History of the Quichua of Santiago Del Estero

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The Quichua of Santiago del Estero 732

19. History of the Quichua of Santiago del

Estero

Louisa K. Stark

INTRODUCTION

The purpose of this paper is twofold. First, using linguistic data it

attempts to contribute to our understanding of the history ofnorthwestern Argentina. Secondly, and more specifically, it seeks to

resolve several problems pertaining to the history of the Quichua

spoken in Santiago del Estero. 1 The paper itself is based on fieldwork

carried out in Argentina during the Spring of 1978, as well as on

published and unpublished sources.

DIALECTS OF QUICHUA SPOKEN IN NORTHWESTERN

ARGENTINA

The area of northwestern Argentina where Quichua has traditionally

been spoken is a mountainous region extending from Bolivia in the

north to Mendoza in the south, and from the Chilean border in the

west to the Argentinean Chaco in the east. In terms of modern political

divisions it encompasses the provinces of Jujuy, Salta, Catamarca, La

Rioja, Tucumán, and parts of Santiago del Estero, Córdoba, San Juan,

and Mendoza. This region forms a valid culture area in itself which

stands in contrast to the rest of the country (Bennett, Bleiler and

Sommer 1948: 15).

History of the Quichua of Santiago del Estero1


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Based on phonological, morphological and lexical data, the Quichua

of northwestern Argentina is divided into three principal dialects

(Stark 1978). A Northern dialect is spoken in the province of Jujuy,

and probably extends to the east into the mountainous region of the

province of Salta. The Sierra de Chani, which forms the southern

boundary of Jujuy, also serves as the southernmost boundary of this

dialect of Quichua. A central dialect was traditionally spoken in

today's provinces of Salta, Tucumán, Catamarca, La Rioja, Córdoba,

and northern Mendoza. There may also have been speakers of this

dialect in the northeast corner of today's province of the Chaco.Finally, an eastern dialect is spoken in Santiago del Estero. It is this

dialect, hereafter referred to as SE Quichua , which will serve as the

focus of the following discussion.

THE QUICHUA OF SANTIAGO DEL ESTERO

Geographical Location

Today there are approximately 60,000 speakers of Quichua (Bravo

1975: xiii) located in the northern and central parts of the provinces of

Santiago del Estero in the departments of Capital, Banda, Figueroa,

Matará, Sarmiento, Robles, Loreto, San Martín, Salavina, Avellaneda,

and some parts of Copo, Alberdi, Pellegrini, and General Toabada

(Christensen 1970: 34). The area extends to the west into the Andean

foothills, to the south into a group of salt flats on the pampas, and to

the northeast and east into the true Chaco.



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734 Louisa R. Stark

History of SE Quichua

Theories As To The History of SE Quichua. With a few exceptions

(Christensen 1970; Gargaro 1953; Santucho 1954), it is popularly

believed that Quichua was introduced into Santiago del Estero after its

conquest by the Spaniards in the sixteenth century (Bravo 1965:11;

Larrouy 1914:29; Ledesma Medina 1946:29). The belief that the

language did not exist in this area before the arrival of the Spaniards is

based on the following criteria: (1) that archaeologically there are no

Inca remains in the area, and (2) that the early Spaniards did not notehaving encountered Quichua speakers when they entered the region.

The hypothesis that Quichua wa introduced after Spanish contact is

also based the assumption that the Spaniards brought many Quechua

speakers with them from Perú when they colonized the area.

However, there is no historical evidence that this was actually the

case (Levillier 1927:37). But beyond this, newly discovered

archaeological and ethnohistorical evidence points to the probability

that Quichua was spoken in Santiago del Estero before the arrival of

the Spaniards.

The Linguistic Prehistory of SE Quichua

Archaeological Evidence. As mentioned above, one of the criterion

used for believing that Quichua was not spoken in Santiago del Estero

before the arrival of the Spaniards comes from the lack of

archaeological evidence pointing to Inca occupation of the area.



