people even though such
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highly professional journalism actually has never existed in Cambodia. This was all
before 1975, when Cambodia began a short, but harrowing, descent into hell.
Print media.
In ancient times, Cambodians inscribed documents, achievements, and regulations
on stones and palm leaves. Print media were introduced to Cambodia by the French
during their colonial rule. The press was in the French language to report official French
activities and decisions. According to Jarvis, et. al. (2001), the three early French-
language journals in Cambodia included theBulletin official du Cambodge, which was
published in 1884, theAnnuaire illustr du Cambodge, which was published in 1980, and
Le petit Cambodgien, which was distributed from 1899 to 1900, and was the first private
newspaper in Cambodia.Reachkech was the first official Khmer-language gazette, which
continues to the present and issometimes known asRothakch; itcommenced its activities
in 1911. The first newspaper printed by typography wasLa Gazette Khmer,published
from 1918-1919.Limpartial de Phnom-Penh, La Gazette de Phnom-Penh, and
LEducateur Franaise were also seen in the following years (Jarvis et. al., 2001, p. 73).
Other French-language newspapers includeLEcho du Cambodge andLImpartial de
Phnom Penh. The first periodical in Khmer language,Kambuja Surya (Cambodian Sun),
appeared in 1926. The first Khmer-language newspaper,Nagaravatta, was circulated
from 1936 to 1942 (Jarvis, et. al., 2001, p. 74; Lor, n.d.). The newspaper acted as a public
mouthpiece for facilitating negotiations between the French rulers and Cambodian elites.
In 1937,Nagaravattas circulation reached 5,000. It became an anti-French and pro-
Japanese newspaper when the Japanese arrived in Cambodia in the early 1940s (Clarke,
2000, p. 245).
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In the 1960s, Cambodia had 13 daily newspapers, two weekly newspapers and
three monthly newspapers, one Sunday supplement, one daily mimeographed press
summary and a daily journal with a combined circulation of about 70,000 (Lor, n.d.)
Most of them were politically influenced. During the 1960s, all political parties were
merged into one political party, Sangkum Reastr Niyum, formed by head of state
Norodom Sihanouk, who exercised autocratic power. This move curbed freedom of
expression. All Western journalists were banned in mid-1965, and by the late 1960s no
foreign journalists were granted entry visas to Cambodia (Clarke, 2000, p. 246).
Press freedom was reintroduced to Cambodia after Sihanouk was ousted on
March 18, 1970. During the mid-1970s, 30 daily newspapers circulated (Lor, n.d.). The
private print media were seen to play an important role as watchdog since they criticized
the corruption and mismanagement of the new U.S.-supported government led by Lon
Nol. In June 1972, a press law was passed that granted freedom of expression and
criticism of the government, but limited publication of information that harmed the honor
of individuals or national security or that undermined morality (Clarke, 2000).
During the Khmer Rouge regime, there was a paucity of publications of all kinds,
except for the Communist Partys dogma, and the media came under state control.
Official monthly state publications, including Yuvachun ning Yuveakneary Padevat(Boys
and Girls of the Revolution) and Tung Pakdevoat(National Flag), were circulated from
January 1974 to November 1978 and from January 1975 to September 1978 respectively
(Jarvis, et. al., 2001, p. 74). Many journalists were killed or died of hunger and diseases
during this period.
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During the regime of the Peoples Republic of Kampuchea (1979-1987), a
number of mouthpieces of the Central Committee of the Peoples Revolutionary Party,
now known as Cambodian Peoples Party (CPP), were established. Those publications
included the weeklyKampuchea newspaper, established in January 1979; the military
journalKangtoap Padevoath (Revolutionary Army), established in 1979; the
municipalitys newspaper,Phnom Penh, established in 1981;anda party newspaper
Pracheachun (The People), which appeared in 1985 (Jarvis, et. al. 2001, p. 74).
According to the Ministry of Information (2008), there were 327 newspapers, 129
magazines, 36 bulletins, 27 foreign newspapers in Cambodia in 2008 (p. 6). According to
information acquired during this projects fieldwork, most of these print media outlets
excepting a few foreign language newspapershave been directly and indirectly funded
by political parties. Some representatives of print media I interviewed said their
newspapers made profits from advertising, but acknowledged that their employees were
underpaid (approximately from $50 to $150 dollars monthly) and facilities were
underdeveloped. Due to the poor pay, they said that the quality of Cambodias print
media content was below an acceptable professional standard.
Broadcast media.
