HOW DOES ISLAM AND ARAB CULTURE IMPACT SEXUAL HARASSMENT IN THE WORKPLACE: CASE STUDY ... ·...
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SEXUAL HARASSMENT IN THE WORKPLACE IN THE GOVERNMENT SECTOR IN THE UNITED ARAB EMIRATES SALIM HASSAN SALEH SALIM BACHELOR OF ARTS (PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION), UNITED ARAB EMIRATES UNIVERSITY, AL-AIN, UAE MASTER OF SCIENCE (HUMAN RESOURCES DEVELOPMENT), INDIANA STATE UNIVERSITY, USA THIS THESIS IS PRESENTED FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA SCHOOL OF BUSINESS AND SCHOOL OF SOCIAL & CULTURAL STUDIES NOVEMBER 2009
Transcript of HOW DOES ISLAM AND ARAB CULTURE IMPACT SEXUAL HARASSMENT IN THE WORKPLACE: CASE STUDY ... ·...
SEXUAL HARASSMENT IN THE WORKPLACE IN THE GOVERNMENT
SECTOR IN THE UNITED ARAB EMIRATES
SALIM HASSAN SALEH SALIM
BACHELOR OF ARTS (PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION), UNITED ARAB EMIRATES
UNIVERSITY, AL-AIN, UAE
MASTER OF SCIENCE (HUMAN RESOURCES DEVELOPMENT), INDIANA STATE
UNIVERSITY, USA
THIS THESIS IS PRESENTED FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA
SCHOOL OF BUSINESS
AND
SCHOOL OF SOCIAL & CULTURAL STUDIES
NOVEMBER 2009
STATEMENT OF ORIGINAL AUTHORSHIP
I certify that this thesis is my own composition and to the best of my knowledge and belief,
no material in this thesis has been accepted for the award of any other degree in any other
university. All sources used in this research have been acknowledged in this thesis. No part
of this thesis may be printed, reproduced, stored or transmitted in any form or by any means
without prior written consent of the author or the University of Western Australia.
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ABSTRACT
The participation of women in the workplace has increased in the United Arab Emirates
(UAE) due to economic development over the last three decades. This increasing
involvement of women in the public sphere raises the question as to whether women,
being the primary target, in UAE government workforce may be experiencing sexual
harassment given that the research in many other countries has shown it to be a
significant problem in each one of the countries in which research has occurred. Sexual
harassment impacts negatively on the victims’ career, their mental and physical health,
as well as the organization’s productivity.
While there has been substantial research on workplace sexual harassment conducted
primarily within workplaces in Western countries, few studies have investigated
workplace sexual harassment in Muslim Arab countries. This research explores the
nature of sexual harassment in UAE government workplace. The research addresses the
following questions: what evidence is there that sexual harassment is occurring in the
UAE government workplace? What factors contribute to the occurrence of sexual
harassment? And finally, in what ways do Islam and Arab traditions influence the nature
of sexual harassment in the workplace?
This project employed three integrated research methods. The first phase involved
investigating official government records to reveal statistical data documenting sexual
harassment cases. The second phase was to interview twenty-eight civil servants in
senior managerial positions. Drawing on the data generated from the interviews, the
third research phase utilized a questionnaire which was administered to three hundred
and three civil servants working under senior management. The responses to the
questionnaire were analyzed using the Statistical Package for the Social Science (SPSS)
data analysis software.
The research findings show that there is a clear lack of official data on sexual
harassment cases and that the government has yet to recognize sexual harassment as a
workplace problem. However, sexual harassment was found to be occurring and the
data suggests that it is occurring at a similar level and pattern as documented in research
conducted in other countries.
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From the cultural aspect, the research findings establish that Islam and Arab traditions
seem, undoubtedly not in principle but surely in terms of adherence to them in day to
day practical life, to have failed to prevent sexual harassment from occurring. However,
strong belief in Islam and Arab traditions that shapes their subconscious keeps
influencing participants' conception of the factors causing sexual harassment and their
views about appropriate behaviour.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
ABSTRACT ....................................................................................................................... iii
TABLE OF CONTENTS .................................................................................................... v
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ............................................................................................... ix
LIST OF TABLES ............................................................................................................. xi
LIST OF APPENDICES .................................................................................................. xiii
CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION ...................................................................................... 1
1.1 My journey in to sexual harassment research ......................................................... 1
1.2 Background to the research ..................................................................................... 3
1.3 The significance of studying sexual harassment ..................................................... 6
1.4 Delimitations of scope and key assumptions .......................................................... 8
1.5 Outline of the thesis ................................................................................................ 8
CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW ........................................................................... 11
2.1 Introduction ........................................................................................................... 11
2.2 Workplace sexual harassment ............................................................................... 11
2.2.1 Definition of sexual harassment ..................................................................... 12
2.2.2 Occurrence ..................................................................................................... 13
2.2.3 Forms ............................................................................................................. 16
2.2.4 Victims' responses .......................................................................................... 18
2.2.5 Explanatory theories of sexual harassment .................................................... 20
2.2.5.1 The natural/ biological model ........................................................ 20
2.2.5.2 The organizational model .............................................................. 20
2.2.5.3 The socio-cultural model ............................................................... 21
2.2.5.4 The sex-role spillover model ......................................................... 22
2.2.6 Consequences of sexual harassment .............................................................. 23
2.2.7 Sexual harassment laws and policies ............................................................. 25
2.2.8 Cultural differences ........................................................................................ 28
2.3 Sexual harassment and women in the Muslim countries ...................................... 30
2.3.1 Factors influencing the level of women’s participation in public life ........... 31
2.3.1.1 Culture of honour ........................................................................... 34
2.3.1.2 Culture of seclusion ....................................................................... 35
2.3.2 Modernization and the role of women ........................................................... 36
2.3.2.1 Women, education and public life ................................................. 37
2.3.3 Women in the paid workforce ........................................................................ 39
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2.3.4 Sexual harassment and the silent society ....................................................... 42
2.3.5 Government’s reactions ................................................................................. 43
2.3.6 The role of non-government organizations .................................................... 45
2.4 Conclusion ............................................................................................................ 48
CHAPTER 3 UNITED ARAB EMIRATES: DEMOGRAPHY AND CULTURE ......... 51
3.1 Introduction ....................................................................................................... 51
3.2 The discovery of oil and associated demographic trends ................................. 52
3.3 Women in the UAE workplace ......................................................................... 53
3.4 The influence of Islam and Arab traditions upon UAE women in the workplace
................................................................................................................................. 56
3.5 Conclusion ........................................................................................................ 59
CHAPTER 4 RESEARCH METHODS ......................................................................... 61
4.1 Introduction ........................................................................................................... 61
4.2 The focus of the research: ..................................................................................... 61
4.3 Research design and methods ............................................................................... 63
4.3.1 Official government records .......................................................................... 66
4.3.2 Semi-structured interview .............................................................................. 67
4.3.2.1 Interview questions ........................................................................ 68
4.3.2.2 Pre- testing ..................................................................................... 69
4.3.2.3 Selection of participants ................................................................ 69
4.3.2.4 Interview process ........................................................................... 70
4.3.3 Questionnaire ................................................................................................. 72
4.3.3.1 Pre-testing ...................................................................................... 73
4.3.3.2 Questionnaire respondents ............................................................. 74
4.3.3.3 Administration of the questionnaire .............................................. 75
4.4 Data analysis ......................................................................................................... 76
4.5 Ethical considerations ........................................................................................... 76
4.6 Conclusion ............................................................................................................ 77
CHAPTER 5 FIRST STAGE: INTERVIEW ANALYSIS............................................. 78
5.1 Introduction ........................................................................................................... 78
5.2 Profile of the interviewees .................................................................................... 78
5.3 Role of women and men in UAE society .............................................................. 80
5.4 Role of women in paid work ................................................................................. 83
5.4.1 Government support for women’s participation in the paid workplace ......... 85
5.4.2 Male dominance in the workplace ................................................................. 90
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5.5 Sexual harassment ................................................................................................. 91
5.5.1 Meaning of sexual harassment ....................................................................... 91
5.5.2 Occurrence of sexual harassment ................................................................... 93
5.5.3 Causes ............................................................................................................ 94
5.5.3.1 Modernization ................................................................................ 95
5.5.3.2 Interaction between the genders .................................................... 96
5.5.3.3 Women’s behaviour ....................................................................... 97
5.5.4 Consequences ................................................................................................. 98
5.5.5 Policies and procedures ................................................................................ 100
5.5.6 Reporting of sexual harassment incidences ................................................. 102
5.5.7 Factors to prevent sexual harassment ........................................................... 105
5.5.7.1 Islamic teaching ........................................................................... 105
5.5.7.2 Arab Culture ................................................................................ 107
5.5.7.3 Separation .................................................................................... 110
5.5.7.4 Workplace rules, codes, and building design .............................. 111
5.5.7.5 Women’s behaviour, appearance / dress ..................................... 112
5.6 Conclusion .......................................................................................................... 114
CHAPTER 6 ................................................................................................................... 116
SECOND STAGE: QUESTIONNAIRE ANALYSIS .................................................... 116
6.1 Introduction ......................................................................................................... 116
6.2 The demographic characteristics of the respondents .......................................... 116
6.2.1 Respondents’ level of comfort ........................................................ 119
6.3 Women in paid work ........................................................................................... 119
6.3.1 Men as breadwinner ........................................................................ 120
6.3.2 Position of women in government employment ............................. 122
6.3.3 Reasons for joining the workforce .................................................. 123
6.3.4 Special facilities provided for working women .............................. 125
6.4 Sexual harassment in the workplace ................................................................... 126
6.4.1 Occurrence of sexual harassment ................................................................. 126
6.4.1.1 Forms of sexual harassment......................................................... 127
6.4.1.2 Description of harassers ............................................................... 127
6.4.1.3 Response to harassment ............................................................... 128
6.4.1.4 Consequences of sexual harassment upon the victim’s behaviour in
the workplace .................................................................................................... 130
6.4.2 Reasons for sexual harassment occurring .................................................... 131
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6.4.3 Factors to prevent sexual harassment ........................................................... 134
6.5 Conclusion .......................................................................................................... 138
CHAPTER 7 DISCUSSION ........................................................................................... 140
7.1 Introduction ......................................................................................................... 140
7.2 Role of men and women in UAE society ............................................................ 140
7.2.1 Role of men .................................................................................................. 141
7.2.2 Role of women ............................................................................................. 141
7.3 Sexual harassment ............................................................................................... 143
7.3.1 Recognition of sexual harassment ................................................................ 143
7.3.2 Definition of sexual harassment ................................................................... 143
7.3.3 Occurrence ................................................................................................... 145
7.3.4 Responses to harassment .............................................................................. 146
7.3.5 Factors contributing to sexual harassment ................................................... 147
7.3.6 Consequences ............................................................................................... 149
7.4 The importance of the cultural context: Islam/ Arab traditions .......................... 151
7.5 Conclusion .......................................................................................................... 155
CHAPTER 8 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION ....................................................... 156
8.1 Limitations and future research ....................................................................... 157
8.2 Contributions to organizational practices and policy ...................................... 159
REFERENCES................................................................................................................ 161
APPENDICES ................................................................................................................ 178
Appendix A: Support letter ....................................................................................... 178
Appendix B: Interview introductory questions ......................................................... 179
Appendix C: Interview's consent form ..................................................................... 182
Appendix D: Interview's consent form (Arabic version) .......................................... 183
Appendix E: Questionnaire information sheet .......................................................... 184
Appendix F: The questionnaire ................................................................................. 185
Appendix G: Institute of Administrative Development (IAD) approval letter (Arabic)
................................................................................................................................... 192
Appendix H: Dubai code of conduct (Arabic version) ............................................. 193
Appendix I : Dubai code of conduct (English version) ............................................ 209
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
In the Name of Allah, the most Gracious, the most Merciful “Say: "Truly, my prayer and
my service of sacrifice, my life and my death, are (all) for Allah, the Cherisher of the
worlds” (Qur’an 6:162)
The first and foremost, all praise and deep thanks is due to Allah (the creator), who helped
and guided me through the challenges of my study. Glory is to Allah who has given me
strength, patience and the knowledge to continue and finish my PhD journey.
This thesis would never see the sun without the full support of my mother, father, and my
wife who, after Allah, were my greatest supporters. They provided me with love, guidance,
prayers and endless support and wisdom. Theses are the things I will never be able to repay.
From the depth of my heart, I would like to express my gratitude to my supervisor,
Professor. Trish Todd from the School of Business for her guidance, intellectual advice and
patience throughout the research process. I owe her heartfelt thanks for her time and effort
in providing me supportive assistance throughout my study. My humblest acknowledgment
and gratitude go also to Professor. Samina Yasmeen from the School of Social and Cultural
Studies. Professor Yasmeen, my co- supervisor, joined my journey during the period in
which I was having the toughest time in my research. Many thanks for her guidance,
insightful comments and advice that has shown me a clear path toward accomplishing my
research. Moreover, I will never forget my former supervisor, Professor Joan Eveline, for
her guidance and teaching during the first year of my PhD study. Regrettably, she had to
leave me because of her cancer and finally she died. However, her moral support in her
informal correspondence with me through email or whenever she visited the University
occasionally and her attitude to fight her illness always kept my spirits up. She was also the
one who encouraged me for opening up into the research field and with her help I presented
a paper in the United Kingdom, entitled Pain and Gain, which was about UAE working
women. It is an interesting coincidence to mention that major support to me for this effort
for the cause of women did come from women, as all major supporters from my family and
my supervisors happen to be females.
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Furthermore, I would like to express my special thanks to my brother Dr. Fawzi Al-Dhokhi
from Kuwait University, for assisting me with statistics and data analysis. I would also like
to extend my deep thanks to Dr. Michael Azariadis for his valuable feedback on my thesis
and weekly workshops. I also consider it important to thank my brother Asim Aqeel who
worked hard to help me in proper arrangement of my ideas and editing my daily work
during last days of submission. Finally, many thanks to all academics and individuals who
have supported me in many ways toward the culmination of my research.
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LIST OF TABLES
Table 1: Forms of sexual harassment ................................................................................... 17
Table 2: Youth literacy rate in the Arab countries ............................................................... 37
Table 3: Demography of the interviewees ........................................................................... 79
Table 4: Gender x management level of respondents ........................................................ 117
Table 5: Gender x age of respondents ................................................................................ 117
Table 6: Gender x marital status of respondents ................................................................ 118
Table 7: Age x qualification of respondents ...................................................................... 118
Table 8: Respondents' degree of comfort in answering this questionnaire ........................ 119
Table 9: The rights of women to be in the workforce ........................................................ 120
Table 10: "Men should be the primary breadwinner in our society” ................................. 121
Table 11: "Males should receive job offers over women because they are the breadwinner"
............................................................................................................................................ 121
Table 12: The position of women in the government workplace is improving ................. 122
Table 13: Men are dominant in most government workplaces .......................................... 122
Table 14: The most important reason for joining the workforce x gender ........................ 124
Table 15: The most important reason for joining the workforce x age .............................. 124
Table 16: The most important reason for joining the workforce x marital status .............. 125
Table 17: Special facilities provided for working women in respondents' workplaces ..... 126
Table 18: Occurrence of sexual harassment incidences while being employed in the
government workplace ....................................................................................................... 126
Table 19: Forms of sexual harassment x gender ................................................................ 127
Table 20: Position and gender of harassers ........................................................................ 128
Table 21: The immediate response to sexual harassment .................................................. 129
Table 22: Telling others about sexual harassment incidences ........................................... 129
Table 23: The people to be told about sexual harassment ................................................. 130
Table 24: Consequences of sexual harassment upon the victim's behaviour in the workplace
............................................................................................................................................ 131
Table 25: Perceived reasons for sexual harassment occurring- responses ......................... 132
Table 26: Immodest behaviour by men .............................................................................. 132
Table 27: immodest behaviour by women ......................................................................... 133
Table 28: Women are harassed because of their demeanor or the way they dress ............ 133
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Table 29: Women are harassed because of their demeanor or the way they dress .............134
Table 30: Factors preventing sexual harassment ................................................................135
Table 31: Wearing hijab in the workplaces x respondent’s gender ....................................136
Table 32: Women and men in the workplaces should be separeted ...................................136
Table 33: Existence of sexual harassment policies and procedures ....................................137
Table 34: The need for sexual harassment policy ...............................................................137
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LIST OF APPENDICES
Appendix A: Support letter ................................................................................................ 178
Appendix B: Interview introductory questions .................................................................. 179
Appendix C: Interview's consent form ............................................................................... 182
Appendix D: Interview's consent form (Arabic version) ................................................... 183
Appendix E: Questionnaire information sheet ................................................................... 184
Appendix F: The questionnaire .......................................................................................... 185
Appendix G: Institute of Administrative Development (IAD) approval letter (Arabic) ... 192
Appendix H: Dubai code of conduct (Arabic version) ...................................................... 193
Appendix I : Dubai code of conduct (English version)...................................................... 209
1
CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION
1.1 My journey in to sexual harassment research
When I commenced this research my supervisor asked why I was interested in researching
the topic of sexual harassment in the UAE government. Being both male and Muslim there
was some concern that I might bring to the study some of my own biases or prejudices.
Clearly most of the leading scholars in the field are female and write from a feminist
perspective. Therefore, for these reasons, it is important to explain from the researcher’s
perspective why this topic was chosen as a PhD study. The personal journey that
culminated in this research began well before enrolling in a PhD program. My career
experience in the area of human resources in the UAE government shaped my thinking,
either directly or indirectly, toward selecting this topic.
After completing my bachelor’s degree in management at The UAE University in 1992, I
joined the government sector as an administrative officer. Here I found myself working
with eight UAE female engineers, one of whom was the head of the section. This was a
unique situation because I was at the time the only male to work in that section. I remained
working with them for three years, and during that time I became very close to my female
colleagues. This provided me with the opportunity to better appreciate the challenges that
are faced by UAE working women. I also was able to gain an insight into some of their
more private issues, including their family problems. In many instances they shared with
me details of their lives and also came to depend on me to act as an intermediary in dealing
with male co-workers.
Over the next three years, I attended many national and international training programs in
human resource management. In the mid 1990s, human resource management was not well
developed in the UAE government workplace, with few people receiving training in that
field. The deputy minister appointed me to head the human resource department in one of
the Ministry’s regional offices, and I continued to receive increasing levels of training.
Subsequently, I also became a human resource trainer. Since 1998, I have facilitated many
training programs and became an official government trainer. Whilst at the same time, I
continued with my primary job responsibilities as a human resource head of department.
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In relation to the present research, my job responsibilities as a manager and training
consultant helped me to understand the importance of having a healthy workplace
environment. In my role as both head of department and trainer, I had built solid networks
throughout the government department for which I worked, which comprised at that time
approximately 540 staff and around 90 contractors. I also interacted with senior
management. My responsibilities included assisting with recruitment, designing and
presenting workshops and training programs, consulting staff and advising and
participating in human resource committees. The nature of my position allowed me to
become a ‘shoulder to cry on’ for many staff. On a number of occasions both male and
female employees shared with me some of the more personal and confidential aspects of
their work life. What is more, these experiences made me realize that there are many
problems which relate to gender in the workplace that need to be addressed.
In 2001, I received a scholarship to undertake a Masters Degree in Human Resource
Development in the United States. It was during this time that I first learned about the issue
of workplace sexual harassment while studying a unit called ‘Managing Diversity’. This
topic remained in my mind and I wondered to what extent sexual harassment was occurring
in the workplace in my own country. Did it constitute a problem in the UAE workplace? If
so, why weren’t people discussing it openly? What might have prevented them from
discussing this issue? What role does culture play in all this? In short, this academic
learning led me to think about sexual harassment in the context of my present workplace.
After completing my Masters Degree I started to investigate this topic in the UAE
government workplace. I found that there were few answers and little research. I later
discussed the topic with my deputy minister, who told me, ‘Salim, this topic is very
sensitive, and no one knows the truth. I think our government workplace is secure and we
have no such problem here’. However, I was not satisfied with his answer, and I remained
curious to know more.
From my former experiences as a human resource practitioner and trainer some women had
confided in me that they had felt ‘uncomfortable’ due to some of the treatment they had
received from male colleagues in the past. However, they were unsure of what to do and to
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whom they should speak to about it. Thus in light of my work experiences in the UAE
government sector, I felt that we in this sector were facing, and will continue to face, a
growing dilemma related to the issue of sexual harassment.
Interestingly in my workplace discussions many government workers, including senior
managers, told me that Islam and Arab traditions ‘shield’ women from any form of sexual
harassment in the workplace. I decided, therefore, that my research question would focus
on investigating the impact of Islam and Arab traditions on sexual harassment. In addition,
the fact that senior people in the government were denying that sexual harassment poses a
challenge in the workplace, and because of the inherent sensitivity of the topic in my home
country, I recognized from the outset that this study would likely be extremely
confrontational.
1.2 Background to the research
The rapidly increasing number of women in paid work in the UAE creates the potential for
sexual harassment in the workplace. Despite this, there are no government sexual
harassment policies in the UAE. Between 1980 and 2000, women’s participation in the
UAE workforce increased rapidly, from 5.3 per cent to 20 per cent of the total workforce
(Salloum, 2003). The largest proportion of this female labour force in the UAE is located in
the public sector, where women with UAE citizenship comprise 40 per cent of the total
government workforce (Nelson, 2004). Interestingly, this number has increased
dramatically to the point where women now constitute two-thirds of all government sector
employees in the UAE (Burkholder, 2007).
Whilst both women and men can experience sexual harassment, research suggests that in
fact it is women who are more likely to be sexually harassed (Fitzgerald & Shullman, 1993;
Gutek & Koss, 1993; Kamal, Hassan, & Khalit, 2002; Lafontaine & Tredeau, 1986; O'Hare
& O'Donohue, 1998; Wayne, 2000). Most of this research, however, has been conducted in
the West, whilst little is known about sexual harassment in workplaces across the Arab-
Muslim world (Sensenig, 2002; Sigal, 2006). Furthermore, the nature of workplace gender
relations in the United Arab Emirates (UAE) means that there is potential for it to differ
substantially from the (cultural) context of the Western workplace, especially due to the
influence of Islam and Arab traditions (al-Hibri, 2000; Gallant & Pounder, 2008).
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Importantly, Muslim women in particular live in a society in which issues related to
sexuality are not openly discussed. Women are also surrounded by a masculine and
patriarchal culture, where the honour of women is thought to be ‘sacred’ (Wasti, Bergman,
Glomb, & Drasgow, 2000). Some researchers have argued that Islam and Arab traditions
provide respect to women, whilst others blame Islam and Arab traditions for oppressing
women. Therefore, having a good understanding of the position of women in Arab
countries is important, especially in relation to sexual harassment in the workplace.
Various researchers have noted the need for studies of sexual harassment to include Arab
Muslim workplaces (e.g. Barak, 1997; Pryor & McKinney, 1995; Wasti, et al., 2000). This
study responds to that need, in particular, it considers the impact of Islam and Arab
traditions, which are present in the context of the UAE, upon sexual harassment in the
government workplace. This research investigates the influence of local culture,
specifically Islam and Arab traditions, on perceptions of workers regarding gender roles in
UAE society, as well as sexual harassment in the UAE government workplace. The
researcher will argue that in the contemporary UAE, Islam is not the only factor that
impacts on the behaviour of government workers. Arab traditions similarly play a role in
shaping understandings about sexual harassment in the ‘mixed gender’ government
workplace. Within this context, modernization (i.e. economic development) has led UAE
government leaders and organizations to encourage more women to join the mixed gender
workplace. Whilst this has had a positive impact in relation to economic development,
including a higher standard of living and education opportunities for both men and women,
it has also created challenges for the maintenance of traditional values (informed by Islam
and Arab traditions). The crux of the problem is that Islam and Arab traditions place a
strong emphasis on modesty and gender separation, whilst modernization is predicated on
the existence of a homogenous work environment in which men and women interact freely
and with little restriction. Modernization has meant that without the traditional framework
for gender interaction, workers are left to negotiate new rules of engagement. In this
environment, the opportunity for sexual harassment increases. However, in the UAE, there
is no sexual harassment policy to protect workers and offer them clear guidelines as to what
constitutes sexual harassment, how to respond to such incidences, and to whom they should
report if it were to occur.
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More importantly, there have not been any studies conducted which have investigated
sexual harassment as a workplace problem in the UAE. One reason for this may be that
sexual harassment is a highly sensitive issue which is difficult to discuss openly. This is
partly because it is an issue more broadly related to gender. The silence that surrounds this
matter has led many to assume that sexual harassment is not a problem in the workplace.
Even government leaders are not familiar with, or aware of, this issue. UAE workplace
legislation does not clearly define sexual harassment, nor does it offer a specific policy
about sexual harassment. This situation makes the study of workplace sexual harassment
both challenging and valuable. The reason why such a study is important is that the UAE
government has been steadily encouraging greater numbers of women to join the
workforce, and without a clearly defined approach to, or understanding of, sexual
harassment, there is greater potential for problems in the future.
The primary objective of this research is to highlight the importance of sexual harassment
as a workplace problem. This research responds to this challenge by investigating how
Islam and Arab traditions impact sexual harassment in the UAE government workplace.
The research attempts to shed light on the status of women in Arab and Muslim countries;
the diverse views of women’s rights in Islam; and the way these interpretations define the
presence of women in the public sphere, especially in the UAE government workplace.
Furthermore, the impact of modernization will be analysed in relation to its effect on
established (that is ‘traditional’) gender relations in the UAE; as well as the role that
government plays in influencing these attitudes.
Essentially, it is my contention that an effective sexual harassment policy in the UAE
government workplace can only be developed though the systematic investigation of sexual
harassment; one that takes into consideration the influence of Islam and Arab traditions. In
addition, I also propose that it is vital to explore government senior managers’ and workers’
perceptions about sexual harassment. Therefore, the primary aims of this study are to
answer the following questions: What evidence is there of the occurrence of sexual
harassment in the UAE government workplace? What factors are contributing to the
occurrence of sexual harassment? And in what ways do Islam and Arab traditions influence
the nature of sexual harassment in the workplace?
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This study may assist government senior managers and policy makers in the UAE, and
possibly other Arab or Muslim countries, to understand sexual harassment and formulate
sexual harassment policies appropriate for the Muslim and/or Arab workplace in order to
provide a more respectful and safe environment for both workers and organizations. The
absence of policies dealing with sexual harassment may impact negatively on work
performance, which in turn may lead to a decline in productivity or otherwise harms human
resources in the form of skilled workers leaving the workforce. Research has highlighted
the negative effects that sexual harassment has on both the individual and on organizations
(Fitzgerald, et al., 1997; Gutek & Koss, 1993; O'Hare & O'Donohue, 1998). Therefore, the
formulation of policies is vital in maintaining a healthy workplace. Cockburn (1991) has
suggested that no matter how positive an organizational culture, its unwritten codes have no
power to eliminate sexual harassment. Kamal, et al. (2002) also suggests that no matter
what the organizational culture, designing a specific written sexual harassment policy is
essential in minimizing sexual harassment.
1.3 The significance of studying sexual harassment
Sexual harassment studies suggest that, even in countries and organizations that have
sexual harassment policies, less than 5% of sexual harassment victims report their
experience (Fitzgerald, 1993; Hardman, 2000). Even though this percentage might not
represent actual incidents, the percentage indicated above by these studies is alarming
enough to suggest the need to study the phenomenon of sexual harassment.
Since the 1990s, reports of sexual harassment globally have increased sharply (Basu, 2003;
Jackson & Newman, 2004; Lengnick-Hall & Sweeney, 2004). For example in 2001, in the
United States alone, 15,475 cases of sexual harassment were officially reported
(USAEEOC, 2007). Jackson and Newman (2004, p. 706) argue that ‘formal reports of
sexual harassment are on the rise. The overall number of sexual harassment charges
received by the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission increased from 10,532 in
1992 to 15,475 in 2001’. This increase occurred because some governments (and non
government organizations) have made the issue of sexual harassment more visible (Basu,
2003) and because there were more women in the workforce (Berdahl, 2007; Husbands,
1992). Schultz (1998) has further suggested that the legal system in developed countries
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routinely recognizes sexual harassment as a workplace issue. In other words, victims have
the right to report incidence of sexual harassment to a workplace authority which is
supported by the legal system. Having a clearly defined and accessible path for victims to
report sexual harassment increases public awareness and builds confidence in relation to
their legal rights. This encourages workers who experience sexual harassment to file
complaints.
Studying sexual harassment is important for both government organizations and the private
sector (Chan & Tang, 1999). Generally speaking, society’s workplaces reflect its culture;
this includes established gender relations and the status of women. Wasti, et al. (2000, p.
768) argues that ‘organisations, to a great extent, reflect the cultures in which they are
formed by virtue of their human components and their surrounding circumstances’. In
particular, Wasti, et al. (2000, p. 768) argue for the importance of studying sexual
harassment in Muslim countries, arguing that this ‘provides an exceptional opportunity for
exploring cultural issues in sexual harassment’. However, there has to date been no
systematic research examining the effects of sexual harassment on government
organizations within Arab countries (Wasti, et al., 2000). This type of research is critical
given the cultural context of UAE, where, as in many other patriarchal societies, men are
expected to be dominant, and women to be dependent and subordinate.
Cockburn (1991) has suggested no matter how positive an organizational culture may be,
unwritten, informal codes of behaviour have no power to eliminate sexual harassment. In
order to alert people to the issue, and create robust anti-sexual harassment policies, Chan
and Tang (1999) argue that it is imperative to enlarge and formalize systematic research in
different cultures in order to expand our knowledge of the issues surrounding sexual
harassment; in particular how it affects victims and how they respond. Studying sexual
harassment in the UAE government workplace will also benefit international companies
who are investing in the country. Firstly, it will create a greater awareness of the cultural
sensitivities of Arab and Muslim workers. Secondly, it will lead to better management
styles, greater worker protection, and therefore increased worker performance and
productivity (Luthar & Luthar, 2007). Shu and Mei (2005, p. 715) for example, state that
‘[u]nderstanding differences in sexual harassment in different cultures should help to
8
improve cultural sensitivity, particularly in environments where people of diverse races and
nationalities work together’.
1.4 Delimitations of scope and key assumptions
This research purposely focuses on investigating sexual harassment in the UAE
government workplace, and the impact of cultural factors such as Islam and Arab traditions
on sexual harassment. The research cohort are UAE government officers, both male and
female, who are Arab Muslims and work in a mixed gender government organizations.
One delimitation of this research is that it was undertaken in the government sector; which
is a workforce comprised predominantly of UAE nationals, including women, who are the
ones most directly impacted by sexual harassment. The private sector workplace is different
because there larger proportion is of expatriates who are not much influenced by Islam, or
local Arab traditions. The inclusion of foreign workers in the study would complicate the
analysis and require additional research. This is because the cultural backgrounds of
expatriate workers often differ from UAE citizens.
Another delimitation is that the research needed to be situated within a mixed gender
workplace. In this research, single gender workplaces were purposely avoided because of
the nature of the research topic, which sought to highlight the dynamics of gender relations
within a clearly defined workplace context. For example, other than in central management
departments, the UAE Ministry of education is a single gender workplace environment;
men work with men, whilst women work with women. In such a situation it would be more
difficult to obtain data relating to instances or experiences of sexual harassment.
1.5 Outline of the thesis
This thesis is comprised of eight chapters. Following this Introduction, Chapter 2 presents
the literature review, which includes two main sections. The first section relates to
workplace sexual harassment within the existing literature, encompassing definitions,
forms, occurrence and responses, consequences, policies and cultural differences. The first
section also includes the theories of sexual harassment, in particular, the four major
theories/models which are generally used to explain why sexual harassment occurs. The
second section of the literature review incorporates a review of published sources relating
9
to the impact of Islamic teachings and Arab traditions on Muslim women with regards to
gender issues, as well as the impact of education and modernization in changing the role of
women in society. This section also highlights the issue of sexual harassment in the Muslim
countries and identifies government and non-government efforts to raise awareness of, and
recognize, sexual harassment as a workplace challenge. This section also includes some
examples from other Muslim countries, including Malaysia, Bangladesh and Turkey,
regarding the efforts of both the state and NGOs to combat sexual harassment in the
workplace.
Chapter 3 presents information relating to the demography, and cultural and social
background, of the UAE. This chapter outlines some of the most critical issues relating to
Islamic teachings and Arab traditions that shape perceptions of UAE workers towards
women in the paid workforce. This chapter also highlights the situation of UAE women in
society more generally and, in particular, within the context of the UAE government
workplace. UAE working women are experiencing a transformative period in the history of
the nation, one that is characterized by a tension between the (cultural) forces of modernity
and tradition. The aim of this section is to provide the reader with contextual information
about the impact of rapid socioeconomic change, Islam and Arab traditions on UAE
society, and in particular working women.
Chapter 4 describes and justifies the research paradigm, methods and procedures used in
this research, including data collection and analysis techniques. The chapter also discusses
the specific data collection instruments employed in the research, namely semi-structured
interviews and questionnaire. In this chapter, there is also an explanation as to how the
inherent sensitivity of the research topic helped shape the research design.
This is followed by chapters 5 and 6, which respectively report the findings of the
interviews, as well as the results of the questionnaire. Chapter 5 deals specifically with the
data generated from the interviews which were designed to elicit from UAE government
senior managers their perceptions of gender roles in UAE society and the government
workplace; especially in relation to honour and sexual harassment; their knowledge as to
the existence, or otherwise, of sexual harassment policy and procedures in the workplace;
and finally their perception of how Islam and Arab traditions shapes gender interaction,
10
existing workplace regulation and future policy design. Chapter 6 then deals with the
analysis of the questionnaire. The questionnaire was administered to a different cohort of
government employees, namely those officers who work under senior management. The
questionnaire was designed to broadly investigate the role of women in the workplace, the
conditions they experience, and a variety of other issues related to sexual harassment.
Based on the data presented in the two previous analysis chapters, chapter 7 discusses the
empirical findings of the interview, and the questionnaire, with relation to the relevant
existing academic literature. This chapter was divided into three broad sections. The first
discusses the roles of men and women in UAE society. The second section presents an
interpretation of the respondents’ understanding of sexual harassment in light of the
existing literature. The third section relates to the influence of cultural values on the
participants’ understandings of sexual harassment. This section highlights the way in which
UAE women are surrounded by cultural values and traditional norms, and the impact of
Islam and Arab traditions on workers’ understandings of sexual harassment.
Finally, Chapter 8 concludes the research by summarizing the contributions of the research
findings. It also explains some of the limitations to the research. The chapter also includes
suggestions for further research in the area of sexual harassment in the workplace,
especially in UAE and other Muslim countries.
11
CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1 Introduction
This chapter reviews previous research relevant to this thesis. Given the topic of sexual
harassment in the workplace in the UAE, it is essential to begin by examining past research
on sexual harassment in the workplace. As will be seen, however, most of this research has
occurred in a Western context. Numerous researchers have indicated the need to take
account of cultural differences in understanding the occurrence of sexual harassment,
hence, the second section in this chapter explores the work of earlier researchers on the
impact of Islamic values and Arab culture upon the position of women in UAE society and,
where literature is available, within the workplace.
2.2 Workplace sexual harassment
This section reviews what is known from research specifically related to sexual harassment
in the workplace, in particular, how it is defined, its occurrence, forms, who are the victims
and the harassers, as well as victims' responses. The explanations for the occurrence of
sexual harassment and its consequences, policies and cultural differences will also be
considered.
Sexual harassment has long existed in the workplace, however, till the early 1970’s this
behavior was ‘invisible’ (Samuels, 2004) and not allocated a name (Bimrose, 2004). Sexual
harassment was named only in 1974, by a group of Cornell University students while
discussing issues related to women and the workplace (Basu, 2003; Farley, 1978;
MacKinnon, 1979). Many debates and discussions have since taken place in an attempt to
formalize the issue and create laws to prevent sexual harassment from taking place. For
example, in 1980, the United States Equal Employment Opportunity Commission issued
guidelines on discrimination based on sex, including the declaration that sexual harassment
was illegal. Subsequently, the term ‘sexual harassment’ has been recognized and actions
have been taken by governments and organizations in many countries in response to the
problem (MacKinnon, 1979).
12
2.2.1 Definition of sexual harassment
Despite in the multitude of definitions of sexual harassment in the published literature
(Bimrose, 2004), some still argue that it is not easy to find an exact, understandable, and
workable definition of sexual harassment (Bimrose, 2004; Keyton & Rhodes, 1997; Levy
& Paludi, 2002; Saguy, 2000).
