Pacific Science (1998), vol. 52, no. 4: 287-293© 1998 by University of Hawai'i Press. All rights reserved

"That Extensive Enterprise": HMS Herald's North Pacific Survey,1845-1851 1

ABSTRACT: Despite its enormous scope, the survey of HMS Herald, likemost British scientific voyages after the time of Captain Cook, is little known.This article's discussion of naturalist Berthold Seemann's accounts of the voy­age challenges the impression, still common in some naval history circles, thatthere is a difference between scientific expeditions and other naval activities(that is, between science and politics). The article considers evidence of imperialaesthetics in Seemann's responses to landscape and notes connections betweenthe collection of scientific data and the interests of British commercial and po­litical expansion. Examination of Seemann's racial views shows that, just as heviewed landscape and natural resources with an imperial eye, so he judgedother peoples by his own standards of achievement and "improvability."

north to assist the search for Sir JohnFranklin's missing expedition in the Arctic.Pandora returned to Britain in 1849, but theHerald was out for 6 years, finally returningin 1851.

Although this article focuses on the sur­vey's natural history, the Herald expeditionhad a wider significance that should be notedfirst. Even by the 1840s, a half-century afterCook and Vancouver, much of the Pacificregion remained uncharted. The NorthPacific whale fishery and the sea otter furtrade between the northwest coast and Chinahad drawn attention to the area's economicimportance since the 1790s (Steven 1983,Mackay 1985). The North West Company'soperations had been moving westward fromthe Canadas, taking advantage of the Anglo­American war to found a base at Ft. Van­couver on the Columbia River in 1813. Warsof independence in South and Central Amer­ica had drawn the Royal Navy into closerinvolvement throughout the region, andBritish support for the revolutionaries hadsecured the use of a number of importantharbors. The focus moved steadily towardthe Pacific, as reflected in the shift from theold "Brazils" or "South America" station,based at Rio or Buenos Aires, to the newPacific Station, founded in 1837, with itsheadquarters at Valparaiso on the Chilean

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THE PACIFIC SURVEY voyages of the Herald,like most British voyages after the time ofCaptain Cook, are little known. A recentstudy by Andrew David has examined thehydrographic significance of the Herald'sSouth Pacific expedition in the 1850s and1860s (David 1995), but there is no overviewof the northern survey in print; it is that ex­pedition that I discuss in this paper. Twoships were involved-the 26-gun frigateHMS Herald under Captain Henry Kellett,and the six-gun barque HMS Pandora, com­manded by Lieutenant Commander JamesWood. The survey had an enormous scope:the Hydrographer of the Navy, FrancisBeaufort, invited Kellett "to complete theWest Coast of America from Guayaquil upto the Arctic Ocean. Are you in the mind toaccept of that extensive enterprise?" (Hydro­graphic Office Archives, Taunton, u.K.,Letter Book Series 12, Beaufort to Kellett, 4November 1844). The expedition left Britainin 1845 to survey the Falkland Islands andthen proceeded along the west coast of SouthAmerica and north to the coast of what isnow British Columbia, making three detours

I Manuscript accepted 15 January 1998.2 Senior Research Fellow, Institute of Commonwealth

Studies, London, United Kingdom.

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coast (Graham and Humphreys 1962, Gough1971).

The Royal Navy's Hydrographic Officeknew the importance of the Pacific regionand had dispatched a number of surveyvessels there in the early nineteenth century,notably HMS Blossom, under the commandof Captain F. W. Beechey, in 1825-1828.Beechey was commissioned to lead anotherPacific survey in 1836 with HMS Sulphur andStarling. Illness forced him to return to Brit­ain, and in his absence Lieutenant HenryKellett took command of Starling. Overallcommand of the expedition passed to Cap­tain Edward Belcher in 1837. Farther north,there had been Russian surveys of the BeringStrait area under the Estonian captain Ottovon Kotzebue in 1816. But probably themost famous surveyor in the eastern Pacific,and the one whose writings had the most in­fluence on the Herald's officers, was CaptainRobert Fitzroy. HMS Beagle's work in SouthAmerica and the Galapagos Islands during1835 was then legendary, and naturalistCharles Darwin's role had not yet eclipsedthat of his captain.

