HEGEMONY IN THE SELECTED WORKS BY MALAYSIAN...
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UNIVERSITI PUTRA MALAYSIA
RESISTING HEGEMONY AND DEFENDING CHINESE IDENTITY IN SELECTED NOVELS BY MALAYSIAN CHINESE WRITERS
TAN CHYE SING FBMK 2010 10
RESISTING HEGEMONY AND DEFENDING CHINESE IDENTITY IN
SELECTED NOVELS BY MALAYSIAN CHINESE WRITERS
By
TAN CHYE SING
Thesis Submitted to the School of Graduate Studies, Universiti Putra Malaysia, in
Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
January 2010
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Abstract of thesis presented to the Senate of University Putra Malaysia in fulfilment of
the requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
RESISTING HEGEMONY AND DEFENDING CHINESE IDENTITY IN
SELECTED NOVELS BY MALAYSIAN CHINESE WRITERS
By
TAN CHYE SING
January 2010
Chairman: Dr Wan Roselezam Wan Yahya
Faculty: Modern Languages and Communication
The purpose of this study is to find out how the theory of hegemony and various types of
hegemonies are applicable in the analysis of the novels. It also focuses on how
hegemony and its resistance assist us to understand Chinese identity, especially in the
Malaysian context. This theory is used to analyse how the protagonists engage
hegemony and its resistance in defending Chinese identity as portrayed in the novels by
Malaysian Chinese writers. The four selected novels are Yang-May Ooi’s Mindgame
(2000), Chong Seck Chim’s Once Upon a Time in Malaya (2005), Tash Aw’s The
Harmony Silk Factory (2005), and Tan Twan Eng’s The Gift of Rain (2007). These
novels are chosen because they promote Chinese philosophy, culture and history, which
are also embraced by the Chinese protagonists - Fei in Mindgame, Ah Kiew in Once
Upon a Time in Malaya, Johny Lim in The Harmony Silk Factory, and Philip Hutton in
The Gift of Rain.
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The study of hegemony is based mainly on Antonio Gramsci’s Selections from the
Prison Notebooks, and Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: Towards a Radical
Democratic Politics by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, Jonathan Joseph’s
Hegemony: A Realist Analysis, as well as Mao Tse-tung’s On Guerilla Warfare, which
provide deep insights into how hegemony works and the strategies of resisting it.
Hegemony is found in politics, the economy, history, culture, philosophy and even
religion in society. The main theory engages constant changes and could be interpreted
differently according to the time, political, historical and cultural contexts. The
symbiotic relationship between hegemony and other related concepts such as diasporic
resistance, difference, and Chinese Communism in resisting ideological, educational and
economic hegemonies is discussed. In resisting historical, religious and cultural
hegemonies, the hegemonic concepts of revolution, alienation and dislocation are
applied and elaborated. By resisting hegemony, the Chinese protagonists in the texts
revisit their ancestral roots, Chinese history, religion, culture and language to defend
their Chinese identity.
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Abstrak tesis yang dikemukakan kepada Senat Universiti Putra Malaysia sebagai
memenuhi keperluan untuk ijazah Doktor Falsafah.
MENENTANG HEGEMONI DAN MEMPERTAHANKAN IDENTITI CINA DI
DALAM NOVEL-NOVEL TERPILIH OLEH PENULIS-PENULIS CINA
MALAYSIA
Oleh
TAN CHYE SING
Januari 2010
Pengerusi: Dr Wan Roselezam Wan Yahya
Fakulti: Bahasa Moden dan Komunikasi
Tujuan kajian ini adalah untuk mencari penggunaan teori hegemoni dalam novel-novel,
jenis-jenis hegemoni dan bagaimana penentangan hegemoni membolehkan kita
memahami identiti orang Cina dalam konteks Malaysia. Teori ini digunakan untuk
menganalisa watak-watak yang mengaitkan hegemoni serta penentangannya dalam
usaha untuk mempertahankan identiti orang Cina yang dipaparkan di dalam novel-novel
karya penulis berbangsa Cina Malaysia. Keempat-empat novel yang dipilih ialah Yang-
May Ooi, Mindgame, (2000), Chong Seck Chim, Once Upon a Time in Malaya, Tash
Aw, The Harmony Silk Factory, (2005) dan Tan Twan Eng, The Gift of Rain, (2007).