Petrocelli and Repa (1995, p. 2) offer a broad definition of sexual harassment in the
workplace, describing it as ‘any unwelcome sexual advance or conduct on the job that
creates an intimidating, hostile or offensive working environment’. The most important
element to emphasize in the definition of sexual harassment is that it is ‘unwelcome
behaviour of a sexual nature’. This definition allows a gap to be created between offensive
and acceptable behaviour according to the incident-context judged by the victims
themselves (Lengnick-Hall, 1995). For example, certain actions might be offensive to some
people, while others consider the same action as inoffensive (McCann, 2005). Lafontaine
and Tredeau (1986, p. 435) offer a narrower definition in which they consider sexual
harassment to essentially be a gender issue. They define sexual harassment as ‘any action
occurring within the workplace, whereby women are treated as objects of the male sexual
prerogative’. The core of this definition is reflected in Welsh’s (1999, p. 170) research
where she argues that sexual harassment is often about women being made to feel
unwelcome in the workplace, and ‘not respected members of the working group’. These
definitions of sexual harassment, however, do not include a space for male victims.
Research has in fact shown that men can also suffer sexual harassment in the workplace
(Bronner, Peretz, & Ehrenfeld, 2003; Jackson & Newman, 2004; Wayne, 2000).
Legal definitions of sexual harassment tend to be more specific. For example, The
American Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC, 1980) has defined sexual
harassment as follows:
unwelcome sexual advances, requests for sexual favors, and other verbal or physical conduct of a sexual nature constitute sexual harassment when (1) submission to such conduct is made either explicitly or implicitly a term or condition of an individual's employment, (2) submission to or rejection of such conduct by an individual is used as the basis for employment decisions affecting such individual, or (3) such conduct has the purpose or effect of unreasonably interfering with an individual's work performance or creating an intimidating, hostile, or offensive working environment.
13
There are some common elements that are highlighted in legal definitions in the existing
literature (Bakirci, 2001; Paludi, Nydegger, Desouza, Nydegger, & Dicker, 2006; Samuels,
2004; Summers, 1996). These include the following:
(a) The harassment must be behaviour of a sexual nature, unreasonable and offensive to the
recipient;
b) The harassment must be sufficiently severe or pervasive to create an abusive working
environment;
(c) The harassment must have affected a term, condition, or privilege of employment.
Even with these common elements in defining sexual harassment, there are difficulties in
determining how people perceive sexual harassment. This creates challenges in dealing
with sexual harassment (Eisenman, 1999; Keyton & Rhodes, 1997; York, 1989) and factors
such as gender, and social attitudes can alter the perception of sexual harassment
(Hotelling, 1991; Lunt, 1994; Welsh, et al., 2006). For example, it has been argued that
both women and men with stereotypical masculine bent provide narrower definitions of
sexual harassment than others (Powell & Butterfield, 1979). Women were also more likely
to identify more incidents as sexual harassment than men (Mazer & Percival, 1989; Powell,
1986). Other scholars argue that there is a lack of understanding of the issue, mainly
because of the lack of a clear, universally accepted definition and/or because of the impact
of cultural differences (Basu, 2003; Gelfand, Fitzgerald, & Drasgow, 2002; Gruber &
Bjorn, 1982; Hardman, 2000; Kennedy & Gorzalka, 2002; Paludi, et al., 2006; Powell,
1986). Furthermore, Barak (1997) contends that the nature of sexual harassment itself stays
quite uniform across different countries. However, the variable of different moral and
behavioral standards means that sexual harassment is interpreted in a variety of ways
depending upon the social and cultural context. Given that there are diverse perceptions as
to what constitutes sexual harassment; one can begin to appreciate the difficulty in finding
consensus as to a more precise definition than what is now available.
2.2.2 Occurrence
Studies of sexual harassment have been focused on the frequency of harassment, as well as
identifying the recipients and perpetrators (i.e. Fitzgerald & Shullman, 1993; Gutek, 1985;
U.S.MSPB, 1981; Tangri, et al., 1982). The low levels of reporting of sexual harassment
14
incidents, however, makes the precise quantification of workplace sexual harassment
difficult (Bimrose, 2004). Although, both women and men may experience sexual
harassment, research suggests that women are most likely to be sexually harassed
(Fitzgerald & Shullman, 1993; Gutek & Koss, 1993; Kamal, et al., 2002; Lafontaine &
Tredeau, 1986; O'Hare & O'Donohue, 1998; Wayne, 2000). Gutek (1985) has reported that
53% of working women in the United States have been sexually harassed. Similarly
Fitzgerald, et al. (1988) surveyed 1746 females in the United States and has reported that
nearly half have experienced sexual harassment. Again Brooks and Perot (1991) in a study
conducted in the United States, reported findings similar to previous studies. In 1994, the
U.S. Merit Systems Protection Board (U.S.MSPB) reported in their random sample of
24000 federal workers that 44 % of women and 19 % of men reported experiencing at least
one incident of sexual harassment (U.S.MSPB, 1995). In 2008, the Australian Human
Rights Commission found in a national telephone survey that 22% of women, and 5% of
men, had experienced sexual harassment in the workplace (HREOC, 2008). Moreover, in
the Malaysian context, according to a 1999 survey which involved 586 government
administrators, it was discovered that 50% of women, and 43% of men respondents,
reported experiencing some form of sexual harassment in their workplace (Ng & Othman,
2002). In addition to this the United Nations report (2006, p. 42) has stated that:
European surveys have shown significant rates of sexual harassment in the workplace, with between 40 and 50 per cent of women in the European Union reporting some form of sexual harassment or unwanted sexual behaviour in the workplace. 133 small surveys in Asia-Pacific countries indicate that 30 to 40 per cent of women workers report some form of harassment — verbal, physical or sexual
An analysis of sexual harassment studies suggests that men are the most likely perpetrators
of sexual harassment (Eveline, 1998; Goodman, Koss, Fitzgerald, Russo, & Keita, 1993;
Jackson & Newman, 2004; Lafontaine & Tredeau, 1986; Paludi, et al., 2006; Thacker &
Gohmann, 1996). In this regard, Lengnick-Hall (1995) argues that there are three
distinguishable types of harassers: the ‘hard core’, the ‘opportunist’, and the ‘insensitive’.
Hard core harassers are those who intentionally seek situations that provide them with the
opportunity to harass. Opportunist harassers are more common as they tend not too actively
look for situations to harass, but they will take advantage of an opportunity when it arises.
The last type is insensitive harassers or those who are simply unaware of how their
behavior affects others. Insensitive harassers do not intentionally seek to harass, and when
15
confronted with the impact of their behavior, they will stop. On the other hand, Tehrani
(1996) groups all harassers together, claiming that they always in some way come to justify
their actions. She argues that this reflects their lack of morality, poor self image and
interpersonal skills, as well as their inability to build affective friendships. Moreover, the
literature suggests that co-workers are the most likely harassers and then follow superiors in
rank, subordinates and clients (Jackson & Newman, 2004; Lafontaine & Tredeau, 1986).
Research suggests that a number of demographic factors influence the occurrence of sexual
harassment in the workplace. These demographic factors include workplace gender ratios,
marital status, age and level of education. These factors are important in identifying which
employees are more likely to be the victims of sexual harassment.
Firstly, researchers have identified workplace gender ratios as a factor influencing the
occurrence of sexual harassment (Fain & Anderton, 1987; Fitzgerald, Drasgow, Hulin,
Gelfand, & Magley, 1997; Glomb, Munson, Hulin, Bergman, & Drasgow, 1999; Gruber,
1998; Gruber & Bjorn, 1982; Gutek & Cohen, 1987; Jackson & Newman, 2004; Stringer &
Remick, 1990). Gruber and Bjorn (1982) have stated that when the visibility of women
increased in the workplace, the frequency and severity of sexual harassment likewise
increased. Berdahl (2007, p. 427) noted that ‘research has shown that women in male-
dominated work contexts are sexually harassed more than women in balanced or in female-
dominated ones’.
Secondly, several researchers have also suggested that marital status is an important factor
which impacts on the occurrence of sexual harassment (Gruber & Bjorn, 1982; Gutek,
1985; Huda, 2003; Kelly, et al., 1991; Lafontaine & Tredeau, 1986; Powell & Butterfield,
1979). Huda (2003) has claimed that in Bangladesh, single, divorced, or widowed women
are more likely to be harassed than married women. Husbands (1992) argued that in the
United States, single and divorced women have a greater chance of being sexually
harassed. Ryan and Kenig (1991) working in the United States, also found that unmarried
female workers reported more incidences of sexual harassment as compared to married
females.
16
Thirdly, age is another factor that has been found to be an indicator influencing sexual
harassment (DeSouza, Solberg, & Elder, 2007; Fain & Anderton, 1987; Lafontaine &
Tredeau, 1986; Reese & Lindenberg, 2005). In Australia, Spain, and Belgium, for example,
working women between 26 and 30 years old were found to be most likely to be harassed
because of their youth, assumed sexual experience, and limited knowledge of their rights in
the workplace (Husbands, 1992). Reese and Lindenberg (2005) have stated that older
women hold different attitudes toward sexual harassment and are less likely than younger
women to report incidents; suggesting ‘non-reporting’ as the difference perhaps rather than
non-occurrence.
Finally, it is also apparent from the published research that the level of victims’ education is
another factor influencing sexual harassment (Fain & Anderton, 1987; Gutek, 1985).
Jackson and Newman (2004) have concluded that the higher the level of education, the
lower is the incidence of sexual harassment. In addition, job classification has also been
found to be a factor; the higher the job classification workers hold, the less likely they are
to encounter sexual harassment (Jackson & Newman, 2004). The research then suggests
that class plays a role in determining sexual harassment.
2.2.3 Forms
Sexual harassment may take many forms; it can be practised verbally, non-verbally or
physically (Bildt, 2005; Gutek, 1980; HREOC, 2008; MSPB, 1995; Petrocelli & Repa,
1995; Rose, 1977; Wells & Kracher, 1993). The following table provides some examples of
the diverse forms sexual harassment can take:
17
Table 1: Forms of sexual harassment
Verbal behaviour Non-Verbal Physical
- Telling sexually explicit
jokes and stories
- Making offensive
comments about an
individual’s body and/or
his/her clothing
- Asking questions about an
individual’s sex life
- Repeatedly asking for
casual meetings outside
of working hours, even
after being refused
- Making anonymous
offensive phone calls.
- Suggestive looks and
gestures such as leering
or displaying
pornographic material
- Bringing offensive sexual
literature into the offices
or work sites
- Sending offensive
communications through
emails, letters, faxes and
other electronic media.
- Unwelcome physical
contact such as touching,
patting or pinching
(either in private or in the
presence of another)
- soliciting sexual favours
- Unwelcome hugging,
cornering or kissing
- More severe forms of
inappropriate physical
contact, such as actual or
attempted rape or sexual
assault
From a legal standpoint, sexual harassment can be divided into two common
classifications; ‘quid pro quo’ and ‘hostile work environment1
1 Basu (2003, p. 145) stated that, ‘the “hostile environment” clause suggests that what constitutes sexual
harassment may well have a cultural element to it and so may, reasonably, differ across time or across nations.
In the United States, defendants in harassment cases have sometimes tried to use the First Amendment …,
arguing that, for instance, Playboy posters in the workplace should be allowed as a form of freedom of
expression. Even if we were to contest this argument, most people would recognize that there is a line where
not all art or expression that is somehow related to sex or gender and that offends a single person should be
grounds for a sexual harassment suit. The point here is that different societies may wish to draw the line in
different places’.
’ (Basu, 2003; Bimrose,
2004; L. Fitzgerald, et al., 1997; Jorgenson & Wahl, 2000; Thacker & Gohmann, 1996).
‘Quid pro quo’, literally means ‘this for that’ and refers to instances where the harasser uses
intimidation or the enticement of favorable employment decisions to gain sexual favours
(Paludi, et al., 2006). This is a conditional form of harassment which requires compliance
of a personal nature, such as dating (Thacker & Gohmann, 1996). ‘Hostile work
18
environment’ is verbal or physical behaviour that creates an intimidating and antagonistic
work environment (Bimrose, 2004). Hostile work environment harassment occurs within a
workplace culture in which victims and their efforts are devalued and denigrated. Such an
environment may reduce employee’s work performance and their levels of productivity
(MSPB, 1995). Unlike quid pro quo, hostile work environment may derive from several
parties: employer, employees, clients, and others (USAEEOC, 2006). Robinson, et al.
(2005, p. 506), argues that a ‘single incident of physical assault, physical contact with
intimate body areas, or, in some special instances, verbal abuse, particularly threats of
violence, can result in creating an immediate hostile environment’.
Conversely, ‘gender harassment’ is a form of hostile work environment which often
includes repetitive unwelcome sexual behaviours (Dara & Ruth, 1994; Fitzgerald, et al.,
1988; MacKinnon, 1979; Petrocelli & Repa, 1995; Sandy Welsh, 1999). Schultz (1998, p.
1687) has stated that,
Making a woman the object of sexual attention can also work to undermine her image and self-confidence as a capable worker. Yet, much of the time, harassment assumes a form that has little or nothing to do with sexuality, but everything to do with gender.
Berdahl (2007) notes that gender harassment appears to be motivated by hostility toward
individuals who violate gender ideals of society.
2.2.4 Victims' responses
The continuum of possible responses by victims to sexual harassment includes; submitting
to the harassment, ignoring the behaviour, avoiding the perpetrator or the place of possible
meeting with the perpetrator, confronting the perpetrator, changing place or job, reporting
to management or higher supervisors, reporting to the police or asking for legal support
(Dara & Ruth, 1994). The research suggests that female victims’ responses fluctuate
between avoidance and confrontation (Gruber & Smith, 1995; Sandy Welsh, 1999) while
the number of victims seeking legal help or filing a formal complaint is very low (Dara &
Ruth, 1994; J. Gruber & Smith, 1995). A number of studies have concluded that less than
10% of respondents file a complaint or legal suit (Fitzgerald, et al., 1988; Hotelling, 1991;
Tangri, Burt, & Johnson, 1982; Sandy Welsh & Gruber, 1999). Welsh (1999, p. 182) has
stated that ‘women do not report harassment for a variety of reasons ranging from a fear of
19
retaliation or disbelief to a fear of losing one’s job or making the situation worse’. Gruber
and Smith (1995) have revealed that women in general gave unassertive responses to
harassment in several contexts, such as when the harassment is not severe, the harasser is
not their supervisor, when there is a lack of workplace sexual harassment policies, and
when they think that sexual harassment is not a power issue. It has been argued that
harassed women are most likely to quit their job if the harassment is unbearable (Barling &
Dekker, 1996; J. Gruber & Smith, 1995) or if the organization does not provide adequate
support for the victims (Gruber & Smith, 1995). Gutek (1985) in her cross-sectional survey
of working women, found that one out of every seven respondents had left their job due to
sexual harassment. Women usually avoid reporting the harassment because they feel
embarrassed (J. Gruber & Smith, 1995; Tangri, et al., 1982) or as victims they blame
themselves for the harassment (Jensen & Gutek, 1982). Others failed to report any
instances of sexual harassment because they feel that nothing would be done, or perhaps it
would be held against them (Tangri, et al., 1982).
Gruber and Smith (1995) have suggested that one of the most significant factors predicting
women’s responses to harassment is the fear that there will be a negative impact on them
within their work environment. According to their analysis, most harassed women prefer
not to disrupt their work routine or relationships; therefore, they use less assertive responses
in managing sexual harassment. In other cases, women might also be worried about harm to
the harasser (Gutek, 1985).
Riger (1991) has suggested that women often use informal strategies to solve their
problems. She has suggested that whilst men use formal structures associated with the
complaint process, women are more oriented toward responsibility and concern for their
harassers which leads them to prefer informal solutions to their problem. Unsurprisingly,
the level of severity of the harassment might influence the nature of the responses from the
victims (Gruber & Bjorn, 1982; J. E. Gruber, 1990; Gutek & Koss, 1993). Gruber (1990)
for example, suggested that in cases of more severe sexual harassment, women react more
assertively.
20
2.2.5 Explanatory theories of sexual harassment
Researchers have concluded that no single theory sufficiently explains the causes of sexual
harassment (Sandy Welsh, 1999). This is because it is necessary to take account of factors
at multiple levels- the individual, the organization, and the society (Bimrose, 2004; O'Hare
& O'Donohue, 1998). Studies have proposed four prominent models to explain the
existence of sexual harassment: the natural/biological model (Tangri, et al., 1982; Tangri &
Hayes, 1997), the organizational model (Tangri, et al., 1982), the socio-cultural model
(Farley, 1978; MacKinnon, 1979; Tangri, et al., 1982) and the sex-Role Spillover model
(Gutek & Morasch1982).
2.2.5.1 The natural/ biological model
The natural/ biological model represents sexual harassment as an anticipated consequence
of humans’ sex drives (Tangri, et al., 1982; Tangri & Hayes, 1997). This model suggests
that a person (usually male) in expressing their sexual interest in another person {usually
female) may harass that person (Tangri, et al., 1982). In adopting this model, some have
argued that men’s stronger sex drive results in them being the most frequent harasser (Glass
& Wright, 1985).
Research suggests that the harasser sometimes blames the victim, citing for example a
woman’s dress code (Baugh, 1997; Collins & Blodgett, 1981; Ng & Othman, 2002) or
women’s behaviour (Stockdale & Vaux, 1993; R. Summers & Myklebust, 1992; Summers,
1991; Workman & Jonson, 1991) which may trigger the perpetrator’s sexual interest.
Women’s dress and behaviour can be misinterpreted as being overtly sexual by men
(Abbey, 1982; Abbey & Melby, 1986). Some scholars suggest that women with their
appearance and behaviour, even with no direct intention to attract men sexually, take part at
least indirectly in sexual harassment (Ellis, Barak, & Pinto, 1991; Stockdale Margaret S. &
Vaux Alan, 1993). However, it is important to note that this theory neglects the role of
power and gender inequality between the harassed and the harasser, especially in the sexual
harassment of women by men (Hardman, 2000; Tangri, et al., 1982).
2.2.5.2 The organizational model
This model views sexual harassment as being the result of certain opportunities which are
created by an organization’s structure, culture and management style (Tangri, et al., 1982).
21
The power that comes from a (usually gendered) hierarchical structure which is embedded
within organizations often provides opportunities for sexual harassment (Levy & Paludi,
2002; MacKinnon, 1979). As a result, senior staff may use their power to harass
subordinates (O'Hare & O'Donohue, 1998; Sandy Welsh, 1999). As O'Hare and O'Donohue
(1998) and Gruber (1998) explain, this power can derive from two types of dominance. The
first is termed normative dominance, whereby there are a small number of male managers
who exert control or authority over a larger number of female employees. The second is
termed numerical dominance, whereby there are a much larger number of, for example,
men than women within one workplace. Both types of dominance, normative and
numerical, increase opportunities for sexual harassment to occur (Sandy Welsh, 1999).
Fitzgerald, et al. (1997) present a model that identifies two basic organizational factors that
may contribute to sexual harassment. The first is organizational climate, which means that
the nature of the relationship between employees and management conditions workers’
attitude toward sexual behaviour. Sigal (2006) has suggested that the organizational climate
plays an important role in allowing sexual harassment to occur (or vice-versa); especially in
cases where there is no provision for the punishment of harassers. This situation is likely to
discourage victims from reporting incidents. The second organizational factor that might
contribute to sexual harassment is job gender context. This relates to the situation where
women may experience more sexual harassment upon entering non-traditional workplaces
such as the military, mining, and other male-dominated sectors (Eveline & Booth, 2002;
Fitzgerald, Buchanan, Collinsworth, Magley, & Ramos, 1999).
2.2.5.3 The socio-cultural model
The socio-cultural model proposes that sexual harassment occurs because of power
differences in society, where males control the public space (Gutek, 1980, 1985). Welsh
(1999, p. 176) states, ‘The sociocultural theory posits that sexual harassment is a product of
culturally legitimated power and status differences between men and women’. A feminist
theory of sexual harassment would state that male power plays a central role in sexual
harassment (e.g. Cleveland & Kerst, 1993; Cockburn, 1991; Gutek, 1985; Mackinnon,
1979). Fitzgerald, et al. (1988, p. 174) for instance has stated that ‘the central concept of
sexual harassment is the misuse of power’.
22
Never the less, there are different types of power that can lead to sexual harassment; such
as ascribed power, achieved power, and situational power. These forms of power derive
from position or job status, access to information, gender, and money (Pfeffer, 1981;
Ragins & Sundstorm, 1989; Schein, 1977). Sexual harassment is inherently an abuse of
power and is related to traditional theories. These theories are related to the level of power
in organizational hierarchies and gender differences in cultural beliefs and values (e.g.
Farley, 1978; Gutek, 1985; Mackinnon, 1979; Stringer, et al., 1990). The socio-cultural
model views sexual harassment as an oppression and a confluence of male sex interest and
institutional power (Lafontaine & Tredeau, 1986).
A number of researchers argue that considering and specifying the nature, level, and source
of power is an important step in recognizing the effects of sexual harassment (Cleveland &
Kerst, 1993; Stringer, et al., 1990; Eagly & Mladinic, 1989; Johnson, 1976). Existing
studies suggest that female workers suffer the most from sexual harassment (e.g. Bildt,
2005; Cortina & Wasti, 2005; Lim & Cortina, 2005) while men rarely receive sexual
harassment at work from women (e.g. Gutek, 1985; Mackinnon, 1979). According to these
studies, women are more likely than men to be victims of sexual harassment, especially if
they are in traditional male occupations (Levy & Paludi, 2002).
The socio-cultural model further suggests that men are socialized from an early age to
demonstrate leadership, dominancy and sexual initiative, whilst women are expected to be
submissive. According to this view, male dominance in society also permeates the
workplace (Luthar & Luthar, 2007).
The socio-cultural model is particularly relevant to patriarchal societies (Cockburn, 1991;
MacKinnon, 1979). Levy and Paludi (2002, p. 71) for instance state that ‘[t]he sociocultural
theory posits sexual harassment as only one manifestation of the much larger patriarchal
system in which men are the dominant group. Therefore, harassment is an example of men
asserting their personal power based on sex’.
2.2.5.4 The sex-role spillover model
The developers of the sex-role spill over model Gutek and Morasch (1982) argue that
workplace sexual harassment occurs when gender-based expectations, which are unrelated
23
and inappropriate for work, are brought into the workplace. This is most likely to happen
when the sex-ratio is heavily skewed toward either men or women (Gutek, 1985; Sandy
Welsh, 1999). This situation may lead to the gender in the weaker position to be harassed
(Tangri, et al., 1982). According to Gutek and Morasch (1982), women who work in non-
traditional (i.e. male dominant) jobs experience more sexual harassment than do other
women. Sigal (2006) has suggested that when men occupy powerful positions at home, in
government, and in the world, this dominant power will be reproduced in the workplace as
well.
In relation to the occurrence of sexual harassment, this model is considered to be one of the
most persuasive (Tangri & Hayes, 1997). Nevertheless, Tangri and Hayes (1997) call into
question the validity of this model, suggesting that it does not provide enough evidence to
be held up as the primary cause of sexual harassment in the workplace. According to these
researchers, the results of the US Merit Systems Protection Board study (USMSPB, 1981,
cited in Tangri & Hayes, p. 117) which included a large number of participants (23,964 in
total) did not support this model when tested in a reversal of the sex ratio (whereby men
work in a female-dominated workplace). O'Hare and O'Donohue (1998) have suggested
that while this model is more comprehensive in its explanation than the organizational
model, it still fails to take into account the personal variables related to harassers and their
victims.
Each of the above models contributes to an analysis of the of the causes of sexual
harassment, albeit that none of the theories on their own provide comprehensive
explanation (Sandy Welsh & Gruber, 1999).
2.2.6 Consequences of sexual harassment
Research has highlighted the negative effects that sexual harassment has on individuals and
on organizations (Fitzgerald, et al., 1997; Gutek & Koss, 1993). As Dara and Ruth (1994)
pointed out that sexual harassment impacts negatively on victims' economic status, work
performance, career opportunities, personal relationships and psychological and physical
health. Organizations pay a high price for sexual harassment in terms of lost productivity,
job turnover, and potential compensation claims.
24
There is substantial data on the significant negative impact of sexual harassment on
victims’ careers and on their physical, psychological health and social wellbeing. Petrocelli
and Repa (1995, pp. 1/8-9) summarize the job-related and emotional consequences of
sexual harassment for the victims as follows:
Male workers who harass a woman on the job are doing more than annoying her. They are reminding her of her vulnerability, creating tensions that make her job more difficult and making her hesitant to seek higher paying jobs where she may perceive the tension as even greater. In short, sexual harassment creates a climate of intimidation and repression. A woman who is the target of sexual harassment often goes through the same processes of victimization as one who has suffered rape, battering or other gender-related crimes— frequently blaming herself and doubting her own self-worth.
Concerning the impact on the victim's career, Tangri, Burt, and Johnson (1982) reported
that less than 10 percent of the people surveyed thought that it led to some negative job
changes, such as denial of promotion, transferring or quitting to move to another job. In the
same study, participants reported a change in feelings about work, and in some people’s
opinion emotional or physical health conditions deteriorated. Gutek and Koss (1993) have
stated that sexual harassment could lead women to select less well paid jobs, and it can
restrain the potential for forming friendships with male workers. Similarly, O'Hare and
O'Donohue (1998) noted that sexual harassment creates disruptions in careers and
relationships with co-workers. Fitzgerald, et al. (1997) found that women who experience
sexual harassment reported both higher levels of absenteeism, and have a higher chance of
leaving their job compared to women who have not been harassed.
Fitzgerald, et al. (1988) found that women victims also experience physical symptoms like
backache, headache, and nausea. Similarly, women who suffer sexual harassment can
experience emotional stress and psychological reactions such as depression (Farley, 1978;
Fitzgerald, et al., 1988; Sims, Drasgow, & Fitzgerald, 2005). Because of sexual harassment,
women may experience lower concentration, a decline in productivity, and lower job
satisfaction, which directly leads to job desertion (e.g. Cortina, et al., 2001; Dansky &
Kilpatrick, 1997; Gutek, 1985; Rospenda, et al., 2000). Surveys have shown that over 90%
of victims of sexual harassment suffer a high degree of emotional distress (Dara & Ruth,
1994). Victims may become ill, especially if the sexual harassment has occurred regularly
and came from supervisors (Thacker & Gohmann, 1996). Barling and Dekker (1996)
25
concluded that experiences of sexual harassment often lead to negative moods and fear
amongst the victims. Anger and disgust because of harassment has been associated with
distraction and less motivation (Jensen & Gutek, 1982).
Previous research has pointed to the fact that the consequences of sexual harassment are
greater for female than male victims (Riger, 1991). It has been reported that women who
have been sexually harassed experienced higher rates of depression compared to men
(Gutek & Koss, 1993). Wilson and Thompson (2001) found that in the majority of sexual
harassment cases, female victims often end up leaving their job, either voluntarily or by
force.
There are limits to our knowledge of the effects of sexual harassment on women because
some women hesitate to label themselves as ‘victims’ of sexual harassment; this silence
means that victims fail to share with others the fact that they have experienced a problem
like this in the workplace (Koss, 1990). O'Donohue, et al. (1998, p. 120) point out that,
‘[v]ictimization is postulated to be aversive because it involves losses (of self-esteem,
control, and perceptions that the world is just, for example), and forces women to have to
categorize themselves with other stigmatized individuals, and occurs in situations that are
ambiguous and long-lasting’. A number of studies suggest that harassed women, in order to
avoid being labeled as victims, do not report their experience of sexual harassment, but
would instead rather leave their job or apply to transfer to another division within the
current workplace (Willness, Steel, & Lee, 2007; Wilson & Thompson, 2001).
Sexual harassment impacts on organizations in terms of a loss productivity, job turnover,
and medical claims (Welsh, 1999). It costs organizations substantially, contributing to the
reduction of employee job satisfaction, increased absenteeism and turnover, jeopardizing
teamwork and overall contributing to a decline in productivity (Bergman, Langhout,
Palmieri, Fitzgerald, & Cortina, 2002; Faley, 1982; Kisa, Dziegielewski, & Ates, 2002;
McCann, 2005; Petrocelli & Repa, 1995; Thacker & Gohmann, 1996)
2.2.7 Sexual harassment laws and policies
Husbands (1992) has presented a comprehensive examination of workplace sexual
harassment laws in 23 industrialized countries. He reported that only 9 of the countries
26
surveyed had laws which clearly and specifically dealt with the issue of sexual harassment
in the workplace. In the absence of clear and systematic workplace sexual harassment laws
in the remaining 14 countries included in the study, victims could only seek recourse under
alternative state violation acts, such as unfair dismissal or criminal behaviour. Husbands
(1992) emphasized the importance of establishing legislation which directly addresses
sexual harassment, as it ensures that employees conform to government sexual harassment
laws. So, he suggested that employers must develop and implement a sexual harassment
policy under the guidelines of government legislation. Cockburn (1991) also suggests that
no matter how positive an organizational culture, its unwritten codes will have little power
to eliminate sexual harassment. Kamal, et al. (2002) also argues that a written sexual
harassment policy is essential to minimize sexual harassment. Paludi, et al. (2006, p. 112)
confirms these assertions by arguing that ‘one measure of how sexual harassment is
perceived in countries is the presence or absence of sexual harassment policies'.
Over the past 30 years, the United States has been at the forefront of sexual harassment
policies in two arenas; government law2
and workplace policies (Altman, 1996). Britain
was also one of the first European countries to introduce sexual harassment legislation in
the form of the Sex Discrimination Act of 1975 (Basu, 2003). Canada soon followed the
U.K. trend, before France in the 1980’s (Saguy, 2000). Other European countries - with the
exception of Greece - followed France’s lead (Magliveras, 2004). In Australia, the Sex
Discrimination Act of 1984 made sexual harassment an illegal act in the workplace. Since
1995, some Asian countries have established laws against sexual harassment in the state
legal system (but not necessarily specific to the workplace). These countries include
Bangladesh, Japan, Sri Lanka, Hong Kong and the Philippines (Sigal, 2006). However, in
most developing countries no sexual harassment workplace policies or state laws exist
which protect workers from sexual harassment (Sensenig, 2002).
2 Incidents of sexual harassment in the United States are generally dealt under Title VII of the Civil Rights
Act of 1964. This Act does not allow for any form of employment discrimination which occurs on the basis of
‘race, colour, religion, sex or national origin’ (Basu, 2003; USAEEOC, 2007)
27
The rationale behind the establishment of clear, systematic and written sexual harassment
policies is the fact that incidence of sexual harassment are distinguished on the basis of
action or conduct, rather than the intention of the harasser (Riger, 1991). Consequently,
developing formal sexual harassment policies that includes the identification of specific
acts which constitute sexual harassment, procedures for reporting and investigating cases of
sexual harassment, as well as possible penalties, is necessary to create a secure and
productive work environment (Schell, 2003). The acknowledgment that sexual harassment
is a workplace challenge is a necessary requirement for the development of workplace
sexual harassment policy. Subsequent to this is the implementation and the enforcement of
the policy (Cockburn, 1991; Marshall, 2005; Zippel, 2003).
Research has shown that a formal, written policy that identifies and sets out a procedure for
dealing with sexual harassment will reduce such incidents (O'Hare & O'Donohue, 1998).
Robinson, et al. (2005), have suggested that having a clear definition of sexual harassment
is important in any organization. Furthermore, the definition should include examples to
clarify various forms of harassment, a clear statement that sexual harassment is a prohibited
action and that the organization explicitly forbids it. As Abbasi and Hollman (1996, p. 26)
have pointed out, organizations can minimize sexual harassment if they can guarantee to
their employees that reports of sexual harassment will be treated confidentially. They also
emphasize that identification of the various channels for reporting the incident, if possible
at both departmental and personal levels - as well as providing an outside investigator. This
will lead to more confidence and security for anyone wishing to make a report. DeSouza
and Solberg (2003) have suggested that any sexual harassment policy must be distributed
and publicized widely, and that it is best to document the acknowledgement of all
employees that they have read and understood the policy. The provision of a clear
procedure for the investigation of complaints, and a guarantee that investigations will be
treated professionally and within a specific time-frame (such as within five working days)
is another important recommendation for having a successful policy (Monarch, 2000).
Wilson and Thompson (2001, p. 68) argue that,
[a] victim might be scared about the effect it will have on them as they might be labeled a trouble-maker… the vast majority of incidents do not reach the ears of management because victims, who are predominantly female, are unlikely to report incidents, especially to men, unless they are sure their complaints will be dealt with seriously and sympathetically.
28
O'Hare and O'Donohue (1998) have suggested that sexual harassment might occur more
often in an organizational environment in which there is a lack of formal knowledge of, and
education about, sexual harassment. In response to this, it is important to raise awareness
about sexual harassment through education and training. Management in particular should
be made to understand the importance of recognizing workplace sexual harassment. In fact,
sexual harassment studies have identified training as an important factor to minimize the
occurrence of sexual harassment (Antecol & Cobb-Clark, 2003; Reese & Lindenberg,
2002). Reese and Lindenberg (2002) for instance have pointed out that research on the
effectiveness of training programs indicates that training can increase an awareness of the
seriousness of sexual harassment, particularly among men and managers. Antecol and
Cobb-Clark (2003) conclude that sexual harassment training is helpful in clarifying
participants’ views about unwanted sexual behaviour.
DeSouza and Solberg (2003) consider the training of employees, regardless of their
positions, to be a vital factor in the successful implementation of workplace sexual
harassment policy. Antecol and Cobb-Clark (2003, p. 831) have stated that, ‘[t]he majority
of trainees report that sexual harassment training either made them personally more
sensitive to the issue or more aware of the feelings of others’. In addition to this, Riger
(1991) points out that an organizational culture that promotes respect among workers,
regardless of their gender, plays a key role in minimizing sexual harassment. Furthermore,
Berdahl (2007) also asserts that having a respectful workplace environment is the main goal
of sexual harassment policies.
2.2.8 Cultural differences
Pryor and Whalen (1997) suggest that it is important to study the impact of culture, social
norms and values in terms of how they may encourage (or discourage) sexual harassment.
Luthar and Luthar (2007) review has suggested that sexual harassment is a culturally-based
behaviour, while Barak (1997) has concluded that differences in social standards and
cultural stereotypes are important factors in determining the responses of people toward
sexual harassment around the world. In fact numerous studies have indicated that culture
impacts on understandings, perceptions and reactions to sexual harassment (Gelfand, et al.,
2002; J. Pryor, et al., 1997; J. B. Pryor, 1987; Sigal, 2006; Wasti, et al., 2000). Barak
29
(1997), in his cross-cultural literature review of sexual harassment, concluded that cultural
differences play an important role in shaping people's reactions and understanding. For
example, some argue that Asian workers are more conservative in their sexual behaviour
than non-Asian people (Chan, 1990; Kennedy & Gorzalka, 2002; Meston, Trapnell, &
Gorzalka, 1996).
Moreover, the level of reporting sexual harassment incidents has also been found to be
impacted by cultural differences. Tang, et al. (1996) have reported that because of a lack of
awareness of the nature of sexual harassment, Chinese students in Hong Kong reported a
lower rate of sexual harassment incidents in comparison to American students in the United
States. According to this study, there were two reasons for the lack of awareness among
Chinese students. Firstly, issues of sexual harassment and action directed at raising
people’s understanding of it at the time were relatively recent compared to the United
States. Secondly, because sexual harassment is a sensitive issue, the embarrassment
generated by public discussion means that people are less willing to openly exchange
information and opinions. This study emphasized the secretive nature of the issue of sexual
harassment in China. Marin and Marin (1991) has suggested that Latino cultures are
centered on the concept of honour and Latinas may be offended by unwanted sex-related
behaviour because of the norms of respect and dignity. Pryor, et al. (1997) in their cross-
cultural study of Australian, Brazilian, German and USA participants, concluded that
Brazilian respondents defined sexual harassment as ‘innocuous seductive behaviours’;
whereas in Australia, Germany, and the U.S. respondents defined sexual harassment as an
‘abuse of power and gender discrimination’. Moreover, Africans offer different attitudes
toward sexual harassment than other nations (Paludi, et al., 2006). For example, Denga and
Denga (2004, p. 3) have reported that “The Nigerian students’ view differs from the
Western view simply in terms of strictness and cultural mores which make Nigerian regard
behaviours like subtle pressure and sexist remarks about a woman’s clothing or body
irrelevant to sexual harassment”.