Herald's naturalist, at least its final one,was the Hanoverian botanist Berthold See­mann, and he was assured prominence whenthe task of writing up the voyage narrativefell to him after the Herald's return to Britainin 1851. Seemann, who was still relativelyunknown at that time, had not been the firstchoice for the naturalist's post; that had fallento the young botanist Thomas Edmondstonfrom the Shetland Islands, a protege of SirWilliam Hooker, director of the Royal Bota­nic Gardens at Kew. Just before sailing in theHerald, Edmondston had been appointedprofessor of botany at Anderson College,Glasgow. "Hurrah! for Natural History," hewrote to a friend. "Who says it is a bad pro­fession!" (Edmondston 1868: 235). Edmond­ston was obviously a young man of greatpromise, but he was killed in a tragic accidentin 1846 during the Herald's survey of theEcuador coast; a loaded rifle left by accidentin the bottom of one of the ship's boatswent off, killing him instantly. He was onlynineteen.

Berthold Seemann joined the expedition

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late in 1847, also through Hooker's patron­age. Thus, although Seemann wrote boththe Botany and the Narrative of the voyage,he was not actually present at many of theevents he described. This explains some ofthe oddities of his account, which was pre­pared from various journals and correspon­dence loaned to him by some of Herald's of­ficers, as well as his own diaries. This articleexplores some of those different voices, espe­cially with regard to the ethnography of theexpedition.

Only brief comments are needed about thezoology of the voyage. The Zoology of theVoyage of H.M.S. "Herald" was edited byBritish zoologist Edward Forbes, but waswritten by Sir John Richardson, the famousArctic explorer and scientist, and it is notwhat it claims to be. Rather than a zoologyof the whole survey, it is exclusively a studyof the "fossils" (as they were known then)taken from the Eschscholtz ice cliffs of Kot­zebue Sound near Bering Strait in the Arctic.These were mostly the remains of prehistoricmammoth, ox, and deer. The volume waswritten solely as a contribution to the em­erging science of paleontology; the KotzebueSound ice cliffs were a phenomenon un­related to the usual stratigraphy that allowedscientists to gauge the age of fossils onCharles Lyell's scale. Richardson suggestedthat the absence of human bones or artifactsmeant "that the drift era must have been an­tecedent to the appearance of man uponearth" or at least to human colonization ofthe Arctic (Forbes 1854:2). He also arguedfor an indigenous origin of the remains(rather than drift), which meant that thesewere American versions of the prehistoricanimals already found frozen in northernEurope. He chose to gloss over the issue ofextinction, which was a controversial issueat the time-difficult to reconcile with theBible.

In addition to describing the natural his­tory of Herald's survey in this paper, I chal­lenge the impression, still common in somenaval history circles, that there is a clear dif­ference between scientific expeditions andother naval activities (that is, between scienceand politics). Barry Gough, who dominates

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the study of the ninteenth-century RoyalNavy in the North Pacific, sees a distinctionbetween eighteenth-century voyages of dis­covery, which he regards as mainly scientific,and the politically motivated Victorian navaloperations (Gough 1971: xiv). Gough is in­terested in the story of maritime empire; thusany voyage that seems to be merely scientificholds little interest for him. My work, onthe other hand, emphasizes the difference be­tween modern concepts of scientific objec­tivity and neutrality, and nineteenth-centuryperceptions of "truthfulness" and "fact" invoyage narratives. Men like Seemann feltduty-bound to present their observations ina way that would serve Britain's imperialinterests. In this was their truthfulness andhonor as chroniclers, allowing Seemann todeclare that "Fact is the object I have aimedat throughout the following pages, on thestrict adherence to which will rest their solerecommendation" (Seemann 1853: vol. 1, xi).For him there was no conflict between scien­tific observation and an imperial gaze.

In recent studies of the history of science,distinctions between science and politics areusually regarded with suspicion. Instead, weare invited to consider the tangled motivesand multilayered perceptions of Western sci­ence. A veritable publishing industry nowsurrounds the pioneering British explorationsof Captain Cook and his circle. I only addthat the neglected nineteenth-century recorddeserves the same attention. Let me begin byconsidering imperial aesthetics in BertholdSeemann's responses to landscape during theHerald survey.