Novel-novel ini dipilih kerana para penulis mempromosikan falsafah, kebudayaan dan
sejarah Cina yang juga dihayati oleh watak-watak utama novel; Fei, dalam novel
Mindgame, Ah Kiew dalam novel Once Upon a Time in Malaya, Johny Lim dalam The
Harmony Silk Factory serta Philip Hutton dalam The Gift of Rain.
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Pengajian teori hegemoni terutamanya berdasarkan kepada Selections from the Prison
Notebooks oleh Antonio Gramsci, Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: Towards a Radical
Democratic Politics oleh Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, Hegemony: A Realist
Analysis oleh Jonathan Joseph dan On Guerilla Warfare oleh Mao Tse-Tung memberi
perspektif yang lebih baik tentang bagaimana hegemoni beroperasi dan cara-cara untuk
menentangnya. Hegemoni terdapat dalam bidang politik, ekonomi, sejarah, kebudayaan,
falsafah dan juga agama. Teori utama ini berpaksikan perubahan semasa dan boleh
ditafsirkan mengikut masa serta dalam kontek politik,sejarah dan kebudayaan.
Hubungan simbiotik hegemoni dengan konsep-konsep yang berkaitan seperti
penentangan diaspora, kelainan dan Komunisme Cina dalam penentangan hegemoni
ideologi, pendidikan dan ekonomi turut dibincangkan. Penentangan hegemoni sejarah,
agama dan kebudayaan, dapat dijayakan dengan amalan konsep-konsep hegemoni
seperti revolusi, pengasingan dan kebangkitan kedudukan. Dengan menentang hegemoni,
watak-watak protagonis Cina di dalam novel-novel berkenaan telah menyelusuri sejarah,
agama, kebudayaan, bahasa dan akar umbi nenek moyang mereka demi
mempertahankan identiti bangsa Cina.
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
First and foremost, I would like to express my appreciation to the Lord Buddha, for
guiding me and giving me the strength throughout my Ph.D journey in life. I faced many
obstacles, and criticisms during the time I wrote this thesis.
For the thesis itself, I owe a lot to my supervisor, Dr. Wan Roselezam Wan Yahya, who
is also the chair of my supervisory committee as well as my advisor. She gave me clear
directions as I wrestled with the difficult theory of hegemony and privileged me with
many hours of fruitful discussion and tutelage, which helped me immensely in my
analysis of the four chosen novels. In short, she has been a steadfast mentor and a guru,
whose only reward would be a student’s good performance.
I wish to thank too the members of my supervisory committee - Associate Professor Dr.
Lim Swee Tin, and Associate Professor Dr. Rosli Haji Talif for guiding me throughout
my studies. I am grateful for their moral support and their comforting guidance
throughout the challenging period of this research.
My parents encouraged me to persevere throughout the years when I worked on this
thesis. My father, Mr. Tan Boon Gern, my mother, Madam Cheong Yek Tai, my sister,
Miss Tan Kah Lai have been my pillars of strength. A debt of gratitude is also due to my
lecturers, tutors and friends who aided me in many ways big and small or simply stood
by my side during difficult times. May all those who have helped me directly or
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indirectly in completing this thesis successfully be blessed for having touched my life
positively.