In relation to cross cultural differences, two well known frameworks proposed by
Hofstede and by Schwartz offer understandings of sexual harassment in Muslim and Arab
countries (Luthar & Luthar, 2007). Hofstede (1980; 1983; 1991; 2001) has categorized
Muslim and Arab countries as being high in the variables of masculinity, patriarchy, and
30
collectivism. Wasti, et al. (2000) in Turkey (Muslim, collective, patriarchal society) noted
that sexual harassment is more likely to exist because of the cultural norms of Turkish
women, since they are more likely to tolerate low level sexual harassment. What is more,
Kamal, et al. (2002) in Pakistan - which is similarly a patriarchal society and one which is
culturally sensitive to issues concerning family honour and shame - has concluded that
female victims prefer to remain silent in order to protect their reputation.
More recent studies by Schwartz and colleagues (Schwartz, 1999; Schwartz & Bardi, 2001;
Schwartz & Bilsky, 1987, 1990; Schwartz & Rubel, 2005; Schwartz & Sagie, 2000)
emphasize the importance of values. Schwartz has found that the degree of hierarchy and
power are different from one society to another based on their values and morality. For
example, Schwartz (1999) suggests that the religiosity of society conditions the actions of
society. However, O'Leary-Kelly, et al. (2000) have suggested that even people with high
moral values stemming from religious conviction might deny their value system if the
social system supports sexual harassment. This means that if the (work) culture allows
sexual harassment, it is more likely to occur (Luthar & Luthar, 2007). The cultural context
is always present in discussing the issue of sexual harassment (McCann, 2005).
2.3 Sexual harassment and women in the Muslim countries
The literature on sexual harassment in Muslim states is relatively limited (Alat, 2006;
Metcalfe, 2006; Sensenig, 2002; Slackman, 2006), with a greater proportion of the
scholarly work focusing on the factors that inhibit women’s participation in public space
(Engineer, 1992; Jawad, 1998). The literature focusing on the privacy of Muslim women
identifies a number of variables that contribute to their lack of access to public spaces This
is despite the fact that historically Islam has granted women certain rights in the public
domain.
Islam sets forth shari’ah law3
3 Al-Muhairi (1995, p. 290) highlighted the completion of Shariah law as it is mentioned in the Quran 5:18,
where Allah (the creator) says,” And now we have set thee (OMohammad) on a clear road (shari’a) of our
commandment; so follow it, and follow not the desires of those who know not”.
which defines all aspects of life and leads to justice and
fairness for women. Islam elevated the status of women and made them as worthy of
31
human dignity as were men. In fact Islam has established the equality of both men and
women (Badawi, 1980; Jawad, 1998). Smith (1985, p. 20) has pointed out that from the
time Islam was established, women were provided with equal participation in the religious
life and were highly respected and trusted by Prophet Mohammed. Islam reshaped the
relationship between men and women and established new rules governing gender
relations based on respect and mutual understanding (Al-Ghazali, 1990; Al-Qaradawi,
1998; Badawi, 1980). The Quran warns believers not to violate women’s chastity, or bring
shame on her reputation under threat of punishment. In fact the Quran states that ‘those
who launch a charge against chaste women, and produce not four witnesses (to support
their allegations),- flog them with eighty stripes; and reject their evidence ever after: for
such men are wicked transgressors” (A. Y. Ali, 1977).
2.3.1 Factors influencing the level of women’s participation in public life
Despite the rights granted to women under Islam, several factors have led to women being
discouraged from playing a part in public life. The first of these factors is disagreement
over interpretations of Shari’ah; second, the influence of local culture; and third, the
prevalence of patriarchy.
First of all, Shari’ah is not based solely on the primary sources of Quran and Sunnah, but
also on a variety of secondary sources. All Islamic teachings and rulings are derived from
the four foundations of Shariah; the Quran, the hadith (i.e. the stories surrounding the life
of the Prophet Muhammad), the Ijma’ and the Ijtihad of ulama4
4 Ulama, singular a’lim, are Muslim Jurists who are learned specialists in the religion and tradition of Islam.
They maintain the Muslim community’s traditions, using their own judgement and interpretations to decide
what is important in Islamic life (Musallam, 1983).
(the formulation of
independent legal judgement according to different understandings of Quran and Sunnah).
Historically, Islam has been appropriated by various cultures in Muslim countries to
formulate local responses to women’s participation in public life (Adamson, 2007; Ayubi,
1991; Haddad, 1985; Jawad, 1998; Mernissi, 1993; Yasmeen, 2004). This situation has
produced heterogeneous attitudes towards the acceptable position of women in the public
domain. In modern times, these interpretations are often controlled and directed by official
political authorities who selectively use ulama interpretations of Quran and Sunnah in
32
support of their own agenda (Afkhami, 1995; Doumato, 1995; Mernissi, 1995). Obermeyer
(1992) has argued that, “[t]he impact of Islam on women’s status is affected by the political
context in which this association played out”.
Second, traditional issues continue to define the nature of the problems faced by women
even in the 21st century. These problems often focus on arguments and clashes regarding
women’s participation in the public sphere (Ayubi, 1991; Faqir, 2001; Gallant & Pounder,
2008; Haddad, 1985; Kader, 1987; Mayer, 1999; McC.Pastner, 1978; Minces, 1982; Raza,
2007; Roded, 1999). For the ‘benefit of society’, some conservative groups urge women to
remain at home as caregivers. Other more progressive groups call women to participate in
public life and join in the workforce (Al-Mughni, 2001; Eickelman & Piscatori, 1996).
Some sub-groups call for women to be brought to the public sphere even though they suffer
more (Ayubi, 1991; Sullivan & Korayem, 1981). Yasmeen (2004) sheds light on the
Middle East as an example where Arab culture emphasizes gender roles. Yasmeen (2004, p.
163) discusses men’s roles outside the home while females are expected to take care of the
house and raise children. These distinctive gender roles provide the model upon which
people are socialized into accepting as the norm (Al-Oraimi, 2004; Anwar & Chaker, 2003;
Metcalfe, 2006; Sullivan & Korayem, 1981; Zgheib, 2006). These norms are supported by
some Muslim scholars who encourage females to primarily inhabit the home space, and by
doing so having minimal interaction with men in public (Abdulsalam, 1998; Siddiqi, 2003).
According to Haghighat (2005) and Hijab (1988) these teachings are misused and have a
negative impact on women participating in the work force or public life.
The third factor which impacts on the role of women in Muslim countries is patriarchy
which, while not limited to Muslim societies, remains a very visible practice in traditional
Muslim countries (Metcalfe, 2006). The status of women in Muslim countries has often
been discussed with reference to women’s roles as wife and mother as caregiver, to the
culturally derived restrictions such as honour and shame which impact on women’s
freedom, and to the private world of women and the public world of men (Good, 1978).
Early research on women in Muslim countries has explored the variations in male and
female status hierarchies (Good, 1978). Researchers agree that Muslim societies have
traditionally assigned a subordinate social and economic status to women (Al-Kazemi &
Ali, 2002; Gallant & Pounder, 2008; Meyer, Rizzo, & Ali, 2007; Moghadam, 1988). This
33
patriarchal trend clearly shapes the role of women and the power of men over their women
(Obermeyer, 1992). Patriarchal structures play a vital role in limiting women’s possibilities
for activity outside the house (Sathar, Crook, Callum, & Kazi, 1988). Gallant and Pounder
(2008: 29) have stated that Arab customs dictate that women’s main role is to be a
caregiver at home and not to ‘sacrifice’ her family and children for a career.
This subordination first appears in marriage, where the girl leaves her parental home to
move permanently to her husband’s house. She now ‘belongs’ to her husband and his
family; this especially occurs in rural areas where women will be placed with their
husband’s family, in particular if the husband is still young and doesn’t yet have his own
house. A married woman is furthermore expected to be a good homemaker and mother
(Cosar, 1978). Some authors even argue that a Muslim wife is provided with great respect
and a considerable degree of familial power. Examples include her strong influence over
her children and her special position within her parental home by virtue of her attainment of
marriage and motherhood. However, this does not imply that the degree of patriarchy and
male control over women is reduced (Chatty, 1978; Minces, 1982; Youssef, 1978).
Furthermore, when a woman marries for the first time, she is expected to be a virgin. Cosar
(1978, p. 126), when describing women in Turkish Muslim society, has argued that;
The most significant consideration is virginity: The marriageable girls should be known as “untouched by any hand.” This [is] considered so important that even in the most sophisticated social sets, surgeons are asked to restore a damaged hymen. There is a legal reason for such a drastic medical remedy: a man may claim that he [the husband] was kept in ignorance of the fact that his wife was not a virgin and may be granted a divorce.
A woman who loses her virginity is considered to be unclean. This belief leads to further
physical and psychological domination of women. For example, Vieille (1978) when
discussing the Iranian woman in the family structure, has argued that a young girl must be
a virgin on her wedding night and if she is not, she cannot be established in honourable
conditions and her family will be shamed. Hence, virginity is the chief concern of parents
in the course of raising their daughters. Parents are often obsessed by the danger of their
daughters being raped or engaging in premarital sexual relations. Thus, surveillance and
protection are constantly undertaken by parents and brothers. Because a woman’s loss of
virginity would bring a special shame to her male relatives, this places an even greater
34
restriction on women’s mobility. Peters (1978, p. 316), in her study of Arab communities in
the Middle East, has stated that the shame brought about by the loss of virginity outside
marriage will cause the woman to suffer; but it is her brothers, fathers and male cousins
who shoulder the main burden of disgrace. This (male) fear of disgrace places restrictions
on women’s mobility as her male guardians are less likely to be able to ‘protect’ her.
2.3.1.1 Culture of honour
Muslim societies, including Arab societies, are heavily influenced by the concept of
‘family honour’ or what is called in Arabic Al-sharaf (Alat, 2006; Bahar, Peterson, &
Taylor, 1996; Hussain, 1984). The importance of family honour centers upon men who are
charged with protecting the sexual integrity of ’their’ women (Haghighat, 2002). This sense
of `guardianship' of women extends to a man's mother, sister, wife, and daughter.
Moreover, men’s familial responsibility for women's behavior and moral safety carries
responsibilities in that a man is liable to the society for what happens to `his' women in the
public domain (Haddad, 1985; Megnarella, 1974; Salim, 2007). Any loss of honour can
cause humiliation for the male relatives of the females (Omar & Davidson, 2001) and have
a flow-on effect, causing the males of the extended family, or even a whole tribe, to lose
face (Slote and DeVos, 1998). The social impact of Al Fadiha wal A'r or `losing face and
shame' can lower a family’s status and a guardian’s honour for decades (Ayubi, 1991;
Omar & Davidson, 2001). Toubia (1988) has argued that honour only exists to confirm the
subordination of women in society. Because of honour, women were protected by men or
by society as a whole and kept at home. It is presumed that a woman will be chaste if she is
isolated from society, and men are called upon to safeguard her chastity and keep her far
removed from any contact that could ‘offend her modesty’ or ‘risk losing her virtue’.
One of the highest levels of women’s subordination occurs in what is commonly called
‘honour killing’ (peters 1978). This is where a woman’s life might be taken by one of her
parents or guardians as a means to lessen the shame that might descend on the woman’s
family (Faqir, 2001). This practice, however, is not restricted to Muslim societies: it
continues in many non-Muslim patriarchal societies such as India, Spain and South
America. However, it does heavily influence the mobility and the threat to life of women in
Muslim countries, simply in order to protect and/or restore family, tribe or clan status
35
(Faqir, 2001; Sev'er & Yurdakul, 2001). In her discussion of violence against women in
Turkish society, Alat (2006, p. 297) has stated that;
The concept of honor is gender based. A man’s honor is highly dependent on gendered and
sexual behavior of women in his family. When these codes are broken and a man’s honor is
threatened, men feel that they have every right to sanction women for their assumed deviant
behaviour in order to clear their honor.
Alat (2006) has suggested that this concept will not disappear and will maintain the
patriarchal structures in Muslim society. According to Alat, the best way to eliminate this
practice is through modernization and the re-appropriation of institutional discourses and
policies such as in education, media and training programs.
2.3.1.2 Culture of seclusion
The related issues of family honour and the sexual behaviour of women has led some
Muslims to believe that, if women were exposed to the public, a women would be led to
fitna (temptation and destruction of society) (Ayubi, 1991; Lootah, 1999; Mernissi, 1987).
Scholars have argued, however, that the notion of fitna is misleading because a history
exists of Muslim women playing important roles as community members, and of them
working with men in many public fields (Jawad, 1998; Mernissi, 1987) especially in
medicine and banking and even in charitable organizations, especially in Saudi Arabia
(Eickelman & Piscatori, 1996). However, in most countries, patriarchal attitudes persist.
This leads to accusations against women of the destruction of society if they have freedom
in society or mix freely with males in public spaces (Faqir, 2001; Friedl, 1978). The belief
in fitna leads naturally to keeping women in seclusion by confining their movements to
their own private zones (Al-Oraimi, 2004; McCloud, 1995; Omar & Davidson, 2001).
In traditional Muslim society, sex separation is practiced and a woman should ideally
remain at home emerging only when her body is covered (Hussain & Radwan, 1984).
Muslim communities are, to a greater or lesser extent, characterized by sexual segregation
and the subsequent division of social life into two domains – the private (household) and
the public. While men participate in both these sectors, women are limited in their
participation in public arenas and are thereby relegated to the private or domestic domain.
36
This separation varies according to a woman’s age and social status. For instance, young
girls who have not reached puberty are less controlled by this division, while elite women
such as the wives of political leaders are more effectively secluded than other women
(Pastner, 1978). It is self evident that a social system wherein men have continually to
safeguard against a woman’s sexual misconduct (or suspicion thereof) requires a strong
machinery of social control geared to secure the segregation of women (Youssef, 1978).
2.3.2 Modernization and the role of women
Despite the culture of seclusion that is present in some Muslim societies, modernization
and education have contributed to women’s ability to escape the four walls of the house.
Modernization has played an important role in reshaping the behaviour and values of
Muslims (Alwraikat & Simadi, 2001; Eickelman & Piscatori, 1996; Khalaf & Alkobaisi,
1999). Modernization is associated directly with industrialization and urbanization. Both
have played a vital role in increasing job and education opportunities for women and have
led to changing gender roles and attitudes toward authority (Abdalla, 1996; Alwraikat &
Simadi, 2001; Inkeles & Smith, 1975). However the reaction to modernization in Muslim
countries has brought about two sets of thought. The first accepts the need to move from
traditional to modern values; the second remains committed to traditional values while
accepting only some forms of modernization. Those who hold the latter opinion insist that
traditional values do not need to be changed because of modernization (Inglehart & Baker,
2000). Despite the two differing opinions, the main impact of modernization has been to
transform the role of women from being a caregiver at home to being a worker in the
workforce (Esmer, 2002; Inkeles & Smith, 1975).
There is some opposition toward modernization in some Muslim countries due to the strong
influence of Islam (Rizk, El-Zubeir, Al-Dhaheri, Al-Mansouri, & Al-Jenaibi, 2005). For
some the values of modernization are seen to contradict Islamic values, especially those
related to women's participation in the workplace (Tayeb, 1997). This, in turn, as suggested
by Rice (1999), is driven by the belief that because modernization emanated from the West,
it supports secularism (Esmer, 2002). However, other Muslims encourage modernization as
part of Islamic teaching and view it as being part of a wider Islamic legacy (Al-Braizat,
2002). This issue has created discord in societies especially where modernization has been
implemented too quickly and people have not had the chance to adjust to rapid economic,
37
political and social change. Women, in particular, have become caught between the
(assumed) two polar opposites of modernization and traditionalism (Abdel-Halim &
Ashour, 1995; Al-Oraimi, 2004; Faqir, 1997). Clearly, Islam is not the only factor that
impacts on modernization in Muslim countries (Al-Braizat, 2002; Inglehart, 1997).
Although modernization is perhaps the key factor, other factors also impact on women’s
role in society. These include industrialization, literacy, international political agendas,
international and national conflicts which cause shortages in the labour force, and
governmental structures and policies (Al-Braizat, 2002).
2.3.2.1 Women, education and public life
The literature on women’s activism reflects the increasing level of women’s participation in
public spaces in Muslim Arab States. This is especially so given their increased access to
educational opportunities. Because of modernization and the discovery of oil, Arab nations
have demonstrated some of the fastest improvements in women’s education in the world
(Gallant & Pounder, 2008). For example, according to the United Nations Development
Programme (UNDP, 2007) the adult literacy ratio of female to male are presented below:
Table 2: Youth literacy rate in the Arab countries
Youth literacy
rate
Arab Countries
(ratio of female
rate to male rate) 2005
1 Egypt 0.88
2 Saudi Arabia 0.98
3 Tunisia 0.96
4 United Arab Emirates 0.99
5 Jordan 1.00
In many Muslim countries women have historically been denied the right to access formal
education (Ahmed, 1984; Faruqi, 1988). In the 20th century several feminist movements
were formed to protest this, especially in Turkey and Egypt (Ahmed, 1984). For example,
38
in Egypt Huda Sha’rawi, perhaps the most famous Arab feminist created the first feminist
movement in 1919. This sparked other Arab women to start their movements and build up
their networks which were set up in Egypt, Syria, Lebanon and Iraq (Sidani, 2005).
In the last six decades, education opportunities have increased for females in Arab countries
(Abdalla, 1996; Sullivan & Korayem, 1981; Whiteoak, Crawford, & Mapstone, 2006).
This began with the socialist revolutions which swept through large parts of the Arab world
in the1950s and the 1960s and emphasized the role of women in social and economic
development (Sidani, 2005). Access to education was in fact the key for revolutionaries’
call for women to be more aware of their rights to participate in the public sphere
(Afkhami, 1995; Eickelman & Piscatori, 1996) and move to take up a double role as
caregiver in the home and participant in the formal workforce (Abdalla, 1996; Sullivan &
Korayem, 1981). Many Arab Muslim women have succeeded in participating alongside
men in public life, occupying key positions in leading fields such as law, engineering and
medicine (Haddad, 1985). Improvements have occurred in the education of Arab women,
leading to a three- fold increase in female literacy rates over the last 30 years (Sidani,
2005).
However, having more females in public roles has alarmed some conservative groups
which in turn made them call for women to stay home. Shehadeh (2000, p. 50) presents this
view through the argument of one conservative Muslim leader, who had responded to the
issue of gender roles in the following way;
[A]lthough Islam, in principle, does not prevent women from working… [w]oman's real job is, always, the home and the family: she helps the son achieve his manhood and provides the spiritual source of love and kindness for her husband nurturing thereby, on her own, the future of the nation. And while religion "does not forbid woman to work ... it does forbid her to flee from her natural place without excuse," to avert the social anarchy that will necessarily ensue if women work outside their homes, disrupting the family structure by playing havoc with man's leadership (qiwamah) in the home.
On the other hand, secular and moderate Islamic groups call women either to free
themselves from the ‘cultural chains’ that bind them to the home space or to find a balance
between home and work (Abdulsalam, 1998). Some feminists also believe this to be a good
move (Eickelman & Piscatori, 1996). Islamic groups themselves are divided into factions
39
that either support women to join the workplace, or call on women to remain as caregivers
at home (Haddad, 1985; Haddad & Findly, 1985; Hussain, 1984; Jawad, 1998; Moghadam,
1988). The following section investigates the various opinions regarding women’s
participation in the workplace.
2.3.3 Women in the paid workforce
Regarding women’s role and their participation in the public sphere, all ulama agree that
both genders share equal human qualities and are accountable for the performance of their
duties as Muslims (Al-Qaradawi, 1998; Badawi, 1980). However, the agreement on
equality tends to become divided when the analysis shifts to gender participation in the
workplace. Most of the disagreement relates to women’s work, dress, and gender relations
in the workplace. In relation to this, ulama opinions are divided into two main categories,
conservative views and progressive views
2.3.3.1 Conservative ulama views
With respect to ulama, the conservative view is offered by the group Al-salafiyyun (based
in Saudi Arabia). They argue against women’s participation in the workplace on grounds
that the engagement of women in the ‘men’s space’ (i.e. the workplace) opposes women’s
fitra (innate natures) and will lead only to women’s misery and demise (Watson, 2008).
They claim that if women join the public workforce and mix freely with men then it will
lead to moral decay (Sidani, 2005). They also argue that allowing women to mix with men
in the workforce is a ‘crime’ against young males and females, as well as against children,
because this free mixing with the other gender will lead to a loss of manners and will
negatively affect proper education and the compassion naturally demonstrated by females.
For Al-salafiyyun historical references to Muslim women who participated in battles
alongside men in the early years of Islamic history is a false analogy if used to conclude
that women can mix freely with men in the public workplace (BinBaz, 1988). They offer an
alternative, declaring that women can indeed operate in workplaces only if they do not
come into contact with men. While they agree that women have the right to education and
work, they argue that this should be done with strict separation. This view is widely
accepted by many Muslim women around the Arab world, especially in the Arabian
Peninsula (Sidani, 2005). Doumato (1995, p. 138) offers another example in his discussion
40
of the view of conservative ulama, especially in Saudi Arabia, about women’s right to
occupy the public domain. He argues that,
The Wahhabi [conservative] interpretation of Islam was the ideology underpinning the Saudi conquest of the [Arabian] peninsula in the 1920s and the prevailing ideology in Najd, the central part of Arabia throughout the nineteenth and early twentieth century. The Wahhabi interpretation of Islam calls for a literal understanding of Qur’an and hadith, and conformity in the behaviour of the Muslim community of believers according to standards determined by Wahhabi ulama. In Najd, correct behaviour for women is predicated on face veiling and separation from unrelated men.
The same argument takes place within Shiite communities where religious ideas are
presented to justify the prevention of women from operating in public space. The three
most prominent contemporary scholars or interpreters of the shi’a position on women,
Allamah Tabtabai, Allamah Nuri, and Ayatollah Mutahhiri, agree that women are ‘different
from men’ and have their own capacities and duties. According to Mahdavi (1985, p. 258)
the views of conservative shi’a ulama in relation to women are based on ‘the primary
assumption … that men and women are not equal because they are biologically different.
The biological differences affect both sexual needs and mental ability. Women menstruate
and reach menopause; men remain virile at all times and men are rational; while women are
emotional’. According to this view, in practice, these differences lead to divisions in work,
needs, and social life. Women are seen as a disturbing element to men in the conduct of
their everyday life. This causes difficulty; because men’s sexual desire is seen as
uncontrollable.
Hence, the conservative ulama insist that women should cover themselves with the hijab5
5 The wearing of the veil that covers the woman’s head and complete body except the hands and face
(khattab, 1996; Odeh, 1993). The Quran states that, “O Prophet! Tell your wives and your daughters and the
women of the Believers to draw their cloaks (veils) all over their bodies. That will be better, that they should
be known (as free respectable women) so as not to be annoyed. And Allah is ever forgiving, most merciful”
in public. Mahdavi (1985) states that ‘[b]oth Mutahhari and Nuri agree in their justification
of veiling (hijab), that lack of it would lead to the breakdown of family, adultery,
prostitution, and sexual corruption of all kinds’. Further to this , Hussain and Radwan
(1984, p. 46) argue that Nuri’s claim that women are child bearers while men are the bread
(Chapter #33, Verse #59)- the translation of Holy Quran by Ali (1977).
41
providers constitutes a deep distrust of women’s nature and represents women as of no use
other than reproduction.
On the other hand, according to Shaaban (1995), Zin al-Din, a shi’a female religious
scholar, has argued that the veil over women and their complete withdrawal from public
life is not a strategy for the protection of honour or dignity, but oppression of women by
men. She states that if all women are locked behind walls or veils, how we could
distinguish one from another. How can mothers bring up distinguished children if they
themselves are deprived of their personal freedom? al-Din’s argument is that veiling is a
woman’s prison and is caused by unfair customs and traditions, but not by Islam.
Like Zin al-Din, Al-Gazali (a Sunni Islamic scholar) has stressed that marginalizing women
is a crime in Islam and all functions and traditions that keep women from functioning in
public are the remnants of jahiliyya (the ignorance that reigned during the pre-Islamic
period).
2.3.3.2 Progressive ulama views
Although progressive ulama in the Muslim world share some similarities with conservative
ulama in relation to women’s presence in the public sphere, they do present their own
views regarding the issue. They criticize the traditions that exist in Muslim countries which
restrict the mobility of women in the public sphere (Sidani, 2005). They also argue that
Islam provides women with equal opportunities for sharing in the public sphere with men
(al-Hibri, 2000; Al-Qaradawi, 1998). For example Jawad (1998, p. 23) has stated that
‘Islam does not forbid women to work and have a job outside the home, so long as her
external work does not interfere with her home obligations nor lower her dignity…She is
entitled to work outside her home and earn a living’. The progressive ulama claim that
Allah does not stop women from contributing with men in the development of the nation
(Badawi, 1980). They also claim that it is the practices of tribal traditions that should be
blamed for minimizing the role of women (Al-Ghazali, 1990). These scholars believe that
Muslim women should participate in public affairs and should not be kept at home for
domestic services only. Furthermore, they believe that the hijab (veil) although it is a
demand given by Allah, should not stop women from participating with men in economic
42
and political affairs To these scholars, interacting with men is not an issue as long as
women’s modesty is protected (Badawi, 1980; Zaraboza, 1998).
These different views of conservative and progressive ulama, along with pressure from the
government, have a direct impact on the workplace, especially on the more sensitive issue
of gender relations. Nevertheless, despite the fact that the literature focuses on gender
issues in the workplace, it is dominated by the topic of increased responsibility and
emotional pressure placed on women to create a balance between home and work. Sexual
harassment does not attract sufficient attention.
2.3.4 Sexual harassment and the silent society
Little is known about sexual harassment in workplaces across the Arab Muslim world
(Sensenig, 2002; Metcalfe, 2006), especially where many cultural and traditional beliefs
might lead to women not reporting their experiences of sexual harassment because they are
worried about losing face, their honour or their job (Alat, 2006; Slackman, 2006).
According to Huda (2003), sexual harassment might be the price that women pay in
Muslim societies for joining the mixed gender workplace, where men consider themselves
the ‘natural masters’. Many women in the Muslim world who join the workplace hesitate to
report sexual harassment because they are worried about the reaction they will receive from
their family. The culture in Muslim countries leads women to silence due to both the fear of
self-blame, and/or the fear of societal victimization. The woman’s loss of honour, as
mentioned earlier, could in fact have fatal results.
These issues make reporting an incident of harassment very difficult. Avan, et al. (2006, p.
15) for instance in their article which has examined the sexual harassment experiences of
career women in Pakistan, have stated that ‘ [u]nder-reporting [of sexual harassment] could
also be owing to cultural dynamics of our setting, in which sharing experiences of sexual
harassment could have damaging effects’. Huda (2003) in her article about sexual
harassment and professional women in Bangladesh, has exposed some of the factors that
have lead to the paucity of literature on sexual harassment in Muslim cultures, as well as in
other cultures. For example she argues that the socio-cultural environment of Muslim
countries, which includes patriarchal domination, female subordination, seclusion and
hijab, means that the majority of women are unlikely to report or share this issue with
43
others. In fact, Huda asserts that many women either blame themselves or accept
harassment as a natural fact of the working life of career women.
Another factor which has contributed to the paucity of literature on this subject is that most
Muslim governments do not seriously consider this issue as a challenge for women, or they
ignore this issue. Mariam Fam, in the Wall Street Journal 2007, wrote of an Egyptian
public-awareness campaign against sexual harassment which was sponsored by the
Egyptian mobile phone operator ‘Mobinil’. This campaign was led by Mr. Mohamed Al
Sawy in early 2007 and was aimed at increasing the awareness of sexual harassment in the
streets. In response, government officials ordered the advertising of the campaign to be
removed, claiming that the reference was offensive and that it might give tourists the
impression that Cairo’s streets were unsafe. The government used another excuse for the
removal of the advertisements, claiming that using some words related to honour and
women such as ‘mother honour’ can have a negative impact on the people, especially in a
culture that values women as mothers and sisters. In this regard, Nehad Abolkomsan, head
of the Egyptian Center for women’s rights, has suggested that a Muslim society such as
Egypt is not ready to accept that sexual harassment is an important issue that needs to be
addressed (Fam, 2007). In fact, at the most fundamental level, efforts in this type of
traditional and religious context need to focus on educating people on the definition of
‘sexual harassment’.
On this several authors contend that the media play an important role in creating awareness
of, and educating society about, sexual harassment. However, because they are often under
the control of the government, the opportunity for using local media is very limited (Fam,
2007; Sensenig, 2002). Alat (2006, p. 310) in discussing the importance of the media has
stated that ‘[t]he media might potentially sow the seeds of equality in society. To reach this
potential, feminist groups should continue to provide constant feedback and disentangling
the hegemonic gender discourse in the media’.
2.3.5 Government’s reactions
As a result of the differences between various groups regarding women’s role in society,
some literature suggests that Muslim women are submissive to the patriarchal structures of
their respective societies (Haghighat, 2005; Moghadam, 1988). However, Sharabi (1988, p.
44
60) argues that because the governments of Arab countries hold a great deal of economic
power (due to oil revenues) it also makes them the main provider of employment. This
governmental economic power is associated with the government’s desire to maintain and
take advantage of educated women, providing strong support for women to join the
workforce and invest more in public activities. With this in mind, it is not difficult to
appreciate that the level of women’s access to public life depends on their government’s
interpretations of Islamic injunctions. For example, the government of Saudi Arabia offers
little in the public sphere to women compared to the government in Tunisia. The Saudi
Arabian Government is influenced by the predominance of Salafi ideas and therefore
opportunities for women to join the mixed gender workplace are very limited. However, in
Tunisia, a country which has a secular government, women are offered more avenues to
participate in public life (Curtiss, 1996; Hijab, 1988). Raza (2007) also explains the lack of
female participation in the workforce in terms of the lack of government support and
recognition of problems facing women in public space. This researcher has demonstrated
that this lack of government support has led to the lack of safety on public transportation,
and to workplace harassment.
While it might be true that Muslim governments support women in some ways to find jobs
in workforce (Zuhur, 2003) there have been very few efforts initiated by Muslim
governments to recognize workplace sexual harassment (Huda, 2003). The available
literature indeed suggests that little action has been taken in this regard and it is clear that
any rules for protecting women from sexual harassment in the workplace come under the
general workplace constitutions. These constitutions are very old and most of them are
borrowed from the West or from Ottoman laws or from legislation related to shari’ah or
tribal law (Al-Muhairi, 1995; Faqir, 2001). Very few laws are designed particularly to deal
with sexual harassment in the street. One such law exists in the UAE, where the
government posts pictures of men accused of harassment in the newspapers and fines them
as well (Zuhur, 2003).
Generally speaking, the absence of sexual harassment policies in the public workplace is
very obvious. Most efforts to deal with sexual harassment emerge from human rights
groups, and from some activists in non-government organizations. Nevertheless there are
45
some exceptions in some Muslim countries, which are more advanced than other Muslim
countries in this regard.
2.3.6 The role of non-government organizations
In 1979 one hundred and sixty countries, including many Muslim countries, signed the
Convention on the Elimination of All forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW).
However, in many Muslim countries, the success of this convention has remained limited
because of the lack of government enforcement (Afsharipour, 1999). Even though there
were some political rights granted to women in some Muslim countries, ‘their importance
is diminished in some cases by the lack of democratic institutions and processes’ (Baden,
1992).
Efforts to support women in Muslim countries have mostly come from non government
organizations. The members of these NGOs tend to be educated, upper or middle class
urban people who work in parallel with international human rights activists (Darwiche,
2001). There are several examples of these non government organizations in Muslim
countries, including the Purple Roof Women’s Shelter Foundation in Turkey that fights
violence against women.
In November 2001, a conference of non government organizations was held in Istanbul,
Turkey, to support and raise an awareness of women’s rights in Muslim countries. The
conference participants came from different countries, including ten Muslim countries such
as Egypt, Pakistan, Turkey and Morocco. They discussed issues such as sexuality and the
politics of power, virginity, sexual harassment and the freedom of mobility (Author, 2001).
Whilst several conferences have since been held on women’s rights, few have discussed
sexual harassment in Muslim workplaces. In Muslim countries where traditions and
customs strongly influence gender roles, the goals of these organizations are not easy to
attain (Duncan & Doby, 2006). Sensenig (2002) in discussing the challenges of non
government organizations in Muslim countries, has stated that despite the socio-political
pressure placed on these organizations, their role in facing the challenge of sexual
harassment should be pursued. In fact it is important to recognize, and give credit to, these
non government organizations’ efforts for they have improved the situation of Muslim
women in workplaces around the world, especially in countries such as Bangladesh
46
(Afsharipour, 1999; Baden, 1992; Kabeer, 1991), Turkey (Ahmed, 1984; Arat, 1996;
Kadioglu, 2005; Mazi, 2003), Egypt (Abdelrahman, 2007; Carapico, 2000; Darwiche,
2001; Kader, 1987; Sebeh, 1994) and Malaysia (Afsharipour, 1999; Author, 2005; Burris,
2007; Kuhonta, 2004; Leong, 2003; Lethbridge, 2004).
Many of these non government organizations work under different banners including
Islamists, nationalists and feminists. For example AK-DER (Ayrimiciliga Karsi Kadin
Hareketi- Women Against Discrimination), is a Turkish non government organization that
works to remove discrimination against female students, lawyers, medical doctors, college
professors and teachers. They work to remove all types of discrimination against women’s
personal rights in education, work and career, but particularly focus on fighting the ban on
wearing the headscarf (hijab) in the academic and profession realm in Turkey (Kadioglu,
2005).
Whilst non-government organizations such as AK-DER have worked to eliminate
discrimination against women, little effort has specifically focused on workplace sexual
harassment - although what little that has been done has lead to notable improvement in
workplace legislation in several countries (Abdelrahman, 2007; Kuhonta, 2004; Rizvi,
2003). One of the main non government organizations that fights sexual harassment,
particularly in the workplace, is Action Aid Pakistan (AAP) which is a part of Alliance
Against Sexual Harassment at the workplace (AASHA) (Rizvi, 2003). Another example of
NGO efforts to combat sexual harassment occurs in Malaysia, where the legislation against
sexual harassment in the workplace is an achievement of the joint efforts of two non
government organizations; Women’s Development Collective (WDC) and The All-
Women’s Action Society (AWAS) (Author, 2005).
2.3.6.1 Malaysia
The Muslim country making the most progress in dealing with sexual harassment in the
workplace is Malaysia. In August 1999, the Ministry of Human Resources commenced a
Code of Practice on the Prevention and Eradication of Sexual Harassment in the
Workplace. This code of practice was designed to promote voluntary initiatives from
employers to deal with sexual harassment through the institution of general workplace
policies. The code of practice included a clear definition of sexual harassment, the
47
mechanisms to prevent sexual harassment, complaints procedures, measurements of sexual
harassment, penalties against sexual harassment and an outline of possible educational
programs (Soonthornpasuch, 2007). From 1999 until July 2004, 564 sexual harassment
cases in Malaysian workplaces were reported to the police (Author, 2005).
2.3.6.2 Bangladesh
In Bangladesh, sexual harassment has been a prohibited activity as laid out in the Dhaka
Metropolitan Police Ordinance Act since 1976. However, for the first time in 2000 ‘sexual
harassment’ was mentioned directly as an illegal act within Bangladeshi legal documents.
This appears in the Women and Children Repression Prevention Act. Later, in 2003 and in
the same Act, the section that defined sexual harassment was omitted because of the
disagreement about the nature of the definition. The new section (section 10) that was
inserted into the Act changed the wording from ‘harassment’ to ‘oppression’. Regardless of
this the creation of the Act led leaders in Bangladeshi government departments and
employers in private organizations to acknowledge the importance of sexual harassment
policies (Huda, 2003).
2.3.6.3 Turkey
The Turkish government and trade unions have so far had little or no interest in this subject.
There is in fact no sexual harassment policy in the public workplace, even though
researchers have highlighted the problem of sexual harassment in the workplace, especially
in the health sector (Bakirci, 2001). Celik and Celik (2007, p. 478) state that, ‘Turkey does
not have any specific laws or statutory provisions relating to sexual harassment. Even the
labour courts have had very little involvement with sexual harassment issues’. As in many
other Muslim countries, The Turkish Constitution typically provides some general
provisions, as does the civil Code. The Labour Act and the Penal Act could be applied to
incidences of reported sexual harassment in the workplace (Celik & Celik, 2007). Several
studies were done in the Turkish official context in regard to workplace sexual harassment
(Alat, 2006; Cindoglu & Durakbasa, 1996; Kisa, et al., 2002; Wasti, et al., 2000;
Woodward & Ozbilgin, 1999).