While observing the New Granadian jun­gle along the river Iscuande in February1846, Seemann welcomed the sight of smallshoreline villages because "An uninhabitedplace, however beautiful, has always a for­lorn and desolate aspect" (Seemann 1853:vol. 1, xi, 76). He was never comfortable withthe vast, apparently uninhabited coasts thatHerald frequented, taking little apparent in­terest in marine biology or botany and dis­turbed-even threatened-by jungles andforests. North of the Iscuande he mused that"In England the confines of a wood remindone of a park; trees excite ideas of refine-

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ment, elegance, luxuriance, and retirement:there are so many feelings connected withtrees, that it cannot but influence one in be­holding for so many leagues the vast forestswith which the Pacific Ocean is skirted"(Seemann 1853: vol. 1, xi, 78-79). Seemannwas well aware that he was imposing Euro­pean associations on a foreign landscape andclear about wishing that he could remakewhat he saw to imitate Europe. He madeparticularly ominous observations about therain forests of the Isthmus and northernSouth America. He hoped that the Cali­fornian and Australian gold rushes wouldbring colonization and intensive agriculturein their wake, and that land clearance would"improve" the climate of these areas. Henoted that the seasons at Rio de Janeiro usedto be similar to those of Panama "but sincethe axe was laid on the dense forests sur­rounding the city, the climate has becomedry" and he speculated that "the same effectwill probably be produced in the Isthmus.When the immense forests ... shall have beenreduced, and a free circulation of air from seato sea has been established, the rainy seasonwill be considerably shorter, and the climatebecome cooler and more healthy" (Seemann1852-1857: 73). Only the absent industry ofEuropeans was required to mold the politicaland economic landscape, and the ecosystemitself.

Seemann made similar observations onthe northwest coast of North America, atNeah Bay in Juan de Fuca Strait, observingthat "The country around our anchorage wasrather pretty. But an uninhabited, unculti­vated country is always wanting in one grandattribute of the picturesque-the industry ofman.... Houses, cleared land, and symptomsof attention and labour, wonderfully improvea landscape" (Seemann 1853: vol. 1, 97). Hewas comforted by the sight of the HudsonBay Company settlement at Victoria withits enclosed pastures and fields of wheatand vegetables. "Civilization had encroachedupon the beautiful domain," he noted withapproval, "and the savage could no longerexist in the filth and indolence of mere animallife.... The prospect is cheering, the changegladdening ..." (Seemann 1853: vol. 1, 102).

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Seemann's reaction against unimprovedlandscapes was most striking in the Arcticwhere he found "a death-like silence" aswinter approached. "His own breath, thesolitary beating of his own heart, is all the earperceives," he wrote, and it was "in thedreary steppes of the Polar region" that See­mann recognized longings for "those circleswhere his exertion may be beneficial to hisneighbours, and his wants be supplied by theaid of his fellow-creatures" (Seemann 1852­1857: 16). Once again, we see the Herald'snaturalist turning away from direct observa­tion to describe the landscapes of his ownmemory and aspirations. .

Seemann also linked the collection of sci­entific data with the interests of commerce. Itis clear that both he and Edmondston hadbeen instructed to observe some parts ofthe world more closely than others. At theFalkland Islands, where the British Governorwas struggling to improve agricultural andgrazing yields, the Colonial Office asked Ed­mondston to collect samples of grasses forKew Gardens. The connection between Kewand the Falklands was already so strong thatGovernor Moody had recently named apeninsula near Stanley Harbour "HookerPoint." Edmondston also reported directly tothe Colonial Office on the resources of theGahipagos Islands and their prospects formore intensive colonization. As the use ofsteam power by the navy and British mer­chant shipping grew, the need for coalingstations was imperative. Although rumorsof Galapagos coal proved false, depositson Vancouver Island were very real andprompted Captain Courtenay of HMS Con­stance to declare a makeshift British jurisdic­tion over part of the island in the wake ofHerald's survey.

