Hibrid Deities in South Dalmatia PRUSAC

Bollettino di Archeologia on line I 2010/ Volume speciale C / C11 / 2 Reg. Tribunale Roma 05.08.2010 n. 330 ISSN 2039 - 0076

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Marina Prusac

Hybrid Deities in South Dalmatia

Introduction

Mountains and rivers form a natural border around South Illyria-Dalmatia, an area stretching over parts of present-day Croatia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Montenegro and North Albania. The area has a narrow coastline with river plains (fig. 1) meeting a steep mountain chain (fig. 2) with limited areas for people to settle. Such a landscape caused slower creolisation processes than what was common in the Mediterranean, which are expressed through hybridities in the iconographical expressions, in particular in the cultic material. Hybridity and creolisation have become common terms for hidden transcripts in the material culture, since links between artefacts and ethnicity are disputable. Hybridity and creolisation are terms borrowed from post-colonial studies and linguistics, where they are used to express discrepant experiences, or overlapping events, which are perceived differently by different groups of people1.

These terms are useful when trying to explain how the cultic iconography of South Illyria-Dalmatia

1 Hybridity is generally connected with BHABHA 1994, 25. See also, CARR 2006, 2; LATOUR 1996, 915; MODOOD, WERMBER 1997, 23,

57 and 88. See also, SAID 1978, 3550. Cf. YOUNG 1995, 25; 2000, 154158. For creolisation, see CHAUDENSon 2001, in particular 137138; HYLLAND ERIKSEN 2007, 27.

Fig. 1 - The river plain around Vid, the Roman city of Narona (Photograph: author).

Fig. 2 - The coastal landscape of Dalmatia, south of Makarska (Photograph: author).

M. Prusac Hybrid Deities in South Dalmatia



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was altered during the cultural transformation of the area. The latter corresponds to the Conventus Naronitanus, named after the largest centre of the area, the cosmopolitan harbour city of Narona2. There, the mainstream Roman pantheon could be described both as an implant by Rome and a multicultural common ground, where different groups negotiated cult practices and traditions, with increasing intensity after A.D. 9, when Illyria was reorganised as Dalmatia. The coastline represented likewise to the city of Narona a third space with intense traffic and a large pantheon of deities from various parts of the Roman Empire, whereas pre-Roman customs and cults could survive more undisturbed in the more inaccessible mountain areas3.

The distribution of archaeological materials and in particular the selection of which deities were revered reflects how the cultural transformations occurred differently along the coast and in the interior mountain settlements; differently, but with several common features. There are several examples of transformed deities from South Illyria-Dalmatia, which appear as hybridities in the iconographical material. Among these, Silvanus, Liber, the nymphs and the cult of the sun dominate, and reflect aspects of the human interaction with the landscape which make them important carriers of the cultural transformations which took place.

Silvanus

Transformations of indigenous cults are characterised by non-figurative expressions which, in an encounter with a culture with a strong tradition of figurative representations, imitate the figures. This is the case particularly when these correspond to notions of divinities common to the cultures involved, as was the case with Silvanus-Aegipan-Pan4. The references to Silvanus dominate the cultic iconography in the mountain settlements, clearly mirroring the shepherd societies, which formed the basic way of living in the hill sides and mountain plains. The cult of Silvanus, god of shepherds and wild nature, is a prime example of a popular cult with a wide following which never became an institutionalised cult5. In Illyria-Dalmatia, the pastoral deity of the indigenous groups became known and widely worshipped in the form of the Greek Aegipan, the Latin Silvanus, sometimes associated with Priapus6.

The qualities of Silvanus as a fertility god made him a suiting choice in the negotiation of cult practices. In a relief from the mountain plain at Glamo in the interior of present-day Bosnia, Silvanus appear with his characteristic goat legs, but

2 WILKES 1969, 46.

3 For discussions of the term third space, see e.g. FALCK 2003, 110.

4 CAMBI 1968, 136. The easy absorption of the Graeco-Roman deities has led to an understanding that the original Illyrian pantheon was

not very wide, see PAKVALIN 1985-1986b. Another explanation might be that the nature gods worshipped by the pre-conquest populations had several characteristics which made a large number of them superfluous. 5 NORTH 1995, 142144.

6 ZANINOVI 1971, 299304. Silvanus is often surrounded by fertility symbols in the form of fruits. In the areas around the river Cetina

north of the Conventus Naronitanus he is often depicted as an old man with a beard. Sometimes he holds the syrinx and pedum, accompanied by a goat and a dog. RENDI-MIOEVI 1955, 540.