2.3.6.4 Arab Countries
48
In most Arab countries any ‘honour crime’, such as sexual harassment, is prohibited under
general government laws6
. Broadly speaking, no specific sexual harassment policies have
been instated in Arab countries (Sensenig, 2002). However, some attempts have been made
in several Arab countries in this regard, especially by non government organizations
(Quwaidir, 2005).
It appears that the first workplace action instigated against sexual harassment in the
workplace in Arab countries took place in Morocco in 1995. This strike was organized by
The Democratic Association of Moroccan Women as a reaction to sexual harassment used
against a female union leader (Maroc, 2009). In Egypt, there are also some similar
examples in this regard. For example, The Egyptian Center for Women’s rights
(http://ecwronline.org/index.php) is promoting a campaign to openly discuss the issue of
sexual harassment. In Tunisia the government has been forced to introduce a’ protection
law’ against every form of provocative behaviour including sexual harassment. The
Tunisian Association of Democratic Women (TADW) works hard in this regard, albeit with
limited resources (Démocrates, 2009). In Arab Gulf countries, including Saudi Arabia,
Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, the UAE and Oman, it appears that no systematic research on
sexual harassment in the workplace has been conducted. All these countries still lack anti-
sexual harassment laws, depending solely on their general workplace legislations.
2.4 Conclusion
This chapter has reviewed the literature relating firstly to workplace sexual harassment, and
secondly to traditional gender roles in Muslim countries and the conflicting interpretations
of women’s rights in public life. The first half of the chapter considered definitions, forms
of sexual harassment and the nature of victims’ responses, as well as theories explaining the
causes of sexual harassment. The conclusion here is that there is no single and unified
6 The term sexual harassment (Al-taharrush aljensi) is stated in the UAE labour law. However, it is not
specifically conceptualized as a workplace problem, but is thought to be more simply an immodest act or a
crime. No specific policies or procedures to deal with sexual harassment have been embedded in government
workplace. An act of sexual harassment is dealt with under the general criminal law. Thus, a case reported in
the workplace will often be referred to police or to the guardians of the (female) victim; such as her father,
brother and so forth.
49
definition of sexual harassment, and that defining sexual harassment is made more complex
by individuals’ perceptions of what constitutes sexual harassment.
Official statistics confirm the existence of sexual harassment in workplaces in many
countries around the world, regardless of whether or not sexual harassment policies exist.
Studies have also provided evidence to show that most victims of sexual harassment are
women, and that males are the most likely perpetrators (although it is recognized that the
reverse may occur). Sexual harassment can take a variety of forms, ranging from leering to
rape. There is a variety of theories which are used to explain the occurrence of sexual
harassment which reflect casual factors at the level of the individual, the organization and
broader society.
Research has clearly highlighted the negative effects that sexual harassment has on both
individuals and organizations. There is, for instance, substantial data on the significant
negative impact of sexual harassment on victims’ careers; as well as on their physical,
psychological health and social wellbeing. With this in mind, the existence of sexual
harassment laws and policies is thought to be a critical factor in minimizing sexual
harassment. It was also noted that cultural differences impact on the perceptions of workers
of what constitutes appropriate behaviour.
The second half of the chapter reveals the ongoing debate regarding the legitimate roles of
Muslim women in their respective societies, and in particular, their rightful participation in
public life. The literature demonstrates that there are mixed messages for Muslim women.
On the one hand they are exhorted to participate in public life, yet on the other there are
major factors controlling this, including patriarchal attitudes and interpretations of Shariah
and local culture and social norms. The concept of honour in Islamic and Arabic societies is
focused on women, and in particular their virginity. This has important implications for
their participation in public life. Modernization has also challenged established traditions
and encouraged women’s participation in public life by providing greater opportunities for
women in education, and in facilitating the process of women’s engagement in the
workforce more generally. However, governments in Muslim countries, whilst to varying
degrees have created a space for women’s participation in the workplace; they have largely
50
remained silent about sexual harassment. The following chapter specifically examines the
place of women in UAE society and in the UAE workforce.
51
CHAPTER 3 UNITED ARAB EMIRATES: DEMOGRAPHY
AND CULTURE
3.1 Introduction
The United Arab Emirates (UAE) is a young nation, having been formally established on
2nd of December 1971 (El-Haddad, 2006; Rees, et al., 2007). The UAE is a constitutional
federation of seven emirates (states) consisting of: Abu Dhabi, Dubai, Sharjah, Ajman,
Umm al-Qaiwain, Ras al-Khaimah, and Fujairah (Salloum, 2003). The UAE is also a
member of the Gulf Corporation Council (GCC) that includes six states7
(Rees, et al., 2007).
The UAE federation is based on tribal traditional norms; there are no elections (Al Sayegh,
2004; Gardner, 1995). The UAE political system is founded on what are called sheikdoms,
each of which incorporates a combination of traditional Arab and modern structures (Al-
Oraimi, 2004).
Before discovering oil, the UAE had little infrastructure or communications facilities
(Taryam, 1987). The major occupations consisted of fishing and pearling (Codrai, 1990;
Rees, et al., 2007). Following the discovery of oil, the UAE was transformed from an
‘empty land’, to a modern country with one of the world’s fastest growing economies; to
the extent that it has now become one of the wealthiest countries in the world (Davidson,
2006; Gardner, 1995; Hassan Younies, 2008; Wilkins, 2001). This is evidenced in its
modern and impressive high-rise buildings, well equipped hospitals, dependable electricity
and water supplies, educational establishments and modern transportation networks (Rees,
et al., 2007). As a consequence of the wealth that has been generated by oil discoveries, the
government is now able to provide its citizens with free education, free health care, utilities,
and free housing (Hassan Younies, 2008; Kirkwood, 1995; Whiteoak, et al., 2006).
Modernization has brought with it some advantages for women. For instance, it has
increased educational opportunities, and raised the proportion of women in higher
education to 65% of the total number of higher education students (El-Haddad, 2006).
7 These six states include Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Qatar, Oman, Bahrain and UAE. These countries share many
similarities in their religious values and cultural norms, as well as some economic and demographic
characteristics and challenges (Hassan Younies, 2008; Ingo, 2008; Mahood et al., 2009; Rees, et al., 2007).
52
3.2 The discovery of oil and associated demographic trends
Due to oil discovery, the population of the UAE has boomed over the last four decades,
rising from 250,000 in 1971, to 4,104,695 in 2005. However, only 20 % of this total
population is UAE Nationals. The remainder of the population consists of foreigners
working and residing temporarily in the UAE (El-Haddad, 2006; Hassan Younies, 2008;
Kirkwood, 1995). In 2005, the number of UAE nationals stood at 824, 921 people. Among
them, 49.3 percent, or 406,864, were female (Ministry of Economy, 2006). It is also
important to recognize that the UAE national population is extremely young, with 51
percent being 20 years of age or younger (Grant, Golawala, & McKechnie, 2007).
Furthermore, among this cohort of UAE nationals, 45 percent are actually under the age of
15 years old (Ingo, 2008; Kuntze & Hormann, 2006).
Because of the small local population size, and the fact that almost half of UAE nationals
are below the legal working age, the economy has by necessity been dependent upon
imported foreign labour (A. Ali, Azim, & Krishnan, 1995; Kirat, 2006). In fact, foreigners
account for roughly 85% of the workforce, while local people constitute less than 15 % of
the total workforce, including both the private and government sectors (Al-Oraimi, 2004).
The majority of foreign workers are Asian males, in particular from India, Pakistan and
Bangladesh (Wilkins, 2001) who work in both professional and technical positions, as well
as unskilled jobs (Gallant & Pounder, 2008). Regardless of this, most of those workers are
employed in the construction industry (Gardner, 1995). The higher proportion of foreign
workers has created an imbalance between the national workforce and the foreign
workforce; whereby UAE nationals have become the minority in their own country’s
workforce (El-Haddad, 2006; Gardner, 1995; Rees, et al., 2007).
In response to this trend, the government has emphasized the importance of supporting
UAE nationals in the labour force, in both the government and private sectors, by equipping
them with the knowledge and skills to compete in this competitive situation. Therefore, the
government has developed what it terms an ‘Emiratization Policy’ (or a nationalization
project) in which it has tried to develop strategies to improve the skills of and recruit more
UAE nationals into the workforce (Gallant & Pounder, 2008; Jim Grant, 2007; Kuntze &
Hormann, 2006; Mashood, et al., 2009; Wilkins, 2001).
53
As part of the Emiratization policy, the government has established several organizations to
support this goal. These organizations include Tanmia, an independent authority of the
UAE government whose main objectives are to create job opportunities for UAE nationals,
especially in the private sector, work to reduce the unemployment ratio, enhance the skills
and productivity of the national workforce through relevant training, undertake policy
oriented research on a multiplicity of labour-market issues and make recommendations to
the government (UAE year book, 2007; Rees, et al., 2007). Another of those organizations
is Ershaad, which was established in 2008 by the UAE government to support Tanmia as a
national recruitment initiative, as well as other state-level initiatives, such as the Abu Dhabi
Emiratization Council, Abu Dhabi Virtual Job Market and Sharjah Development Forum
(UAE year book, 2009; Kuntze & Hormann, 2006; Norman & Hadyn, 2008). While these
organizations have been partially successful in channeling UAE nationals into employment
in the government, and some private industries, such as the banking and insurance sectors,
they have not been able to encourage and maintain an increase in the numbers of UAE
nationals in the private sector (UAE year book, 2009). Rather than demanding the private
sector employ a specific quota of UAE nationals, the federal government, in association
with Tanmia, has adopted a more indirect approach to Emiratization which focuses on
improving government funded education to provide better qualified, skilled local workers
(Forstenlechner, 2008). For example, lately Tanmia established in 2009 a new program
called ‘Estamer’ (literally means keep on) which is a first ever professional rehabilitation
program aiming to equip UAE nationals with modern skills through various professional
development courses and urge them to go for higher education with selected training
providers and universities within UAE to further hone these skills (Tanmia, 2009). This
indirect approach provides long term results, so it can be expected that there will be some
delay before UAE nationals enter the private sector in significant numbers (Nelson, 2004).
Hence, for the time being, most UAE nationals will be employed in the government sector
(Rees, et al., 2007).
3.3 Women in the UAE workplace
Whilst historically the presence of UAE women in paid employment has been low, the
increasing availability of education, development opportunities, and government support
have been encouraging UAE women to participate in the workforce (Gallant & Pounder,
54
2008; Ingo, 2008). For example, as early as the 1980’s, the UAE president, Sheikh Zayed
had said ‘Young women have the right to work in all spheres; there are no obstacles before
them. We expect young women to support and to proceed with everything undertaken by
their brothers, the youth of the United Arab Emirates, and that there will be fruitful
cooperation between the young women and their brothers in the different spheres’ (Gallant
& Pounder, 2008). Taking Sheik Zayed's lead, UAE political leaders have continued to
recognize the value of women in public life (Lau, Lau, & Al Hasani, 2009). This support
for women came in several forms, including legislation, education, and special provisions
in the workplaces (El-Haddad, 2006; Gallant & Pounder, 2008; Mashood et al., 2009;
Salloum, 2003). For example, UAE women have registered the highest rate of entry into
higher education in the world (Moore, 2008).
The total percentage of female participants in the UAE workforce rose from 3.4% in 1985
to 13% in 1995 (Mostafa, 2005). More recently, it has increased to 20% (Salloum, 2003).
In relation to UAE women (nationals), most of them have, in fact, entered the services
sectors run by the government (Marmenout, 2009) in which 40% of the total government
workforce is female (Nelson, 2004). Interestingly, in UAE government workforce, women
now account for two-thirds of all government sector employees (Burkholder, 2007).
Furthermore, 30% of the women who work in the government sector now hold decision-
making positions (Moore, 2008). The government sector attracts UAE nationals because of
high salaries, even without the requirement of specialized skills and qualifications,
especially when compared to the private sector (Forstenlechner, 2008; Gallant & Pounder,
2008; Jim Grant, 2007; Morris, 2005; Muysken & Nour, 2006; Nelson, 2004; Wilkins,
2001). In the public sector for example, women receive equal pay and benefits to men,
along with the addition of special provisions such as maternity leave (Gallant & Pounder,
2008).
The data shows that the numbers of UAE women in the workforce has increased
dramatically; however, this number is still relatively insignificant when we consider the
overall number of people in the workforce, in which UAE women comprise only 4% in
total workforce (Marmenout, 2009; Moore, 2008). In general, UAE women avoid working
in the private sector for three reasons: low wages, a lack of training program opportunities,
and the lack of trust between local employees and foreign employers (UAE year book,
55
2009). There are also concerns that the strict cultural norms and religious values which
local people live by are threatened in the work styles and conditions found in the private
sector (El-Haddad, 2006; Gallant & Pounder, 2008; Nelson, 2004). Despite these obstacles,
three private sectors have enjoyed high rates of growth in terms of the numbers of UAE
women; these are the banking, insurance and hospitality industries, especially in human
resource, public relations and secretarial jobs (Forstenlechner, 2008; Mashood, et al.,
2009). One of the reasons for this increase is because the government has decided not to
extend the visas of expatriates currently holding these positions in the private sector
(Forstenlechner, 2008; Mashood, et al., 2009).
In the UAE workplace, modernization and local Arab traditions particularly impact on
working women (Al-Oraimi, 2004; Gallant & Pounder, 2008). Women are often caught
between their desire to engage in productive, paid work, and their role as wife and mother
in the home (Al-Lamky, 2007; Gallant & Pounder, 2008). According to Al-Oraimi (2004),
and Abdalla (1996) despite recent advances, UAE women still struggle to occupy leading
positions in workplace organizations due to the reality of cultural imperatives. Al-Oraimi
(2004) suggested that workers ,both men and women, believe that women do not have the
innate strength to lead or manage personnel in the workplace. In fact societal structures still
favour women as followers, rather than leaders. Many men feel a sense of shame at the
thought of receiving orders from women; Al-Lamky (2007) when discussing social
attitudes toward women in the workplace in the Gulf States suggested that it is widely
believed a woman's place is in the home. If a woman is inclined to enter the professions her
participation is expected to be in the areas of education, healthcare and other support or
clerical occupations which are situated at the lower end of organizational hierarchies.
Further, according to Metcalfe (2006) and Robertson, et al. (2001), in UAE, there has been
a significant level of public conflict over the desire to admit women to the workforce, and
the powerful workings of the ‘code of modesty’ which underpins UAE culture. Sex role
traditionalism presents a real challenge for working women (Al-Oraimi, 2004). For
example, Gallant and Pounder (2008, p. 30) stated,
Exposure to men through the work environment may also be seen as harmful to a UAE female’s reputation. Thus, efforts to keep men and women separate for moral reasons may also constrain work opportunities. For example, women may face difficulties in fulfilling job
56
responsibilities because of the cultural inappropriateness of meeting clients in restaurants or travelling with men and may therefore choose not to work if the type of career they would like to pursue, for example in sales or front office hotel work, is ruled out for many from a cultural perspective because it requires a high degree of interaction with males.
Despite the gendering of certain occupations, Whiteoak, et al. (2006, p. 82) has stated that
‘this traditional view is inconsistent with the current push in the UAE and other Arab
countries to increase the number of national females in the labour market’. In fact, much of
the support for UAE women has come from UAE first lady Sheikah Fatime, the wife of
former president sheikh Zayed (Salloum, 2003). As part of her support, along with UAE
government’s continuing support for women to join the workforce, the General Women’s
Union (GWU) was established and brought to the fore many interrelated issues of concern
for women, children and the family (El-Haddad, 2006; Mardini, 1997). The organization
has been instrumental in providing vocational training, job placement services and family
mediation services to UAE women, even in non-traditional sectors of the labour market
(UAE year book, 2007). According to El-Haddad (2006, p. 286), one of the ‘most
prominent gains made by Emirati women over the past few years is legislation guaranteeing
women constitutional rights, including their right to work, social security, ownership of
property and financial and business management’. As a consequence of these many years of
government support, the restrictive traditional attitudes toward working women have
decreased to the point where UAE nationals now have a more liberal view toward accepting
women in the workforce (Mostafa, 2005).
Increasingly, UAE women are taking new roles in government sector (Mardini, 1997),
many hold a decision making position especially in the government sector (Moore, 2008;
Salloum, 2003). Importantly, numbers of UAE female nationals in the labour force have
trebled over the last ten years (Nelson, 2004). However, there is no regulatory body to
address workplace discrimination (Moore, 2008).
3.4 The influence of Islam and Arab traditions upon UAE women in the
workplace
Essentially, the UAE Constitution incorporates Islam as the country’s official religion
(Abdalla & Al-Homoud, 1995; Marmenout, 2009; Sechzer, 2004). The Constitution also
guarantees that the system of Islamic shari’ah, (or the Islamic way of life) exists as the
57
principal framework for governance (Al-Muhairi, 1995; O'Sullivan, 2003). UAE society is
therefore strongly influenced by Islam (Abbas Ali, 1995; Al-Oraimi, 2004; Simadi, 2006;
Weir, 2000). Al Sayegh (2004, p. 110) has stated that UAE government leaders have
attempted to retain the religiously conservative and culturally traditional structures of the
society, and placed ‘significant emphasis upon religion to safeguard past achievements’.
This, in turn, has limited the ability of the government to make any political decisions
without taking into account religious concerns (Al-Oraimi, 2004; Al Sayegh, 2004; khattab,
1996).
Societal perceptions of what women may and may not do in the public domain are very
much determined by Islamic teachings (Abbas Ali, 1995; Marmenout, 2009; Rice, 1999;
Weir, 2000). Within the UAE, Islamists actually have supported women’s right to
participate in the workforce. Along with the Constitution, they also support the notion of
equal opportunities for women in the workforce (Nelson, 2004). They go as far as to argue
that women should enjoy rights equal to that of men; nevertheless, they also argue for the
importance of applying Shari’ah in regard to women’s privacy and modesty (Sidani, 2005).
This factor, especially the manner in which it manifests in the workplace, is crucial when
considering the place of women in UAE public life.
So while there is support for UAE women to join the workforce, Islamic teaching and Arab
norms, in particular in relation to gender separation and mobility, limit women’s working
options (Metcalfe, 2006). This traditional value does this by not allowing women to
participate in some occupations, such as in the hotel industry and other jobs where there are
little or no restrictions on interactions between men and women (Gardner, 1995; Nelson,
2004). Most of these jobs that women culturally are excluded from are offered in the
private sector. Therefore, UAE women, because of these cultural restrictions have no
option but to join the government sector, as this sector gives recognition to, and provides
workplace practices which accommodate the religious and cultural obligations of women
(Al-Oraimi, 2004; Gardner, 1995; khattab, 1996).
One example of a religious practice that might affect working women is the wearing of
hijab in the workplace; that is, the cloth that covers a woman’s head and body, leaving only
exposed the hands and face (khattab, 1996; Odeh, 1993). A number of writers have
58
suggested that within Muslim Arab culture that includes UAE, hijab represents and ensures
the modesty of women and encourages respect for them in the workplace (Ball & Haque,
2003; Bouma, et al., 2003; Macleod, 1991; McCloud, 1995; Odeh, 1993; Sensenig, 2002).
In fact Arab Muslims such as UAE people tend to look unfavorably upon Muslim women
who go ‘uncovered’ in public, to the extent that women who eschew hijab may even be
stared at or harassed (Sensenig, 2002). Hijab is just one manifestation of a cultural practice
that reflects the influence of Islam within UAE (Marmenout, 2009). More importantly,
however, this practice points to the strict ‘culture of (gender) separation’ that characterizes
UAE society where the culture traditionally recognizes that there should be practices to
encourage or maintain a physical separation of men and women in the workplace
environment (Gardner, 1995).
Another obvious example of Islamic and cultural practice which is implemented in many
organizations in the UAE, such as in educational institutions and Islamic banks, is that of
gender separation (Al-Oraimi, 2004; Gardner, 1995; khattab, 1996; Metcalfe, 2006).
Metcalfe (2006, p. 100) has stated that ‘while women’s entrepreneurship was highly valued
and recognized by men, the separation of men’s and women’s business was seen as
“appropriate” and “proper” business practice’.
Turning now to the influence of Arab traditions, the UAE is considered to be a patriarchal
‘traditional’ Arab society with distinct gender roles and these roles define the man as
‘bread- provider’ and the woman as ‘caregiver’ (Daleure, 2005; Mostafa, 2005; Whiteoak,
et al., 2006; Yousef, 2000). El-Haddad (2006) in a discussion of patriarchy in UAE society
asserted that patriarchy in UAE existed long before the coming of Islam, and that later the
interpreters of Islamic law and traditions continued to foster patriarchy. The Constitution
acknowledges the validity of women’s dual role as mothers and wives and also their role as
workers. In UAE, women are traditionally expected to be full time child-care providers and
‘housewives’ by many people rather than to be a bread-provider (Abdalla, 1996; Gallant &
Pounder, 2008).
One of the most obvious tribal traditions that impacts on Muslim women when they enter
the workplace is the concept of ‘family honour’ or in Arabic, Al-sharaf (Bahar, et al., 1996;
Kadioglu, 2005; Ozgur & Sunar, 1982; Rizk, et al., 2005). The importance of family is
59
paramount and it is men who take on the responsibility of protecting the sexuality of ‘their’
females (Marmenout, 2009; Megnarella, 1974). This sense of ownership of women extends
to a man’s mother, sister, wife, and his daughter. Society holds him responsible for the
conduct of ‘his’ women in the public domain (Megnarella, 1974). When women are
sexually harassed, for example, this represents a failure by the male guardian and generates
an intense sense of humiliation for both him and his family (Omar & Davidson, 2001). This
humiliation may even affect the extended family, or even the whole tribe, who feel they
have ‘lost face’ or been shamed (Slote and DeVos, 1998).
Nevertheless, even though women are aware of these risks, many continue to join the
workforce (Al-Oraimi, 2004). In addition to UAE women’s own more personal desire to
utilize their skills and education in the formal economy, they have also earned, when the
UAE federation was established in 1971, the constitutional right to fully participate in the
public domain (Gallant & Pounder, 2008). UAE political leaders generally recognize the
value of women both in the home and in workforce (Gardner, 1995; Lau, et al., 2009).
However, modernization also tended to ignite patriarchal values, especially in relation to
family honour and sexuality. For example, it is the norm in Western work practices not to
separate the work space on the basis of gender. However, in the UAE, in order to resist
these practices associated with modernity, traditional values are strengthened (Al-Lamky,
2007; Daleure, 2005; Sidani, 2005). Al Sayegh (2004) has suggested that while the UAE
government and UAE nationals are able to accept modernization and Westernization,
Islamic awareness remains a powerful factor in UAE society and has ‘contributed much to
the tensions marring the process of change’.
3.5 Conclusion
This chapter has presented information relating to the demography and cultural and social
background of the UAE. The chapter has outlined some of the most critical issues relating
to Islamic teachings and Arab traditions that shape perceptions of UAE society toward
women in the paid workforce. This chapter has also highlighted the situation of UAE
women in the public sphere more generally and in particular within the context of the UAE
government workplace. UAE working women are experiencing a transformative period in
the history of the nation characterized by a tension between the (cultural) forces of
modernity and tradition. Whilst there are clearly some positive outcomes stemming from
60
the UAE’s rapid social, political and economic change, there is also the potential for
problematic aspects such as sexual harassment. UAE traditional society may be particularly
vulnerable given that, historically, women have not been exposed to a mixed gender
workplace. In contrast to the work culture typically associated with modernity, UAE
women have been socialized into valuing and conforming to relatively strict codes of
modesty, seclusion, and responsibility as mothers and wives.
UAE’s economic development aspirations are causing rifts in traditional attitudes
surrounding women. Greater numbers of UAE women have become more educated and are
being encouraged to participate in the government workforce. In this complicated situation,
where Islam and Arab tradition pull in one direction, whilst the global forces of
modernization pull in another; the investigation of workplace sexual harassment is critical
to understand how, within this cultural tension, this problem manifests and is dealt with. It
is imperative that we ask the question,” Are UAE women harassed in the government
workplace or not?” Not only that, we need to consider the impact of Islam and Arab culture
on perceptions of sexual harassment in the UAE government workplace. While a great deal
of research has focused on the place of women in the public domain in Arab countries as
well as UAE, sexual harassment as an important issue for working women in the UAE has
not been systematically studied. The following chapter explains the research design and
methods used in this research.
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CHAPTER 4 RESEARCH METHODS
4.1 Introduction
The aim of this study is to answer the questions ‘what evidence is there of sexual
harassment occurring in UAE government workplaces?’, ‘what factors are contributing to
the occurrence of sexual harassment?’, and ‘in what ways do Islam and Arab traditions
influence the subject of sexual harassment in the workplace?’ Given the lack of knowledge
of sexual harassment in UAE workplaces, this study is exploratory. At the same time there
is an important explanatory dimension to this research as it is located within the framework
provided by the existing literature considered in chapter two and three. The data is analyzed
in relation to previous research on sexual harassment in the workplace, much of which has
been within the context of Western countries.
This chapter explains the research paradigm, design and methods used in this study. It will
be seen that most of the data was gathered through semi-structured interviews and a survey.
The advantages of these methods will be highlighted and, at the same time, the limitations
of the data collection will be addressed. The collection of the data via interviews and survey
and the subsequent data analysis will be explained in detail. Finally the impact of the
sensitivity of the topic upon the data collection will also be discussed.
4.2 The focus of the research:
The public sector was selected for this research as this is where most of the UAE local
people work (Alkhaleej, 2008). The public sector in UAE refers to all federal and state
level organizations that work under government laws and are managed by senior
government managers. The public sector employs local employees both male and female.
This delimitation is convenient in several ways. Importantly, gathering information from
government employees, rather than private employees, standardizes the outcomes because
the same laws8
8 All federal and state government organizations design their own work regulations and laws under the
umbrella of the national federal law. This law recognizes Islam and Arab cultural traditions as the main
source for workplace regulations (Al-Muhairi, 1995). However, in the private sector, international companies
have their own work regulations that do not recognize Islam and Arab culture as a basis for these laws. One
and constitutions apply in all UAE government workplaces. There are more
62
female UAE nationals employed in the government sector than in the private sector
(Marmenout, 2009). This means that because sexual harassment is usually directed at
women (Fitzgerald, 1993; Gutek, 1985; Powell, 1986), the public sector would be a better
context in which to do this study. In addition, the private sector employs a much higher
proportion of migrant workers, and any study there would be complicated by the diversity
of cultural backgrounds that would need to be taken into account; focusing on government
worksites avoids this problem. Furthermore, studying the foreigner workers along with the
national UAE women workers would undermine the real focus of highlighting the
occurrence of sexual harassment in an intensely religious and cultural set-up. For example,
the occurrence of sexual harassment to foreigners, who mostly work in private sector
organizations, may be easily attributed to the lack of protections and greater vulnerability in
a foreign land, but it sometimes seems difficult to identify causes in case of national
women. The UAE national women's protection is often taken for granted given certain
protections associated with their religion, culture, vigilance from their families, kinship
groups and a ubiquitous religious and social ethical code which always seeks to protect the
interests of women when resorted to. Therefore, to fully understand the local context which
is framed by Islam and Arab traditions, the research needed to focus on UAE government
workplaces where the workers are mostly nationals. Given that sexual harassment occurs
most often between men and women, the research is focused on government workers who
work in a mixed gender workplace. As this research targeted to represent big government
organizations where the clash of tradition and modernity is occurring and where results of
this clash are more obvious in problems like sexual harassment, so the research included
organizations only from four major emirates. It is also because the central controlling set-
ups of these organizations exist in these major emirates, especially Abu Dhabi and Dubai.
Therefore, even with this limitation of including employees, both who participated in the
survey or were interviewed, only from four instead of seven emirates, the research can still
fairly claim to represent the government workplace situation in UAE at large. The target
group in this research includes senior managers through to middle and junior managers9
example is that it is the custom that both male and female local UAE workers’ attire; whereby in the public
sector men must wear the ‘national uniform’ (thaob) whilst women generally wear hijab and abaya.
9 The inclusion of different managerial levels is important to validate the research results; in other words, the
researcher wanted to discover if perceptions surrounding sexual harassment were similar between different
63
and/or government officers. The reason for this is to access broader information that covers
the different levels of management (and employees) in UAE government.
4.3 Research design and methods
According to Punch (2005, p. 27), the term ‘paradigm’ can be defined as, “a set of
assumptions about the social world, and about what constitutes proper techniques and
topics for inquiry”. The research paradigm impacts on the entire research, and provides the
direction for selecting the most appropriate research methods (Denzin & Lincoln, 1994). In
this sense, the term paradigm refers specifically to qualitative and quantitative research.
Even though these can be relatively complex paradigms, it is possible to define them in a
simplified way. Qualitative research, for instance, refers to data that takes the form of
words, whilst quantitative research generates data in the form of numbers (Punch, 2005).
There are different advantages to both the qualitative and quantitative approaches. For
example, the qualitative approach can be used to investigate the ‘insiders’ perspective
within a dynamic social process. Qualitative analysis can be used to understand an
individual’s or community’s worldview, or to explain everyday social behaviour. On the
other hand, the quantitative approach offers a more standardized, ‘objective’ form of data
collection and analysis through accessing and processing information about larger
populations. It provides a systematic and a comparable way of exploring social phenomena
(Punch, 2005). Karami, et al. (2006, p. 48) have stated that, ‘[q]ualitative research provides
insights and understanding of the problem setting, whereas quantitative methods have more
widely accepted approaches to the establishment of reliability and validity….Research
methodology in business and management therefore requires the right balance between
qualitative and quantitative methods’.
managerial levels. First of all, in UAE government workplace, different managerial titles are sometimes given
to individuals who occupy similar positions in government and federal states. For example, ‘administration
supervisor’ and ‘head of department’ might refer to the same position. The title of senior managers usually
refers to general managers or heads of organizations and agencies. Middle managers often include the
positions title of ‘head of department’ and sometimes ‘head of organizational branches’ (in reference to those
who head branches in different regions but not the headquarters). Junior managers refers to those who have
lesser responsibilities than the above, for instance managing a small section within the organisation, perhaps
supervising 3 -5 employees.
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The mixed methods approach, which combines both qualitative and quantitative analysis is
used to provide a more comprehensive picture than could any single method. The use of
multiple data sources provides greater validity in answering the research question(s)
(Hayati, Karami, & Slee, 2006). Employing the mixed methods approach helps to provide a
more informative analysis as a means to answer exploratory research questions (Gable,
1994; Karami, et al., 2006; Scandura & Williams, 2000). Mixed methods also provide
corroborating evidence for the research outcomes (Easterby-Smith et al., 1991; McGrath,
1982; Scandura & Williams, 2000). It has been suggested to be the most effective strategy
for exploratory work (Punch, 2005).
Punch (2005) has suggested that research can benefit by using both qualitative and
quantitative approaches. The researcher recognizes that to answer the proposed research
questions, it is important to combine both approaches; qualitative analysis allows for a fine-
grained exploration of social values, attitudes and behaviour whilst quantitative analysis
defines the social context of the study (for instance by determining the demographic profile
of the participants). Combining the two approaches can provide clearer and more reliable
answers to the research questions.
Because this is the first research undertaken in the UAE which deals with sexual
harassment in the workplace, the researcher started with a qualitative method and then
followed up with a quantitative method, i.e. survey. Qualitative research studies people’s
understanding, values, worldview and beliefs in their social setting. Punch (2005: 238) has
stated that ‘[q]ualitative data have a certain holism and richness [which is] able to deal with
the complexity of social phenomena’. Qualitative research examines the understandings of
particular human groups, their daily life in their society and in their organizations, such as
the workplace (Tesch, 1990; Wolcott, 2001), where the researcher’s role is to gain a holistic
overview of the research context, its logic, and the perceptions of participants from the
‘inside’ through a process of deep attentiveness (Miles & Huberman, 1994; Punch, 2005).
This research is exploratory, the analysis deals with perceptions, emotions and beliefs about
the social world and social relationships, and therefore, the medium of communication is
words. For this reason, the qualitative approach is more helpful, rather than the quantitative
approach which deals in numbers (Miles & Huberman, 1994). Because this research utilizes
65
data which takes the form of spoken and written representations of human experience, the
researcher decided to primarily employ the qualitative research approach. However, some
aspects of the research require the use of quantitative analysis, which was adopted as a
parallel research method. By using the mixed methods approach, the researcher was able to
gain a set of more comprehensive findings (Punch, 2005).
As a male researcher using the one paradigm in the field of sexual harassment studies, there
may be some criticism relating to the way the writer, as a man, could pull into the research
his own biases, especially given that feminist thinkers suggest that all science is based on a
masculine way of viewing the world (Blaikie, 1993). However, the mixed methods
approach offers a specific advantage in that it allows the voices of the participants to assist
the researcher to represent or interpret their viewpoint, without politicizing the fact (Punch,
2005).
It is important to recognize that there are some considerations that should be taken into
account when combining research methods, data and results. There are many mixed
methods models for combining qualitative and quantitative approaches, all of these depend
on the needs of the researcher ( Abbas Tashakkori & Teddlie, 1998; J Creswell, 2009 ; J
Creswell & Clark, 2007; Miles & Huberman, 1994; Punch, 2005). Researchers, for
instance, might combine research methods, but not the results; whilst others might combine
research methods, data and results. In short this means that there are different strategies for
combining qualitative and quantitative approaches. For example, the most integrated form
of methods combination is called ‘Full Multi-methods’. Here, the researcher combines the
research methods, data and results. Another form of methods combination is what is called
‘combined data’; whereby the researcher combines the two types of data (Miles &
Huberman, 1994; Punch, 2005).
Creswell (1998; 2009 ) and Creswell and Clark (2007) for example, have highlighted three
possible models of combined research design. The first is a two-phase design, whereby the
qualitative and quantitative approaches are kept separate. The researchers, for example,
depending on their research goals, might use an independent set of methods, data and
analysis derived from both qualitative and quantitative approaches. The second is what is
called the ‘dominant/less-dominant design’ type. In this model the researcher might for
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instance primarily utilize a qualitative approach but employ a quantitative approach as a
smaller component in the research design. The third model is called the ‘mixed
methodology design’ whereby both approaches are combined at all stages of the research.
The lack of previous research on sexual harassment in UAE meant that it was preferable to
obtain a breadth of views drawn from across a range of public sector organizations rather
than being limited to a single agency, inclusive of employees at different levels, including
both men and women.
To answer the research questions, especially in a society where the issue of sexual
harassment is sensitive and not discussed (Kisa, et al., 2002), it is unlikely that a single
method of obtaining data will be sufficient. Previous sociological studies, particularly those
focused on the effects of change, have found that a combination of data collection methods
provides a more comprehensive overview of the phenomenon under study than any single
method (Scandura & Williams, 2000). The following is a description of the major methods
employed in the research.
Three research methods were utilized, beginning with official government records within
the UAE dual religious and civil legal systems. The intention of scrutinizing official
government records was to identify firstly those government departments who kept such
records, and if available, statistics related to the number of sexual harassment cases on
record. The second method of data collection took the form of interviews with senior
managers to explore their understanding of sexual harassment and associated issues. The
final method involved the administering of a survey targeting government employees
including junior management. The survey was designed to extract quantitative data to more
broadly explore perceptions about gender roles, women in the workplace and sexual
harassment from a much larger group of people than took part in the interviews.
4.3.1 Official government records
One of the initial aims of this research was to gain some indication as to whether sexual
harassment was occurring in UAE government workplaces. It was anticipated that data
from official government records would be one source of such information. Because there
is no agency designed specifically for the reporting of workplace sexual harassment, the
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researcher accessed two potential sources of information: Islamic shari’ah courts, where
most honour issue-related grievances are treated, and police headquarters, where official
sexual harassment complaints are often recorded. The reason for this is that sexual
harassment is deemed to be a civil crime in the UAE Constitution. In fact, the Constitution
states that sexual harassment is an example of an ‘immoral act’ regardless of whether it
occurs within society more generally, or in the workplace. The Constitution also states that
the perpetrator deserves to be punished.
The researcher visited four major federal shari’ah courts and five federal and state police
headquarters. It was found that no public data about sexual harassment was available.
Officials at two of the four shari’ah courts claimed that they had not recorded any
workplace sexual harassment cases whilst at one state police headquarters it was confirmed
that they had handled two reported cases of workplace sexual harassment during the period
of 1996 – 2005. However, the official at one shari’ah court claimed that such cases are not
categorized as ‘sexual harassment’ and that they are more likely to be recorded as instances
of ‘verbal abuse’ or ‘rudeness’. This practice makes the identification of instances of
reported sexual harassment all the more difficult in UAE. The other departments refused to
reveal information about sexual harassment cases on the grounds that the information is
confidential and that the privacy of the people must be protected.