Commercially marketable plants were ofeven greater interest to the expedition thanthe discovery of new species. Seemann foundlittle to praise in the Arctic flora. "In a com­mercial point of view," he found "no pro­ductions which would playa prominent partin the traffic of civilized nations," adding that"should the country ever be inhabited by acivilized people, they will have to ... ex-

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change walrus-tusks, eider-down, furs, andtrain oil, for the spices of India, the manu­factures of Europe, and the medicinal drugsof tropical America" (Seemann 1852-1857:21). The Arctic was of value, not in itself, butas part of a global system of trade. In SouthAmerica, on the other hand, there were cin­chona plants and their quinine derivatives.Admiring the "high mountains, extensivemeadows, and valuable Quina-forests" ofEcuador, along with its temperate climate,mineral resources, and fertile soil, Seemanalso noted its position "in the centre of theinhabited globe, between one of the largestrivers in the world, the Amazon, and thegreat Pacific Ocean." A discussion of Ecua­dor's botany was quickly turned into some­thing else, as Seemann went on to say that"Ecuador presents a vast field for enter­prise.... It is now ... inhabited by so limiteda number of whites, that about twelve thou­sand immigrants would effect surprisingchanges" (Seemann 1853: vol. 1,202).

Seemann's racial views emerge regularlyin both the Narrative and the Botany of theHerald's voyage and, just as he viewed land­scape and natural resources with an imperialeye, so he judged other peoples by his ownstandards of achievement and "improvabil­ity." At first Seemann praised what was, tohim, the surprising practicality and expertiseof indigenous peoples in the Americas. Buthe paid double-edged compliments. For ex­ample, along the river Iscuande, he noted theingenious use of mangrove posts, bamboo,and palm-leaf roofs in the construction ofhouses. These buildings had open sides "sothat every breath of air could enter, which insuch a climate, to an idle, lounging, lollingrace, is a comfort. We were surprised tosee so much neatness in the construction"(Seemann 1853: vol. 1, 75). Seemann addedthat bamboo was "in architecture what theBanana is in food, the most bountiful andbeautiful production in nature, and, by thevery facility with which it is procured andapplied, an incentive to indolent ease, an en­courager of the too prevalent idleness of thetropics" (Seemann 1853: vol. 1, 76). Behindsuch statements lay the current debate about

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environmental influences on human societiesand the assumption that warmer climatesdiscouraged exertion and innovation.

Seemann's most extensive ethnographiccomments were made about creole andmixed-race communities. He made partic­ularly detailed observations of Panama'spopulation after crossing the isthmus fromthe Atlantic side to meet the Herald on thePacific coast. Although Seemann recognizedthe diversity of the Isthmus' population, hefelt able to trace the effect of different Euro­pean genetic and cultural influences. "Span­ish priestcraft and tyranny," for example,had destroyed the intellectual and entre­preneurial capabilities of the creoles, "Butwhen the Anglo-saxon appeared the countrybegan to revive and prosper" (Seemann 1853:vol. 1, 76). When it came to the black popu­lation, however, Seemann saw no hope. En­vironment was not everything; he also be­lieved in essential racial differences and wecan glimpse the man who would speak to"anti-negro" demonstrations in the wake ofthe Jamaica rebellion of 1860: "The negroesare treacherous, thievish, and extremely in­dolent ... for this reason they will always fillsubordinate situations, although the law pla­ces them on a level with the rest of theircountrymen" (Seemann 1853: vol. 1, 301).

Even worse, as usual, were the "half­castes," which in this case meant the off­spring of black-Spanish or Indian-Spanishparents. These people had inherited "all thevices and none of the virtues of their par­ents," were physically weak, and their chil­dren died young. Although forced to admitthat people from different races could repro­duce-this had been much debated in earlieryears-Seemann concluded that the child­hood death rates in mixed-race familiesshowed that "there must really be a specificdistinction between the races, and their in­termixture be considered as an infringementof the law of nature." He made a similarpoint later with reference to the populationsof Ecuador and Peru, where he believed thatthe Indians were the only part of the popula­tion that was growing: a reflection of thestrength Seemann believed lay in maintain-

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ing racial purity (Seemann 1853: vol. 1, 200,302).