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Certainly there is little that has been uncovered that has been analyzed

as Inca. 2 However, the archaeological research that has been carried

out in Santiago del Estero has concentrated on the southcentral and

southern parts of the province, with little in the way of investigations

occurring in the northern area where Quichua has traditionally been

spoken. Recent surveys carried out in that part of the province,

however, have uncovered evidence of Inca occupation (Toga 1978)

which could form a basis for the belief that Quichua was introduced

into this region before the arrival of the Spaniards.

Ethnohistorical Evidence. Early Spanish visitors noted the presence

of an Inca road in the vicinity of Santiago del Estero. In a letter to the

King of Spain written in 1566, Juan de Matienzo reports:

De allí (Tambos de la Ciénaga), dice, se aparta e1 camino del Inca

para la ciudad de Londres y de allí para Chile por la cordillera de

Almargo que dizen sobre la mano derecha y sobre la izquierda se toma

e1 camino para Cañete y Santiago del Estero que es metiéndose hacia

los 1lanos del Río de la Plata (Christensen 1970:38)

And in 1613, several residents of Santiago del Estero mention an Inca

road which connected theiy homeland with Santiago de Chile

(Gargaro 1953: 9-12).



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736 Louisa R. Stark

There is also ethnohistorical evidence for the construction of Inca

buildings in Santiago del Estero. In 1566, Juan de Matienzo writes of

“Tamberias del Ynga" which were found on the old Inca road to

Santiago del Estero, as well as in Santiago del Estero itself, and

which were staffed by Quichua-speaking Chichas (Christensen

1970:38). And in 1613 an inhabitant of Santiago del Estero mentions

"paredones viejos de la casa del Inca" near the ancient Inca road that

ran through the area (Gargaro 1953:10).

Upon their arrival in Santiago del Estero, the Spaniards encounteredspeakers of Quichua and Jurie. 3 The Jurie were a peaceful, sedentary

tribe which occupied the area between the Salado and Du1ce Rivers,

in more or less the exact geographical area in which Quichua is now

spoken. They seem to have been co-existing peacefully with the

Quichua when the Spaniards first arrived in 1550. Although they

could not communicate directly with the Jurie, the Spaniards noted

with surprise that the Peruvian Indians who accompanied them could

communicate with them in Quechua (Levillier 1919: 92, 104, 115,

119; Nardi 1962: 263; von Hauenschild 1943:118).

Beyond specific references to the speaking of Quichua, the early

Spaniards noted upon their arrival the presence of “Peruvians” (Sotelo

Narvaez 1965:391), Chichas (Christensen 1970:38), and Incas (Sotelo

Narvaez 1965:392), all of whom were presumably speakers of

Quichua.

Based on archaeological and ethnohistorical data, we conclude that

Quichua was spoken in Santiago



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738 Louisa R. Stark

tion of tribute and labor services by the Spaniards. In the area in which

Quichua is still spoken, the first groups which came under the

encomienda system were local speaker of Quichua and Jurie; later

they were joined by members of other tribal groups, including

speakers of Lule, Diaguita, Sanavirone-Indama, and Comechingone.

These Indians, finding themselves concentrated in settlements with

Jurie and Quichua speakers, first seem to have spoken Jurie

(Tonocote) as a second language, and then later replaced Jurie with

Quichua. There is, for example, a report made during the early

Colonial Period by P. Pedro Lozano who describes a group of nativespeakers of Lule. Among them the older people understood Tonocote

(Jurie) while the younger ones commonly spoke Quichua (Santucho

1954:5).

Had the Spaniards chosen the Jurie to serve as their middlemen,

perhaps Jurie would have become the dominant language in Santiago

del Estero. Instead they appear to have chosen local Quichua speakers

6, which they drew from among the original mitimaes or from among

the few "Peruvians" that had accompanied them, to serve as their

mandanes (Figueroa 1948, 1949; Archivo de Santiago del Estero

1924:130, 1925a: 110, 1925b:77).7 This occurred, quite probably,

because the Spaniards had known Quechua speakers in Peru, and

considered them to be more “civilized” than members of the other

Indian groups and thus capable of filling positions of responsibility.