Fig. 3 - Relief with Silvanus from Glamo. Sarajevo, Zemaljski muzej (Photograph: author).

XVII International Congress of Classical Archaeology, Roma 22-26 Sept. 2008

Session: Interaction, Urbanisation and Cultural Changes in the Balkans



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with a more typical Roman upper body and head (fig. 3). On the frame around the reliefs, there are vines clearly imitating more typical mainstream Roman floral ornamentation of the 1st and 2nd centuries A.D. Sometimes Silvanus is accompanied by Mercury or another male figure interpreted as Hercules7. The encounter with Liber Bacchus and Asclepius seem to have spurred the first associations with Aegipan and Pan into further assimilations8. There are also iconographical references to a Silvanus-Mithras from the mountain areas which probably reflect a fusion of aspects of rebirth which existed in both cults, and which were attractive to soldiers whose lives were constantly at risk9. The Silvanus-variations which refer to Mithras, alternatively Attis and Ganymedes10, seem to have evolved from the areas original traditions, in contrast to the Silvanus-representations found along the coast and in urban areas, which were more influenced by the Latin Silvanus11. There are three types of Silvanus representations which, when combined, can shed light on different aspects of the cult and characteristics of cultural identities in the area: the goat-god with a syrinx, beard and phallus; with Phrygian cap and tunica covering the upper part of his body; with a serpent. The first group can be understood as either the Illyrian Silvanus Vidasus or the Graeco-Roman Silvanus Aegipan, or both, as the god of shepherds12. This version should be seen in connection with Cernunnos, the Celtic god with horns, as in the many examples from the early and middle Imperial age found at Aquileia. The second group clearly indicates eastern influence and a syncretism of Silvanus-Attis. The syncretistism of Silvanus and Attis is supported by the regenerative aspect symbolised by the phallus of the first and the castration of the other13.

Although the cult of Silvanus was widespread no temples were built for its worship. Large number of reliefs and inscriptions indicate that the alternative for Silvanus temples took many forms, sub divo14. The stronger presence of Silvanus in the hinterland might be seen in relation to the pastoral communities which were more widespread here than along the coast, where agriculture and trade were of larger importance. A particularly interesting feature of the Silvanus cult in Dalmatia is his female companions. The god generally appears flanked by female deities such as Diana and the nymphs15. Diana might be a Latin version of the Illyrian name Thana, who is attested as a female companion to Silvanus by an inscription from Toposku16. Feasts which included dance, shown by the depictions of female figures holding hands, seem to have had a central function in this cult17, particularly in cases where the god appears as Aegipan, as for example in two reliefs from Vrba, Klis near Split and Apollonia (figs. 4-5)18. In an example from Narona, Silvanus is represented in a more institutionalised version of the figure, also here accompanied by nymphs,

7 BOJANOVSKI 1977-1978 pl. 1-2; see also RENDI-MIOEVI 1955, 6.

8 Two reliefs, one from Sumnjaci on the Glamo plain and the other from Vasarovine by Livno where according to an inscription there

was a Liber temple during the early 2nd century AD have representations of Silvanus assimilated with Liber and Asclepius, with symbols such as the serpent, alluding to a chthonic cult. Both reliefs indicate Greek and Roman influence on the Delmatae, see PAKVALIN 1985-1986. See also, PAKVALIN 1985-1986b. 9 A relief from a mithraeum at Dieburg from the end of the 2nd century AD likewise indicates the relationship between Mithras and

Silvanus. Several iconographical attributes surround Mithras, Cautes and Cautopathes. On top there is a temple faade. In the low panel there is an inscription with Silvestrus Silvinus; see LIMC 1981 vol. 3, Mithras no. 330. 10

GIOVANNI ET AL. 2003, 663664; CAMBI 1968, 136. 11

The worship of Silvanus among soldiers up until the 3rd century AD is accounted for by Julius Pastors dedication to Silvanus, found in Numidia and Mauretania where it was brought by Illyrian officers, see PATSCH 1922, 8084; ZANINOVI 1971, 299304. 12

For Vidasus, see RENDI-MIOEVI 1989, 464. 13

CAMBI 1968. 14

There are indications that Silvanus was worshipped in caves and under the open sky, sub divo, see BASLER 1975-1976, 121216; PAKVALIN 1979, 5584; PAKVALIN 1985-1986b; RENDI-MIOEVI 1979-1980, 105123. 15