According to Clarke (2000), under French colonial rule, the first Cambodian
radio station, calledRadio Cambodge (Cambodia Radio) was established in 1946 using
leftover Japanese equipment, replaced by a new and more powerful American transmitter
in 1951. The total number of radio sets in Cambodia in 1951 was about 3,500, increasing
to about 7,000 by 1958 (Clarke, 2000, p. 249). In 1955, under the Ministry of
Information, four AM radio stations came into existence, two with 1 KW transmitters and
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the other two with 10 KW transmitters. By 1958, only one national radio with a 10 KW
transmitter survived, and its transmitter was replaced by a 20 KW transmitter donated by
China in 1959 (Clarke, 2000, p. 249). The government TV station (TVRK) was
completed in 1965 and began programming on February 2, 1966. At that time, there were
only about 300 TV sets, but the number increased to 25,000-30,000 in 1974 (Lichty, &
Hoffer, 1978, p. 119).
During the Khmer Rouge regime (1975-1978), TV broadcasting stopped. This
was due to Khmer Rouges policy of confiscating all private belongings. During this
period, people had no right to possess anything, including TV sets, and if people had
them, they were taken away. However, the Khmer Rouge government used the AM state
radio station left by the former government to broadcast its policies and activities for six
hours per day (Clarke, 2000, p. 250). The radio station was basically a government
propaganda machine. Although only high-ranking officials had the right to carry radio
sets, ordinary people who were forced to work in the fields could hear the radio via
loudspeakers, which were installed in some work sites.
After the Khmer Rouge regime was toppled in 1979, the new government of the
Peoples Republic of Kampuchea, which was supported by the Soviet bloc, established a
national AM radio station called Voice of the Kampuchean People. According to Sem
Huot, a former public official who worked for the Phnom Penh municipalitys Office of
Information, the municipality as well as provincial Offices of Information put up a
number of loudspeakers along main roads in the provincial towns because of the limited
number of radio receivers (personal communication, June 11, 2008). He said
loudspeakers enabled those who did not have radio sets to access news and entertainment
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programs broadcast on national radio. The local broadcasts on loudspeakers usually were
aired for a few hours in the morning, at noon, and in the evening. The local news was
broadcast usually about an hour before national programs were relayed. The loudspeaker
era ended after UNTAC arrived in Cambodia in 1992, when short-wave and FM radio
was introduced and thousands of free radio sets were distributed throughout the country.
TVK did not commence its transmission until December 1984, when it began
broadcasting, using a black and white transmitter. In July 1986, color transmission began
to be broadcast for two hours every evening and four days a week in the Phnom Penh
area only. At that time, Cambodia had about 200,000 radio receivers and 4,000 TV sets
(Clarke, 2000, p. 250). Between 1975 and 1986, all entertainment produced by former
regimes and Voice of America radio, which broadcast in Khmer language from
Washington D.C. and relayed from Bangkok, were banned. The Khmer Rouge guerrilla
groups radio broadcast twice a day on a shortwave frequency from the Cambodian-Thai
border until 1997, when it was captured by the newly elected governments armed forces.
Radio Free Asia, which is funded by the U.S. government, started broadcasting in Khmer
language live from Washington D.C. in 1997 (Clarke, 2000, p. 250).
The growth of Cambodian broadcasting 1992-present.
A major turning point for Cambodia and its media sector came in 1992, when
UNTAC arrived to help prepare the first democratic election in Cambodia. A multi-party
political system was introduced in Cambodia. As a result, 21 political parties participated
in the general election (Sek, 2000, p. 221).
With the introduction of democracy, freedom of expression and the press were
encouraged. UNTAC enacted a number of laws, including media guidelines, which aimed
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to facilitate the establishment of media outlets in Cambodia. It was commonly believed
that in order to promote public awareness of the importance of citizen participation in the
election process, as many media outlets as possible should be established. Therefore, the
guidelines not only guaranteed freedom of expression, but also encouraged the
government to issue as many licenses as possible to commercial media applicants. The
government granted licenses to applicants even though clear standards for frequency
allocation and criteria for granting licenses were not in place. Article 13 of UNTACs
media guidelines stated
existing administrative structures should facilitate the profusion of
publications and broadcast stations by, for example, the processing
without undue delay of any necessary applications for registration or
assignment of broadcast frequencies. If an application has not received
an answer within one month, UNTAC encourages the automatic
approval of that application (UNTAC, 1991, p. 2).
Political parties then took this opportunity to establish their own media outlets to
act as propaganda machines for the upcoming election campaign. They paid a great deal
of attention to broadcast media because, according to a survey conducted by the
Womens Media Center, TV and radio were the first and second most important sources
of information respectively, while newspapers were third (Womens Media Center,
1998). However, Marston (2000) found that radio was the single most important medium
in Cambodia to truly reach all parts of Cambodia and all segments of the population,
regardless of level of education. This was due to the fact that more radio receivers were
available than TV sets. According to the Ministry of Planning (1999), in 1997 about 20
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percent of all households possessed TV sets while 41 percent of total households had a
radio. In addition, radio had the widest coverage of all media. Radio sets were also
cheaper than TV sets. Another advantage enjoyed by radio was that it operated with
batteries, and electricity was not available in most parts of the countryside.