Like his attitude toward Central andSouth American Indians, Seemann's attitudeabout northwest coast peoples was ambiva­lent. In Juan de Fuca Strait, he was im­pressed at first by the Indians, who managedtheir canoes with "great skill, seeming good­humoured and friendly, holding up fish,skins, etc., to trade with." After his paeon toagriculture at Victoria, however, he declaredthat "after making every allowance for thecrimes of civilization, still man in a savagestate exists in all his grossness.... Whilenature has imparted to most animals a desireof cleanliness, uncivilized man, with all theintelligence, ingenuity, cunning, and skill ofhis class, seems in general to be uncleanly, torevel in filth" (Seemann 1853: vol. 1, 102).Seemann recognized that the Indians had tobuild solid, enclosed dwellings to keep outthe cold, but added that "Several familiesoccupy the same house-one large shed, littlebetter than an open cow-house or stable in anindifferent inn, [with] the compartments orwalls hardly excluding the sight of one familyfrom another. There are chests and boxesrudely made, in which blankets, furs, andsmaller fishing gear are kept ..." (Seemann1853: vol. 1, 105-106). It is interesting tonote how much aesthetics have changed:these "rudely made" cedar chests, carvedwith the distinctive abstract designs of thenorthwest coast, are now reproduced for saleas part of a multimillion dollar industry inIndian art. So are the "grotesquely carved"figures and masks Seemann described: mod­em versions of these objects now grace thehomes and offices of upwardly mobile BritishColumbians at a cost of several thousanddollars apiece.

As usual, Seemann was particularly criti­cal of the mixed-race population. Victoria,like most fur trade posts, included British­Indian or French-Indian (Metis) men andwomen on its staff. These, Seemann decided,"appear to inherit the vices of both races;they are active and shrewd, but violent andcoarse." What disgusted him even more wasevidence of the usurpation of racial privi-

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leges, as when mixed-race men identifiedthemselves with Europeans. "We felt quitedisgusted," he wrote, "in seeing one of thesehalf-castes, bearing as good a name as anyin Scotland, beating and kicking a score ofIndians out of the fort, with as little com­punction as if they had been dogs, scorningthem as natives, though his mother had beentaken from one of their tribe and had been nomore educated than they were" (Seemann1853: vol. 1, 104-105). In light of Seemann'sown remarks about the animal nature ofIndians, this outburst seems bizarre. Thepoint, however, was that only Europeanswere entitled to look down on "natives"; thedespised "half-castes" could not be permittedto view indigenous people from a Europeanperspective.

We can sometimes recover other voicesthan Seemann's from the Herald's records.Seemann's discussions of the expedition'sArctic cruises were based mainly on thejournals of Midshipman Bedford Pim, whowintered in Bering Strait in 1849-1850 andspent a great deal of time living with the localMaliemut people. Pim found the interiors oftheir underground wood-roofed houses sur­.prisingly comfortable. Oil lamps diffusedlight and heat throughout the tidy interiors,"and when the traveller has put off his wetclothes, and reclines on the soft deerskins re­gardless of the boisterous and snowy weatherwithout, the pity he felt for the condition ofthe poor Eskimos rapidly evaporates, and hefinds that, remote as they are from civiliza­tion, their condition is by no means so de­plorable as is generally considered" (Seemann1853: vol. 2, 58). Then the familiar voice ofSeemann intrudes-perhaps in intentionalcounterpoint-to warn readers against seeing"the savage as a model of excellence" or "hisactions as honourable."

Seemann made the same point with regardto Peruvian Indians, dismissing criticismsabout the introduction of alcoholism andvenereal disease as "mere cant" perpetratedby naive humanitarians (Seemann 1853:vol. 1, 198-199). Such statements were animportant part of Seemann's view of naturalhistory: the natural world was incompletewithout the introduction of European eco-

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nomic and social organization. To observeanything of real value in an indigenous cul­ture interfered with this worldview and in­troduced unwelcome moral uncertainties to aprocess that, for Seemann, was simply thetriumph of civilization over savagery.