DEVESCOVI HANSEN 2004; RENDI-MIOEVI 1979-1980, 105123. A relief of Silvanus found at Jajce shows the nymphs in regional costumes, see PAKVALIN 1964, 151152 also for Silvanus Agipan surrounded by nymphs from Jajce, inv. 526 in the museum in Sarajevo. 16

RENDI-MIOEVI 1989, 464. 17

RENDI-MIOEVI 1955, 540; RENDI-MIOEVI 1979-1980, 105123. See also PAKVALIN 1964, 151152. See also, RENDI-MIOEVI 1955, 540; IMAMOVI 1979, 97103; HANSEN, GILKES, CROWSON 2004, appendix 1 fig. 11.6. 18

BOJANOVSKI 1977-1978, 126127; RENDI-MIOEVI 1955, 2324 plate 3 no. 2; RENDI-MIOEVI 1989 plate 85 no. 1; NAGY 1994, 771 no. 149; DEVESCOVI HANSEN 2004 no. D52. See also, DORCEY 1992, 119; IMAMOVI 1977, 330 no. 36; PAKVALIN 1963, 134 no. KI34; REMONIK 1956, 111126 plate 1 no 1; SCHNEIDER 1885, 4344; RENDI-MIOEVI 1974, 34.




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although along the coast, he is normally depicted alone. A dedication to Augustus and Diana is carved on a relief from Narona19. Whereas the others depict a more pastoral version, the relief from Narona is carved in a more Romanised style.

Diana, or Thana, most probably reflects a female goddess which was worshipped in Illyria during the Iron Age, as a counterpart to the shepherd god which was transformed into Silvanus. The Latin version, Diana Nemorensis, was worshipped at Narona20, and an example of a naive expression of trinity is presented by the Roman period relief from Opaii by Glamo in the hinterland (fig. 6)21. The forest and water source aspects of the cult is expressed by the numerous references to nymphae22 another possible name for the matronae in Dalmatian areas suggest that the tradition was ancient, even in Roman times23. Likewise to the natural component in the cult of Silvanus, the popularity of the worship of nymphs was clearly rooted in the karstic landscape with its many rivers, both above and under ground, and a large number of water sources. The origin of these female deities is complex, since the cult was influenced from both the Celtic north

19

MARIN 1997, 4042. 20

MARIN 1999, 115 with reference to CIL 3.1773. 21 BASLER 1966, 151 fig. 166; WILKES 1995, 246; CAMBI 2005, 39 fig. 48.

22 HERZ 2003, 144 accounts for the origin of names on the matronae in rivers and waters, and that it seems plausible that nymphae could also refer to the same goddesses. 23

The significance of the matronae in Dalmatia is also supported by a dedication inscription found in Lyon to the health of Emperor Septimius Severus, and the mother of the Pannonians and Delmataeans, from the military tribune Tiberius Claudius Pompeianus of Legio I Minervia from Bonn, see HERZ 2003. 142143 with reference to CIL 13, 1766 = ILS 4794; RGER 1987; HORN 1987.

Fig. 4 - Relief with Silvanus and the nymphs from Vrba, Klis. Split, Archaeological museum (Photograph: author).

Fig. 5 - Relief with Silvanus and the nymphs from Apollonia. Tirana, Archaeological museum (Photograph: author).

Fig. 6 - Relief with female deities. Sarajevo, Zemaljski muzej. (from BASLER 1966, 151, fig. 9).





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and the Aegean south. These cults had certain fertility aspects in common, which are equally much represented by the Celtic Magna Mater as the Phrygian Cybele24.

The shared nature of the Illyrian female goddess and other mother goddess cults evidently contributed to keep the worship alive among different immigrating groups. Inscriptions indicate for example that Diana was worshipped both by the locals and immigrant soldiers as late as in the 3rd and 4th centuries AD25.

A Female Solar Deity?

In addition to the nymphs, there are references to a winged goddess in Dalmatia of interest with regard to cultural transforma-tions. The winged goddess pro-bably represents a surviving ele-ment from a prehistoric tradition. Since the Illyrian tradition was non-figurative, the exact nature of this goddess is difficult to grasp, but indications of the content of the cult may be discerned in the icono-graphy. Metal works from the site of Oani, the centre of the Daorsi, one of the Illyrian groups which inhabited the Naro valley in the hinterland of Narona, may give a clue (fig. 7). A treasure which was found here in a grave in the early 1970s contained an assortment of metal artefacts dating between the