Consequently, almost all broadcasters were owned by or aligned with political
parties. For instance, FM 88 aligned with the former Buddhist Liberal Party; FM 90 was
owned by the FUNCINPEC party; FM 95 and Bayon TV belonged to the Cambodian
Peoples Party (CPP); FM 96, AM 540, AM 740 and TVK, the national radio and TV,
served the interests of the CPP; FM 97 and Apsara TV were owned by the CPP; FM 98
and TV5 were jointly owned by a Thai company and the Ministry of Defense; FM 99
aligned with the CPP; FM 103 and TV3 were jointly owned by a Thai company and the
Phnom Penh Municipality; FM 105 (Beehive) belonged to the President of Beehive
Social Democratic Party, which acted as one of the opposition parties; FM 107 and TV9
aligned with the FUNCIPEC party; and FM 102 was owned by a nonprofit organization
called the Women's Media Center (WMC), and was then the only station considered
independent of political influence. It is clear that the broadcast media were dominated by
the CPP, which had been in power since 1979. The six major TV stations were directly
and indirectly influenced by the CPP (Edman, 2000, p. 17).
On November 9, 1992, UNTAC established its own radio station called Radio
UNTAC on MW 918 KHz (Puy, 2007, p. 15) to promote voters awareness of freedom
of expression, democracy, and the importance of their rights for the 1993 general
election. Kek Chhiv Pung, director of Cambodian League for the Promotion and Defense
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of Human Rights (LICADHO), said thousands of free radio sets were distributed to
Cambodians across the country (personal communication, May 13, 2008).
In May 1993, the first commercial television station IBC (International
Broadcasting Corporation), which is now known as Royal Khmer Armed Forces TV5,
commenced its operation (S. Huot, personal communication, June 11, 2008). Huot said it
was jointly owned by a Thai company and the Ministry of National Defense. This station
was very popular until early 2003, when a violent anti-Thai riot took place. On January
29, 2003, angry rioters burned the Thai Embassy and major Thai businesses in Cambodia.
That unfortunate incident happened because of disinformation spread by local media that
a popular Thai soap opera star said that she would accept an invitation to perform in
Cambodia only if Cambodia returned Angkor Wat to Thailand; she further reportedly
said that if she were reincarnated, she would rather be a dog than a Cambodian. The
actress insisted that the rumor was false. However, this rumor was spread by local media.
Since then, Thai TV programs were no longer broadcast in Cambodia.
The second privately-owned TV station was TV9, which was allied with the
political party FUNCIPEC. Although this station was one of the first private TV stations,
it was not popular due to the low quality of its programs and transmission. The third TV
station that came into existence was Municipal Television TV3, which was jointly owned
by the Phnom Penh municipality and a Thai company. Kea Puy, Kyodo News
correspondent, said this station became the second most popular station in Cambodia
because of the quality of its entertainment programs and transmission (personal
communication, June 10, 2008). He said TV3 program formats were very similar to those
of TV5 as they were both jointly owned by Thai companies. Therefore, most
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entertainment programs were either imported from Thailand or locally produced but
modeled on Thai TV programs. However, both TV stations were criticized for promoting
Thai cultural imperialism. In response to these criticisms, local programmers tried to
Cambodianize the imported Thai TV programs by dubbing the programs into Khmer.
Songs were sung in Khmer and all TV announcers had to dress in Cambodian-style
clothing.
Two CPP-owned TV stations were APSARA TV and Bayon TV. These TV
stations program formats were more conservative and traditional. These TV stations
were not very popular because they were very political. However, Bayon TV has the
largest coverage geographically in Cambodia (InterMedia, 2010). According to K. Puy,
Kyodo News correspondent, each of these stations was linked with a radio station and
both were purely propaganda machines for the CPP because they were owned outright by
the party (personal communication, June 10, 2008).
Cambodian Television Network (CTN), the first Cambodian privately-owned TV
station, was launched in 2003. Since its introduction, CTN gained popularity and became
the most watched channel across the country. According to a survey conducted by
InterMedia in 2010 among 2,000 Cambodian adults, 61.8 percent had watched CTN in
the previous 12 months, the highest percentage achieved by any TV station in Cambodia
(InterMedia, 2011, p. 70). This is because it produces its programs locally at high quality;
its coverage was as wide as the national television TVK, and it could be accessed not
only in Cambodia but also in other countries, such as U.S.A. and Australia via satellite.