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APPROVAL
I certify that an Examination Committee met on the 22nd
of January 2010 to conduct
the final examination of Tan Chye Sing on his Doctor of Philosophy thesis entitled
“Resisting Hegemony and Defending Chinese Identity in Selected Novels by Malaysian
Chinese Writers” in accordance with Universiti Putra Malaysia (Higher Degree) Act
1980 and University Putra Malaysia (Higher Degree) Regulations 1981. The Committee
recommends that the candidate be awarded the relevant degree. Members of the
Examination Committee are as follows:
Tan Bee Hoon, Ph.D,
Department of English Language,
Faculty of Modern Languages and Communications,
University Putra Malaysia,
(Chairman)
Washima Che Dan, Ph.D,
Department of English Language,
Faculty of Modern Languages and Communications,
University Putra Malaysia,
(Internal Examiner)
Arbaayah Ali Termizi, Ph.D,
Department of English Language,
Faculty of Modern Languages and Communications,
University Putra Malaysia,
(Internal Examiner)
John Mclaren, Ph.D,
Victoria University,
School of Communication, Culture and Language,
Footscray Park Campus,
Australia,
(External Examiner)
___________________________________
Bujang Kim Huat, Ph.D
Professor/Deputy Dean
School of Graduate Studies,
University Putra Malaysia
Date:
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The thesis submitted to the Senate of University Putra Malaysia has been accepted as
fulfilment of the requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. The members of
the Supervisory Committee were as follows:
Wan Roselezam Wan Yahya, PhD
Associate Professor
Faculty of Modern Languages and Communications
(Chairman)
Haji Rosli bin Talif, PhD
Associate Professor
Faculty of Modern Languages and Communications
Universiti Putra Malaysia
(Member)
Lim Swee Tin, PhD
Associate Professor
Faculty of Modern Languages and Communications
Universiti Putra Malaysia
(Member)
______________________________
HASANAH MOHD GHAZALI, PhD
Professor and Dean
School of Graduate Studies
University Putra Malaysia
Date:
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DECLARATION
I hereby declare that the thesis is my original work except for quotations and citations
which have been duly acknowledged. I also declare that it has not been previously or
concurrently submitted for any other degree at Universiti Putra Malaysia
or other institutions.
_________________________
TAN CHYE SING
Date:
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
ABSTRACT ii
ABSTRAK iv
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS vi
APPROVAL viii
DECLARATION x
CHAPTER
1 INTRODUCTION
1.0 Introduction 1
1.1 Malaysian History 6
1.2 Statement of the Problem 12
1.3 Scope of the Study 14
1.4 Conceptual Theory 15
1.4.1 Antonio Gramci’s thoughts on 17
Hegemony
1.5 Objectives of the Study 24
1.6 Significance of the Study 27
1.7 Limitations of the Study 35
1.8 Definition of Terms 39
1.9 Methodology 57
1.10 Conclusion 60
2 LITERATURE REVIEW
2.0 Introduction 62
2.1 Theory of Hegemony 64
2.2 Defending Chinese Identity in Malaysia. 101
2.3 A Review on Literature in English
by Malaysian Chinese Writers 105
2.4 The British Hegemony in Malaya 115
2.5 The Japanese and Communist Hegemonies
in Malaya 128
2.6 The Malay Hegemony in Malaysia 141
2.7 Conclusion 146
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3 RESISTING IDEOLOGICAL, ECONOMIC AND EDUCATIONAL
HEGEMONIES IN MINDGAME AND THE GIFT OF RAIN –
DIFFERENCE, DIASPORIC CHINESE RESISTANCE, AND
CHINESE COMMUNISM
3.0 Introduction 149
3.1 Resisting Ideological Hegemony
by Difference 150
3.1.1 Difference 151
3.2 Resisting Economic Hegemony
by Chinese Diasporic Resistance 161
3.2.1 Chinese Diasporic Resistance 161
3.3 Resisting Educational Hegemony by
Chinese Communism 169
3.3.1 Chinese Communism 171
3.4 Conclusion 189
4 RESISTING HISTORICAL, RELIGIOUS AND CULTURAL
HEGEMONIES IN ONCE UPON A TIME IN MALAYA AND THE
HARMONY SILK FACTORY – REVOLUTION, ALIENATION AND
DISLOCATION
4.0 Introduction 194
4.1 Resisting Historical Hegemonies
by Revolution 195
4.1.1 Revolution 201
4.2 Resisting Religious and Cultural Hegemony
by Alienation and Dislocation 212
4.2.1 Alienation 212
4.2.2 Dislocation 227
4.3 Conclusion 234
5 CONCLUSION
5.1 Summary of Findings 237
5.2 Recommendations 243
REFERENCES 245
APPENDICES 253
BIODATA OF STUDENT 263
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
1.0 Introduction
This thesis focuses on how hegemony works, the various types of hegemonies, and the
hegemonic concepts of resistance in defending Chinese identity as portrayed in the four
Malaysian Chinese novels. The hegemonic concepts discussed by Antonio Gramsci,
Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, and Jonathan Joseph are derived mostly from Marxism.