4th and 2nd centuries BC26. Greek influence in the iconographic ornamentation of the material has led to interpretations of Oanii as a thoroughly Hellenised settlement27, but rather, it can be argued that the Oanii treasure is a prime example of the synergy between the Greek and Roman merchants at Narona and the Illyrians in the hinterland. 24

The cult of the Phrygian mother goddess Cybele, or Magna Mater, as she was called in Rome, reached Liburnia towards the end of the 1st century AD, see AEL KOS 1999, 8489 and 142. MARIN 2002, 13 for a sarcophagus in the Archaeological museum in Split with Juno, Mars and Cybele. The plural form connects the cult of Magna Mater in the Roman period with the important Celtic cult of the tres matres, or matronae, which is the most attested cult from the north western provinces, see WOOLF 2003, 131; RGER 1972, 251260. See also, COOK 1905, 80; CAMBI 2005, 46 fig. 61; GIRARDI-JURKI 1997; WILKES 1969, 194195; JURKI 1976; VERMASEREN 1977, 143; STICOTTI 1913, 74. 25

MARIN 1999, 115 presents CIL 3.1773 at Humac, with a copy in Ere tower at Narona and a parallel in CIL 2.5613 from Tudae, Galizia in Spain. The inscription was made by a prefect of the Cohors I Bracaraugustorum and invokes Diana Nemorensis, who was particularly popular in Latium; see for example GULDAGER BILDE, MOLTESEN 2002. The parallel in Tudae can be explained by the stationing of the cohort in Hispania before it was sent to Dalmatia. 26

MAROVI 1970, 265284. Iron Age cultures are characterised by their metal art work, and the Illyrians had elaborate techniques for metal artefact production. Their ornamented belt plates have parallels in Celtic areas, and the helmets are amongst the most known Illyrian items, assuming that they are in fact Illyrian. Cf. RENDI-MIOEVI 1989 plate 52; for examples from Albania see KOKA 1985 no. 119 from Koroja, no. 178 from Perlati, Mirdita; see also KORKUTI 1971, 32; see also OSMANI 1988, 209211. 27

MARI 1995. It could conversely be argued that the Daorsi had maintained their traditional customs in spite of their frequent contact with Greek merchants in the emporium at the site of Narona. Similar helmets from Gradina near Crvenica have, however, been considered as Greek imports, see BOJANOVSKI 1967 with an overview of helmets found in present Bosnia-Hercegovina. For OANI, see MARI 1972-1973 a-c; 1973; 1974; 1985; 1989; 1992-1993; 1995; MARJANOVI 1984.

Fig. 7 - The site of the Daorsi at Oani (Photograph: author).




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The treasure includes a 20 cm long bronze plaque which probably was used for decoration on the head of a horse (fig. 8)28. The symbolic ornamentation may indicate that the plaque was meant for a cultic use. It shows a mask at the bottom. On each side of the mask there are wings, and from the top a lance shoots upwards flanked by narrow, vertical scrolls or spirals. Birds and serpents were sacred symbols among the Illyrians29, while the spiral is an ancient solar symbol. The mask resembles Medusa, but I would suggest that it cannot be interpreted as her in this context. We are rather dealing with a female personification of the sun, an indigenous goddess translated through the Hellenistic iconography, depicted with rays resembling scrolls and lances departing from her winged head30. Indigenous solar cult symbols, such as swastikas, also appear all through the Roman period in the Dalmatian hinterland31. In these plaques, the wings of the sun, and the fact that she is flanked by birds in all examples, indicate a close connection with the bird, or more specifically the water bird, which was a female fertility symbol and the second most important Illyrian symbol after the serpent, a male fertility symbol. The presence of the serpent, often in the birds beak, might refer to other fertility aspects32.

The plaque may have been associated with a heros cult, like a few other examples from northern Croatia and one from Italy33. In these examples a similar figure is represented in the upper part of the plaques, with the solar rays pointing downwards. Aa pair of men is represented, either on horseback riding in the same direction, or standing, sometimes in a boat, with shields, facing each other. The men are rendered in a style recalling that of the Bronze Age rock carvings from northern Europe, and suggest a Celtic influence. The horsemen have been interpreted as Castor and Pollux, or resembling heroes34.

The rare occurrence of such objects suggests that the preserved examples derive from heros graves, since heroic figures in combat are represented, as well as horses. The solar symbol with a winged head with rays is however the most dominating feature in these plaques, and a connection between the hero cults and the solar cult seems convincing. In a pair of resembling plaques from Dacia there are dedications to Diana and the nymphs35..