In summary, the most important learning from this exercise was that no formal government
records of sexual harassment cases exist in UAE at this point.
4.3.2 Semi-structured interview
The interview is a major data collection tool, and is considered a very good way of
accessing people’s perceptions, meanings, definitions of situations and constructions of
reality, especially on topics related to cultural issues and human affairs (Punch, 2005).
Interviews with experts can provide in-depth information and lead to a more comprehensive
analysis of social context (Neuman, 2003; Punch, 2005). An interview enables the
researcher to observe participant reactions and body language, and in particular to observe
differences between male and female reactions. Importantly, organizational strategy
theorists have shown that the interview offers rich data through entering the mindsets of the
interviewees (Punch, 2005; Yeung, 1995).
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The aim of the interviews was to firstly derive a clear understanding of sexual harassment
which could be used in developing a research questionnaire for the next stage of
investigation. The second aim was to gauge the participants’ opinions as to the reality of
workplace conditions (Fontana & Frey, 2000; Punch, 2005). All in all, interviews are
considered to be the most conducive means of obtaining substantial details and rich
perspectives about factors relating to workplace-based sexual harassment (Fontana & Frey,
2000; Rospenda, 1998).
There are several types of interviews; these include structured interviews in which there is
little flexibility for the participants to direct the topic of discussion. Another type of
interview is the ‘focus group interview’ whereby a group of people are gathered and are
directed by a facilitator in discussing a particular issue or set of issues. Focus groups are
often unsuitable for research topics which are sensitive and where individuals might be
reluctant to speak in front of others. Unstructured interviews, or what are sometimes called
‘ethnographic interviews’ contain non-standardized, open ended questions that highlight a
particular issue and to some degree allow the interviewee to direct the discussion (Fontana
& Frey, 2000).
Semi-structured interviews were selected as the most suitable interview type for the
research as this combined the advantages of asking a common set of questions to each
interviewee, whilst still allowing them the opportunity to reveal aspects not listed in the
questions. The semi-structured interview format allowed the researcher to meet and listen
to people who had immediate, in-depth knowledge and experience in the workplace,
knowledge of Islamic and Arab culture, and knowledge of current government legislations.
4.3.2.1 Interview questions
The interview questions were designed after a review of the relevant literature. Twenty six
interview questions were used to obtain preliminary data from senior workplace managers
on the position of women in UAE society and in the workplace; the influence of Islam and
Arab traditions on the workplace; their understanding of sexual harassment; their views on
whether it was occurring and if so, the factors which were contributing to it.
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As so little is known about the occurrence of sexual harassment in UAE workplaces, the
researcher wanted to ensure that the interviewees felt secure in revealing their perceptions.
Thus, many of the questions were open-ended, allowing for follow-up discussion where
necessary. A copy of the interview questions is attached as an appendix B.
4.3.2.2 Pre- testing
The pre-test provides the researcher with the opportunity to discover a way of
communicating or phrasing questions that would encourage participants to discuss the topic
freely (Stewart, 1990). In this project, the interview questions were trialed with 14
participants in Perth, Western Australia where the researcher was studying. The participants
were visiting academic staff and postgraduate students from the Middle East (Arab
countries) who had experience in working in Arab government organizations.
One of the concerns raised during the pre-test was the potential for a lack of co-operation,
or perhaps even in some cases resistance on the part of the interviewees, due to cultural
issues surrounding honour, shame and privacy. This required the researcher to consider
carefully how to recruit interviewees and to ensure that their comfort would not be
threatened by the interviews. This is discussed further in section 4.3.2.3
4.3.2.3 Selection of participants
The participants in the interviews were individuals who hold senior positions within the
UAE government, including policy makers. All of them were UAE local people, including
males and females, who had many years’ experience in the public sector and showed an
interest in participating in the study. This group was targeted for three reasons. Firstly, they
are representatives of the government workplace. Secondly, senior managers should have
more knowledge about sexual harassment given their role involves supervision and
problem-solving. Theoretically, if a case of sexual harassment occurs, they are the ones to
whom it is most likely to be reported. Finally, they also have in general more years of
experience in the workplace compared to junior managers and workers.
The formal government directory, which includes federal and local departments, was used
as a resource to develop a list of potential interviewees. The directory listed titles of
government senior managers from 37 ministries and state departments. The directory
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includes the Minister, the Deputy Minister, the Head of Department and the Manager in
each agency. The researcher used the directory to compile a list of the most senior
managers across the public sector. This amounted to a list of 101 people. They were all
contacted by telephone, and a list was compiled of 28 willing interviewees out of a total of
101 contacted. The 28 participants represented 19 federal and state government
departments and organizations who volunteered to participate. 39 percent of the participants
were female and 61 percent male. Their ages ranged from 29 to 45 and their positions
included deputy ministers, managers, government consultants, and heads of departments.
The sample group who agreed to participate were representatives of the following
departments and organizations: the Ministries of Human Development, Public Works,
Health, Interior, Planning and Economics, Education, Labour, Social Affairs, Islamic
Affairs, as well as Emirates Transport, Emirates Telecommunication Corporation, UAE
University, Abu Dhabi Marine Operating Company (Abu Dhabi Government), Emirates
Nationals Development Program (Government of Dubai), Sharjah Water and Electricity
Authority, Roads and Transport Authority, Emirates Identity Authority, Dubai Courts , and
the Dubai Municipality. Because the headquarters of ministries and the offices of ministers
are located in principal cities, the interviews were conducted in three places: Dubai, Abu
Dhabi (the capital of the UAE), and Sharjah.
The study was conducted between November 2006 and February of 2007, the time of year
when the interviewees were most likely to be available in the workplace.
4.3.2.4 Interview process
Physical setting affects the flow of participants’ comments whether in an interview or
filling out a questionnaire (Soares et al.2007). The venue must present a comfortable
atmosphere so the participants feel free to discuss opinions, and offer a sense of privacy. It
should be familiar and easy to access. The majority of interviews took place in the
participants’ private offices. This setting was assumed to be a familiar and therefore
relatively comfortable environment for the interviewees. However, four of the male
participants chose to meet outside the workplace, claiming that they were too busy to take
time to conduct the interview in their workplace.
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To achieve the ultimate goals of an interview, it is important to let the interviewees express
themselves freely, to capture their thoughts and reach the maximum reality of their
experience and knowledge (Neuman, 2003), especially in exploring a sensitive topic (Kisa,
et al., 2002). This required that the interviews be designed in a way that encouraged
interviewees to feel secure and welcome to speak. Building rapport with the interviewee is
a vital step for a successful interview, particularly in such circumstances.
The researcher and the topic were introduced, followed by a brief explanation of why the
topic was important for both the UAE government and its employees. It was explained that
the research was exploratory, and honest answers with rich data would help produce a
better understanding of what was occurring within the government workplaces.
Given that the UAE is a society in which there are strong cultural boundaries related to
honour and sexual issues, it might be anticipated that women in particular would be
reluctant to discuss matters of a sexual nature with a stranger. In addition, consideration
needed to be given to the potential sensitivity of females being interviewed by a male
researcher. One characteristic of the female interviewees which mitigated this situation was
that, as senior managers, they had many years experience in mixed gender government
workplaces and commonly met with males; hence it was not unusual for them to meet with
a male on their own.
Several strategies were employed so as to prevent interviewees from feeling uncomfortable
with the interview. Firstly, the interviewee was asked to nominate their preferred location
for the interview so that they then determine whether it occur within the privacy of an
office or in a more open place. Secondly, the questions were phrased generally, rather than
personally, allowing the interviewee to determine whether they related to personal
experiences or not. The order that the questions were presented to the interviewee was
important in terms of building their confidence. For instance the interviews commenced
with less sensitive, more generic questions relating to organizational practice, women’s role
in society and the role of men in the workplace before moving to more specific questions
on the topic of sexual harassment.
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With the participants’ agreement, the interviews were digitally recorded and saved in
electronic form. Field notes were also taken, and both these and the digitally recorded
interviews were kept in a safe location accessible only by the researcher. Digitally
recording the interview allowed the researcher to review the discussion and focus on
important information. Silverman (2005) has recommended the recording of interviews to
retain the precise context for each exchange. As some interviewees were concerned about
the possibilities of documenting and tracking the information they provided, it was
explained that confidentiality would be maintained; interviewees were given a guarantee
that their interview would be translated only by the researcher and not by any other person.
This was necessary because some government leaders otherwise refused to participate as
they were worried that a translator might recognize their voices; this was especially a
concern to those in high positions. Their awareness of the political delicacy of the subject
was acknowledged; they were assured that the confidentiality accorded to the recording
would apply also to any notes taken at the time. In fact, to counter the possibility of
identification, pseudonyms were used in the notebooks to refer to these interviewees.
Interviews were originally conducted in Arabic, and they were translated and transcribed
into English.
4.3.3 Questionnaire
Questionnaires provide efficient, quick and relatively inexpensive data from respondents
(Zikmund, 2003). The questionnaire was used to both test and supplement the interview
findings and reduce research bias during data collection and analysis by minimizing the
involvement of the researcher (Zikmund, 2003). Given the sensitivity of the topic it was
hoped that the anonymity of the written questionnaire would enable respondents to be more
forthcoming than they might be in an interview.
The questionnaire was designed after an analysis of the interviews. The questionnaires were
designed to be able to survey a larger group of UAE government workers and further
explore some of the findings of the interviews. The questionnaire consisted of three main
sections. The first section focused on the role of women including their reasons for joining
the workforce, services especially provided for women in the workplace, and cultural and
traditional values. The second section focused more specifically on the issue of sexual
harassment in government workplaces, including its occurrence, types of sexual
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harassment, reactions to harassment, and perceived reasons for it occurring. The final
section collected data on the demographic characteristics of respondents.
The questionnaire was made up of questions with multiple choice answers. Likert scales
were used to indicate a variable’s perceived importance to the respondent, varying from
‘strongly agree’ to ‘strongly disagree’. The advantage of using the Likert Scale is that it
allows the researcher to complete a more nuanced statistical analysis (Dundas, 2004).
To avoid ambiguity, questions were phrased in clear simple language, leading questions
were avoided. The questions were ordered carefully so as to encourage the completion of
the survey. Non-embarrassing construction was used (Arab, 2007; Dundas, 2004), for
example, the questionnaire started with general questions about women in the workplace
before moving to the issue of sexual harassment in the expectation that participants would
be more likely to complete the questionnaire if the less-confronting questions were asked
first (Arab, 2007).
4.3.3.1 Pre-testing
A pilot study was undertaken to identify any potential ambiguous or confusing questions,
and to check the response of participants. The pilot study was conducted in the UAE with
eight government workers typical of those who would be asked to complete the final
questionnaire.
Several changes were made as a consequence of the pre-test, including clarifying the
meaning of ‘modernization’ and ‘job qualification’. The researcher thus included in the
verbal preamble to the administration of the questionnaire an explanation of both terms10
10 Because the questionnaire was constructed from the interviewee’s responses, the researcher sought more
detail at this stage of the research about the frequency of sexual harassment. Therefore, it was necessary for
the researcher to clearly define sexual harassment to the participants so that they could recognise it, and report
in the questionnaire when and if it had occurred. If a definition of sexual harassment was not provided then
the participants might not have been able to provide accurate answers about how often they came to know
about or experience sexual harassment.
.
Additionally, the pre-test was used to check the length of time required to complete the
questionnaire, this was found to be seven minutes which was felt to be acceptable for
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participants. Participants also provided useful feedback on the introductory comments that
they felt were required from the researcher so as to encourage participants to complete the
questionnaire.
4.3.3.2 Questionnaire respondents
Because the researcher was using questionnaire as a data gathering tool in UAE
government workplaces, it was possible to survey a range of UAE government workers
from different regions, emirates, and geographical locations (Ambrose & Anstey, 2007;
Arab, 2007). The intention was also to use the questionnaire to gather data from
government workers who were not involved in the interviews, in particular, less senior
officers. Furthermore, a mix of male and female respondents were sought. As will be
outlined below, participants were recruited at a government training institution which was
attended by employees from all states in the UAE.
The questionnaire was distributed to government sector workers employed in a mixed
gender environment. The intent was to have a minimum of 300 questionnaires completed
by respondents. All participants in the survey were officers who dealt daily with higher
level management, customers and the organization’s clients.
The different demographics of those selected to answer the questionnaire allowed
comparisons between senior management and officers who work under managers, and
between two generations: the senior managers who tend to be older and the workers who
are generally younger. One of the selection criteria was that participants should have at
least two years of experience in government workplaces. These two years were considered
to provide enough experience for the participants to provide informed answers.
The researcher asked 389 trainees if they would like to participate in this study, a total of
303 respondents agreed to participate and completed the survey, 224 females and 79 males.
The higher number of females compared to males can be accounted for when considering
that significantly more females participate in these training programs.
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4.3.3.3 Administration of the questionnaire
Questionnaires were distributed in the training rooms of an official government training
institution at the end of each training session. The institution approached was the Institute
of Administrative Development (IAD), which is located in the cities of Dubai and Abu-
Dhabi, and provides training programs for all government officers whatever their working
location, gender, administration level, or age. Permission was obtained from the Institute of
Administrative Development (IAD) to administer the questionnaire to participants in a
series of training sessions.
Some researchers have found that being part of a group encourages participants to be more
frank in providing answers rather than completing the survey alone (Abdalla & Al-
Homoud, 1995). While the participants completed the survey individually, they were
grouped according to their gender to achieve a more comfortable environment that would
encourage greater honesty and avoid potential problems due to cultural considerations.
Given the topic’s sensitivity and a lack of understanding of the meaning of ‘sexual
harassment’ within the UAE organizational culture, the researcher provided an overview of
the research and basic information about the questionnaire to participants prior to their
completion of the questionnaire. As mentioned, the pre-testing trial showed that offering a
verbal introduction to the administration of the questionnaire, which includes an
explanation of the background to the study, encouraged the participants to provide accurate
and ‘real’ responses. In addition to this presentation an information sheet outlining the
purpose of the study also accompanied the questionnaire. Concerns relating to anonymity,
or clarification of any of the questions, if raised by the participants, were addressed before
they began to fill out the questionnaire. This ensured that participants were informed about
the topic and there was no misunderstanding of questions.
To facilitate the request for confidential and sensitive information from questionnaire
participants, a letter from the university was provided, which verified the reason for the
study and undertook to protect confidentiality. All participants received a guarantee of
anonymity. The participants were assured that their participation was completely voluntary
and there was no pressure on anyone to take part. The participants were told that they had
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full rights to refuse to answer any question, and could leave the room if by any chance they
changed their minds about participating while answering the questions. The questionnaires
were collected in large self-sealing envelopes that were provided by the researcher.
Volunteer female trainee assistants helped to collect the envelopes containing the women’s
completed questionnaires, and males helped to collect the men’s questionnaires.
4.4 Data analysis
In general, data analysis refers to manipulation of a large volume of words or information
obtained by interviews or questionnaires which require describing and summarizing. This
requires knowledge to identify and draw a relationship between various outcomes which
have emerged from the raw data ( Creswell, 1998). The raw data needs to be treated in a
way that leads to a new logical interpretation and description leading to an explanation of
the phenomenon (Thorne, 2000). The sections that follow describe the approach adopted in
analyzing this study’s data.
The researcher fully transcribed the raw data from the digital recording and from notes
taken while conducting the interviews. Initially, the researcher reviewed all transcripts to
develop an overall view of the data and to generate a preliminary set of themes. Using these
themes or topics, the researcher then analyzed each interview to extract relevant segments
around each topic. Each set of data around each topic was then analyzed for commonalities
and or differences between interviewees and sometimes within individual interviews. In
addition, the data was analyzed for relationships between the themes.
Further, all 303 completed questionnaires were collected, assembled, and loaded into SPSS
(statistical package of social science) software. Simple quantitative analysis of the data was
completed to provide a more extensive picture on the themes identified in the interviews.
4.5 Ethical considerations
Approval for conducting this study was obtained from the University of Western Australia
Human Research Ethics Committee (HREC), as well as from all interview participants, the
IAD management, trainers, and questionnaire respondents.
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Participants’ anonymity was guaranteed; no names or identifying descriptors were included
on the interview transcripts or questionnaires. Participation in the study was entirely
voluntary; indeed, many potential interviewees exercised their right to decline to
participate. With regard to the questionnaire, it was made clear to the potential participants
that the successful completion of their training was unrelated to the research exercise.
One of the major concerns was the sensitivity of the topic itself. There was concern that a
male researcher asking questions to female participants about the subject of sexual
harassment might appear offensive. Hence care had to be taken both in the design of the
interviews questionnaire and in the administration of the interviews and questionnaire. No
complaints were received about the data collection process.
4.6 Conclusion
The purpose of this chapter has been to explain the research paradigm, and the design and
methods for collecting and analyzing data as it was employed in this study of sexual
harassment in the UAE government workplace. Two principal methods were used to gather
data, semi-structured interview and questionnaire. The appropriate research design has been
explained and justified. The inherent sensitivity generated by the topic in this particular
cultural setting, was limited by adopting an approach amenable to the study of sensitive
issues and care was taken to ensure all ethical issues were addressed. The following two
chapters detail the findings derived from this research.
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CHAPTER 5 FIRST STAGE: INTERVIEW ANALYSIS
5.1 Introduction
Chapter 5 presents the results from the initial exploratory stage of the research which
emerged from the 28 interviews with senior UAE government officers. This chapter is
broadly divided into two sections. The first section of the chapter reports on the
participants’ views relating to the role of women and men in UAE society; women’s status
in government workplace and the broader society - including women’s rights in paid work;
the types of work women undertake; and the role of the government in shaping their work-
life. The second section of this chapter presents the interview data on the meaning, causes
and consequences of sexual harassment in the workplace. It also presents those factors
which the interviewees believe prevent, or at least limit, workplace sexual harassment.
5.2 Profile of the interviewees
The participants in the interviews were 28 individuals who hold senior positions within the
UAE government. All of them were UAE citizens, both men and women, who had many
years’ experience in the public sector and showed an interest in participating in the study.
The participants represented 19 federal and state government departments. 39 percent of the
participants were female, and 61 percent male. Their ages ranged from 29 to 45 years and
the various positions they held included deputy ministers, managers, government
consultants, and heads of departments. The following table presents demographic
information for each of the interviewees:
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Table 3: Demography of the interviewees
# Gender Position State
1 Female Manager/ policy maker Dubai
2 Female Head of department Dubai
3 Female Head of department Dubai
4 Female Consultant Dubai
5 Female Director Dubai
6 Female Deputy minister Dubai
7 Female Director Dubai
8 Female Manager Abu Dhabi
9 Female Head of department Abu Dhabi
10 Female Manager Abu Dhabi
11 Female Supervisor Abu Dhabi
12 Male Policy maker Dubai
13 Male Policy maker Dubai
14 Male Manager Sharjah
15 Male Head of department Sharjah
16 Male Head of department Sharjah
17 Male Manager Dubai
18 Male Advisor Sharjah
19 Male Head of department Dubai/Fujairah
20 Male Head of department Abu Dhabi
21 Male Consultant Dubai
22 Male Head of department Abu Dhabi
23 Male Head of department Abu Dhabi
24 Male Head of department Sharjah
25 Male Head of department Abu Dhabi
26 Male Consultant Dubai
27 Male Manager Abu Dhabi
28 Male Head of department Abu Dhabi
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5.3 Role of women and men in UAE society
Most interviewees suggested that there are very strong traditional gender roles which
position women within the home-space as mothers; whilst men exist as breadwinners. For
instance, one male head of department suggested that:
Women are responsible for taking care of the house, and men are responsible for providing for all the financial needs of his family. (28)11
Another male head of department also argued that:
The home is better for women than working outside. Women are honoured by staying at home, served by their men who are bread-providers. (20)
The primary reason behind these traditional gender arrangements is that women are
considered to be innately better suited to raise children, who in turn may become future
government leaders. UAE traditions assert that the ‘natural’ role of women in society, as
caregivers to their family, is very important, because women are considered a fundamental
unit in maintaining the social structure. For example, a male religious advisor stated that:
In most cases, the real parent, and the real one that raises a generation, is the woman and not the man. (18)
Some senior female government managers similarly supported the idea that the
development of the country starts with those women who are prepared to raise future
leaders. Perhaps because women have long been associated with raising children and
maintaining the household, all of the female respondents supported the notion that the most
suitable person to raise children is the mother, within the confines of the home. In fact,
eight of the female interviewees strongly supported this traditional view of gender roles in
UAE society. For instance, one female director argues that:
[s]erving the country starts from raising good future leaders. Any development in the country starts with people [mind power]…. Building good government needs good people, and raising good people starts with mothers. (7)
11 The number appearing at the end of each quote from this point on relates to the relevant interviewee as
listed in Table 5.1.
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It is clear from the above discussion that women, when they do become mothers, are
required by cultural expectations to adopt the role of primary caregiver. However, this does
not mean that all women are valued only in the home, for women in general are considered
to be important in building an economically and morally better society.
According to 25 of the 28 interviewees, UAE women play active and positive roles in both
public and private spheres. For instance, one male government consultant provided his view
on the importance of UAE women in the public sphere:
Who said, “[w]omen should cover herself with Abaya [black body cover] and stay at home”? Muslim women should be active both in her house and in society. (21)
Furthermore, a male human resource manager presented his view on the dual role of
women in UAE society. In this view, he argues that education is a key factor that allows
women to have greater participation in society including the workforce:
Islam did not call women to be isolated, nor does it not allow them to participate in national or community development. Islam encourages women to contribute to their society. Women play an important role in supporting the country. In the history of Islam, women have participated in government and in human development. Women played a key role in supporting Prophet Mohammed, who praised women for supporting Islam. Women, therefore, should be educated and be given the opportunity to participate in the workforce. However, women should also be required to be conscious of Islamic values and ‘disciplines’ (17)
Some respondents were of the opinion that the government should have some responsibility
for providing women with the skills required to maintain their important dual role in
society. The above statement suggested that education is considered to be an effective
means for the social transformation of women from role of solely the primary caregiver in
the home, to an active participant in the formal workplace and in the society.
According to the interviewees, men also are as much controlled by conventional social
expectations as are women. UAE social and cultural beliefs, customs and values, emphasize
the essential role of men as ra’ie luqmat alaish (breadwinners). Religion and tradition
dictate that men, at least those who are the guardians of their family, remain solely and
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exclusively responsible for providing for their family’s financial needs. For instance, a male
manager stated:
In my culture, men are responsible for providing for his female relatives and immediate family in all of their life needs. (28)
In relation to gender roles, the interviewees claimed that it is completely unacceptable for
men to stay at home whilst their wife assumed the role of breadwinner. The interviewees
claimed that even if women are active in paid work outside the home, the responsibility of
providing for the family’s financial needs remains the moral obligation of men. This was
justified on three levels; in terms of religious teaching, under government law, and social
norms. Under these written and unwritten laws, the male must shoulder the full
responsibility of bread-provider (not only to his wife and children, but also to other family
members under his guardianship). A female manager commented;
The male is responsible for providing for the female, whether wife, sister or daughter with financial support. The male is obliged by Islam and the government to provide me with financial support. (10)
This senior manager argued that men are given the responsibility by both religion and
government to provide their family with financial support. They can never be free from this
duty. In her and society’s view, ‘providing bread’ for the family is not a choice but an
obligation.
The implication of this is that men’s role as the legitimate providers of economic resources
for the family is reinforced. They are also considered to be the legitimate recipients of any
monetary support that flows into the family unit from the government. For instance, as a
male head of department explained, the family allowance is paid to the male member of the
household:
Because the male is the family bread- provider, when he marry or have a new born baby, he receive an extra government support as a ‘family allowance’ to support his wife and children (19)
According to the interviewees, the father is the channel of the family financial support.
Because the family unit is highly valued in UAE society and the father or male is the
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guardian of that family, the allowance goes toward ensuring the preservation of the family
through men. This government support reflects the importance of men as a bread-provider
in the UAE social context, in which females are expected to be supported by their husbands
and fathers.
5.4 Role of women in paid work
The majority of interviewees agreed that, in principle, women can legitimately be involved
in paid work. However, the data reveals two different views related to the question of
whether or not mothers should actively participate in the workforce. The first opinion was
presented by seven of the interviewees (three females and four males). This group argued
that mothers should not involve themselves in the workplace. They claimed that raising
children and taking care of the husband and home are far more important activities than
doing formal work, primarily because this meant that mothers must necessarily spend a lot
of time away from the home. For instance a male head of department commented that:
Culturally, it is more suitable for mothers to raise children, rather than to be a bread-provider. (28)
This group were of the opinion that only mothers who were unable to secure financial
support through a husband or male guardian, or those who are married yet have no children,
could join the paid workforce. Women who have children and are being financially
supported by the husband or another male guardian should refrain from having to directly
provide financial resources to sustain the family. Again, they emphasise the responsibility
of men to work and provide for their family’s financial needs. A female director who
supported this view stated that;
A mother has the right to work if she has no financial resources. However, if a mother has adequate financial resources, and has children, she should definitely stay at home. I prefer home rather than working outside. (7)
This group of 7 interviewees argued that mothers should not participate in the workplace as
this will naturally lead to the neglect of their children. For instance, one female director
confirmed that belief when she stated that;
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The essential and main first job for mother is raising good children. The society depends on those children who will lead the country in the future. The working mothers have left their children alone in the houses with house maids. (7)
Furthermore, as one male human resource manager points out, women who provide care for
their families in the home, as well as participate in the paid workforce, are overly burdened:
A full time mother is better in raising children, caring for the husband, and taking care of the house. For the sake of earning a few dollars [female salary], I squeeze mother between home and work. This is not fair. Men are responsible for working outside, taking care of women, providing her with financial income, respecting her as wife and mother. Mothers should not work outside. (27)
The above quotations expressed the concern of some of the interviewees that mothers could
not both work away from the home and properly take care of children. The argument here
is that women’s participation in the workforce not only compromises her ability to be a
good mother, but unfairly burdens her with a task (financially contributing to the
household) which is fundamentally not her responsibility. This was a common argument
expressed by seven of the interviewees who contended that there is enough pressure on
mothers to fulfil her domestic obligations, without working outside the home.
The rationale for this is the belief that mothers play the main role in raising future
generations of citizens and leaders within society by ensuring that children are supervised
at home, and protected from the negative impacts of, for instance, the media. Therefore,
mothers take on the function of guardians of the moral integrity of children. For instance, a
male head of department further identifies the nature of these negative influences by
contending that:
What do we gain when we send our women to work outside their homes? Maybe we can compare our mothers’ lives and the effect that had on our generation, and then compare the outcomes in homes when mothers start working outside. See how we were raised and compare that with the new generation and their behaviours. Since the mid 1990’s, when mothers started working outside their homes, we can look at their children’s’ behaviours and compare with that with an earlier generation. I am sure you will judge that the new generation has not been raised well… When mothers work outside the home, and ignore their primary responsibility of teaching children the media starts teaching and raising the children, without the real guider [the mother]. However the main reason for their lack of manners is when mothers left their homes seeking working outside. If mother remains at home, she secures the safety of her children, even protecting them from the evils of the media, bad friends, and all other negative side effects. (24)
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A religious advisor also stated that:
Working at home is the best option for mothers. ALLAH will reward mother when she spends her time serving her husband and children at home. The house -maid cannot raise the children, she just takes care of the house and cleans, the real teacher and raiser is the mother, and I am worried that we might miss this role in the future.(18)
In contrast to the opinion of these seven interviewees, 21 of the participants claimed that
women, including mothers, should have the opportunity to join the workforce should they
desire to do so. These interviewees suggested that women should legitimately serve in the
workplace if they choose, and that Islam did not prevent them from doing so. A female
manager argued that:
Islam does not stop women from working… women should serve their country. Our country needs both males and females. (8)
A male head of department also stated that:
UAE women are supported by princesses (the wives of royalty). These princesses encourage local women to join the government workplace. This support has given women the confidence to enter the workforce. (19)
Another male head of department stated:
I didn’t say that women should be confined to their homes. We need women in many fields. In education, or medicine for example, we really need women’s participation. However, I do think that women should work within limitations that protect and safeguard their honour.(24)
The consensus among these interviewees is that women are an important national resource,
and that the UAE needs all its citizenry, both men and women including mothers, to serve
their country. They argue that women are, in fact, encouraged by Islam to join the public
workplace, and that the government also supports this view.
5.4.1 Government support for women’s participation in the paid workplace
UAE government royal and political leaders are some of the most prominent and vocal
advocates for women in the workforce, encouraging females to be more active within
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society, and in serving their country in a more formal way beyond the confines of the
private domain. For instance a female human resource manager voiced her opinion in the
following:
[t]he future of women is very bright. I am not talking about just trying to increase numbers of women in the workforce; I mean the government leaders actually believe in women’s equal abilities with men on the job. Therefore, this gives us, as women, an assurance that the future of women is in safe hands. (8)
A male human resource manager also presented his view and stated that:
The future is for women in the workplaces. We have so far two ministries lead by women. I personally encourage women to participate in the workforce and support their country. However, I call working women to maintain their Islamic principles and not denying their cultural values (17)
Five interviewees confirmed that the UAE government is committed to facilitating
women’s involvement in the workforce through the “Emiratization policy”. The
interviewees gave credit to UAE government organizations, which have distinguished
themselves from the private sector in the provision of special benefits for women in the
workplace. The following quotes provide two examples of the impact the Emiratization
policy has had. A male head of department stated:
These days the UAE government encourages females to join the workforce... As a result, the numbers of women will be even more than men. This is natural, given the encouragement women receive to join the workforce. What is more, most of these women will join the public sector. (15)
Another male head of department stated that:
[o]ur political leaders, as well as senior managers in leading positions, consistently encourage women to join the workplace. (19)
However, according to the interviewees and despite their support for this policy,
Emiratization does not go far enough in providing support for women. They argue that
women are still often only provided with ‘low-level’ jobs; whilst there are many females
who wait years for a job offer, sometimes with little response to their applications. In
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relation to this a male government consultant presented his opinion about the Emiratization
policy:
Yes, Emiratization is supporting of local people, including women in the workplace. However, Emiratization is still not providing enough support for UAE citizens. The government should work harder to offer more jobs to local people. (21)
Despite some criticisms of Emiratization, the interviewees suggested that the UAE
government does provide working women with unique support and privileges when
compared with the private sector. According to the interviewees, the UAE treats both
genders fairly in the workplace. For example, they argue that there is no discrimination
concerning salary; a female human resource manager claimed:
We enjoy equity in the workplace. In terms of the salary we receive it is equal to the salary of men. In general we are given equality and fairness in comparison to men. (8)
The senior managers who were interviewed for this research emphasized that the
government work regulations, as they applied to UAE government workplaces, provide
equality for both men and women. A female manager commented:
Women are treated equally in the workplace. The recruiting system is clear and confirms gender equality. (1)
On another occasion, a male policy-maker stated that:
Gender is not the issue; the issue is how that applicant will fit the job description. (12)
According to the respondents the government’s support for women’s participation in paid
work is reflected in the special provisions that are made for them in the public sector; these
include gender separation in the workplace, maternity leave, breast feeding breaks, early
departures from work and exemptions from working outside normal working hours. The
interviewees provided examples of these special provisions within their own workplaces as
well as explaining the cultural logic that underpins them, highlighting the impact of Arab,
Islamic traditions and values upon women’s participation in the UAE workplace. In
commenting generally on the position of women, interviewees identified concern for
women’s honour; e.g. a male head of department stated:
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We need women in many fields. In education, or medicine, for example, we really need females. However, women should work with limitations that protect them and safeguard their honour. (24)
And a male religious advisor12
explained:
Women can work in any sector as long as their honour and respect are safeguarded. (18)
An important component of protecting women’s honour identified by the interviewees was
the mixing of men and women in the workplace. Concern was expressed by interviewees
that if a women work in an environment where there are men it might lead to accusations of
moral impropriety; therefore they felt that women should be encouraged to work in a
female only workplace or a mixed gender workplace where the interaction between men
and women is limited. A male head of department claimed:
I need to provide women with comfort and respect. By this I mean the creation of a safe work environment, away from the intimidation of some males. Gender separation in Islamic Banks is good example which provide privacy for female workers (23)
Another male head of department was adamant that:
Males cannot share a single office with females …This is an important part of our organizational culture. (19)
Examples were given of provision of sex-separation workplaces in the government. A male
head of department claimed that,
First of all, our organization applies gender separation within the workplace. For example, we have two completely separated food court areas. You never see any women sitting with men, eating or chatting. (19)
Other female head of department noted that:
12 In the UAE, the Ministry of Islamic Affairs provides male and female religious advisors who provide
religious guidance and instruction for government workers, in addition to training programs and lectures.
They also provide direction on issues related to gender in the government workplace.
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So far, the government still provides special care to women employees, and managers are aware of the culturally sensitive status of women in the workplace, especially in mixed gender workplaces where we are separated from men. (9)
Turning to other special provision for women employees in the UAE public sector, one
female manager outlined the paid maternity leave provision:
[i]f a working woman delivers a baby, she will get six months’ maternity leave, two months with full salary, another two months with half salary, and an extra two months without salary, totalling, after her delivery, six months. (10)
Following maternity leave, when women return to work they are entitled to nursing breaks
to breastfeed their child as a recognition and respect of mothers’ responsibilities towards
their children. A male head of department described the details of this provision:
In my organization, women are provided with two full paid hours every day to return home in order to nurse their babies. (23)
Other special provisions in the government workplace relate not just to mothers but to all
women. For instance, the interviewees provided the example of women leaving the
workplace earlier than men. That is, in government offices in the UAE, females are
expected to depart earlier than their male colleagues. A male head of department explained:
We allow female workers to leave the workplace half an hour early every day to avoid the crowds. Also, we never call female workers outside working hours, even in an emergency. This is special treatment for status of women. (19)
A female manager confirmed the differing practices in relation to women:
The male managers in our government workplaces are aware of our needs and our limitations. For example, when I have meetings in Dubai or the northern states, they do not push me to spend nights outside my home. They do not ask me to do overtime. As soon as I finish my normal working hours, I go home. All overtime duties are undertaken by men….[w]e have unwritten customs that provides women with comfort in the government workplace. The supervisors will not push any married women to travel for 2 or 3 days far away from home while leaving their children at home alone. (10)
Finally, in considering the differing expectations relating to men and women in the
workplace, the interviewees identifies some types of jobs deemed not suitable for women.
In some cases the nature of the work site, for example in the construction industry, did not
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provide an environment which was conducive to meeting the special needs of female
workers. A male policy-maker argued:
We have job descriptions, and every job has limitations. For example, women have special circumstances such as menstrual periods, in which case inspecting on-site with men where no good toilet facilities to maintain woman’s needs and privacy will make her job difficult (12)
Interviewees suggested that women are thus excluded from jobs that are deemed
inappropriate, including working outdoors or in unsafe or insecure conditions. They are
restricted to jobs that do not conflict with established cultural values. A female human
resource head of department suggested another example of the types of working conditions
that were unsuitable for UAE women:
Some jobs need the driver to drive long distances and spend the night far away from home. Culturally, the female will not accept that job. (3)
Another statement by a male human resource manager suggested other types of work that
women are discouraged from doing, this time based on the physical differences between
men and women:
Women can join any field except the work that women can’t perform, like labour intensive (carrying heavyweight items) tasks as an example. (17)
In summary, the interviewees asserted that women in the UAE prefer working in the
government sector, given the special provisions which assist them in taking a dual role in
the home and the workplace. The interviewees agreed that the UAE government is able to
offer its female employees comfortable working conditions which, according to them,
allow more women to participate in the workforce and be more productive whilst still
observing cultural dictates.
5.4.2 Male dominance in the workplace
Despite the claims of equality for women in UAE government workplaces, some of the
interviewees argued that men are still dominant in the workplace, especially in the
occupation of senior or leading positions. A female deputy minister concluded:
Our society is still male dominant. Yes, I am in a very high position but men are still in control of everything. (6)
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A male academic expressed his view in the following manner:
Most leaders in the UAE government are still males, even though women are beginning to gain some power. (25)
Another female head of department commented:
Men still control the workplace. Sometimes you may see many female workers, but still men still hold the power…If you want evidence, compare the number of female graduates from the universities with that of men. You will find that women are higher in number compared to men, but in leading positions you can count the number of women on your fingers. (5)
The above statements suggested that the social structure of society is reflected in the
workplace. Men are still dominant in the workplace because of the ideology of his primary
role being that of the bread provider. Women, on the other hand, are still in the early stages
of making inroads into the world of work and transforming their traditional role as solely
carer in the home. Some interviewees noted that, traditionally, women after marriage and
childbirth are still expected to quit their jobs or at least put their careers on hold. This issue
is becoming clear in those leading positions that need job commitment and long career
experience.