It is apparent that there were three different types of broadcast media operating in
Cambodia. These are political party, state, and commercial stations. PSB has not yet been
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established in Cambodia. It is worth noting that state broadcasters, such as the national
television TVK and NRK FM96, which were supposed to be purely funded by the
government, accepted advertising; their major sources of revenues came from
commercials. Thus a hybrid (state-commercial) model of broadcasting was adopted by
Cambodian state broadcasting. In addition, some broadcast media which received their
funding from political parties also sought additional funding from commercials. Thus,
regardless of broadcasting type, all broadcasters were involved in competition in a free
market economy. No matter what, free and fair competition of broadcasting benefited the
Cambodian people as a whole, because, according to Napoli (2001), within the electronic
media context, competition provides a greater variety of choices, lower prices, increased
efficiency, enhanced quality, and innovation.
Kek Chiv Pung, a president of a human rights organization LICADHO said with
numerous media outlets and a certain degree of press freedom, the press began to reveal
scandals in the former government and identify corrupt individuals. In the past, corrupt
government officials had not been afraid of anyone, not even the courts, which were
perceived to be corrupt as well. However, this time around, corrupt officials became
fearful of the media (personal communication, May 13, 2008).
Fear of their wrongdoings being exposed by the media, however, resulted not in
reforms by politicians, but in attempts to corrupt journalists. Some political parties went
to the extent of trying to set up media companies of their own. Soon, articles and
programs were being written, published, and broadcast largely because money was being
exchanged between media practitioners and politicians. Most of the local news being
published and broadcast became blatantly politicized, with no serious effort to present
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information in an unbiased and impartial way (K. C. Pung, personal communication, May
13, 2008). She said at the same time, the increasing competition between media
companies led to frequent exchanges of insults. However, there was a significant growth
of broadcasting in Cambodia during and in the post-UNTAC. This growth was due the
fact that (1) a multi-party political system was introduced, which encouraged freedom of
expression and the press; and (2) a free-market economy was introduced to Cambodia,
which opened access by any interested company to Cambodias broadcasting market.
Challenges facing Cambodian broadcasters.
Although Cambodian broadcasting was growing remarkably in the transitional
period, Khieu Kanharith, the Minister of Information, said Cambodian broadcasting has
not yet reached a satisfactory standard due to a lack of professionalism, administration
mismanagement, and financial problems (personal communication, May 3, 2008).
Professionalism.
Professionalism, which plays a crucial role in leading an enterprise to its success,
is badly needed by Cambodian broadcasters. Gershon (2000) said good broadcast
managers should have knowledge in media or media-related fields and give their staff
proper training to do their jobs effectively. In the case of Cambodia, very few people
working in media, especially broadcast managers, have a degree in media or a media-
related specialization, although some have completed short training courses. Cambodian
broadcasters have made clear their desire for greater opportunities to engage in advanced
professional and academic studies. Many of them wish to become recognized experts in
the fields in which they work. Up to now these people have learned by doing and
observation. Although they are able to operate broadcasting stations, the quality of
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broadcast programs does not yet meet satisfactory standards (K. Khieu, personal
communication, May 3, 2008). In addition, Kong Sothanarith, VOA reporter and Tieng
Sopheak Vichea, acting director of RUPPs Media and Communication Department,
echoed Khieus views. The blatant bias exhibited by media may have been caused by the
lack of media education and critical thinking. The lack of education, professional training
or creative thinking leads broadcasters to work unprofessionally and slows the
development of broadcast professionalism. These obstacles to development may be due
to the fact that broadcasters are unable to keep themselves informed about what is going
on in the outside world and unable to adapt to the changes in the external environment.
Keeping updated on changes in the external environment is important for all media
practitioners (Napoli, 2003).
As for professionalism, radio newscasts were nothing but the reading of stories
about robberies, murder, and traffic accidents, etc. from a number of local newspapers.