The four selected novels are Yang-May Ooi‟s Mindgame (2000), Chong Seck Chim‟s
Once Upon a Time in Malaya (2005), Tash Aw‟s The Harmony Silk Factory (2005), and
Tan Twan Eng‟s The Gift of Rain (2007).
These novels were selected because of their rich local Chinese philosophical contents,
lucidity, clarity and relevance to the theory of hegemony. Moreover, they are based on
the perspectives of Malaysian Chinese authors. Another reason is that the authors,
Chong Seck Chim, Tan Twan Eng, and Tash Aw devise the era of the Japanese
occupation of Malaya as the historical backgrounds of their mentioned novels. On the
other hand, Yang-May Ooi focuses on contemporary issues such as economic crisis and
ideological hegemony in modern Malaysia under Malay hegemony. It is also noted that
in the novel, the Chinese characters use “Asian Values” to resist hegemonic intrusions in
their cultural life. I am also aware that these novels promote the development of the
culture, history, politics, philosophy, economy, and intellectual domains of the
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Malaysian Chinese. The term “Malaysian Chinese” or the extent of Chineseness of
Chinese in Malaysia is best described by Wang Gungwu in his book on ethnic studies,
Don’t Leave Home - Migration and Chinese:
Firstly, as an historian, I was sure that the land called
China, with a continuous history, must surely have
produced something that could be pointed to as
Chineseness. Secondly, as a Chinese who was born and
grew up outside China, I assumed that all Chinese
outside would have something in common with those
inside China, and that would be Chineseness. In fact, I
found it easier to find the Chineseness rooted in history
than the shared qualities among people known as
Chinese around the world (Wang 182-183).
Wang‟s definition of Chineseness, which is “rooted” in historical development is almost
similar to Gramsci‟s belief that analysing history is important in unravelling the identity
and the hegemonic roles of intellectuals and people in the country. Therefore, it has
influenced me to select the stipulated four novels which are written by Malaysian
Chinese writers. The four novels have ample historical evidence and contemporary
issues which would enable me to understand how the Chinese community survives in
defending their Chineseness in Malaya later Malaysia. Defending Chineseness does not
mean resorting to terrorism, as it can be done through more constructive channels.
Sharon A. Carstens in her book, Histories, Cultures, Identities: Studies in Malaysian
Chinese Worlds describes how the Malaysian Chinese defend their Chineseness:
If pre-World War II Chinese nationalism in its several
forms both re-sinicized and fragmented Southeast
Asian Chinese identities, then post-World War II
Southeast Asian independence movements, with their
resulting nation states, completely reconfigured the
diverse possibilities for Chinese cultural retention under
the new political regimes. In contrast with most other
new Southeast Asian states, Malaysia, with its large
Chinese population, permitted the continuation of
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Chinese schools, Chinese newspapers, Chinese
religions, and other Chinese cultural institutions (140).
All these mentioned aspects are relevant in explaining how the theory of hegemony is
applied. The discussion of the role of the Malaysian Chinese in their resistance to the
various hegemonies in the country is analyzed in accordance with the issues embedded
in the novels. The theory reveals how the adoption of the resistance strategy enables the
Malaysian Chinese to find their own cultural identity. It encompasses the significance
of the survival of the Chineseness within the Chinese diasporas.