The Indians who served under the Quichua speakers learned the

language from them,



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using it during the early Colonial Period as a lingua franca among

themselves, and later as their first language. Thus the local native

languages began to decline. This process was also fostered by a

natural enemy disease, which took its toll of the concentrations of

Indians newly assembled in the towns. However, disease quite

probably had less of an effect on the Quichua-speaking native leaders

who were less over-worked and better fed than the peoples that they

governed (Bolton 1978). 8

The mita also had an effect on the linguistic situation, with many

Indians being sent away to Potosí to work in the mines.

9

Althoughmention is made of large numbers of Juries being sent to Bolivia

(Levillier 1927:37), the Quichuas of the area, perhaps because of

their favored status, do not seem to have suffered this fate. Thus there

seems to have been a rapid depletion of non-Quichua speakers since

few of the Juries sent to Potosí ever returned. Those who did return, if

they had not already learned Quichua in Santiago del Estero, had

probably become fluent in this language in Potosí. Quichua was not

only spoken in the city, but also served as a lingua franca among the

workers sent there from all parts of the Spanish Empire.

The combination of disease and the mita caused a rapid decline in the

Indian population of Santiago del Estero. Between 1553 and 1609 the

population had decreased by almost 50%; in 1553 there were 48

Spaniards and 12,000 Indians in the area as compared to 1609 when

there were 100 Spaniards and 6,729 indians (Carrizo 1937: 119).

Linguistically,



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740 Louisa R. Stark

the decline was probably greatest among non-Quichua speakers. For

example, the Sanavirones -Indamas who appear to have been a fairly

sizable group at the time of Spanish contact, are described in 1594

as:

... poca gente y tan hábil, que todos han aprendido la lengua de Cuzco

(Quechua) como todos los indios que sirven a Santiago... (Baranza

1965:79).

It was probably in good part due to the drastic decline in the non-Quichua-speaking population that the Spaniards themselves began to

adopt Quichua as a lingua franca in order to communicate with the

various Indian groups. This was nowhere more evident than in the

policy of the Church, which was made official in 1579 at the first

synod celebrated in Santiago del Estero. There it was decided that the

Indians of the area should be taught the doctrina and catecismo "en

lengua del Cuzco" (Cuzco Quechua) because a large number of

Indians already knew how to pray in that language, and because the

other Indian languages spoken in the province were too many, and too

small, to make it worthwhile to learn and evangelize in all of them.

Priests who were to work with Indians had to be able to speak the

“lengua general del Cuzco”.

Unlike other areas of northwest Argentina, this did not seem to be too

difficult. In fact, most Criollos born in Santiago del Estero seem to

have spoken Quichua as is noted in a report of 1592-1593 when

witnesses in the provincial capital state that



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a Criollo priest spoke Quichua well simply from having been born

there (Nardi 1962:264-265). 10 And in 1635 the bishop of the area

complained that:

“poco hablan los indios y españoles en castellano porque está más

connaturalizada la lengua general de los indios (Quichua)... (Bravo

1965:19).

Again, in 1734 it was noted that:

... en las ciudades de esta provincia no obstante de la comunicación y

asistencia de sus obispos, parrocos y Gobernadores, vecinos y

comerciantes, es mas generalmente hablada entre la gente común la

dicha lengua (Quichua)... (Nardi 1962:267).

By the end of the Colonial Period, we find that the original languages

of Santiago del Estero had disappeared, having been replaced by

Quichua which had progressed from functioning as a lingua franca to

serving as the first language of Indians and Criollos alike. The

adoption of the Indian language as their first language by the Criollos

seems to have been the result of their small numbers, in relationship

to the Indian population, as well as their isolation from the Spanish-

speaking centers of the country.