Um Sarin, the President of the Cambodian Association for the Protection of Journalists
(CAPJ), noted that often reporters dont go into the field. Sometimes they make a phone
call, but other times they just dream [stories] up (cited in Bainbridge, 2001).This clearly
indicates inadequate training or no training at all. Most journalists come straight from
high school without going through journalism training, and some have not even finished
high school. During this period, corruption within the journalism profession was also
apparent. I personally recall unethical behaviors displayed by a group of Cambodian
journalists. On January 14, 2002 at the opening ceremony of the Royal University of
Phnom Penh (RUPP)s Department of Media and Communication (DMC), which I
chaired, I was given a list of journalists who asked for money in exchange for reporting
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stories about the ceremony. I refused to give any money to them, and they warned that if
they did not receive any money, they would not write the stories. At the ceremony, Hun
Sen, Cambodian Prime Minister, also acknowledged that some local journalists worked
like kidnappers by demanding money from government officials or they would blackmail
them. However, high-ranking government officials often invited journalists to go with
them on visits to the provinces, and gave these journalists money in exchange for
favorable stories about their activities. After this, it became commonplace that journalists
expected compensation for their stories. Khieu Kola of the Club of Cambodian
Journalists (CCJ) accused the government of involvement in the corruption of journalists
(cited in Bainbridge, 2001). Reach Sambath, a professional journalist who graduated
from Columbia Universitys Journalism School and was an instructor at the DMC and
Chief of Public Affairs of Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC),
said that from 1993-1995, Cambodian journalists were like birds freed for the first time,
flying in the dark, knocking into trees and walls (personal communication, July 15,
2005)
However, the journalism profession has changed gradually because many
journalists have attended training offered by international nonprofit organizations. The
organizations involved in training journalists include the Asia Foundation of the United
States, which began media training programs in 1995; IMPACS of Canada started a
media training project in November 1999. Training has also been offered by GRET of
France; Agence intergouvernementale de la francophonie; American Assistance to
Cambodia; Australian AIDP; Danida in Bangkok; Diakonia; Forum Syd; Freedom
Forum; The French Embassy; German Ewangelisch Zentralstalle fur Entwicklungshilfe;
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Japan Relief for Cambodia; Netherlands Embassy in Hanoi; NOVIB; UNESCO;
UNICEF; the University Agency for French-speaking communities; the U.S. Embassy;
and the British Embassy. The Konrad Adenauer Foundation (KAF) helped the RUPP to
establish the DMC to offer a first four-year degree program in media management, which
started in 2001. The media education program is still operating with major financial
support from KAF and UNESCO. On its web page, the DMC (2008) wrote
students are taught a broad range of media-related academic disciplines to gain a
solid understanding and a variety of perspectives on media environments. The
course prepares students to be the standard bearers of the media profession. The
DMC aims to assist in the development of high-quality independent journalism
and media management. During their training, students learn skills that will help
them become effective, creative and ethical practitioners and managers of the
mass media, fostering a free, viable and socially responsible media in Cambodia.
They learn to identify, understand and explain political, social and economic
events and issues and to share this information with Cambodian citizens, allowing
the public to understand and respond to their world.
According to Vichea S. Tieng, acting director of the DMC, DMCs graduates
have worked as media practitioners at many local and international media agencies or as
researchers and media officials within government agencies and local and international
NGOs (personal communication, July 3, 2007). He said that with the high demand for
manpower in the field of media, many of DMCs graduates were given scholarships to
pursue further education abroad and to come back to contribute to development of the
media profession in Cambodia.
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In addition, Tieng said some of DMCs graduates have been working with various
media organizations, such as BBC World Service Trust, to produce programs for
broadcast by Cambodian broadcasting outlets. During my preliminary study, I found that
BBC World Service Trust, an independent, international charity set up by the BBC, has
mass media projects funded by the British Government's Department for International
Development (DFID). The BBC World Service Trust uses media to advance development
and works with the Cambodian government and Cambodian broadcasters to create high
quality programming produced by international and Cambodian media professionals,
some of whom graduated from DMC.
Because of the gradual development of media professionalism, broadcast
programming is obviously better than in the past, which is something, pro-government
individuals argued Cambodia should be proud of. For instance, Kem Gunawadh, Director
General of TVK said TVK has been working with UNDP to produce Equity Weekly,
an on-going current affairs TV show, broadcast every Sunday since May 2007 (personal
communication July 18, 2007). He said TVK aired more than 100 shows on a variety of
topics, including politics, economy, culture, society, environment and healthcare.
Gunnawadh said such shows were good models for other broadcasters to follow, and they
showed that Cambodian broadcast programming had been improved.
Administration and management.
Based on my experience as a media professional working in Cambodia,
inadequate qualified staff has led to management deficiencies in Cambodian broadcasting
stations. Often the duties of personnel are not clearly delegated. Some have too many
things to do whereas others have too few. Overlapping responsibilities hinder good
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program production as well other operations. At the same time, some unskilled and
unproductive staff members have been employed although they do not contribute as
much as expected to broadcast stations.
I have also observed that an authoritarian leadership style is still practiced in the
Cambodian broadcasting industry. Cambodia was ruled by socialist regimes for decades,
and its broadcasters were under strict government control. This centralization and
bureaucratic red-tape still exists in almost all broadcast stations. This is due to the fact
that a majority of TV directors and managers were former media practitioners in the
socialist regimes, and are comfortable with the socialist system. As the result of this
leadership style, Cambodian broadcasters have been uncreative. Creativity not only can
sustain the existing media, but enable the existing media to become more profitable and
expand their audience (Covington, 1999). According to Kong Sothanarith, VOA Khmer
correspondent, since Cambodian broadcasters are predominantly uncreative, some
broadcast programs do not meet public satisfaction; the quality of broadcasting programs
is relatively low, and program content has been adopted from those of other countries,
which often does not work in Cambodian society (personal communication, June 11,
2008).