Nothing illustrates this better than a com­parison of Midshipman Pim's response to thewarmth of Maliemut hospitality and See­mann's impression of their village. The natu­ralist visited the area at the end of the sum­mer, when the inhabitants were still huntinginland, and his account of their settlementwas designed to emphasize their lack of civi­lization: "Villages exist, yet all that ourminds associate with them is wanting. Onapproaching we expect to meet with roadsand bridges and smiling fields, to beholdpeaceful dwellings peeping through greenboughs, and the steeple of the church tower­ing heavenwards: in an Eskimo village thesepleasing features are looked for in vain....The underground dwellings look cheerlessand are filled with water ... the paths areovergrown with herbage-the whole pre­senting a picture of misery and desolation.The Eskimos have not yet learned that mi­gratory habits and progress in civilizationare opposed to each other ..." (Seemann1853: vol. 1, 19). But Pim had more insightinto that migratory life. As the freeze-up ofwinter approached, he wrote, "They ap­peared almost different beings. Their lightand filthy summer dresses had been ex­changed for others which fitted more closelyand were better made. They were no longerthe apparently overawed people who, in theirsmall skin baidars, paddled near the sides ofour huge ships, but seemed conscious thatthey were moving in an element for whichnature had admirably adapted them. Theirstep was firm, their movements graceful, theirdread of the white man had vanished, andthey appeared to communicate with us on thefooting of perfect equality" (Seemann 1853:vol. 1, 133-134). Where some naturalistsmight have been excited by viewing a pristinenorthern ecosystem, Seemann lamented that"The mineral wealth rests undisturbed in thebowels of the earth; the vegetable kingdomstill exercises an absolute sovereignty; and

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the animal creation swarms over the bound­less steppes, rarely disturbed by the sight ofthe hunter, and uncontrolled by the voice ofthe herdsman" (Seemann 1853: vol. 1, 20).Amid the terrible beauties of the Arctic, thisanxious imperialist found "death-like si­lence" broken only by "his own breath, thesolitary beating of his own heart" (Seemann1852-1857: 16). Perhaps it is no wonder thathe could hear only his own voice, never giv­ing the landscape or its inhabitants a chanceto challenge or beguile him.

For Seemann, and for so many other ex­plorers and naturalists in the nineteenth cen­tury, the essence of civilization was its con­trol and exploitation of nature. Naval surveyexpeditions did far more than chart coast­lines; they also mapped Europe's conquestof the non-European world, cataloging thefuture of empire. Accounts of the Herald ex­pedition's natural history reveal how deeplyentwined were the issues of scientific investi­gation and imperial expansion. Natural re­sources of commercial value to Britain weregiven top priority, and the indigenous popu­lations living near them were described asunfit custodians of their value in a globalmarket. Hydrography, natural history, andethnography must be considered togetherwhen studying these survey voyages, or wewill miss the themes that connect them. Eventhen, after marshaling all available sources ofinformation, one thing usually eludes us: in­digenous views of these scientific incursions.At best we can get only brief glimpses ofwhat other peoples thought of exploring ex­peditions. Telling stories to while away thelong Arctic winter, one of Midshipman Pim'sMaliemut hosts explained that the origins ofthe British were obscure to him, but he sup­posed that they were "trees grown in thesame soil as the drift-wood, only living, whilethe wood left on our shores is dead" (See-

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mann 1852-1857:68). There is much to pon­der in this elegant metaphor. There is irony,too: this living driftwood moved with a de­liberate yet ambivalent purpose, both desir­ing and despising the alien shores it touched.

LITERATURE CITED

DAVID, ANDREW. 1995. The Voyage ofH.M.S. "Herald" to Australia and theSouth-west Pacific, 1852-1861 under thecommand of Captain Henry ManglesDenham. Miegunyah Press, Melbourne.

EDMONDSTON, ELIZA. 1868. The YoungShetlander, or, Shadow over the Sunshine:Being the life and letters of ThomasEdmondston, naturalist on board H.M.S."Herald." William P. Nimmo, Edinburgh.

FORBES, EDWARD, ED. 1854. The zoology ofthe voyage of H.M.S. "Herald." LovellReeve, London.

GOUGH, BARRY M. 1971. The Royal Navyand the northwest coast of North Amer­ica, 1810-1914: A study of British mari­time ascendancy. University of BritishColumbia Press, Vancouver.

GRAHAM, GERALD S., and R. A. HUMPHREYS,EDS. 1962. The Navy and South America,1807-1823. Navy Records Society,London.

MACKAY, DAVID. 1985. In the wake of Cook:Exploration, science and empire, 1780­1801. Croom Helm, London.

SEEMANN, BERTHOLD. 1852-1857. The botanyof the voyage of H.M.S. "Herald." LovellReeve, London.

---. 1853. Narrative of the voyage ofH.M.S. "Herald," 2 vols. Reeve andCompany, London.

STEVEN, MARGARET. 1983. Trade, tactics andterritory: Britain in the Pacific, 1783-1823.Melbourne University Press, Melbourne.