To summarize, Quichua seems to have begun its ascendancy in

Santiago del Estero during the early Colonial Period, with the

depletion of speakers of



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other Indian languages through disease and forced labor in the mita.

This was then reinforced by the clergy who found it useful to use

Cuzco Quichua as a lingua franca in their work with the Indians. 11

Their use of the Cuzco dialect probably had some influence on the

Quichua spoken during the Colonial Period, and also up until today.

In particular this can be noted in the first person inclusive pronominal

suffix /-nčis/. Beyond this, Spanish-speaking Criollos seem to have

left their mark on the language. This is particularly noticeable in word

order, where adjectives follow nouns, rather than precede them, as is

common in the Quechua spoken throughout the rest of South America.

The Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries

By the middle of the nineteenth century, the Indian population of

Santiago del Estero had all but disappeared. As a French visitor noted

during his stay sometime between 1841 and 1859:

... el grueso de la población de la Provincia de Santiago del Estero está

compuesta de mestizos provenientes de indios de raza Quichua ... se

habla el quichua en toda la Provincia de Santiago, como se habla el

Guaraní en el Paraguay ... (Santucho 1954:15).

What appears to have happened is that over time the Indians of the

province had become assimilated into its “Mestizo” or Criollo, population. However,



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Quichua, which had long been spoken by both groups, was maintained

but identified as a non-Indian Criollo language. As such it continued

to flourish in Santiago del Estero. In the 1860s, an English traveler

wrote of Bracho:

The population here numbers about three thousand souls, of whom

only three or four know Castilian -- the remainder speaking the

Quichua (Hutchinson 1865:162).

Bracho, it should be noted, lies within a few kilometers of the

provincial capital of Santiago del Estero.

And during the first decades of the twentieth century:

... en la misma capital de Santiago era todavía frecuente oir a

caballeros y matronas de los más altos linajes patricios y de la más

elevada cultura, emplear el quichua con la misma fluidez y

desenvoltura con que también hablaban el castellano (Christensen

1970:89).

However, more recently, inroads have been made into the language.

To begin with, Santiago del Estero, which for so long had existed in

almost total isolation, has become integrated into the rest of Spanish-

speaking Argentina. Thus Quichua has all but disappeared among the

urbanites, as well as among rural middle and upper classes; all of these

individuals have better means of communication with the



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744 Louisa R. Stark

rest of the country, whether through transportationto other parts of

Argentina, or by means of Spanish-language radio, television,

newspapers, and magazines. And, unlike the situation in Paraguay

where to speak Guaraní reinforces one's identity as a Paraguayan,

whatever one's class or geographical background, such has not been

the case in Santiago del Estero.

Where Quichua remains is in the rural areas where it is still spoken by

the campesinos of the province. However, even there inroads are

beginning to be made into the language, especially with compulsory

education of Quichua-speaking children in Spanish-language schools.Beyond this, men are conscripted into the army, and younger

members of the rural population are leaving their communities to look

for work in urban areas, as close as the provincial capital or as far

away as Buenos Aires (Hadis 1975). As a result there is beginning to

be a stigma attached to the speaking of Quichua. For in speaking the

language, one admits that one is a lower class rural rustic (D.Bravo

1978; Christensen 1970:90), something hat one hates to be in a society

which emphasizes so greatly the glories of middle class urban life.

Worse yet, one can be accused of being an Indian, since outside of

Santiago del Estero Quichua is considered an “Indian” language. 12

In a country which has been noted for its “racismo antiindigenista”

(Martinez 1972:46), being identified in any way as an Indian is an

insult indeed. 13 As a result, the double stigma of ethnicity and class

associated with its usage has caused a



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decline in the speaking of Quichua. But with a population of some

60,000 speakers, a few of them still monolinguals, the language is

nowhere yet on the verge of extinction.