28

MARI 1974, 3540. 29

TIPEVI 1981, 198. Birds appear in different variants in Illyrian-Greek contexts, see for example Korkuti 1971 no. 47 for golden earrings in the shape of birds from Dyrrachium. 30

For female representations of the sun, e.g. GOODISON 1989, 16. 31

E.g. CAMBI 2005, 202 fig. 306. 32

WITTKOWER 1938-1939, 307. 33

RENDI-MIOEVI 1998, 925 pl. 54 nos. 1-2; TIPEVI 1963, 17 pl. 54-55. 34

RENDI-MIOEVI 1998, 925. 35

SLEJ ET AL. 2004, 180181 no. 97-98, 100 and 102.

Fig. 9 - Metal mould from Oani (modified from MARI 1979. pl. 19).

Fig. 8 - Bronze plaque from Oani (from MARI 1974, pl. 2b).





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The reverence for the winged deities is also reflected in moulds from the treasure at Oani (fig. 9). Several of the moulds had female figures with long gowns, and separately within the same mould, were wings which would fit perfectly on these figures, as well as other imaginary creatures such as hippocamps. The winged female may also have been introduced to the Daorsi as Nike or Victoria, as is shown in a Greek, imported ornamented architectural figure from the 1st century BC1st century AD, found at the Roman town of Diluntum at the foot of the hill of Oani (fig. 10). It is more likely, however, that these examples of winged females indicate that the Illyrians began expressing their ideas and beliefs figuratively following their encounter with the Greeks and the Romans. If this is right, the winged females are important examples of cultural hybridities and bear testimony to the creolisation of a community36. The transformation of stylistic and iconographical techniques after the groups had met makes it possible to understand otherwise inaccessible aspects through hybridical translation. This can be compared to Latin translations of aspects of non-literate provincial communities.

The Cultic Significance of the Serpent

The most significant indigenous symbol in Illyria-Dalmatia is the serpent. Among the Greeks and Romans, the serpent was not only the most important attribute of Asclepius, but also central in the

Dionysus/Bacchus or Liber Pater/Sabazius cult. Assuming that viticulture was not practised in Illyria before the Greek expansion it seems natural that the local fertility god would have integrated the qualities of Dionysus, later Liber, in his divine character37. The indigenous fertility god is probably discernible in the many references to serpents from the pre-Greek and pre-Roman period, and after, through Roman iconography, as is seen in these reliefs (figs. 11-14).

Although the serpent is often considered a male symbol of chthonic character, the presence of the serpents in the cultic iconography related to the Illyrian female goddess should not be underestimated, such as seen in the plaques from Oani. The serpent could easily be assimilated as an attribute of various Roman deities, such as Bona Dea, attested in Dalmatia, in particular connected with freedmen38. Bona Dea was the daughter of Faunus, who was regarded as the Roman version of Pan, who was again closely connected with Silvanus. The central role that wine played in the cult of Bona Dea furthermore led to a strong association with Dionysus/Liber. This, in connection with

36

For the Daorsi coins, see e.g. AEL KOS 2005, 317. For the Delmatae, see e.g. ALFLDY 1965, 369 with references to VELL. 2.110-116; CASS. DIO 56.16.3; PLIN. HN 7. 149. 37

A Roman relief in the museum at Imotski show Bacchus and Diana, the two latter as large figures surrounded by other deities of a smaller size such as nymphs; among these Silvanus appears twice, see KIRIGIN and MARIN 1989, 242, fig. 57. 38

AEL KOS 1999, 8889. At Hissa, present-day Pag, the pre-Roman goddess Heia or Eia was assimilated with Bona Dea, and related to Magna Mater, see TIPEVI 1981, 169. The cult of Bona Dea is also testified in an inscription from Corinium in Liburnia, see WILKES 1969, 331. See also PRUSAC 2007, 116 with further references.

Fig. 10 - Architectural element from Diluntum. Humac, the Franciscan monastery (Photo-graph: author).

Fig. 11 - Relief with serpent from Narona. Vid, Archaeological museum (Photograph: author).

Fig. 12 - Fragment of a column with serpent from Narona. Vid Archaeological museum (Photo-graph: author).




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the fact that variants of a female goddess and Dionysus were worshipped by the same social groups, suggests that they were strongly correlated with each other, and probably, with Asclepius and his female counterpart Hygieia39.