Finance.
Shortage of funding has hindered the development of every Cambodian
broadcasting station. Because of a shortage of money, broadcast stations have been
unable to employ skilled professionals and buy up-to-date equipment, including
transmitters. As a result, the stations produce poor quality programs, which neither attract
audience nor advertisers, the sources of financing for all broadcasting stations. For
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instance, most Cambodian radio stations broadcast news published in daily newspapers
instead of producing it themselves. Moreover, low paid media practitioners have accepted
bribes to broadcast specific content. In addition, advanced equipment such as transmitters
and other digital facilities are badly needed to catch up with the current state of
information technology. Most Cambodian broadcasters are still using analog equipment
and facilities, which leads to the low quality images shown on viewers screens.
Summary
As mentioned earlier, the main objective of this research is to explore the
prerequisites for the establishment of PSB in Cambodia. Since it is a feasibility study, I,
in addition to accessible documents, sought opinions from many people, such as
policymakers, decision makers, government officials, a Royal Palace representative,
executives, representatives of international NGOs, donor countries, local NGOs, civil
society groups, media professionals, representatives of broadcasters, media academics,
executives and news editors of foreign PSBs, ordinary citizens, and other stakeholders
about the conditions for the potential establishment of PSB in Cambodia, approaches to
the establishment, and funding. The methods of collecting data and findings of the
research will be presented and discussed in chapters 3, 4 and 5 respectively.
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Chapter 2: Review of Literature
Introduction
The concept of Public Service Broadcasting (PSB) is now more than 80 years old
(Coppens & Saeys, 2006, p. 261), and it has been an issue for debate among media,
scholars and social activists for the last few decades. The major concern is the uncertain
future of PSB. Scholars have expressed their concerns in research papers, reports,
conference papers, books, and other publications. Most previous studies on PSB systems
have focused on Western European PSB systems; in particular, the British Broadcasting
Corporation (BBC) has often been seen as a model for PSB systems around the globe.
According to Brown (1996b), PSB systems have two distinct models in terms of
management, production, and program transmission. A decentralized model is followed
in the United States and a highly centralized model is used in the United Kingdom,
Australia, and Canada. In the United States, local stations are the main public
broadcasting entities while in the United Kingdom, Australia, and Canada, networks are
the main public broadcasters. United States stations have strong links to their
communities, and programs produced by local stations are diverse in nature. In the
United Kingdom, Canada, and Australia, a range of programs are broadcast by separate
networks; the United Kingdom has 5 radio and 2 television networks, Australia has 6
radio and 2 television networks, and Canada has 6 radio and 3 television networks
(Brown, 1996b, p. 79).
Kops (2001) emphasized that existing PSB systems around the world have
considerably different missions, financial resources, and legal competencies. In order to
study PSB systems, it is important to look beyond the BBC and PSB in Western Europe,
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and focus on the particular media environment within which PSB systems operate or are
going to operate. In addition, since the emergence of the BBC in the early 1920s (Scanell,
2000), both the BBC and PSB systems throughout the world have evolved significantly;
they have been influenced by the development of technology (McClauley, 2003;
McDaniel, 2002; Price, 1999; Schejter, 2003), political circumstances (Banerjee &
Senevirate, 2006; Brown, 1996b; Hallin & Mancini, 2004; Hrvatin, 2002; Jakubowicz,
2004; Kops, 2001; McChesney, 2008; McDaniel, 2002; Raboy, 1994; Raboy, 1998;
Scannell, 2000; Stiles & Weeks, 2006; Wells, 1996), economic conditions (Jakubowicz,
2004; Kops, 2001, Lanara, 2002; Maherzi, 1997; McDaniel, 2002; Mediacult, 1995;
Mendel, 2000; Picard, 2003; Price 1999; Sousa & Pinto, 2005; Stiles & Weeks, 2006;
Teer-Tomaselli & Tomaselli, 1994; Wells, 1996), socio-cultural context (Jakubowicz,
2004; Raboy, 1998) and civil society (Raboy, 1994).
There are many factors influencing the operations of PSB. This chapter will
address only significant macro factors, namely political circumstances, economic
conditions, civil society organizations, and socio-cultural compatibility, which previous
studies suggest have been the main influences on existing PSB and on determining
whether the establishment of a PSB system is possible in a particular society. These four
main factors were used as a framework for conducting the data collection for this study
and will be re-addressed in chapter IV and V, presenting fieldwork findings.