5.5 Sexual harassment
This section will present the interviewees’ views on sexual harassment in the UAE
workplaces, highlighting their understanding of the meaning of sexual harassment, whether
it is occurring, factors causing it, its consequences, and policies and procedures, if any,
concerning sexual harassment. It will also record the suggestions of participants to control
and promote such factors as might help prevent this societal taboo. This section explains
the issue of sexual harassment in the UAE and how both religion and Arab culture are
related to, and have influence on, sexual harassment in the government workplace.
5.5.1 Meaning of sexual harassment
The analysis of interview data reveals differences in opinion as to what constitutes
harassment. The following three examples illustrate these differences. The first definition
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provided by a government religious male advisor, indicates several levels of sexual
harassment and used religious text as the reference point for his definition:
Regarding sexual harassment, Allah says in the Quran, “O Mohammed tells the believers to lower their gaze, and protect their sexual parts from illegal sexual relations.” From this verse we find two kinds of sexual harassment mentioned in the Quran. First is the lowest level of sexual harassment which starts with sight (the lewd gaze) and ends with the highest level which is adultery (rape). Between of these harassments are different levels of harassment such as words, touch, messages, bothering other people and so on. (18)
While some interviewees understand ‘lower level’ forms of harassing behaviour as sexual
harassment, they deem more serious actions as a ‘crime’:
Sexual harassment is not more than eye contact, a bad word, or a simple touch. Any other immodest actions more severe than these are considered to be crime. And for this the laws of this country will harshly punish those who commit these acts. (1) (female manager/policy maker)
However, others had suggested that these ‘lower level’ forms do not in fact constitute
sexual harassment:
Sexual harassment is unacceptable heavy verbal words, but other simple practices like evil eyes, emails, sms, or some love words are immodest but not sexual harassment.(2) ( female head of department)
Every respondent offered a different meaning according to his/her context, which suggests
that there is no formal understanding of sexual harassment in the UAE government
workplace. However, according to the majority of interviewees, even though there is no
unified understanding of ‘sexual harassment’, they asserted that UAE society strongly
rejects such behaviour. A male head of department stated:
Al taharush al jensi (sexual harassment) is a revolting word in UAE society. People do not like this word because it is related to the word ‘sex’. People might use the word Mouakasah (stalking). This word is more readily accepted than sexual harassment. Our society is modest. People are raised in their childhood, and in the schools, in segregation, nobility, and with the belief that women are sacred. (16)
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5.5.2 Occurrence of sexual harassment
There was diverging opinions amongst the interviewees as to whether sexual harassment
was occurring in UAE government workplaces. Most significantly, the largest group - 14,
of whom 9 were females- claimed that it was not occurring; whilst a group of 8
interviewees believed that it was occurring and a group of 6 individuals did not know or
was not sure if sexual harassment occurs or not.
Those who denied that any sexual harassment was taking place in the UAE government
workplace were relying on their own personal knowledge and experience, and expressed
their views quite strongly that there was no such problem. For example, a male hospital
deputy manager explained as follows:
There is no sexual harassment problem in the UAE government sector including our public hospitals. The reasons for this are that the administration is careful of employees’ safety and people still respect Islam and the values of Arab culture, and continue to have strong relationships in a society that features nobility, modesty, and politeness. (14)
Similar views were held by a female head of department who stated that:
We do not have the problem of sexual harassment in our workplace. Actually, in the beginning I was surprised to learn of your topic, because we as UAE government workers never think of that existing in the work place. This issue does not exist. During my 15 years working here, only one case has occurred and it was in another organization. Sexual harassment is not a problem in any way for women in Government workplaces. The government provides special care for us, such as private rooms. If someone tries to do wrong, he or she will be exposed, the people will start talking and gossiping about the harassers. Losing face, or our culture of shame, will humiliate any person who tries to harass women. Even if there is a love relationship, both will be exposed. (2)
While a male head of department declared categorically:
From my own experience in my career, I have never heard of any harassment case in my workplace. I have never even thought of such a problem called ‘sexual harassment’, and if I were your research supervisor I would ask you to change your topic. (23)
Interestingly, on the other hand, the 8 interviewees who declared that sexual harassment
was occurring in the workplace were all males. Some were very sure that it was a current
problem.
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Sexual harassment happens in the government sector and sometimes it causes divorces and family dilemmas. (12) (Policy maker)
Furthermore, this group of interviewees also acknowledged the lack of recognition of this
problem within UAE workplaces.
Maybe we have no sexual harassment as a current workplace dilemma, but definitely there would be some cases occurring. (20) (Head of department)
Another head of department expressed his view on sexual harassment from a different
perspective: Having no [explicit] sexual harassment does not mean that there is no sexual harassment occurring. This problem is just not recognized right now but I am sure it will cause a big challenge in the future. (16)
Finally, amongst the six interviewees who reported that they did not know or not sure
whether sexual harassment was occurring in the workplace, two explained their answers in
term of the lack of official recognition, and consequent lack of data on the issue:
This is a very sensitive and important topic and might happen but we cannot track it unless we view harassment as a workplace problem. (27) (Human resource manager)
There are no numbers or indicators to tell you that we have a problem or not. We live in a
silent society regarding this topic. (12) (Policy maker)
5.5.3 Causes
When the interviewees were asked the question ‘what causes sexual harassment to occur?’
a variety of reasons were suggested. The three factors most commonly referred to were
modernization, the mixing of genders, and the behaviour of women.
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5.5.3.1 Modernization
11 of the interviewees suggested that sexual harassment might be the price that is paid for
‘modernization’. Modernization here refers broadly to the rapid social, economic and
political changes that have occurred in the UAE over the previous three decades. The
interviewees pinpointed some of the negative aspects of modernization, including the
media, the influence exerted by foreign organizations and governments, as well as changes
in traditional behaviour and customs. A male government consultant complained:
Everything attacks UAE women… Unrestrained media and movies all affect the status of women and cause women to lose their values and customs day by day. Pressure from international organizations, from foreign governments, from Western media, from local secular leaders who call for immodesty, and even the education curriculum – all of these pressures call for sexual harassment. (21)
A male deputy dean of a university college similarly blamed contemporary media:
Media are blamed for what they show people in their programs. Media offer a lot of trash programs. These programs destroy society. We have many useless channels. In these days sexual harassment itself is broadcast on air. For example, in some programs boys ask girls for their private cell phones. I want you to count how many useless corrupt channels there are only on Nile sat [satellite]. These channels encourage immodesty and sexual harassment and fight the values of society. (25)
A male head of department attributed modernization with changes in people’s behaviours
which had negative outcomes:
It was clear that day after day people began losing their modesty because of modernization…Modernization brought immodesty such as some foreign behaviours that came with expatriates from other non-Muslim Arab Countries. (16)
However, other government leaders contradicted this negative view of modernization. In
their view, modernization was good and should not be blamed for sexual harassment.
Following is the statement of a male religious advisor:
Listen there is a difference between modernization and corruption or losing manners. Staying away from religion is people’s fault; modernization is in fact encouraged by Islam. Accepting modernization does not mean leaving our values and culture behind. (18)
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5.5.3.2 Interaction between the genders
Nine interviewees identified the mixing of genders in the workplace as an explanation for
sexual harassment. For example, a male manager suggested that:
Harassment will most likely occur if we mix genders – especially among the younger workers. (28)
Similarly, a female head of department stated that:
When you allow men and women to mix freely together, you open doors to honour problems. It’s like putting fire beside gas. (5)
Again a male head of department said:
When men mix with women, Satan tries to use this opportunity to destroy the modesty of both genders by encouraging them to be more intimate with each other. (19)
According to the interviewees, when men work with women without the restrictions of
customary rules and laws, or when they are secluded with women, then honour problems
will surely arise. The interviewees believe that because of the ‘natural attraction’ between
male and female, sexual harassment might be more likely to occur if proper restrictions
relating to the separation of the sexes are not observed. They consider that there is an innate
sexual lure that impels men towards women.
Furthermore, according to five interviewees, the dangers of mixing genders are
compounded when workers have free time. A male head of department concluded:
If the employee is busy all day, he will never be involved in ill actions such as sexual harassment. If he is free, then Satan will play in his mind because he has nothing to do. So free time encourages harassment and if not harassment itself, he will spend some time at least chatting with other females and that may lead to or increase the chances of harassment in future. (22)
And again, another male head of department explained:
Usually, free time or having nothing to do, creates an opportunity for sexual harassment to occur in the workplace. If a woman passes by a group of males, they start talking about her
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by describing her body. This then causes them to think of, and imagine, women as sexual objects. (24)
Others certainly did not view sexual harassment as a direct consequence of mixed gender
workplaces; they felt that Islamic values should guide men and women to behave
appropriately. As one male head of department expressed it:
Islamic values do not stop women from mixing with men in general. The Mother of Believers Aisha [the wife of the Prophet Mohammed] was teaching male companions but with modesty, hijab and respect. Muslim women and men can work in mixed gender workplaces with modesty in dress, contact, and speech. Muslim men and women are fully aware of Islamic values and teaching regarding mixing with each other. It is not an open relationship. It is under the roles of the Quran and the teachings of the Prophet Mohammed. (19)
5.5.3.3 Women’s behaviour
Thirteen interviewees, both male and female, reported that women’s behaviour might
encourage males to sexually harass them. They argued that men would never start
harassment unless women encouraged them to. A female head of department stated:
From my experience, women are treated with very high respect; nothing will happen to a woman unless she is a bad woman and opens the door for bad men. (2)
Another female director claimed:
The first call for harassment is a woman’s immodest appearance; what she wears is important. Eyesight comes before any other factors. If I did not see anything attracting me to harass, why would I harass anybody? (7)
Similarly, a male head of department argued:
The first cause of sexual harassment is the woman herself. When a woman acts immodestly or wears immodest clothes, she attracts males to harass her; however, if women are modest in their behaviour and clothes, no one will harass them. (20)
Several of the interviewees suggested that the woman’s behaviour might encourage
harassment inadvertently. A female director suggested that when women remained silent
after being harassed, this will cause a continuation of the harassment and will encourage
others to harass:
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…passive girls keep silent over the issue of sexual harassment and this will encourage bad males to harass them because of their silence. The bad males search for weak prey, and if they realize the woman will keep quiet about it, they will continue harassing. (7)
Similarly a male policy-maker claimed:
Sometimes women become the direct reason for sexual harassment. Their good, kind nature can give rise to alluring smiles and body movements that men find very attractive. So when this happens with a woman when she inadvertently allows the man an opportunity to respond in his own way. (12)
Several interviewees linked woman’s behaviour to UAE culture arguing that if a woman
practices her Islamic teaching and respects her cultural values, no one will harass her. For
example a female human resource manager stated,
If the woman applies her culture, she will be more protected. So if she is not applying the cultural way of dress or the Islamic orders, that shows others that women are very free and are inviting harassment. (8)
Finally, several interviewees regarded women as being very much in control of whether or
not sexual harassment occurred. Furthermore, if it were to occur, then they can also
determine whether or not it will continue. The following is a statement taken from a female
head of department:
Men will never harass a woman unless she allows him to, or gives him “a green light”. Even if he starts to do so, she can stop him in time – if she wants. (9)
5.5.4 Consequences
The interviewees regarded the consequences of sexual harassment, if it occurs, as being
harmful to the victim, to the victim’s family, and to the harasser as well. The majority of
interviewees agreed that the consequences of sexual harassment for the victim would be
severe, especially for the female, in UAE culture. A male head of department outlined the
impact on the victim and their family as follows:
The consequences of sexual harassment have a severe impact on a harassed people and their families, regardless of whether it occurs in rural areas or in big cities such as Dubai. If harassment happened to a female, her family and community would look down on her, and the woman’s family would lose face. However, through the teachings and understanding of
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Islam concerning the weaknesses of this harassed female, the society can forgive her: but it depends on the type of harassment. (19)
Clearly then this suggests that sexual harassment brings shame and leads to the victim and
their family losing social respect within their community. However, interviewees
considered that for women to be harassed, the consequences would be worse. A male
university deputy dean suggested:
In UAE culture, sexual harassment tremendously affects the harassed person-female more than the harasser- male. (25)
As mentioned earlier, women would not only lose their honour and jeopardize their
marriage, but also their job would be endangered. In addition, another consequence is that
the organization is likely to lose human capital. As one male policy-maker went on to state:
Even if the harassed female kept silent, she would quit the job, and this is another problem where the workplace will lose skilled female workers. If the female responds positively to her harasser, this will also cause an honour problem. So, in both cases, sexual harassment is a problem. (13)
One reason for leaving a job is to protect the sexual honour of the person. However, even if
the person leaves the job, if the story of sexual harassment is exposed, the whole family and
tribe of that harassed person will lose face. A male head of department who concurred with
this argument added:
“Honour” is a holy word that causes the harassed person or family members to lose face for tens or even hundreds of years, especially in Arab culture where people are proud of their tribes and honour. (16)
Interviewees reported that because of the severity of damage to the honour of a harassed
person, people tend to be very reluctant to report any such incident. If the accusation of
harassment becomes public, not only might the people involved lose face, but they might
also destroy their marriage. A male policy- maker suggested that:
Sexual harassment is causing divorce and family dilemmas in society. (12)
Sexual harassment has the potential to cause severe family distress, and even lead to death,
either of the parent or of the victim herself, in what is called in some countries “honour
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killing”. A male manager provided a very bleak example of the consequences of sexual
harassment:
The father, for example, cannot continue his life with this shame; he might die of a heart attack, or kill his daughter. The community may even place the blame on the victim. Sexual harassment may even jeopardize a woman’s ability to marry in the future. (28)
As part of the impact of Alfadeeha (sexual scandal), the interviewees suggested that there
will also be consequences for the harasser. There was a consensus that in the UAE people
place great deal of importance on sexual honour. According to the interviewees Islamic
tradition warns that if an individual harasses a female, one day one of his own female
relatives will receive similar treatment as a punishment for that action. For instance, a
female head of department endorsed this belief when she suggested that:
Allah warns men from harassing women by saying that if you harass another woman, others will harass your females (this for that). (9)
In Arab culture people value the sexual purity of women and consequently men who
attempt to violate women in a sexual way will lose face. A male head of department
provided his view on this cultural and traditional belief:
One big issue is that breaking honour will be punished in this life. In other words, if someone attacks another person’s honour, one day someone will attack his or her honour back. We have hundreds of stories confirming that. (16)
Thus the interviewees were suggesting that the harassers could expect ‘an eye for an eye’
type consequences.
According to the interviewees, the consequences of sexual harassment in the UAE
workplace are extremely serious because they might destroy an entire family. All
interviewees without any exception stated that sexual harassment, no matter how big or
small, would cause great social disorder.
5.5.5 Policies and procedures
The interviewees were asked to outline any workplace policy or procedure which allows a
harassed employee to report a sexual harassment case within the UAE government
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workplace. Even though they all worked in the government sector which had federal
workplace regulations, their answers to the question differed. The majority of interviewees
claimed that there are no policies or procedures that specifically facilitate the reporting
sexual harassment. However, eight interviewees stated that there is a strict workplace
regulation within their own organizations which deals with such behaviour. Among the first
group, a male university deputy dean stated:
From my experience this act is considered in the UAE constitution as a crime in general because it is against work ethics, it is illegal in Islam, and it is not accepted as part of workplace values and customs. But as to procedures, I think we do not have systematic procedures in place because it is not just a workplace problem. (25)
He believed that general work laws covered this act and that it was listed under criminal
acts in the workplace, but that there was no specific policy or procedure by which to follow
any sexual harassment cases. This belief was supported by a female deputy minister who
stated:
We have no particular sexual harassment workplace policy but we use the general work policy which includes immoral actions that also mentions sexual harassment if it occurs. (6)
A male policy-maker suggested that this problem was not on the agenda of government
work law:
There is no policy or procedures, in fact no one thinks of this issue. No one has even studied this problem. (13)
According to these interviewees, even though the law lists sexual harassment as a criminal
act in the workplace, processes are not in place to enable the reporting of sexual
harassment. A female director provided her view about this problem:
We have no procedures for dealing with sexual harassment if it happens. The organization does not know what to do regarding this issue, so they keep silent and forget the story. (7)
The other eight interviewees in contrast believed that even though there is no specific
sexual harassment policy, the government general law was both strict and clear regarding
sexual harassment in the workplace. A female manager provided her opinion:
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In our workplace we have very strict laws regarding sexual harassment. All employees are protected… from my experience, for example, a male commits a simple form of sexual harassment where he touches a female. The management takes severe action against that harasser which gives all employees check, and makes them scared of even thinking of harassing. (1)
A male head of department was very direct and provided an example of workplace practice:
We have a clear policy to the extent that if any employee is accused outside the workplace with any honour criminal issue such as sexual harassment, he or she will be directly terminated from the job or at least will be transferred to another region. I will give you an example: an employee used the source of our organization database to bother a female. The police caught him and he was imprisoned for 3 months, and after that my organization terminated him…We have a very strict policy regarding sexual harassment. (19)
For eight interviewees, the harassment policy was very clear for all employees and the
punishment led to leaving the job. They stated that they do not deal lightly with an issue
such as sexual harassment in the workplace. The punishment takes different forms and
concludes with firing the harasser. A male human resource manager clarified the firm
action taken:
We are strict with sexual harassment issues. All employees know our rules, and we will punish anyone who does this action and then fire him. (17)
5.5.6 Reporting of sexual harassment incidences
The interviewees were asked whether they thought that if a local Arab Muslim woman
experienced sexual harassment in the workplace, would she be likely to report the incident.
What would encourage her to either do this or not?
There were three different responses to this question. While five female interviewees
suggested that women would report sexual harassment if it occurred, 13 interviewees,
including three females, felt that women would be unlikely to report the incident for several
reasons. A further ten interviewees could not provide a clear answer as they claim that the
likelihood of a victim either reporting or not reporting was dependent upon a variety of
factors. The first of these reasons include the ingrained effect of social and cultural values
and traditions. Among the 13 interviewees who suggested that Arab Muslim women would
not report the incidents, one female head of department took the view that the honour issue
will stop women from reporting sexual harassment. She stated:
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The honour culture stops many reports. If single women have their honour scratched, they might remain unmarried, because men will not marry dishonourable women. (2)
Even with the existence of a sexual harassment policy, many interviewees believed that
women would not report incidences of sexual harassment. One female director provided her
view:
Even if we have a sexual harassment policy, women will not report. It is the issue of losing face, and of dishonouring status. Women will feel shame and shy away from complaining about harassment. (7)
Therefore, the findings suggest that the effect of such honour-related responses might lead
to another consequence; that of victim silence. In such cases, a woman endeavours to
protect her honour by not exposing the incident, in the hope of keeping her reputation
intact. A male government policy -maker claimed that:
80% of harassment incidents will not be reported to anyone because the victim is concerned about what is called Alfadeeha (or sexual scandal). (13)
According to interviewees, if women report the case of sexual harassment, the problem will
become bigger and grow out of control. A female human resource manager clarified why
women wouldn’t report sexual harassment:
From my personal thinking, I think that a female will keep silent because she doesn’t want things to get complex and it is a very sensitive topic. (8)
Not only will the honour issue prevent people from reporting sexual harassment, but other
related issues such as time constraints, fear of losing one’s job, or the difficulty of
providing evidence are factors. A male university deputy dean suggested:
We have to keep in our mind one important issue: the time we need to prove the harassment. How can you prove that you are harassed? The reporter will be the main loser. He or she will lose his time, lose his job, and change his workplace in the case of reporting harassment. (25)
One of the reasons that discourage females from reporting is the unpredictable reaction of the
female’s guardian. A male head of department provides a Arabic example:
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A woman would not usually report because she would be worried about the disproportionate reaction of her guardian… The Arabic Muslim male is very protective regarding his honour; he can easily commit to severely injuring the harasser and may even kill the harasser. This is what makes the females keep silent. (22)
A male university deputy dean suggested another disincentive, related to an organization’s
reputation:
In some cases, the organization itself wants to save itself from any dishonour issue in society, so they deal with the issue in a discreet way that protects the status of the organization. (25)
Interestingly, five interviewees, all females, reported that women would report sexual
harassment if it occurred. According to them, despite all the barriers, the harassed person
(usually female) would report the harassment. There are several arguments behind these
women’s opinions, one of which relates to whether women trust their organizations and the
processes for dealing with sexual harassment incidences:
Women will report sexual harassment. We have trust in ourselves, in the management and in the Government law. (1) (Female manager)
The second rationale reflected a different response to the honour issue that honour itself
will encourage the harassed person to speak. A female head of department said:
If the woman is raised in a respectable family, she will never allow human wolves to attack her honour; otherwise if the woman accepts and agrees to the actions of the man then there is no harassment. (3)
According to this group of women, woman will report even informally to her guardian to
protect her honour from the harasser. A female deputy minister elaborated:
For women, the honour of identity and family will let a women speak up if she is a well-raised woman. She knows that if she does not speak to her husband or guardian, the problem might get worse. (6)
The third group, consisting of 10 interviewees, stated that the reporting of sexual
harassment depended on the nature of the act, and the personal circumstances of the victim.
For instance, if a victim was single, she is more likely to report it to her brothers or friends,
rather than her father. If she is married, on the other hand, she is more likely to report it to
her husband. They also assume that if the harassment is severe enough, most victims will
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report it because they will be worried about honour. However if the harassment is of a
lower level such as a passing comment or an anonymous phone call, most victims are not
likely to report it.
These contrasting findings suggest that whether or not a victim will report sexual
harassment will depend on the way in which victims perceive the responses of their
families, and their colleagues. If they can count on their support, then they are more likely
to expose the incident. If they feel that the institution is more interested in protecting its
own reputation, or that the family will react negatively, then they are not likely to report it.
5.5.7 Factors to prevent sexual harassment
The interviewees were asked to identify factors that might help to prevent sexual
harassment occurring in the UAE government workplaces. The five most frequently
identified factors were Islamic teaching, Arab culture, separation, work roles, office design
and the behaviour and appearance of women.
5.5.7.1 Islamic teaching
15 interviewees asserted that Islamic teaching should prevent sexual harassment occurring.
They suggested that the workplace would be secure from sexual harassment if people
practised what Islam taught them. According to these interviewees, Islam provides rules
and limitations with clear guidelines to follow. Two male consultants commented:
Islam provides a very clear guideline for both genders on how to deal with each other in a way that keeps the modesty of both parties. (21)
Our religion does not call for the spread of corruption of manners in society. Islam respects the honour of society and praises the status of women. Women’s honour is not to be used as a toy in the hands of bad people. (26)
Related specifically to protecting women, a male head of department provided his opinion:
Islam rejects any harassment, to women in particular. In the time of Prophet Mohammed, one person sexually harassed a woman, so Prophet Mohammed sent an expedition to punish that person. Our parents teach this to us and that harassing women is extremely unacceptable behaviour. (22)
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According to the interviewees, Islam provides quite specific guidelines on how men and
women should behave. For example, a female supervisor reported:
Islam orders Muslims to lower their gaze and not work with the other gender in a private place alone. No connection outside of the workplaces is acceptable unless there is some necessity for it. The nature of the relationship between male and female is very sensitive. Allah knows the best for us. (11)
A religious advisor provided his view:
There is no free relationship between a male and a female. Islam puts some rules in the relationship between a male and a female. The relationship is built upon manners and high quality contact and sensitivity to each other’s needs. (18)
Moreover, the interviewees suggested that Islam encourage people to speak up in a case of
sexual harassment. A male head of department argued:
Islam did not say do not speak about sexual harassment. Islam did not ask people to keep silent when having a problem. People ignore the Islamic teachings. People keep silent day after day until we face a sexual harassment problem. (23)
The Islamic teaching, according to this group of interviewees, is very clear about the
concept of “this for that”. According to the interviewees, if someone harasses a female, one
day Allah will make him pay for that act in this life and this should deter such behaviour. A
male head of department explained:
Muslims see sexual harassment as a type of exchange or kind of karma, in other words, a Muslim believes if he sexually harasses women, some day someone will harass his female family members. This belief makes people scared of harassment. (15)
Islamic belief guides parents to teach their children not to have an illegal relationship with
the other sex. They believe that illegal sexual acts will cause Allah’s anger and will destroy
society. For example, a female head of department/ president of female association stated:
When we were children in our homes, our parents and our teachers in the schools taught us that any [ex-marital] sexual relation is Haram (illegal) and a cause of destruction of society that causes Allah’s anger. (5)
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As a result, according to interviewees, Islamic teaching encourages men to deal with
women as sisters, and discourages any other suspicious relationship. Three interviewees
had opinions that supported this. One, a male head of department stated:
We also deal with females in the workplace as brothers and sisters. You would guard those females’ honour like you guard your own female family members’ honour. This belief leads to workplace environments free from sexual harassment. (15)
A female human resource manager added:
Muslim male workers treat women like their sisters in the workplace. They endow women with familial respect. (8)
Another male head of department suggested:
How can a Muslim male harass his sister? In Islam, the female is like a sister of the Muslim male and he should protect her. (22)
In summary, the interviewees felt strongly that Islam guides people in UAE in terms of
how to behave in the workplace in a way that should prevent sexual harassment from
occurring. In particular, it is interesting to note that in the context of the UAE government
workplace, the emphasis attached to family relationships are imported into the relationships
between men and women in the workplace. For example, the concept of ‘brotherhood’ and
‘sisterhood’ creates protection for women who are surrounded with this culture.
5.5.7.2 Arab Culture
15 interviewees emphasised the importance of aspects of Arab culture in preventing sexual
harassment in the government workplace. The main cultural factor identified is what was
called aib (Shame). A male policy-maker stated:
Arab women still have (a sense of) aib [shame] which provides her with protection from humiliation (of society) by working in any and all jobs. Culture is important, we cannot ignore culture. It reflects society and its values. Our culture is not like other cultures. (12)
The interviewees argued that aib encourages women to stay away from freely mixing with
men and thereby protects women’s honour. A female head of department noted:
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In Arab culture it is shameful to scratch your female neighbour’s honour... ‘Honour’ and ‘losing face’ were in Arab people before Islam, and when Islam came it also supported that idea. If a person loses his or her honour, it means he or she loses face in the community. (9)
According to interviewees, loss of honour does not affect a person and his family only for a
short time, but may continue for decades. A male head of department explained:
Honour is everything in our life, and can cause the harassed person or family members to lose face for tens or hundreds of years, especially in Arab culture where people are proud of their tribes and honour. (16)
This concern with shame or losing face, according to interviewees, stop males from
harassing females. A male head of department provided his view:
Arab culture does not allow males to harass females; it causes humiliation and loss of face for the male who harasses females. (24)
In the case of sexually harassing females, the harasser will be humiliated and treated badly
in society. A female head of department commented:
The losing face or culture of shame will destroy any person who tries to harass any women. (2)
According to interviewees, Arabic traditions influence parents to teach their children,
especially females, that their sexual honour is the most valuable thing in life. Females are
taught to protect their honour no matter what happens. A female government consultant
spoke on this:
I told my daughter, even as young as she is, to watch herself. [I said;] Your honour is your treasure, your life and your future. If you lose your honour, you lose everything. (4)
Interviewees reported that in Arab culture honour is attached to a woman’s status. Women
are respected for their sexual honour. Attacking the sexual honour of women will cause
endless shame for both the harasser and harassed person. A female human resource
manager presented her opinion:
The status of women is very high in Arab culture so if she is harassed or her honour attacked, this causes immense loss of face and shame for both the harasser and harassed person. (8)
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Therefore, according to the interviewees, Arab male employees treat women with the
respect and care that will provide them with security in the government workplace. A
female manager noted:
The nature of local Arab employees, makes us as females feel that we gather [in the workplace] with our brothers and not with a person who might do something wrong to us. Sometimes I go for meetings in other states and because the drivers are local I feel secure that I am in good hands. (1)
A second female manager highlighted a reason why female numbers are higher in the
government sector than in private employment:
Parents prefer their female daughters to work in the government sector because the majority of workers are still local and the work culture provides extra safety for women. Local Arab male workers treat females as sisters. This is one of the examples of protection in the workplace, and it attracts women to the government sector. (10)
Interviewees reported that because of sexual honour, shame and parental teaching, the word
sex itself is not acceptable for discussion in public. It is considered as aib or impolite to talk
about sex in public or with the other gender. A male head of department explained:
Listen to me. The society of UAE is not used to discussing these issues. People think it is impolite to talk about sex. Arab culture reflects that sentiment in this regard. It is shameful to speak on this topic. Even if it is important to discuss this issue people still think it is shameful. Sex or sexual issues are secret and private. It is not for sharing or broadcasting to others. (23)
Another tradition related to UAE culture is that there is a unique relationship between
government leaders and local people. According to the interviewees, this relationship
reflects the tribal structure, and portrays the president as the ‘father’ of the nation, with the
citizens being his ‘children’. For example a female government consultant noted that:
Another issue affecting sexual harassment related to our Arab Culture is that being UAE Arab citizens, we are proud of our father [Sheikh Zayed, UAE former president] and our mother [wife of president Zayed]. They taught and reminded us that we are Arab Muslims and should practise our religion, respecting our customs and values. This also plays a big role in keeping people and workers away from shameful acts such sexual harassment. (4)
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Finally, seven interviewees suggested that an Arabic cultural protection is al- urf, or local
customs. An example of local customs was given by a male government consultant:
Al- urf (customs) controls people’s behaviour in government workplaces... One example of al- urf is that women are provided with a women’s waiting room and are not mixed with men in a single waiting room. ( 26)
A consultant claimed:
Another example of Al-urf (Arab custom) is that when a manager calls his female secretary or any female workers to his office he never closes the door. (26)
Other head of department added:
In Arab culture it is an immodest act to call working women at their home after working hours. (23)
A male head of department offered a different example:
Arab Culture still plays a big role; women in the workplace have their own office, not shared with males. The females have their privacy. A male can not enter female rooms even if the door is open unless he knocks first… People still respect the privacy of women and respect the culture. (15)
5.5.7.3 Separation
Considering that the interaction between men and women was identified by interviewees as
a factor contributing to the occurrence of sexual harassment, it was not surprising that 20
interviewees suggested that separation of genders in the workplace would prevent sexual
harassment. A common theme raised by these interviewees was that separation is a
complete solution for sexual harassment. A male human resource manager argued:
100 percent gender separation will prevent sexual harassment occurrence. It is impossible to compare sexual harassment occurrence percentages in mixed gender workplaces with segregated workplaces – there’s just no opportunity for it to occur… However, when men work with women, the chance of meeting the other gender will increase, and naturally honour or gender problems automatically will exist. Then bad people who have bad intentions have a better chance to harass (in mixed gender workplaces). (27)
And similarly a male head of department concluded:
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Gender separation is the best answer for eliminating sexual harassment. Mixing men and women in the workplace is the cause of harassment. If we have no men mixing with women in workplaces we will live in peace, away from any honour problems. (20)
Some felt so strongly about separation that they believed it should be regulated that way
within workplaces. A female head of department argued:
If I had power in the matter – first of all, I would insist on gender separation – at least in departments and workrooms. (9)
Others related their claim for gender separation to the cultural values and Islamic beliefs
prevalent in the UAE As a female supervisor claimed:
Muslims prefer to not work with the other gender in private places. No connection between genders in the workplace is considered important enough unless there is some absolute necessity. (11)
Others suggested that gender separation would not only minimize sexual harassment but
also would enhance female employees’ performance. A male head of department stated:
In all Islamic banks in the UAE, there are female sections and male sections. When I enter the bank, I never see any females. Privacy for women will result in improvement of female performance, and reduce sexual harassment. (23)
5.5.7.4 Workplace rules, codes, and building design
19 interviewees highlighted workplace rules, codes and building design as being important
factors in preventing sexual harassment. Some interviewees claimed that existing rules are
very strict and secure the workplace. A male head of department argued:
We have a very strict policy. If any one breaks his honour or break another person’s honour, he or she will be fired. There is no joke with honour issues. Even if the worker harasses others outside the workplace, he or she will be fired. (23)
A male human resource manager suggested that sexual harassment would not be a
consideration if the workplace applies clear, strict work rules:
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From my experience, I expect that we will not have to face sexual harassment problems because everyone knows that we have very strict laws, especially in our organization. (17)
In addition to behavioural codes, office design can offer a safe workplace environment for
both genders. A female deputy minister argued:
The design of office plays an important key in influencing harassment behaviour. For example in this floor (4th and 5th floor - managerial floors) all offices are separated rooms, so it is easier to harass; however, in the other working floors, they are all open-plan (offices). If anyone does anything wrong everyone will be able to see or hear. (6)
A male government consultant noted:
The design of work places varies from one area to another. For example, the manager’s room is completely closed but the secretaries’ rooms are open to the public. We have an open-style room design, and this style minimizes any harassment because everyone sees each other. Usually the harasser will not harass in public view. (26)
It was also suggested that technology can be used in the workplace to deter sexual
harassment. A male human resource manager noted
We have security cameras. As you can see, many different people come in and out. If it is proved that anyone here committed sexual harassment, the harasser will be punished by law and if an employee, will be fired from his work as well. (17)
5.5.7.5 Women’s behaviour, appearance / dress
Not surprisingly, given the interviewees reported woman’s behaviour might cause males to
sexually harass females, women’s behaviour and appearance were also identified as factors
which can play a crucial role in preventing sexual harassment. They stated that first of all,
women are ordered by religion to cover their beauty in public, which includes the
workplace. A male head of department stated:
Women are ordered by religion to leave their house with full cover, no attractive clothes, way of walking, or way of talking. If women are very beautiful it is desirable that they cover their face in front of males. This practice of women is having a big influence in minimizing harassment. If women wear modest attire, and talk and behave in modest ways, they force men to respect them. (23)
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According to interviewees, in the UAE an important component of workplace appearance is
the hijab (head and body cover) that covers a woman’s beauty in the public sphere. A male
head of department said of the hijab:
Islam put some rules to protect society (males and females). For example, hijab has been ordered by Allah to protect women and men as well from immoral behaviours to occur. (16)
One interviewee, a male government consultant, offered a different interpretation of hijab:
Hijab is not only pieces of clothes. Hijab is manners, values, a lowered gaze, respect for others. Hijab is protecting you from committing sins, and from making mistakes with other people. Hijab is a protection for both males and females. When a woman covers herself, she stops herself from being a sexual object and avoids becoming the target of attack by sick males. (21)
Interviewees suggested that abaya– a black full-length female dress– is part of UAE culture
and protects women even more from harassment. A female deputy minister provided her
view:
Abaya also plays an important role as a protection barrier for women. It is a message to all men to respect women. People in our culture respect a woman who wears abaya because she sends the message, “I am not a woman who wants to play (with men)”. People believe in their unconscious mind that abaya is a guard for women. (6)
An academic head of department argued that hijab and abaya provide women with respect
and protection in the workplace. He stated:
Humankind by nature respects well-dressed people. In our culture, hijab is an example of dressing well and provides women with respect and identity. Abaya also protects women from strangers’ evil eyes and immodest actions. (25)
Several interviewees claimed that the message associated with the wearing of the hijab and
abaya was undermined if women wore makeup.
Some women, though they wear the hijab, put on their faces all kinds of attractive colours which do not reflect good behaviour. (12)
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While a male policy maker suggested that the wearing makeup damages a woman’s
reputation and reflects bad manners, another male head of department stated:
Using make-up in the workplaces is causing a tremendous sexual desire problem. (22)
Interviewees felt that society encourages modest behaviour and a well dressed appearance
in both males and females in the workplace. A head of department noted:
From my experience men give more respect to well behaved women compared to women who are uncovered or who give off any sign of immorality. (5)
Finally, according to interviewees, appearance and covering up are not the only teachings
concerning modesty. From a religious point of view, women are instructed by Allah to
behave with propriety with males in public. A male head of department offered the
following explanation:
Regarding sexual harassment, Allah [in the Quran] starts with this verse advising females, “then be not soft in speech, lest he in whose heart is a disease (of hypocrisy, or evil desire for adultery, etc.) should be moved with desire, but speak in an honourable manner” [Quran, Chapter 33, Verse 32 ]. (16)
5.6 Conclusion
This chapter has presented an analysis of the interviewees’ perceptions about the
traditional role of UAE women and men in both the workplace and wider society. Although
the participants support the notion of women being encouraged to join the paid workforce,
they also feel that she should assume the role of primary caregiver within the family. The
most important conclusion is that mothers with young children received substantially
higher levels of disagreement as to whether they should be involved in the workforce, in
comparison to single and married women without children. However, working women,
including mothers, receive direct support from the government in regards to increasing their
participation in the workforce, and provide mothers special provisions to be, and continue
serving, in the government. The above findings highlight the clash between the traditional
understanding of the role of women as mothers and caregivers, and on the other hand the
need for women to be in the paid work force so that the development aspirations of the
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government can be realised. However, men still dominate the workplace, even though
women are becoming more visible in both numbers and in positions of authority.