Freedmen and Liber Pater at Narona

The significance of the cult of Liber Pater is attested by many inscriptions in Narona. One of these inscriptions mentions a Liber temple40, and different iconographical representations of Bacchus have been found, such as a fresco fragment from a villa (fig. 15). Inscriptions indicate that the social groups which adhered to Bona Dea or Cybele and Liber/Sabazius in Narona were composed by freedmen, slaves, merchants, craftsmen and soldiers41. The cult of Liber is understood to have been particularly strong because of the many freedmen that inhabited the city. Liber was believed to be the god of the free, and the

surroundings of Narona had the largest production of wine in the region. Viticulture was of major importance from the mid- 2nd century BC until the mid- 1st century AD42.

A krater from the 1st-2nd centuries AD found during the excavation of the Augusteum at Narona may be of particular interest for the understanding of the hybridisation of the indigenous cults (fig. 16)43. Snakes coil around the handles towards two kernoi on top of each handle, and a moulded tragedy mask is applied on the exterior with a tear falling from one of its eyes. The krater has a few parallels which have been discussed by Mira Topic. It can also be compared to a vessel at the museum at Cosa (fig. 17)44. The Cosa vessel is fragmented, and only the snakes on the handles are recognisable. The fragments derive from a

39

STAFFORD 2005, 122. 40

PATSCH 1922, 71. 41

MEDINI 1980, 206. 42

LINDHAGEN 2009. 43

TOPI 2004, 219-221 esp. note 77 with further references. 44

See also, BRAITHWAITE 2007.

Fig. 13 - Relief with the Dioscuri and giant serpents from Narona. Vid, Archaeological museum (Photograph: author).

Fig. 14 - Relief from Glamo. Sarajevo, Zemaljski muzej(Photograph: author).

Fig. 15 - Bacchus fresco from Narona. Vid, Archaeological museum (Photograph: author).





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presumed Liber Pater sanctuary by the Forum of Cosa, dated as late as the 4th century AD45. This krater considerably strengthens the association of the Narona vessel with Liber Pater. There are, however, important features such as the serpents and the kernoi, which point towards the cults of fertility and mother goddesses such as Demeter, Bona Dea or Magna Mater46. However, the serpent is also a symbol for Dionysus and Liber Pater, and the tragic mask with its inherent connotations to theatre is difficult to associate with any other deity than Dionysus, or a version of this god. In any case, the iconography of the vessel clearly must have stirred a range of associations to closely related divinities connected with wine-drinking, serpents and the under-world, and is a good example of the vast range of associations and interpretations that a single cultic object like this could transmit.

The context of the find, an Augusteum, is of great interest. It shows that a cult vessel associated with Liber Pater/Dionysus and perhaps also Bona Dea/Magna Mater was probably used as a votive offering in the Augusteum, and that this sanctuary must have been the place for worship of a range of other deities, within the frame of the imperial worship. It is thus a symbol of the very intense hybridisation and syncretism of deities at Narona.

Conclusions

The cults of Silvanus, Liber Pater and various other Greek and Roman deities can be said to have been rooted in the local nature religion which was later adapted to the Greek and Roman pantheon47. The indigenous deities were hybrids with both human and animal components, and the Illyrian serpent and bird symbols could easily be translated into the attributes of Greek and Roman deities in the encounters between the different groups, as a way of communicating and negotiating cultural traditions and ideas through hybrid expressions. The transformation of cults reflects both stable natural factors and externally introduced impulses which resulted in a set of deities which were characteristic for that particular landscape. The importance of the landscape, with mountains and rivers should not be underestimated, as the nature formed

45

COLLINS-CLINTON 1977. 46

For this evidence, see COLLINS-CLINTON 1977, 2930, notes 69-70; idem p. 32-33 discusses the similarity of the iconography and symbols with those used in the Mithras cult; see also, SWOBODA 1932, 1617. 47

E.g. RENDI-MIOEVI 1982, 121140. Cf. ALDOUS-GREEN 2005, 1316.

Fig. 17 - Kratr from the Augusteum at Narona. Vid Archaeo-logical museum (Photograph: author).

Fig. 18 - Fragments of a vessel with serpents from Cosa. Cosa, Archaeological museum (Photograph: author).




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the basis for the indigenous cults and for the organisation of the immigrant settlements. The transformation of cults illustrates the common points of interest between those who had lived in the area for generations, and the settlers who had to adapt to a new cultural environment. The translatio romano of the indigenous cults can not be seen independently of the Roman cultural organisation of the province of Dalmatia, and the necessity of communicating with the indigenous groups through their religious beliefs.

Marina Prusac Museum of cultural history

University of Oslo E-mail: [email protected]

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