Political Circumstances
In The political economy of media: Enduring issues, emerging dilemmas,
McChesney (2008) argued that political economists studying the media believe that a
media system is usually established based upon policies made on behalf of the public,
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often without the publics informed consent; thus, how societies function can be
understood through media systems because the media systems reflect the nature of
societies within which they operate. Likewise, PSB systems, in particular, are believed to
be influenced by a countrys political circumstances (Banerjee & Senevirate, 2006;
Brown, 1996 a, 1996b; Hallin & Mancini, 2004; Hrvatin, 2002; Jakubowicz, 2004; Kops,
2001; McChesney, 2008; McDaniel, 2002; Raboy, 1994; Raboy, 1998; Scannell, 2000;
Stiles & Weeks, 2006; Wells, 1996). Brown (1996a) said it is a government's
responsibility to determine the broadcasting structure of a country. He emphasized that
the regulatory role of governments has a tremendous impact on the broadcasting systems
of a country. According to Brown (1996a), those impacts include decisions on, to
mention only a few, the introduction of broadcasting technologies, broadcasting
systems, financing methods, the number of broadcasters in a country or in a certain
market, and the regulations of program content (p. 3). If government has an impact on
broadcasting systems in general, it must influence PSB systems as well. In this sense,
political will and government intention are crucial for the establishment of PSB systems.
For instance, when the BBC began broadcasting, the British government defined
broadcasting as a public utility and established its mandate as serving the public interest
because the British government then believed that it would help to create an enlightened
and informed citizenry (Scannell, 2000). John Reith, the first Director General of the
BBC, conceptualized public service as a core element of broadcastings role in creating
an informed public and encouraging reasoned debate as pillars of a democratic society.
Similarly, Banerjee and Seneviratne (2006) suggested that the commitment and
the capacity of governments are crucial to the success of PSB. The establishment of PSB
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is sometimes done through the transformation of existing state broadcasting outlets and
sometimes through the creation a new entity. They point out that transformation of state
broadcasting into PSB is facilitated by the use of existing resources, such as territorial
reach, committed public funding, and experienced staff members, which helps make
newly transformed public service broadcasters into effective broadcasting institutions. It
is questionable whether this argument is applicable in all circumstances; Jakubowicz
(2004) forcefully argued that the introduction of PSB through transformation of state
broadcasting in post-Communist countries is usually a complete failure. Newly
transformed public service broadcasters often fail to accomplish their missions and end
up serving political interests rather than the public good. Although the names have been
changed, their management and working culture remain, and there are other challenges,
such as overstaffing, poor programming, and lack of financial resources. Whatever
method is used to establish PSB, either through transformation of an existing state system
or the creation of a new institution, it is the government that determines this.
Banerjee and Senevirate (2006) and UNDP (2004) discovered that governments
or ruling parties rarely want to give up their control over media institutions, from which
they gain political benefits. This is especially true in developing countries, where
democracy has not yet become fully rooted (Stiles & Weeks, 2006). A research article,
Eltzroth (2006) asserted that governments dominate radio broadcasting in 75 percent of
the world (p. 20).
The results of an evaluation of PSB conducted by Stiles and Weeks (2006) and
supported by UNESCO, suggest that political will significantly contributes to the
establishment of PSB systems. UNESCO recognizes that a major challenge for the
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creation of a PSB system is a lack of political will on the part of many governments. The
opportunities for PSB exist only when governments recognize the importance of such
systems, through which democratic processes can be strengthened, human rights can be
actualized, and people can be better educated, informed, and entertained. Therefore, a key
factor in the establishment of PSB is strong political will and commitment on the part of
governments.
Kops (2001) said freedom of mass media is often threatened by governments, and
constitutional law plays a crucial role in keeping PSB systems from political interference.
Many governments have a strong interest in controlling PSB systems. Thus, the political
independence of PSB systems must be protected, and this can be done through the rule of
law (Kops, 2001). For instance, in some countries, such as Germany, broadcasting laws
forbid the government from interfering with public service broadcasters. However, it is
questionable whether PSB systems in developing and post-Communist countries can be
independent of political influences because governments in such countries rarely give up
control of the media, including PSB systems.
The PSB systems normally operate successfully in the developed world, where
political and economic conditions are stable, a prerequisite for proper operation of PSB
systems. In the case of post-Communist countries, including Cambodia, political factors
are of particular importance for the establishment of PSB systems (Jakubowicz, 2004).