This chapter also discussed the interviewees’ perceptions of, and knowledge about, sexual
harassment; including definition, level of occurrence, causes, consequences, and factors
which might prevent sexual harassment. According to the findings, there is a lack of
understanding and agreement about the definitions of sexual harassment. The findings
highlight the existence of sexual harassment, and the absence of policies and procedures to
respond to sexual harassment.
There were three opinions relating to the occurrence of sexual harassment in the workplace.
Firstly, a small group of interviewees had no idea as to whether or not sexual harassment
occurred in the government workplaces. The second opinion was that sexual harassment
did occur in the workplace; whilst the third group believed that sexual harassment was not
occurring at all. The findings provide evidence that it is primarily women, rather than men,
who are the victims of sexual harassment.
Above all, this chapter has demonstrated that Islamic teaching and Arab norms influence
the participants’ responses. They identify the various causes leading to sexual harassment
including modernization; the mixing of genders, and the immodest behaviour of men and
women. The interviewees also suggested that the consequences of sexual harassment are
not only detrimental to the victim (who are primarily female) but also to the victim’s
family, and to the harasser reputation as well. The consequences of sexual harassment
include, for instance, losing face or honour, losing one’s job, health problems, and family
disorders. These consequences, in turn, might lead to silence the victim in that they may
hesitate to report instances of sexual harassment because they are worried about loosing
face, their job or the family’s reputation. As a safeguard against sexual harassment, the
participants suggested that Islamic teaching, Arab cultural norms and some other
organizational practices (such as dress code, and gender separation) can limit the
occurrence of sexual harassment.
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CHAPTER 6
SECOND STAGE: QUESTIONNAIRE ANALYSIS
6.1 Introduction
This chapter describes the results of the questionnaire; it is divided into three sections. The
first section describes the demographic characteristics of the respondents. The second
section outlines and analyses the respondents’ views on the broader issue of women in the
paid workplace; this includes their attitudes towards women being in the workforce, their
reasons for joining the workforce, the position of women in the government workplace, and
facilities provided especially for women in government workplaces. The last section of the
chapter describes and analyses the respondents’ experiences and views about the topic of
sexual harassment, its occurrence, reasons for its occurrence, and factors to prevent sexual
harassment in the workplace.
As was explained in chapter 4, the design of this questionnaire was influenced by the data
gathered in the interviews. The questionnaire aimed to obtain both a much larger number of
responses as well as the views of a broader cross-section of government employees which
were represented in the interviews.
6.2 The demographic characteristics of the respondents
A total of 303 government employees completed the survey - 73.9% (224) were females
and 26.1% (79) males. The questionnaire was distributed in a government training institute
where most of the trainees are females which is why there were more female participants
than males.
A higher proportion of the male participants were in senior management (22.8%) than the
female participants (8%),(see Table 4).
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Table 4: Gender x management level of respondents
Gender Seniority/Management level Count %
Male
Senior management 18 22.8
Middle management 36 45.6
Junior management 25 31.6
Total 79 100.0
Female
Senior management 18 8.0
Middle management 108 48.2
Junior management 98 43.8
Total 224 100.0
The respondents were comparatively young with only 19.2% born before 1970. A higher
proportion of males (39.2%) than females (12%) were born before 1970 which may help to
explain why a higher portion of the males occupied senior management positions. There is
a link between age and seniority in the workplace - those who were born in the 1980’s are
more concentrated in junior management and those who were born before 1960 are more
likely to be in senior management.
Table 5: Gender x age of respondents
Gender Year of Birth Count %
Male
1980- 89 20 25.3
1970-79 28 35.4
1960-69 22 27.8
Before 1960 9 11.4
Total 79 100.0
Female
1980- 89 94 42.0
1970-79 103 46.0
1960-69 24 10.7
Before 1960 3 1.3
Total 224 100.0
Almost two thirds of the respondents were married. However, a higher proportion of female
respondents were single (42%) as compared to men (16.5%).
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Table 6: Gender x marital status of respondents
Gender Marital Status Count %
Male
Single 13 16.5
Married 66 83.5
Total 79 100.0
Female
Single 94 42.0
Married 122 54.5
Other 8 3.6
Total 224 100.0
The majority of the respondents were highly educated, with 64% having a bachelor’s
degree or higher and an additional 39.3% having a 2 or 3 years college diploma. There was
very little difference between the male and female ratios, with 83.6% of men and 84.4% of
women having achieved tertiary qualifications.
Table 7: Age x qualification of respondents
Age Highest Qualification of the
respondents
Count %
1980- 89
High school diploma 20 17.5
2 or 3 years college diploma 37 32.5
Bachelor degree or higher 57 50.0
Total 114 100.0
1970-79
High school diploma 25 19.1
2 or 3 years college diploma 28 21.4
Bachelor degree or higher 78 59.5
Total 131 100.0
1960-69
High school diploma 3 6.5
2 or 3 years college diploma 1 2.2
Bachelor degree or higher 42 91.3
Total 46 100.0
Before 1960 Bachelor degree or higher 12 100.0
All the respondents who were born before 1960 hold a bachelor degree or higher degree;
whilst only 91.3% of the group who were born between 1960 and 1969 hold the similar
qualifications. Moreover, Table 7 shows a consistent decline in the proportion of
respondents holding a bachelor or higher degree among those who were born before 1960,
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and those who were born between 1980 and 1989. Within the latter age bracket there is a
higher proportion of people who hold a college diploma.
Finally, 68.6% of respondents were working in workplaces where one gender was
dominant. There were a greater number of women in 31% of the cases, compared to 37% of
the cases in which men were greater in number.
In summary, the majority of respondents were women, highly educated, young, and most of
them were married. There were a higher proportion of men in senior management and the
men were more likely to be both married and older than women respondents.
6.2.1 Respondents’ level of comfort
Given the sensitive nature of this research, a question about the degree of comfort of the
respondents while answering this questionnaire was included. It was reported that many of
the respondents (95%) were comfortable or at least neutral answering this questionnaire
(see Table 8 below).
Table 8: Respondents' degree of comfort in answering this questionnaire
Response Count %
Very comfortable 145 47.9
Fairly comfortable 64 21.1
Neutral 79 26.1
Slightly uncomfortable 9 3.0
Very uncomfortable 6 2.0
Total 303 100.0
6.3 Women in paid work
The majority of respondents (94%) agreed that women, in general, have the right to be in
the paid workforce. Two interesting pieces of data to emerge were that firstly, a smaller
majority (77.9%) agreed that married women with children have the right to be in the paid
workplace, compared with the other two categories, in which single women (94%) and
married without children (94.4%) were said to have the right to be in the paid workforce.
Secondly, while there was little difference in the opinions of the respondents when
considering age or marital status, there were differences in relation to gender. As can be
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seen in Table 9, 16.5% and 15.2% of men disagreed with single women and married
women without children respectively being in paid work, compared with only 4.4% of
women respondents for both categories. Furthermore, 38% of male participants, compared
with 16.5% of female participants disagreed with the participation of women with children
in paid work. In addition, senior management were somewhat less likely to agree that
married women with young children should be in the paid workplace (61%) than middle
management (82%) and junior management (78%).
In summary, while the aggregated data suggests that the vast majority of respondents
agreed that women had the right to be in paid work, analysis of the findings by gender
reveals that a substantial minority of the male respondents disagreed with this, particularly
if the women had young children.
Table 9: The rights of women to be in the workforce
Categories of
women
Rights to be in the
workforce
Respondent’s gender Total
Male Female Count %
Count % Count % Count %
Single women
Strongly disagree 6 7.6 1 .4 7 2.3
Disagree 7 8.9 4 1.8 11 3.6
Agree 52 65.8 85 37.9 137 45.2
Strongly agree 14 17.7 134 59.8 148 48.8
Married women
without children
Strongly disagree 4 5.1 0 0 4 1.3
Disagree 8 10.1 5 2.2 13 4.3
Agree 59 74.7 158 70.5 217 71.6
Strongly agree 8 10.1 61 27.2 69 22.8
Married women
with young
children
Strongly disagree 10 12.7 5 2.2 15 5.0
Disagree 20 25.3 32 14.3 52 17.2
Agree 35 44.3 116 51.8 151 49.8
Strongly agree 14 17.7 71 31.7 85 28.1
6.3.1 Men as breadwinner
The respondents were asked to indicate their views about the role of men as the primary
income earner in the family. Their views were assessed through their responses to two
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statements: “Men should be the primary breadwinner in our society” and “Males should
receive job offers over women because they are the breadwinners.”
There were two notable findings here. Firstly, the majority of the respondents (82.1%)
agreed that men should be the primary breadwinners. Secondly, a higher percentage of
females (19.2%) than males (8.9%) disagreed with this statement. (See Table 10 below)
Table 10: "Men should be the primary breadwinner in our society”
Response
Gender
Total Male Female
Count % Count % Count %
Strongly disagree 0 0 6 2.7 6 2.0
Disagree 7 8.9 37 16.5 44 14.5
Agree 19 24.1 52 23.2 71 23.4
Strongly agree 51 64.6 127 56.7 178 58.7
Don't know 2 2.5 2 .9 4 1.3
Table 11: "Males should receive job offers over women because they are the
breadwinner"
Response
Gender
Total Male Female
Count % Count % Count %
Strongly disagree 1 1.3 17 7.6 18 5.9
Disagree 4 5.1 47 21.0 51 16.8
Agree 21 26.6 54 24.1 75 24.8
Strongly agree 51 64.6 100 44.6 151 49.8
Don't know 2 2.5 6 2.7 8 2.6
Similarly, as can be seen in Table 11, the majority of respondents (74.6%) agreed that
‘Males should receive job offers over women because they are the breadwinners’;
interestingly almost 50 % strongly agreed with the statement. However, more than a quarter
of female respondents (28.6%) disagreed with this proposition compared with only 6.4% of
males. There was also a difference in responses depending on marital status. 83% of
married respondents agreed with the statement compared with 60.7% of single respondents,
which may be reflecting the higher percentage of married females in the survey group.
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Interestingly, junior management presented stronger agreement (56.9%) compared to other
classifications (senior management = 47.2% and middle management = 44.4%). Perhaps
less surprisingly, the level of agreement with the statement increased with age. 71% of
those born between 1980-89 agreed that males should receive job offers over women
because they are breadwinners, compared with 74.8% of those born between 1970-79,
80.5% of those born between 1960-69 and 83.3% of those born before 1960.
6.3.2 Position of women in government employment
This sub- section reports respondents’ views on the position of women employed in the
government sector. Participants were asked to indicate their views on whether the position
of women was improving and secondly, whether men were dominant in most government
workplaces.
Table 12: The position of women in the government workplace is improving
Response Count %
Strongly disagree 12 4.0
Disagree 35 11.6
Agree 151 49.8
Strongly agree 76 25.1
Don't know 29 9.6
Total 303 100.0
As can be seen in Table 12, 74.9% agreed that the position of women in the
government workplace is improving while only 15.6% of total respondents disagreed.
Further, gender was found to not impact on responses except in the category of ‘strongly
agree’ where females recorded 28.1% compared to males 16.5%.
Table 13: Men are dominant in most government workplaces
Response Gender Total
Male Female
Count % Count % Count %
Strongly disagree 3 3.8 8 3.6 11 3.6
Disagree 16 20.3 76 33.9 92 30.4
Agree 26 32.9 56 25.0 82 27.1
Strongly agree 20 25.3 30 13.4 50 16.5
Don't know 14 17.7 54 24.1 68 22.4
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Turning to the respondents’ views as to whether men are still dominant in UAE
government workplaces, it was found that the responses were very mixed. As Table 13
reveals, 43.6% agreed that men are dominant in most government workplaces but 34 % of
respondents disagreed. Interestingly, almost one quarter (22.4%) of total respondents didn’t
know if men are still dominant in most of the government workplaces.
There were some interesting gender differences in the responses. A higher proportion of
males (58.2%) agreed with the statement than females (38.4%) and the percentage of
females who didn’t know was higher than the percentage of males (24.1:17.7). These
findings corresponded closely with the findings relating to the gender composition of the
respondents’ workplaces. 36.2% of those respondents in workplaces in which there were
more women agreed with the statement as did 59.6% of those in workplaces in which there
were more men.
There was a minor difference in the responses based on age and management level, apart
from a higher proportion of junior management (26.8%) indicating ‘Don’t know’ than
middle and senior management (20.8%, 13.9%).
6.3.3 Reasons for joining the workforce
Respondents were asked to indicate how important the following reasons were in
explaining why they joined the paid workforce: to provide financial support, self
satisfaction and/or to serve the country. Each of the reasons was rated “very important” by
the majority of the respondents, ranging from 53.5% for “work for self satisfaction” to
66.3% for “work to serve the country”. A comparatively small minority, ranked each reason
as unimportant, ranging from 8.6% for “work to serve the country” to 14.5% for “work for
self satisfaction”.
The respondents were then asked to indicate which of the three reasons was the most
important in explaining why they joined the workforce. “Work to provide financial
support” was selected as the most important reason for both males and females as can be
seen in the Table below. An interesting gender difference can be observed with a
substantially higher proportion of women (31.3%) than men (12.7%) having rated “Work
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for self satisfaction” as the second of the most important reasons. Correspondingly, a lower
proportion of women compared to men cited ‘to provide financial support’ and ‘to serve the
country’ as their most important reason for being in the paid workplace.
Table 14: The most important reason for joining the workforce x gender
Most important reason for joining the work
force
Gender Male Female % %
provide financial support to the family 45.6 38.4
self satisfaction 12.7 31.3
serve the country 41.8 30.4
Total 100.0 100.0
Table 15: The most important reason for joining the workforce x age
Most important reason
for joining the work
force
Age 1980- 89 1970-79 1960-69 Before 1960 % % % %
provide financial support to the family
34.2 45.8 41.3 33.3
self satisfaction 40.4 19.1 17.4 8.3 serve the country 25.4 35.1 41.3 58.3 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
As can be seen in Table 15, the age factor reflected noteworthy differences among the
respondents. The youngest age group (born 1980-89) ranked ‘self satisfaction’ as the most
important reason for joining the workforce whereas the older age groups rated ‘ to serve the
country’ most highly. In contrast, the respondents in two categories, namely those born
between 1960-69 and 1970-79, indicated the need to work ‘to provide financial support’ as
the most important one. This may be explained by the likelihood of these respondents
currently being married with young families to support and therefore financial support
being uppermost in their minds.
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Table 16: The most important reason for joining the workforce x marital status
Most important reasons for joining the work force
Marital status Single Married % %
provide financial support to the family
33.6 44.7
self satisfaction 35.5 19.7 serve the country 30.8 35.6 Total 100.0 100.0
Differences in responses also emerged in relation to marital status. As can be seen in Table
16, the highest proportion of married respondents rated ‘to provide financial support’ as the
most important reason for being in employment (44.7%). On the other hand, the lowest
proportion which rated ‘self satisfaction’ as an important reason was of married
respondents (19.7%). In comparison, single respondents represented the largest proportion
which rated ‘self satisfaction’ as the most important reason for being in employment
(35.5%).
6.3.4 Special facilities provided for working women
Respondents were asked to indicate which special facilities were provided to assist
women in government workplaces. A list of specific facilities was included in the
questionnaire. As indicated in Table 17, the most commonly provided facility for women in
the respondents’ workplaces is breastfeeding breaks (54.5%) followed by segregated work
areas (44.2%) and the opportunity for women to leave earlier than men (43.2%). However,
there is still a high percentage of respondents who suggested that these special facilities for
women were not provided in their particular workplaces.
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Table 17: Special facilities provided for working women in respondents' workplaces
Special facilities provided
for working women
Total
Count %
Leaving work earlier than
men
131 43.2
Segregated work area 134 44.2
Breastfeeding breaks 165 54.5
Nursery 65 21.5
Special parking/elevator
for women employees
31 10.2
6.4 Sexual harassment in the workplace
This sub-section reports the findings on the occurrence of sexual harassment in government
workplaces, the consequences of this, the factors perceived to be contributing to sexual
harassment, and suggested solutions for sexual harassment.
6.4.1 Occurrence of sexual harassment
Of the 303 respondents, 86 respondents (28.4%) reported having been subjected to sexual
harassment at sometime during their employment in the government workplace, 69 (30.8%)
of the female participants and 17 (21.5%) of the male participants. 32 of the 86 respondents
had experienced sexual harassment more than five times in their careers in government
workplaces. This group of 32 respondents included 27 females and 5 males.
Table 18: Occurrence of sexual harassment incidences while being employed in the
government workplace
Times of incidents Count %
Once 23 7.6
2-5 times 31 10.2
more than 5 times 32 10.6
None 217 71.6
Total 303 100.0
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In the ensuing analysis, the tables will refer to those respondents who had been harassed
(i.e. the 86 respondents).
6.4.1.1 Forms of sexual harassment
Table 19 reveals that the most frequent forms of harassment were non-verbal messages and
phone calls, emails and letters. The less common ones were the unwelcoming direct verbal
language/messages. Unwelcoming physical contact forms and unwelcoming sexual
comments about body were also reported to have occurred.
Table 19: Forms of sexual harassment x gender
Forms of sexual
harassments
Gender Count
Male Female
Unwelcome
language/messages (e.g.
wolf whistles, dirty jokes)
1 9 10
Unwelcome sexual
comments about your
body
8 25 33
Unwelcome non-verbal
messages (e.g. staring or
leering)
7 39 46
Harassing phone calls, e-
mails, letters (e.g.
obscene phone calls)
10 35 45
Unwelcome physical
contact (e.g. touching,
being rubbed against)
6 14 20
Total 32 122 144
6.4.1.2 Description of harassers
The following Table sheds some light on the characteristics of those perpetrating the
harassment.
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Table 20: Position and gender of harassers
Position of harasser
Gender of harasser
Total
Male Female
Count Count Count %
My immediate supervisor/s 22 5 27 19
Management (other than
my supervisor)
15 1 16 11
My co-worker/s 40 8 48 33
My subordinate/s 15 5 20 13.5
Clients, vendor or other
non-employees
30 2 32 22
Cannot remember/identify 1 1 2 1.5
Total 123 22 145 100
The majority of harassers are males and most commonly are co-workers (33%) or in
positions senior to their victims (30%). Another observation is that harassment is also
occurring by people not employed within the organization (22%). In addition, the
respondents indicated that many of the harassers were young, with 72 out of the 86 victims
estimating that their harassers were aged under 40. In regard to the harassers’ nationality,
the local UAE harassers were higher in number than foreign residents. Importantly, almost
all the harassers were identified by their victims. This might reflect direct physical
interaction between the harassers and the harassed respondents or that the harassers were
work colleagues. Interestingly, most of the respondents who had experienced sexual
harassment more than 5 times were from the same age group (30-39 years) as their
harassers. Therefore, it might be speculated that these people would probably be co-
workers, working at the same level of the organization.
6.4.1.3 Response to harassment
Respondents were asked to indicate how they had responded to their harassers. The
majority of victims either ignored the harassment (42%) or dealt with it by warning them
verbally themselves (25%). It is interesting to note that whereas 19 of the female victims
reported the incidents to management, none of the males did.
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Table 21: The immediate response to sexual harassment
Reaction to Harassment
Gender of respondents
Male Female
Total
number
Total
number
Ignored 10 26
Left the room 2 7
Direct verbal warning to
harasser
5
17
Made informal complaint to
management
0
11
Made formal complaint to
management
0
8
Regarding discussing sexual harassment incidences with someone else, Table 22 shows that
the majority of the harassed females did discuss the issue with someone else (61) while
males seem to be very hesitant to reveal sexual harassment incidences to others.
Table 22: Telling others about sexual harassment incidences
Telling others about sexual
harassment incidents
Gender Total
Number
Male Female
Count Count
Did you tell anyone
about this sexual
harassment?
yes 4 61 65
no 13 10 23
From Table 23 below, the most likely person that a victim will talk to about the occurrence
of sexual harassment is a workplace colleague, family member or friend outside the
workplace; they are less likely to inform authorities in the form of management or the
police. None of the males reported sexual harassment to the police although 3 females did.
Further, based on the research data, females were more open than men to share sexual
harassment incidents with others.
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Table 23: The people to be told about sexual harassment
The people who were told
about sexual harassment
gender Total
number Male Female
Count Count
A family member 2 23 25
A friend outside your
workplace
1 16 17
Your work colleague 3 39 42
Your supervisor 1 9 10
The police 0 3 3
6.4.1.4 Consequences of sexual harassment upon the victim’s behaviour in the
workplace
Respondents who had been harassed were asked to indicate what the consequences of
sexual harassment had been upon their own behaviour at work. It can be seen in Table 21
below that the most common consequences were that the victims avoided particular areas
within their workplaces and/or felt stressed. In addition, there were 17 respondents, the
majority of them females, who indicated that they worked less effectively than before the
incident. Moreover, 16 respondents arrived late or took time off work. 18 of the female
victims had changed jobs as a consequence although none of the males had. These findings
reflect the negative impact of sexual harassment on the harassed respondents, especially
females, as well as on the organization’s productivity and employees’ performance.
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Table 24: Consequences of sexual harassment upon the victim's behaviour in the
workplace
Consequences of sexual
harassment related to the work
Gender
Total
Number Male Female
Count Count
Arrive late to work 1 7 8
Take time off work 2 6 8
Work less effectively than before
the incident
2 15 17
Change your work pattern in a
significant way
5 14 19
Avoid certain areas within the
workplace/your environment
7 42 49
Change jobs 18 18
Change location 2 12 14
Feel stressed 9 30 39
6.4.2 Reasons for sexual harassment occurring
All the survey respondents were asked to indicate how much influence they believe
that factors such as modernization, mixing genders in workplaces, absence of sexual
harassment policies, immodest behaviour of men and women might contribute to the
occurrence of sexual harassment13
.
Table 25 below indicates that more than half of the respondents agreed that each of the
above factors helps to explain the occurrence of sexual harassment in the workplace. While
the majority of respondents agreed that each of these factors were possible reasons for
sexual harassment occurring, the greatest percentage agreement for the cause of sexual
harassment occurrence related to the behaviour of people, that is ‘immodest behaviour by
men’ (82.5%) and ‘immodest behaviour by women’ (78.5%). Whilst the majority agreed
that contextual factors such as ‘absence of policies’ (67%) and ‘modernization’ (56.7%)
contributed to the occurrence of sexual harassment, there were still substantial minorities
13 These factors were initially identified by the interviewees and the researcher incorporated these into the
questionnaire.
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that disagreed (14.8% and 26.1% respectively) or reported ‘Don’t know’ (18.2% and 17.2%
respectively).
Table 25: Perceived reasons for sexual harassment occurring- responses
Perceived reasons for Sexual
harassment
Strongly
disagree
Disagree Agree Strongly
agree
Don't know
Modernization 7.6 18.5 32.3 24.4 17.2
Mixing genders 3.0 15.5 33.7 37.6 10.2
Absence of policies 2.6 12.2 32.3 34.7 18.2
Immodest behaviour by men 2.0 5.3 34.3 48.2 10.2
Immodest behaviour by
women
3.0 7.6 32.0 46.5 10.9
Tables 26 and 27 below indicate that the respondents feel the principal cause for sexual
harassment is ‘immodest behaviour’ either from a man or a woman. However, regarding
the ‘immodest behaviour of men’, Table 26 shows that 69.6% of males and 87% of females
agreed that the immodest behaviour of men is a reason for sexual harassment. In
comparison, Table 27 shows that 68.3% of males and 82.1% of females agreed that the
immodest behaviour of females is a reason for sexual harassment. It is clear from the
answers of the participants in both Tables that the behaviour is to be blamed regardless of
the gender.
Table 26: Immodest behaviour by men
Gender Response Count %
Male
Strongly disagree 3 3.8
Disagree 10 12.7
Agree 30 38.0
Strongly agree 25 31.6
Don't know 11 13.9
Total 79 100.0
Female
Strongly disagree 3 1.3
Disagree 6 2.7
Agree 74 33.0
Strongly agree 121 54.0
Don't know 20 8.9
Total 224 100.0
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Table 27: immodest behaviour by women
Gender Response count %
Male
Strongly disagree 4 5.1
Disagree 11 13.9
Agree 26 32.9
Strongly agree 28 35.4
Don't know 10 12.7
Total 79 100.0
Female
Strongly disagree 5 2.2
Disagree 12 5.4
Agree 71 31.7
Strongly agree 113 50.4
Don't know 23 10.3
Total 224 100.0
Given the culture of potentially blaming women when they are victims of sexual
harassment, an additional question was added to further explore this issue. Respondents
were asked to indicate whether they believed that some women are harassed due to factors
such as their demeanour or their dress.
Overall, 69% of the respondents agreed that demeanour or the way women dress could lead
women to be harassed; however, a substantial minority disagreed (31.1%). Of particular
interest is the difference between the answers provided by male and female respondents.
73.2% of female respondents, compared to 57% of male respondents agreed that women
are harassed because of their demeanour or the way they dressed.
Table 28: Women are harassed because of their demeanor or the way they dress
Response
Gender of respondents Total number
Male Female
Count % Count % Count %
Strongly disagree 14 17.7 21 9.4 35 11.6
Disagree 20 25.3 39 17.4 59 19.5
Agree 26 32.9 93 41.5 119 39.3
Strongly agree 19 24.1 71 31.7 90 29.7
Further, in respect to age, younger groups displayed a higher level of agreement compared
to older groups. For instance, participants who were born between 1980-89 displayed a
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70.2% agreement while participants who were born between 1960-69 displayed a 60.8%
agreement.
Table 29: Women are harassed because of their demeanor or the way they dress
Women are harassed
because of their
demeanor or the
way they dress
Response
Age of respondents
1980- 89 1970-79 1960-69 Before 1960
% % % %
Strongly disagree 12.3 9.2 15.2 16.7
Disagree 17.5 18.3 23.9 33.3
Agree 40.4 41.2 30.4 41.7
Strongly agree 29.8 31.3 30.4 8.3
Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
6.4.3 Factors to prevent sexual harassment
The researcher sought participants’ views on potential factors - identified in the preceding
research interviews - which might inhibit sexual harassment. These factors included
modesty law14
14 ‘Modesty law’ (Qanoon Alhishma) is part of the UAE constitution; however it varies slightly from state to
state. It is a law which emphasises appropriate public presentation, behaviour and taboos. These laws are
based on Islamic teaching and Arab traditions (Al-Muhairi, 1995). This law includes observing Islamic dress
codes and practices, such as not wearing clothes that expose the body and respect religion. The Dubai code of
conduct, for example, suggests that Dubai values modesty especially in public domain and government
buildings. Dubai is also keen on protecting and promoting its traditions as conveyed by Islam as well as its
Arab identity (p.2). (For more information see the attached file ‘The Dubai code of conduct’).
, gender separation in the workplace, implementation of sexual harassment
policy, dress code, technology such as surveillance cameras, as well as education and
training were included in the questionnaire. Table 30 below summarizes the responses to
these factors:
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Table 30: Factors preventing sexual harassment
Factors
Very
Unimportant
Unimportant Not sure Important Very important Total
number
Modesty law 1.0 3.6 8.3 29.0 58.1 100.0
Gender
separation
2.3 19.8 15.5 33.0 29.4 100.0
Sexual
harassment
policy
1.0 1.7 15.8 29.7 51.8 100.0
Dress code 7.6 13.9 17.2 31.0 30.4 100.0
Technology 6.3 18.8 24.1 26.1 24.8 100.0
Education .3 1.7 8.3 39.6 50.2 100.0
Training 1.7 8.3 23.1 36.0 31.0 100.0
The majority of respondents agreed that each factor was important but the size of the
majority did vary. The factors which received the greatest majority of respondents
identifying them as important were education (89.8%), modesty law (87.1%) and sexual
harassment policy (81.5%). On the other hand, over 20 % identified gender separation
(22.1%), technology (25.1%), and dress code (21.5%) as unimportant, with further
substantial minorities ‘Not sure’ that the following factors were important: technology
(24.1%), training (23.1%), dress code (17.2%), sexual harassment policy (15.8%) and
gender separation (15.5%). It might be worth mentioning the fact that a dress code already
exists in government workplaces and that this may have influenced the responses, despite
the fact that sexual harassment still exists.
As part of the issue of signifying modesty, a separate question about Hijab or what is
known as “The veil” was included in the questionnaire. Respondents were asked if working
women should wear hijab in the workplace. 84.2% of them agreed that women should
observe it in the workplace while only 10.9% disagreed. This general agreement of
respondents on the importance of hijab clearly illustrates how respondents pay substantial
attention to the appearance of women as part of their concern about modesty which might
reduce sexual harassment in the workplace.
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Table 31: Wearing hijab in the workplaces x respondent’s gender
Gender Response Count %
Male
Strongly disagree 5 6.3
Disagree 9 11.4
Agree 18 22.8
Strongly agree 45 57.0
Don't know 2 2.5
Total 79 100.0
Female
Strongly disagree 4 1.8
Disagree 15 6.7
Agree 47 21.0
Strongly agree 145 64.7
Don't know 13 5.8
Total 224 100.0
Views on the issue of the separation of men and women in the workplace were mixed. As
can be seen in Table 30, almost two thirds of respondents (62.4%) agreed that gender
separation would help to prevent sexual harassment from occurring but on the other hand
37.6% disagreed or were not sure given that gender separation had been much discussed by
the interviewees, an additional question was included in the questionnaire seeking the
participants views on the statement “Women and men in the workplaces should be
separated”. The responses (Table 32) were very consistent with those reported in Table 30.
63% agreed with the statement, 32.3% disagreed and 4.6% recorded a response of ‘Don’t
know”.
Table 32: Women and men in the workplaces should be separeted
Response Count %
Strongly disagree 20 6.6
Disagree 78 25.7
Agree 98 32.3
Strongly agree 93 30.7
Don't know 14 4.6
Total 303 100.0
In addition, as an indicator of existing recognition of the potential problem of sexual
harassment and structures to address it within the government workplaces, respondents
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were asked firstly whether sexual harassment policies and procedures existed in their
workplace and secondly, whether there was a need for such a policy at their workplace.
Table 33: Existence of sexual harassment policies and procedures
Existence of policies and
procedures
Yes no Don't know Total number
Count % Count % Count % Count %
Sexual harassment policy 23 7.6 155 51.2 125 41.3 303 100.0
Procedures to follow up
the cases
40 13.2 129 42.6 134 44.2 303 100.0
Secure reporting system 36 11.9 135 44.6 132 43.6 303 100.0
Manual or Written
guidelines
11 3.6 201 66.3 91 30.0 303 100.0
Sexual harassment
training programs
14 4.6 204 67.3 85 28.1 303 100.0
As can be seen in the above Table, the respondents suggested that only a small proportion
of workplaces had sexual harassment policies, guidelines or training programs, and
similarly procedures to deal with the occurrence of sexual harassment were reported to be
in place in only a low percentage (7.6%) of offices. It should be noted, however, that a
substantial percentage of respondents didn’t know whether such policies and procedures
existed, ranging from 28.1% to 44.2% on the various items. Overall, this presented a
picture of very little acknowledgment of sexual harassment potentially being a problem in
government workplaces in UAE.
Interestingly, a high percentage of respondents believed that there was a need for a sexual
harassment policy in their workplaces. This was in line with the finding in Table 30 where
respondents indicated that a sexual harassment policy is important to prevent it occurring at
work.
Table 34: The need for sexual harassment policy
Response Count %
yes 268 88.4
no 35 11.6
Total 303 100.0
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6.5 Conclusion
This chapter provides substantial data based on the views of 303 UAE government
employees on the role of UAE women in work, society, and more specifically in relation to
sexual harassment in the workplace. Important contextual data on perceptions of women’s
position in paid work was initially presented. Firstly, while the majority agreed that women
had the right to be in paid employment, a significant minority of male participants
disagreed with this, particularly in instances when women had young children. Over 80%
viewed men as the primary breadwinner, with 94% of male respondents agreeing that this
meant that men should be prioritized over women in receiving job offers. In contrast, just
over 25% of the women disagreed with that. Perceived roles appeared to influence rationale
for being in the workplace.
The chapter then focused on the respondents's views on sexual harassment in the
government workplace, particularly as to whether or not it is occurring, if so in what form
and by whom, the way in which victims respond to sexual harassment, and the factors
contributing to its occurrence. The chapter provides evidence that sexual harassment is
definitely occurring and that there is a clear lack of known policies and procedures in
government workplaces to address it. The majority of victims of sexual harassment dealt
with it by themselves by either ignoring it, or speaking directly to the perpetrator.
Nevertheless, a substantial number reported consequences such as changing jobs or altering
their regular work pattern or avoiding certain areas in the workplace, and generally working
less effectively.
People’s behaviour was identified as being a critical issue which determined the occurrence
of sexual harassment. For instance, a lack of morality, regardless of whether that is
displayed by either men or women, was considered by the respondents to be one of the
primary reasons why sexual harassment occurred. Moreover, the existence of laws and
policies which guide correct behaviour is thought to be an effective means to minimize
sexual harassment. More specifically, in relation to the influence of culture, the respondents
placed a great deal of importance on the wearing of hijab in the case of women, and in
gender separation in the workplace in general. Despite the fact that the majority support the
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practice of gender separation, a significant minority, in fact 30% claimed that gender
separation will have no impact in preventing sexual harassment.
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CHAPTER 7 DISCUSSION
7.1 Introduction
According to Sigal (2006) there is a gap in knowledge concerning sexual harassment as a
workplace challenge in Muslim Arab countries. In fact, except for some non-scholarly
initiatives (see Literature Review chapter), there has been no specific research concerning
sexual harassment in the workplace in Muslim Arab countries. This research attempts to
commence addressing this gap in knowledge regarding the nature of sexual harassment in
the UAE government workplace, and how Islam and Arab traditions impact on it.
Chapter 7 contains three broad sections. The purpose of the first section is to consider the
findings with regard to the roles of men and women in UAE society and how economic
development, generally termed ‘modernization’, is challenging traditional behaviour, in
particular the increase of women in the paid workforce. Section two will compare and
contrast the findings stemming from this research relating to sexual harassment as a
workplace issue, with the existing literature. This analysis investigates recognition,
definition, and occurrence, including different forms of sexual harassment, responses and
factors contributing to it, and consequences as well as approaches to preventing sexual
harassment. The third section considers the influence of cultural values and norms that
surround government employees in the workplace, in particular women, and explains how
this impacts on their perceptions of and responses to sexual harassment. This section also
highlights the importance of recognizing that sexual harassment is a critical workplace
problem which needs to be addressed by the introduction of formal sexual harassment
policies.
7.2 Role of men and women in UAE society
This section considers the findings on the role of men and women in relation to what we
learnt from the existing literature as discussed in chapters 2 and 3. This provides important
contextual material to investigate the issue of sexual harassment in the workplace.
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7.2.1 Role of men
The research findings demonstrate that the majority of participants in both the interviews
and questionnaires agree that men indeed must be the family breadwinner, and solely
responsible for the financial needs of the family. Both the majority of interviewees and
survey participants agree with the notion that men should receive job opportunities over
and above women because men have been entrusted by Islam to be the breadwinners. This
research provides in this manner evidence to support the contention that UAE society is
inherently masculine and patriarchal (Al-Oraimi, 2004; Gallant & Pounder, 2008; Hofstede,
1983). This finding is also consistent with research undertaken in the context of other
Muslim and/or Arab countries (Anwar & Chaker, 2003; Ayubi, 1992; Obermeyer, 1992;
Yasmeen, 2004). In this regard, the result of this research suggests that despite the rapid
economic developments in the UAE, gender roles in this society, which see men as the
breadwinner, are still heavily influenced by Islam and Arab traditions, in particular, the
patriarchal attitudes toward men’s power in public space.