CONCLUSION

In conclusion, we find that the Quichua of Santiago del Estero is still

fairly vigorous, especially in comparison to the state of the language

in the rest of northwest Argentina where it is on the verge of

extinction (Stark 1978). To what do we attribute this factor? The

feature that appears to have contributed most to the survival of SEQuichua after the sixteenth century is the fact that it has never been

thought of as an Indian language in Santiago del Estero. In a country

such as Argentina which, like the United States, spent a good part of

the nineteenth century attempting to exterminate its Indian population,

Indian-ness, whether linguistic or cultural, has been barely tolerated.

Thus it is not surprising that during the nineteenth century Quichua

disappeared in those parts of Argentina where it has always been

regarded as a Indian language; its speakers appear to have decided

consciously to eradicate that aspect of their culture that identified

them most obviously as Indian (Stark 1978). However, Quichua has

not suffered the same fate in Santiago del Estero, where it has long

been conceptualized as a “lengua criolla” (Bravo 1965:98). A good

part of this belief is tied to the historical interpretation that Quichua

was brought to Santiago del Estero by the Spaniards. This as-



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746 Louisa R. Stark

sumption, while not hased on historical fact, has served to disassociate

the language from its Indian past. And in so doing, it has probably

contributed to the survival of the language in Santiago del Estero, a

feat which has not been possible for the majority of the Indian

languages of Argentina.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This work was originally presented to the Symposium on Andean

Linguistics, XLIII International Congress of Americanists, Vancouver,

August 10-17, 1979. I wish to thank Donald Dilworth and PamHunte for commenting on earlier versions of this paper. I have also

profited from discussions with Rodrigo Bravo of Cafayete while I was

in Argentina which led to the development of some of the ideas about

the Indian and non-Indian nature of Argentine Quichua which are

included in this paper.

NOTES

1. When referring to the language as it pertains to Argentina, the

term “Quichua” will be used. However, when reference is made to the

language in its pan-Andean context, it will referred to as “Quechua”.

2 There is the possibility that some of the archaeological materials

uncovered in Santiago del Estero are actually Inca, although not

labeled as such by investigators. In particular this might apply to

stone masonry and metal objects found at Icaño and published by

Reichlen (1940).



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3. It is interesting to note that June means "ostrich" in Quechua, and

probably referred to the ostrich feather clothing worn by this group.

4. In the early Colonial Period the encomienda was a royal grant by

which a number of Indian families were entrusted to a Spaniard who

was entitled to extract their tribute end labor services

5. I am assuming, as does Metraux (1944:228), that June and

Tonocote are different names for the same tribal group.

6. At times additional Quichua speakers from Highland Argentina

were brought by the Spaniards to work as carpenters and cartwrights.

They, too, lived in the Indian towns (Junta Conservadora del ArchivoHistórico de Tucumán 1941:23; Academia Nacional de la Historia

1941:469-470).

7. A mandán was an Indian administrator appointed by the Spaniards.

8. Actually disease seems to have had an even greater effect on the

Indians gathered together in missions. However, in Santiago del

Estero there were only two missions, both of which appear to have

been quite small (Lascano 1973:34).

9. The mita was a labor system during the Colonial Period in which

Indians were forced to spend a certain amount of time working on

projects which would benefit the Crown.

10. A Criollo was a person of Spanish parentage born in Latin

America.

11. See Bravo (1956:96) for a copy of The Lord's Prayer in Cuzco

Quechua which was used by the clergy in Santiago del Estero.



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748 Louisa R. Stark

12. Outside of Santiago del Estero, Quichua is still considered an

“Indian” language by the inhabitants of northwestern Argentina. In

fact, when asked if there are still Quichua speakers in such areas as

Salta, Tucumán, and Jujuy, the usual response is that since there are

no Indians in the are there are no speakers of Quichua, and that if one

is interested in the language one should go to Bolivia where “there are

many Indians”.

13. This anti-Indian feeling is visible in the murals found on public

buildings throughout north-western Argentina. Among them there is

always one section or more that glorifies the “salvation” of Argentinafrom the “barbarian” Indian. Such depictions inevitably show a

Gaucho killing an Indian either from horseback or in hand-to-hand

combat.

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