Jakubowicz stressed that in the low-income world, public service broadcasters face
difficulties because the political and socio-cultural prerequisites for their operation do not
exist. He said the introduction of PSB systems in post-Communist countries is as difficult
as the introduction of democracy. The introduction of PSB systems has often failed
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because PSB organizations face a lack of social embeddedness and the right democratic
context (Jakubowicz, 2004, p. 53). In order for PSB systems to flourish, the legal and
institutional frameworks of PSB must be transplanted and this must be followed by
development of a political and journalistic culture. This is always challenging because,
according to Jakubowics (2004), new ruling elites in post-Communist countries must
accept full liberalization of the media and establish a balanced dual system of
broadcasting. However, they often cling to the command system from which the country
is emerging. In the end, media practitioners, instead of exercising their impartial and
critical watchdog role, are more likely to be cooperative with the authorities in order to
keep their jobs.
Thechai Yong, executive director of Thai PBS, said the recent political crisis in
Thailand is a perfect example of the effect of political circumstances on possibilities for
the establishment of PSB. The PSB concept has been discussed by Thai academic circles,
social activists, and media reform advocates for decades, but it could not be put in place
because of the absence of a favorable political environment (personal Communication,
May 28, 2008). McChesney (2007) suggested three conditions for media structural
reform. He said the critical juncture in media will occur when two or three of the
following conditions occur:
There is a revolutionary new communications technology that undermines theexisting system;
The content of the media system, especially journalism, is increasingly discreditedor seen as illegitimate; and
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There is a major political crisis with severe social disequilibrium in which theexisting order can no longer work, and there are major movements for social
reform (p. 10).
In case of Thailand, the last two conditions apply. Thaksin Shinawatra was able to
control both state and private media until 2005, the beginning of his second term, when
his strategy of silencing opposition broke down and the military staged a coup detat on
September 19, 2006, when the prime minister was about to deliver a speech at the UN
General Assembly (Siriyuvasak, 2008). The coup detat led to the dissolution of
parliament and abolition of the existing national constitution. A new constitution was
enacted in 2007 which included the Public Broadcasting Act of 2008, leading to the
transformation of Thaksins iTV into the Thai Public Broadcasting Service (Thai PBS) on
January 14, 2008 (Nitsmer, 2009). Without political crisis it is doubtful that the Thai PBS
could ever be established. This demonstrates that political circumstances contribute to the
creation of PSB.
Economic Conditions
The change of media system in a country often accompanies a change in the
national economic system (McChesney, 2008). Thus, in addition to the influence of
political circumstances, PSB systems are affected by economic conditions (Jakubowicz,
2004; Kops, 2001, Lanara, 2002; Maherzi, 1997; McChesney, 2008; McDaniel, 2002;
Mediacult, 1995; Mendel, 2000; Picard, 2003; Price 1999; Sousa & Pinto, 2005; Stiles &
Weeks, 2006; Teer-Tomaselli & Tomaselli,1994; Wells, 1996). Funding is among the
most crucial challenges for PSB systems (Lanara, 2002). The PSB funding issue has been
a subject of debate since the global economy came into existence (Lanara, 2002).
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Therefore, economic factors are taken into consideration by policymakers when
considering how to set up PSB systems. Many experts argue that GDP is a determining
factor in the establishment of PSB. Based on usual financial structure of PSB systems,
Eric. Johnson, Director of Internews International, in an email communication, said in
my experience, public broadcasting can't exist in a country with a per capita GDP of less
than perhaps USD3,000 (Cambodia is at about USD500). The government will always be
too tempted to meddle in the broadcaster's politics (personal communication, April 3,
2007). However, he said he would love to be proven wrong! His argument was based on
the fact that traditional PSBs are financed primarily through license fees paid by citizens,
along with state subsidies. In the case of license fees, people are not able to pay if they
are economically disadvantaged. In addition, people with low incomes are unable to
spend money on consumer goods. This has an effect on markets, which are the source of
dollars, and this affects PSB income directly or indirectly because in some countries,
private broadcasters are obliged to pay for PSB as a part of their social responsibility.
Less spending by people also affects the national economy, which is the source of
government subsidies for the operation and programming of PSB.
Teer-Tomaselli and Tomaselli (1994) said that because fiscal constraints have
affected PSB systems, depending on license fees alone is no longer possible. Because of
this, government subsidies and commercial advertising are required in some countries.
South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC) is a good example of the model in
which the PSB system is allowed to accept advertising. As a result, two thirds of SABCs
income is derived from commercials and one third from license fees (Teer-Tomaselli &
Tomaselli, 1994, p. 6).
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In Western Europe, scholars began voicing their concerns and debating the future
of PSB systems decades ago, when private broadcasting systems and globalization came
into play. According to Mediacult (1995), PSB systems have been affected by the size of
domestic markets and competition. Fifteen smaller countries with weaker broadcasting
cultures have been dominated by the programs produced in five larger countries (France,
Germany, Great Britain, Italy, and Spain) with stronger broadcast industries (Mediacult,
1995, p. 7). This trans-border communication places public service broadcaste