Despite this consensus relating to the traditional role of men in UAE society, there was a
substantial minority, not amongst the interviewees but amongst the survey participants, of
single female respondents who, when asked if men should be given priority over women in
job placements, responded with a higher level of disagreement in comparison to other
respondents. This higher level of disagreement by single females perhaps reflects the
impact of social change and suggests that (especially young) single females have absorbed
the values of modernity, and are less influenced by cultural values ( Islamic teaching and
Arab traditions) regarding the dominance of men in society, especially if we consider the
increasing participation by women in the workforce. This finding is in line with Whiteoak,
et al. (2006) who claim that the younger generation of UAE women have a more liberal
attitude towards women’s participation in employment.
7.2.2 Role of women
The data analysis demonstrates that the traditional role of women as caregiver is still the
dominant role women are expected to assume in UAE society. The interview findings
suggested that the interviewees agree with this, and support the belief that women’s
primary role is that of mother raising children and fulfilling her domestic responsibilities at
home. Many interviewees argue that women should remain as caregiver because of the
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importance assigned to the family unit and especially children in UAE society. The
interviewees believe that without a mother’s nurturing, guidance and care at home, the
country would be sacrificing its future generations.
This study also suggests that the majority of interviewees and survey respondents agree that
women can be employed in the paid workforce. The evidence emerging from interviews
suggest the progressive interpretation of Islamic teachings which is brought to support
women’s increasing participation in workforce in UAE. Therefore, women have got
engaged in the paid workforce and are assisting in developing the country. Mostafa (2005)
similarly suggests that the restrictive traditional attitudes toward working women have
decreased, and a more liberal view toward accepting women in the workforce is now
beginning to prevail. The findings also suggest that the participants’ views reflect the
opinions of progressive ulama who support the rights of women to join the workforce on
the condition that their dignity and honour is maintained.
Furthermore, the findings of both the interview and the survey point to the recognition that
the government supports women joining the workforce. The position of working women in
the UAE government workplace is improving because of the contribution of government
elite women, along with the government’s ’Emiratization policy’. As a result of these two
major factors the majority of survey respondents agreed that the position of women is
improving in the UAE government workforce. The research finding is also consistent with
the previous studies that highlighted the rising number of women as well as their increased
presence in more senior positions (El-Haddad, 2006; Gallant & Pounder, 2008; Mashood et
al., 2009; Moore, 2008; Salloum, 2003).
Even though the majority of interviewees and questionnaire respondents agreed that all
women should be allowed to join the workforce, a substantial minority of both interviewees
and survey respondents felt that mothers, in particular, should assume only their
responsibility in the household, and refrain from being in the workforce. The only
exception to this identified by the participants was when mothers have urgent financial
needs. The findings from this research, therefore, are consistent with previous studies
demonstrating that women’s role as primary caregiver at home is influenced by Islamic
teachings and Arab traditions. This finding echoes research undertaken by Al Sayegh
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(2004); Gallant & Pounder (2008); Marmenout (2009); and Nelson (2004) in the UAE, and
is also consistent with research undertaken in/or about other Muslim and/or Arab countries
(Baden, 1992; Ball & Haque, 2003; Meyer, et al., 2007; Moghadam, 1988; Yasmeen,
2004). This minority of participants, who argue that mothers should remain at home, reflect
the views of conservative ulama who urge women to stay at home and to raise children.
For the majority, women can be in paid employment, but must still be primary caregivers.
There was no suggestion from interviewees that men might share the carer’s role as women
increase their role in the paid workplace. This notion points to the possibility of a potential
burden for women in terms of workload which can be expected to emerge as a social issue
within UAE families and society in the future.
7.3 Sexual harassment
This section is devoted to discussion about the findings from this study in relation to
existing literature on the recognition, definition, occurrence, responses and factors
contributing to sexual harassment in the UAE government workplaces as well as findings
about the consequences.
7.3.1 Recognition of sexual harassment
The interview findings clearly identify that there is no formal recognition of sexual
harassment as a workplace issue in the UAE government workplace. According to the
interviewees, there are neither sexual harassment policies nor procedures in regard to
sexual harassment in the UAE government workplace. Most of the interviewees, who are
senior government managers, were unwilling to accept that sexual harassment is an issue in
the workplace. These findings are interesting given that all previous research in other
countries shows that workplace sexual harassment is a problem, and is officially recognized
as such in many developed, as well as some developing countries (Basu, 2003; Sigal,
2006).
7.3.2 Definition of sexual harassment
Similarly, this research suggests that there is lack of understanding of what constitutes
sexual harassment amongst managers in the UAE government workplace. The interview
findings show diversity of personal definitions of sexual harassment. These different
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definitions suggest that the interviewees did not hold a common definition of sexual
harassment or recognize some acts as harassing ones while others not, perhaps not
surprising given that there is an absence of sexual harassment policies in the workplace.
The majority of respondents in both the interviews and questionnaires reported that there
are no sexual harassment policies, or don't know if there are any sexual harassment policies
in their workplace. This became evident during the course of the interviews with senior
government managers, who report that there were in fact no sexual harassment policies in
their own workplaces, or, if there were, they were unaware of them. It came as no surprise
then that the questionnaire respondents held the same perceptions. Consequently it was
found that there is no institutionalized definition of sexual harassment, therefore diverse
personal understandings allow for a certain degree of ambiguity in what constitutes
‘offensive’ and ‘acceptable’ behaviour in the workplace. The literature supports this
contention; that in many Muslim and Arab countries there are no workplace sexual
harassment policies (Sensenig, 2002; Sigal, et al., 2005).
This challenge created by the lack of policy and education or training is compounded when
we consider the multiple contexts in which sexual harassment occurs. Without a coherent
definition of sexual harassment the only recourse is the personal determination of an
individual to recognize and cope with it. In a practical sense, this means that in UAE
government workplace, if sexual harassment occurs, the harasser might deny harassing the
victims claiming that their actions do not contravene workplace regulations.
Research has demonstrated that varying perceptions are found regarding what constitutes
sexual harassment even in countries which do have formal sexual harassment policies, such
as the United States (Hotelling, 1991; Keyton & Rhodes, 1997). These findings also
highlight this difficulty and are consistent with the implications of previous research with
regard to difficulties in determining how people perceive sexual harassment (Eisenman,
1999; Keyton & Rhodes, 1997; York, 1989). For example Lengnick-Hall (1995, p. 844)
who suggests that ‘two people experiencing the same conditions, or two people observing
the same situation, may arrive at different conclusions about whether sexual harassment has
occurred- one may perceive the experience as harassment although the other may not’.
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7.3.3 Occurrence
Given the lack of acknowledgment of workplace sexual harassment as a problem in the
UAE, one of the initial aims of this research was to determine whether sexual harassment
was indeed occurring and, if so, to determine its level in UAE government workplaces.
Furthermore, the research sought to explore the perceptions of government workers
surrounding this issue. As was stated earlier, it was found that there are neither official
statistics about the number of sexual harassment cases nor any official organization or
authority to deal with such cases. As Belal, et al. (2008) pointed out, the lack of any
organizational database to serve as an authentic reference which makes the study of such
issues challenge in UAE..
Moreover no cases of sexual harassment had been reported to the interviewees who are
senior managers in UAE government workplace. The majority of the interviewees claimed
that sexual harassment does not exist within their organization and therefore does not pose
a challenge in the workplace. Interestingly, some government senior managers had no idea
if sexual harassment existed within their organization, whilst slightly more reported that
they assumed that sexual harassment occurred, but had as yet had no cases reported to
them. Because there are no studies or statistics available, and because there are no reported
cases of sexual harassment, managers in UAE government workplace are not exposed to
any indicators that show sexual harassment exists and it is possible for them to deny it
being an issue.
Nevertheless, it might be misleading to think, based on the results of interviews - which on
the surface suggest that sexual harassment rarely occurs - that sexual harassment is not an
issue in the UAE government workplace. In contrast to the views of the senior managers,
the results generated from the survey provide support for the claim that it is occurring. The
results of this study provide the first empirical indication of the existence of sexual
harassment among UAE government employees, even though the results of the
questionnaire need to be treated with caution due to the small sample size. However, the
results suggest that the level of occurrence of sexual harassment in UAE government
workplace is 28.4%. This means that for every four UAE government employees,
approximately one has experienced sexual harassment. This finding is within the range of
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worldwide percentages, where the occurrence of sexual harassment stands at between 22%
and 53% (U.S. Merit Systems Protection Board, 1995; Brooks & Perot, 1991; Gutek, 1985;
HREOC, 2008; Ng & Othman, 2002).
The results emerging from this study, in this regard, are in line with previous research
which suggested that most victims of sexual harassment are women (Fitzgerald, 1993;
Gutek & Koss, 1993; Kamal, et al., 2002; Lafontaine & Tredeau, 1986; Tangri, et al., 1982;
Wayne, 2000). The result of this study also supports the contention that most victims are
likely to be young, in particular aged under 40. This result is also similar to that of
Husbands (1992) who stated that young women are more likely to be harassed because of
their youth, and limited knowledge of their rights in the workplace. Furthermore, the results
demonstrate that it is not only women who are experiencing sexual harassment; this study
has shown that UAE men also experience sexual harassment in the public sector workplace
albeit the incidences are less.
In keeping with findings of other studies in the West such as Eveline (1998), and Goodman,
et al. (1993), as well as Jackson and Newman (2004), this study also found that the majority
of perpetrators in this study were males. Similarly the findings also suggest that the primary
harassers are the co-workers followed by the supervisors, subordinates and finally the
clients. The research results here are consistent with previous research such as that of
Lafontaine & Tredeau (1986). This study reveals that the most frequent forms of sexual
harassment were non-verbal messages, phone calls, emails and letters, in line with previous
studies (Fitzgerald, et al., 1988; Gutek, 1980; Petrocelli & Repa, 1995).
In summary, contrary to what is claimed by many senior managers in the UAE public
sector, sexual harassment is occurring in the government workplace in a similar way that it
occurs in other countries in which this phenomenon has been studied.
7.3.4 Responses to harassment
The research findings suggest that the majority of victims’ responses were either to ignore
the harassment, or deal with it by verbally warning the harassers. Research has suggested
that most of the women’s responses to sexual harassment take the form of either avoidance
or confrontation; the response of seeking legal help or filing a formal complaint is very low.
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The research findings here accord with the findings of previous studies (Dara & Ruth,
1994; J. Gruber & Smith, 1995; Sandy Welsh, 1999).
Another important point highlighted during the research is the contrasting expectations,
regarding women’s sharing of the incidence of their sexual harassment. Whereas some of
the male interviewees in this study suggested that UAE women would be unlikely to report
sexual harassment and would keep silent, the vast majority of female interviewees reported
that UAE women would not keep silent if they experienced sexual harassment. Similarly,
out of the seventy one female respondents to the survey who indicated that they had
experienced sexual harassment, sixty one reported telling someone about the incident, on
most occasions a friend, family member or work colleague. Only ten of those who had
experienced sexual harassment kept silent. Avan, et al. (2006) and Huda (2003) argued that
the socio-cultural environment in Muslim countries leads the majority of women to refrain
from reporting sexual harassment, or sharing the experience with others. The findings from
this study suggest that this may vary between Muslim countries reflecting differing social-
cultural contexts within the countries.
7.3.5 Factors contributing to sexual harassment
Theories derived primarily from Western-based research on the causes and motivations for
sexual harassment served as a point of reference for this research in UAE. The research
shows that even though this research has been conducted in a society with very different
traditions and cultural allegiance, these theories relate to and help explain the occurrence of
sexual harassment. The important factors, that were identified by the participants in this
research as the main causes or motivations of sexual harassment which include
modernization, mixing of genders in the workplace, men’s and women’s immodest
behaviour and absence of sexual harassment policy, can be analysed within the context of
the theories mentioned in the literature review.
Clearly much change has happened in the UAE society due to economic development; most
important change relevant to this research is the increase in the participation of women in
the workforce. The economic development along with its associated changes, identified by
the participants as ‘modernization,’ was viewed by many as one of the factors to contribute
to sexual harassment occurrence. Most agreed that women should be allowed to participate
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in the paid workforce under some religious and traditional conditions and although they are
generally adhered to, still this coming of women into public sphere in itself results in
behaviours which challenge traditional attitudes. Women are spending more time in the
public sphere away from their home; they are mixing with more people and sometimes this
sphere inevitably includes men. Women’s husbands, fathers and brothers have less control
over their actions when they are at work. As was explained earlier, Islam and Arab
traditions shape the attitude of UAE men and women towards change so perhaps we should
not be surprised to find that there will be clashes between traditional behaviours and the
behaviour associated with modernization.
The changes accompanying UAE’s development can be grouped into two categories
relevant to this study in terms of factors concerning the participants. Firstly, there is
concern about exposure to cultural change either through foreign influences such as the
media, expatriates living in UAE and international organizations or through the local
education curriculum and local secular leaders’ progressive agenda. Secondly, there are the
changes in the workplace associated with the inclusion of women, some of which are
outlined in the previous paragraph. Inevitably these changes challenge the traditional view
of UAE women whereby historically they were less exposed to external influences beyond
the four walls of home. These changes also mean that men’s ability to control women is
reduced.
Concerns about ‘modernization,’ therefore, seem reflected in the socio-cultural explanatory
model as the traditional power and status differences between men and women in UAE are
being challenged. UAE has been, and continues to be, a very patriarchal society in which
men are the dominant group in the public sphere; while most participants in this research
still view women’s primary role as mother and caregiver and men primarily as the
breadwinner, clearly women’s participation in paid work challenges men’s previously
unquestioned dominance in the workforce.
Turning to the natural/biological model which positions sexual harassment as a
consequence of men’s sexual interest in women (Tangri, et al., 1982; Tangri & Hayes,
1997), several of the factors suggested by participants, as contributing ones to sexual
harassment, would appear to fit closely with this model. It is imperative to mention here
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that the assumptions of this model applied to analyze the participants' response relate to
their perceived validity rather than actual demonstration through any complicated
experimental study of the hormonal variation in harassers because it obviously does not
come under the scope of this thesis. So on the basis of perceiving general behavioral
gestures, the participants suggested that the shared space of workplace by men and women
provides proximity of women that becomes dangerous; for example one participant used
the metaphor of putting ‘fire beside gas’ to describe the consequence of having men and
women working in the same space. Participants suggested that in mixed gender workplace,
sometimes women’s mere presence, and sometimes their unintentional feminine gestures,
might attract sexually improper behaviour from the harasser.
Finally, many participants confirmed the absence of sexual harassment policies in the UAE
government workplace. This combined with management’s lack of recognition of sexual
harassment as an issue in the workplace would appear to impact the organizational climate
which should provide particular arrangements or policy to diminish or check sexual
harassment. This is consistent with the assumptions of the organizational model that an
organization’s management can influence the level of opportunities for sexual harassment
to occur within their organizations discussed by (Sigal, 2006; Tangri, et al., 1982).
So each of these models, namely the Socio-cultural, the Natural/Biological and the
Organizational climate, contributes to our understanding of sexual harassment occurrence
in UAE government workplace.
7.3.6 Consequences
The study demonstrates that sexual harassment affects victims and organizational
productivity in UAE government workplace. According to the survey respondents, the
majority of victims feel stressed, avoid certain areas in their workplace and change their
work pattern. This negative feeling impacts on victims’ physical, psychological and social
wellbeing and reduces an organization’s productivity. This is consistent with numerous
Western studies that have highlighted the negative consequences of sexual harassment on
individuals and on organizations (Cortina, Magley, Williams, & Langhout, 2001; Dara &
Ruth, 1994; Fitzgerald, et al., 1997; Gutek & Koss, 1993; Sims, et al., 2005). This
discussion about the factors leading to sexual harassment and the consequences will
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continue towards the end of this chapter where much of the factors reflecting Islamic
teachings and Arab traditions will be discussed in detail.
So this section establishes that the menace of sexual harassment does exist in UAE society
and it also confirms that its percentage and pattern are within the range of sexual
harassment occurrence in different countries, mentioned earlier in this section. At the same
time, it is also imperative to admit that Islamic teachings and Arab traditions seem helpless
in the face of its challenge. However, discussion about the importance of cultural context of
UAE is necessary in the following section to interpret findings about sexual harassment
occurrence and related issues. The findings in the next section suggest that the Islamic
teachings and Arab traditions do shape the participants’ perceptions of the nature of sexual
harassment, factors contributing to it and the strategies to counter it in UAE’s intensely
Islamic society. The interpretations of participants do seem conditioned by their immediate
environment in which they live and necessarily influence their judgments about the solution
of this problem. However, the findings in the next section, though suggest as to how
tradition is constantly struggling against change in UAE, do implicate that this clash of
tradition and change is the same that all societies encounter whether they follow other
religions, for example, Chritianity, Bhuddism, Hinduism, etc. or any other code of
behaviour. So, cultural pervasiveness is a different issue and preventing sexual harassment
to destroy this culture is another thing. As sexual harassment has to happen, so it is there.
That’s why the findings implicate the strong need of a strong sexual harassment policy like
all other societies because its occurrence is not any religious or cultural issue.
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7.4 The importance of the cultural context: Islam/ Arab traditions
Viewing the issue of sexual harassment without the cultural context would not be complete,
especially in UAE where issues related to gender roles and sexuality are heavily impacted
by Islam and Arab traditions. The interaction between men and women in a UAE
government workplace is still shaped by these forces. Therefore, it is important to take into
account these factors otherwise we will never achieve a complete picture of workplace
gender relationships.
The results suggest that Islamic teachings and Arab traditions play a critical role in
informing the perceptions of the participants. In general, the respondents repeatedly pointed
to the importance of Islamic teachings and Arab traditions which, even in the face of rapid
modernization, serve as powerful social tools to shape views about gender roles and
understanding of workplace sexual harassment. This is consistent with previous research
such as that of Simadi (2006) Abbas Ali (1995), Metcalfe (2006) and Al-Oraimi (2004)
concerning the influence of Islamic teachings and Arab traditions on the UAE people.
First of all, the research finding confirmed that the influence of Islamic teachings and Arab
traditions has resulted in failure to prevent workplace sexual harassment from occurring in
UAE government workplace. It has emerged as a serious workplace challenge and the
findings of this research also implicate, without challenging the authenticity and inherent
preventive ability of strong religious and local traditions to counter sexual harassment, that
the problems arising in social interaction in practice demonstrate similar pattern and nature
of harassment as visible in other countries where studies were conducted in this regard.
The objective analysis of the findings also points out that sexual harassment as a potential
workplace challenge in UAE emerges in the same manner as it does in other societies
having strong religious and traditional codes, like Christianity, Buddhism , Hinduism, etc
and this thing is evident from the studies conducted over there. Thus while interpreting the
views of participants, it is important to keep in mind that though they supported adherence
to Islamic teachings and Arab traditions with very positive and optimistic views , other
factors may result in people behaving in a way that contradicts their Islamic teachings and
Arab traditions.
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The participants’ responses show that UAE culture influences how people view behaviours
and how they explain and interpret the phenomenon of sexual harassment. The research
findings for both the interviews and questionnaire, suggest three factors contributing to
sexual harassment most commonly referred to as modernization, the mixing of genders, and
lack of modesty.
‘Modernization’ has resulted in women’s increasing participation in the paid workforce and
therefore in the public sphere. This ever-increasing participation of women in the
workforce, while the notion about their primary role as caregivers to family still prevails,
challenges women’s image and role regarding their position at home. Most of the
participants endorse women’s changing role in the context of modernization but the reality
of it challenges traditionally defined roles and behaviours. The Islamic teachings and
traditional norms suggest that men must be the primary breadwinners, but today, because of
modernization in UAE, women are joining the paid workforce and earning an income that
creates tension for participants. From the findings this was clear, especially in views which
opposed mothers being in the paid workforce. It is because their involvement in public
sphere creates potential clash between mother’s role as paid workers and as primary
caregivers.
The research findings suggested that women should remain at home, if not necessary to
work, or otherwise they are welcome to join the workforce with the condition of
maintaining their sexual honour by not mixing freely with male colleagues and keeping the
culturally modest appearance and conduct. Some of these cultural obligations on women
suggested by participants include join workplaces having gender separation, observe dress
code, such as body cover and hijab, and don’t wear make-up.
Yet in the workplace, for example, it is inevitable for some women that they will encounter
men as colleagues, customers or suppliers. This unavoidable mixing of genders threatens
women’s honour and most of the participants consider it as a strong factor leading to sexual
harassment occurrence. Thus, it is not surprising that for some men and women in UAE the
reality of women being in the workplace creates conflict or tension for them in terms of
their understanding of what is appropriate behaviour.
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The research findings suggest that the UAE society still maintains the traditional notions
about women’s honour and lead men to continue controlling the public space, putting
conditions on their entry in public sphere or in extreme cases locking women in the home.
This finding is similar to the findings in other Muslim and Arab countries (Ayubi, 1991;
Faqir, 2001; Gallant & Pounder, 2008; Haddad, 1985; Kader, 1987; Mayer, 1999;
McC.Pastner, 1978; Minces, 1982; Raza, 2007; Roded, 1999). This resistance to women’s
free involvement in the workforce is often presented by participants as a strong argument to
protect society. This in turn, suggests that this traditional norm of maintaining gender
separation encourages females to primarily inhabit the private women space or home space,
and by doing so having minimal interaction with men in public. Hijab (1988) and
Haghighat (2005) suggested that these traditional attitudes are misused and impact
negatively on women’s participation in the work force.
Once we have understood that the challenge of ‘modernization’ has necessitated women’s
participation in workforce, and sometimes in mixed gender workplaces, the responses
carrying characteristically traditional overtones also pointed out women’s regard to their
own honour and modesty as crucial protection against sexual harassment.
According to participants, when women, single or married, interact freely with males, this
behaviour threatens their honour. The participants link honour to losing face or shame,
especially for single women who are constantly threatened by reminding them that losing a
woman’s virginity outside of marriage causes the woman to suffer. This suffering then
extends to her family and leads to strict checks on women’s mobility in the public sphere.
According to the findings, when women join the workforce, they must keep in mind even
minor threat of sexual harassment, which if not stopped, may lead to a more significant risk
to her and her family’s honour. For this reason women are extremely sensitive toward
sexual harassment and their family tries to protect their honour to as much extent as
possible.
Some participants also suggested that if women interact freely with men will lead to fitna
(temptation and destruction of society). This patriarchal attitude leads to accusations against
women for the destruction of society if they have freedom in society or mix freely with
males. According to the findings, this traditional belief in fitna leads to keeping women in
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seclusion by confining their movements to their own private zones. These findings are in
accord with previous studies in the Muslims and/or Arab countries including the UAE (Al-
Oraimi, 2004; Ayubi, 1991; Faqir, 2001; Friedl, 1978; Lootah, 1999; Mernissi, 1987; Omar
& Davidson, 2001)
As according to participants protecting women’s sexuality is a matter of honour that
justifies their conditional inclusion or exclusion from the workplace, they also pointed out
the expectation of the code of modesty on the part of women as a necessary behavioral
message that, if violated, invites harassment. This again is a societal pressure against
working women and places responsibility on them with regard to sexual harassment and
resultant restrictions on them in public space.
In the UAE government workplace, and with the absence of sexual harassment policy,
participants again rely on their cultural values, including gender separation, code of
modesty to combat sexual harassment. However, as mentioned earlier all these cultural
practices did not stop or minimize sexual harassment from occurrence.
Finally, the unavoidable expansion in the role of women will continue increasing and
adding to the existing tension in minds of people, like the many participants, who think that
women’s proper place is home or a single gender workplace. Therefore, recognizing this
tension, and creating awareness or education about dealing with women and protecting
their rights in the public space is very important. It is true in the light of participants’
responses that cultural values will not vanish in a single night, but the problem of sexual
harassment will remain and its very existence justifies the introduction of proper sexual
harassment policy in government workplace.
The majority of the participants highlight the importance of sexual harassment policy to
check harassment of women and the action of implementing sexual harassment policy is
vital. The vast majority of the participants asserted that the workplace must have a sexual
harassment policy that incorporates clear procedures and penalties. Some might argue that
even though this research highlights the importance of sexual harassment policy, it is still
difficult to implement sexual harassment policies in the UAE workplace as there is little
understanding of the nature of sexual harassment itself. In response to this, the participants
155
also stressed the need for educational practice, or professional training programs, to raise an
awareness of the definition, forms, laws and procedures regarding sexual harassment. This
finding is in line with the suggestions of DeSouza and Solberg (2003) and O'Donohue, et
al. (1998) who emphasized that prior to the introduction of sexual harassment policy, there
must be some form of preparatory formal education about sexual harassment.
To summarize, modernization is a social, economic and political force which is firmly
embedded in UAE society. The resulting tension between tradition and modernity will
increase as more women are encouraged to join the mixed gender workplace. Similarly,
traditional gender roles are changing for women who no longer solely exist as caregivers to
the family, but also financially support the family. Women are continuing to join the
workforce because of economic development, education and government support. This
creates a challenge for the majority of government workers who often hold traditional
patriarchal attitudes toward women’s space. Gender separation is the most critical element
in allowing women to occupy work spaces without traditional resistance. This is because
gender mixing is thought to carry with it the increased potential to threaten women’s
honour and modernization push against maintaining traditional practice of gender
separation. For this reason, the research findings suggest that the respondents feel anxious
about the changes brought by modernization and therefore formal government recognition
of sexual harassment as challenge is noteworthy.
7.5 Conclusion
This chapter has considered the findings from this study in relation to the existing literature
firstly, on sexual harassment and secondly, on the influence of Islam and Arab traditions. It
can be seen that the findings specifically on sexual harassment in the UAE government
workplace relate closely to previous research completed elsewhere on workplace sexual
harassment in particular, the pattern of occurrence, the most likely victims, and
consequences. The Islamic Arab context, however, differentiated this study from many
others in terms of attitudes towards the roles of women and men as well as perceptions of
appropriate behaviour.
156
CHAPTER 8 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION
This primarily qualitative study was conducted in order to explore the issue of sexual
harassment in the UAE government workplace: workers’ perceptions of what constitutes
sexual harassment and indeed whether it is occurring, the factors contributing to and
preventing sexual harassment, and the way in which Islam and Arab traditions impact on
the participants’ perceptions of sexual harassment. The primary aim of this study was to
answer the following questions: Firstly, what evidence is there that sexual harassment is
occurring in the UAE government workplace? Secondly, what factors contribute to the
occurrence of sexual harassment? And finally, in what ways do religion and culture
influence the nature of sexual harassment in the workplace?
This study confirmed that sexual harassment is occurring in the UAE government
workplace, and whilst Islam and Arab traditions offer a degree of protection against the
occurrence of sexual harassment, the emphasis on personal religious and cultural adherence
does not serve as an absolute check. What is more, there is a lack of formal policies,
regulations and guidelines in the government workplace to address sexual harassment; there
is also a need for public recognition, training programs and educational material relating to
sexual harassment in UAE workplaces.
All of this needs to be considered within the broader social and cultural context of the
UAE. Firstly, rapid socio-economic change has resulted in an increasing proportion of
women in paid work. Secondly, this change becomes even more significant given the
influence of Islam and Arab traditions upon attitudes towards the role and ‘acceptable’
behaviour of women in public, and in determining their ‘rightful’ place in the home. The
data demonstrates that the notions about traditional gender roles, which positions men as
breadwinner and women as caregivers still exist, reflecting the traditional patriarchal
structure of UAE society, and conditioning the behaviour and perceptions of participants.
The study also reveals the tensions that economic development (or ‘modernization’) is
creating in UAE society. On the one hand, the government is encouraging women’s
participation in the workforce, and people are generally accepting this transformation in
157
UAE women’s role. On the other hand, however, the actuality of it confronts traditional
mores, as women increase their presence in the public sphere and inevitably encounter
mixed gender situations. While these changes are providing women with certain
opportunities, they are also resulting in women being caught between opposing societal
views- contribute to your country’s development, but risk your own and your family’s
honour and reputation.
8.1 Limitations and future research
Several limitations need to be identified in this study. The first is that the participants in this
research were not representative of all UAE employees. The entire sample, for instance was
drawn from the government sector. This means that the results might not be transferrable to
employees in the private sector. Because this was a study undertaken in the government
sector, it focused on a workforce cohort comprised predominantly of UAE nationals. This
includes women, who are the ones most directly affected by sexual harassment. The private
sector workplace is different because there are a much larger proportion of migrant workers
who are not as influenced by Islam, or local Arab traditions as the local workers. One of the
inspirations that guided this research was to record the concern of the local women
workers, including some past colleagues and the participants, who emphasized the
importance of preserving the Arab religious and social traditions which they perceive
protect women, so this study was confined to a context in which all employees are of
Muslim Arab background.
This study focused on the UAE partly because of the lack of research on sexual harassment
in Muslim Arab societies. Whilst this study contributes new knowledge, we cannot assume
that the findings can be generalized to other Arab Muslim countries. It is important to
recognize the cultural differences which impact on people’s attitudes; differences between
countries in implementing Islamic Shariah law; differing local Arab traditions; as well as
the diverse economic and policy contexts which shape the nature of the workplace, and in
particular the participation of women in the workforce. The final limitation rests with the
researcher himself who, being a male, might not fully comprehend the impact of patriarchy
on working women as it operates in the UAE government workplace.
158
These limitations lead to the opening of future research. Firstly, it would be valuable to
investigate foreign workers in regard to their understanding of gender roles and their
perceptions about sexual harassment in UAE workplaces. In short, it might be suggested
that future studies take into account the input from non-local workers who inevitably
inhabit the government workplace alongside UAE locals. The inclusion of their views
might give a more inclusive snapshot of the nature of sexual harassment in government
workplaces. It might be worthy also to study this phenomenon in the private sector which
includes a more diverse cultural mix, offering a greater diversity of nationalities.
These limitations themselves lead to the opening of future research. In the first instance, it
would be highly valuable to investigate the problem of sexual harassment in private sector
organizations as well. It is because if sexual harassment can occur in the public sector
where situation is supposed to be relatively under control, its occurrence in private sector is
very much a likely thing. Secondly, future research endeavours may also consider the
problem from the perspective of the foreign workers in regard to their understanding of
gender roles and their perceptions about sexual harassment in UAE workplaces. The need
for such research initiatives with regard to foreign workers is also marked by their greater
vulnerability than the local women to face sexual harassment, given their greater number
and the absence of several cultural protections available to UAE women, like protections
from families and kinship groups. Another possibility is that future research may try to
compare the relative vulnerability of UAE and foreign women whether in a single or
separate studies, both in private and government organizations. In short, it is suggested that
future studies may take into account the input from non-local workers who inevitably
inhabit the government workplace alongside UAE locals. The inclusion of their views
might give a more inclusive picture of the nature of sexual harassment in UAE workplaces
and help devise possible strategies to minimize this phenomenon, envisaging the diverse
cultural mix of nationalities in a particular religious and cultural set-up.
Within the UAE it would be important to conduct a follow up study in 10 years time as the
country continues to change in line with economic development. The UAE is likely to
continue to develop economically, with ongoing opportunities for women to engage in the
workforce. It would be interesting to complete a similar study in another 10 years to
compare longitudinally the impact of these ongoing changes upon attitudes towards the
159
roles of men and women, both in the workplace and in the broader society, and to ascertain
any changes in attitudes about sexual harassment.
A comparative study between Muslim Arab countries would be also add value to the
understanding of differences within Muslim countries, especially in relation to
understanding the sensitive issues of women’s sexuality and sexual harassment in the
workplace. Future studies, therefore, would need to consider a more diverse sample of Arab
countries.
8.2 Contributions to organizational practices and policy
The research suggests that it is important to consider sexual harassment as a threat for
working women in the UAE government workplace. Without devaluing the current effort
of the UAE government to support working women, the wealth of information gained from
this research should provide the foundation for managers and policy makers to recognize
that it is the ethical responsibility of government to protect workers from sexual harassment
in the most effective manner possible.
First of all, there is a need for the official recognition that sexual harassment is occurring,
and that while Islamic teachings and Arab cultural traditions provide guidance on the
appropriate behaviour for men and women, sexual harassment is occurring and will
continue to occur in UAE workplaces. This necessitates the development and
implementation of policies to define workplace sexual harassment, and to establish
guidelines on the reporting by victims and subsequent procedures to be adopted in response
to these reports. The collection of statistics is also an important early step which will allow
for highlighting the size of the problem and the appropriate response. Clearly, the
implementation of such policies would also need to be accompanied by culturally-
appropriate training and educational programs within the workplace.
Furthermore, in the designing of training programs and sexual harassment policies, the
voice of women should be recognized and women should be included as members in
committees formed to design sexual harassment policies. Recognizing women’s experience
in designing training programs and sexual harassment policies would make these more
accessible and acceptable, especially to female workers.
160
Moreover, although this research has been conducted in the government workplace, this
research suggests that sexual harassment may be even more critical in the private sector
where there are many nationalities that come with their own cultural understandings that
will no doubt impact the relationship they have with their colleagues in the workplace.
Government managers and policy makers, in order to increase the numbers of UAE women
workers in the private sector, and retain the ones who are already there, must ensure that
policies and regulation of sexual harassment extends to the private sector.
At a broader level, there could be greater recognition and consideration of the impact of the
increasing number of women in the paid workforce. This development is providing very
positive outcomes, both in terms of opportunities for women to participate in life in the
public sphere, as well as increasing the pool of local UAE labour. As has been seen,
however, it is also inevitably creating tensions as these major changes in women’s role
challenges cultural traditions in the UAE. Whilst Islam and Arab traditions position women
primarily as caregivers in the home, those who venture into the workforce will be
vulnerable to attacks on the inappropriateness of their behaviour especially in the mixed
gender workplace. However, while men may still, in practice, be the breadwinners, women
will also be contributing to this ‘breadwinning’. If women are working full time away from
home, will they continue to be expected to carry the full burden of domestic
responsibilities? Clearly, the increasing participation of UAE women in the workforce can
be expected to result in ongoing questioning of fundamental traditions for current and
future generations.
In conclusion, it is intended for this study to contribute to the improvement of working
conditions in the mixed gender government workplace by focusing on an important issue
that is often ignored by many Muslim Arab governments. Even if the recommendations
emanating from this research do not grant effective results in policy design, it is hoped that
they will at least be an important first step towards future studies, enabling government
managers and employees in the UAE to better understand the factors contributing to sexual
harassment in their workplaces.
161
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APPENDICES
Appendix A: Support letter
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Appendix B: Interview introductory questions
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Appendix C: Interview's consent form
Consent Form
Declaration
I______________________ have read the information given and any questions I have
asked have been answered to my satisfaction. I agree to participate in this study,
realizing that I may withdraw at any time without reason and without prejudice.
I understand that all information provided is treated as strictly confidential and will not be
released by the investigator unless required by law. I have been advised as to what data is
being collected, what the purpose is, and what will be done with the data upon completion
of the research.
I agree that research data gathered for the study may be published provided my name
or other identifying information is not used.
First Name
Signature
Date………/……../2007
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Appendix D: Interview's consent form (Arabic version)
نموذج الموافقة
موافقه
نعم أنا لقد قرأت المعلومات التي أعطيت لي وأجيبت كل أسئلتي ، وعلى ذلك
أوافق على المشاركة في هذه الدراسة مدركا أنه بإمكاني االنسحاب في أي وقت بدون سبب أو تحيز
ة تامة وأنها لن تسحب من الباحث إال إذا استبعدت ومتفهما أن المعلومات التي أعطيتها ستعامل بسري
.بالقانون
.لقد أخبرت بالهدف من جمع المعلومات وكيف سيتم معاملتها إلى نهاية البحث
.أوافق على أن البيانات التي جمعت للدراسة قد تنشر غير مزودة باسمي أو أي معلومات أخرى عني
:االسم األول
: التوقيع
1427/ / التاريخ
ها للباحث تعلن لجنة األخالق اإلنسانية للبحوث في جامعة غرب استراليا للمشاركين أنه في حالة وجود شكوى بخصوص مشروع البحث فعليهم أما أن يعطو
:أو لسكرتير اللجنة على العنوان التالي
University of Western Australia, 35 Stirling Highway, Crawley, WA 6009
(Phone number +61 6488-3703).
The Human Research Ethics Committee at the University of Western Australia requires that all participants are informed
that if they have any complaint regarding the manner in which the research project is conducted, it may be given to the
researcher or, alternatively to the Secretary, Human Research Ethics Committee, Registrar’s Office, University of Western
Australia, 35 Stirling Highway, Crawley, WA 6009 (telephone number 6488-3703)
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Appendix E: Questionnaire information sheet
185
Appendix F: The questionnaire
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Appendix G: Institute of Administrative Development (IAD) approval
letter (Arabic)
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Appendix H: Dubai code of conduct (Arabic version)
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201
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204
205
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Appendix I : Dubai code of conduct (English version)
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