The novels also portray the importance of the political and historical development which
can be analyzed in tandem with the tenets of hegemony. The theory of hegemony is
mainly studied in order to comprehend the role of Malaysian Chinese psyche and
consciousness in the various stipulated domains. It explains the “fluidity of psyche”
because of the factors of constant change of class interests and material conditions in the
community. The main merit of this theory is to encourage me to keep abreast of the
constant development or changes of the culture, politics, history, and social intelligence
of life, which have an impact on Malaysian Chinese. In this thesis, Gramsci‟s version of
hegemony is one of the primary sources of references. I am also interested in relating
various Marxist and also Machiavellian concepts which are discussed by Gramsci
himself in explaining the main theory. He himself has derived some ideas from
Marxism and Machiavelli as he was influenced by his predecessor, Karl Marx.
Moreover, the theory of hegemony and to a certain extent, incorporated Marxist ideas,
explains the societal consciousness in dealing with myriad issues and dilemmas. For
example, Chong Seck Chim‟s Once Upon a Time in Malaya tackles the historical
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accounts of the Malaysian Chinese who participated in the Communist resistance to the
various hegemonies. Hence, they are heavily stereotyped as Communist sympathizers
for many decades and even until Mahathir‟s era in Malaysia. Ian Stewart in The
Mahathir Legacy - A Nation Divided, A Region at Risk, says that the demands by the
Chinese for equal rights were politicized and regarded by Mahathir as the manifestation
of the Communist psyche, “He said the communists, most of whom were Chinese,
wanted to „totally abolish the special status of the Malays in Malaysia” (191).
This has prompted me to find out whether Communism is synonymous with the
Malaysian Chinese psyche, which is explained in the subsequent chapters. I would also
like to reiterate that the main source of the theory of hegemony is from Selections from
the Prison Notebooks by Antonio Gramsci, edited and translated by Quitin Hoare and
Geoffrey Nowell Smith (2005). Hegemony and Socialist Strategy - Towards a Radical
Democratic Politics by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffee (1985), is also used as a
major reference. Another source is David Forgacs‟s explanation on how the theory is
justified in the modern perspective. Jonathan Joseph‟s analysis of the theory of
hegemony is also discussed. Lenin-Trotsky on the mentioned theory, which is discussed
by Jonathan Joseph, is also utilized in the thesis. The above-mentioned sources and
Gramsci are used as an expansion of the theory. In order to comprehend how the theory
of hegemony can be applied, it is vital to have a better perspective on the historical
development in the country. This is in line with the main principle of the theory of
hegemony, which promotes historical domain and its relation with the intellectual and
moral leadership of the country. Antonio Gramsci, in his book Selections from the
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Prison Notebooks, states that the understanding of intellectual and moral leadership is
enhanced through acknowledging historical awareness and its impact on the leadership:
The historical unity of the ruling classes is realized in
the state, and their history is essentially the history of
States and of groups of States. But it would be wrong
to think that this unity is simply juridical and political
(though such forms of unity do have their importance
too, and not in a purely formal sense); the fundamental
historical unity, concretely results from the organic
relations between State or political society and “civil
society” (52).
Hence, the historical unity of the ruling classes, which focuses on domination and
subjugation and how the Malaysian Chinese resisted the British, Japanese, Communist
and Malay hegemonies is discussed. The resistance is adopted because of the
dissatisfaction among the community. Another reason is the foreign interference in the
way of life of the Chinese community. The ideological imposition against the will of the
Malaysian Chinese is another factor which gave rise to the uprising against various
hegemonies. Max J Skidmore in his book, Ideologies - Politics in Action, states that:
Ideology provides cohesion by specifying a view of
reality, it offers rules of conduct, it defines roles in
society, and it provides identification with the group.
An ideology helps evaluate, explain, and provide
understanding by asserting answers to basic questions
[…] (7).
Therefore, the ideology as defined, is to assist the state, or the leadership to achieve its
domination and identification with the people. Manipulating ideology is also one of the
many ways to reach consensual agreement with the people. In this context, various
hegemonies try to “convince” the people, especially the Malaysian Chinese, to accept
their ideologies. Ideologies are implemented in accordance with the historical
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developments in the country. The study of the history of British, Japanese, Communist
and Malay hegemonies is vital to understand how the Chinese arrived from South China
and subsequently lived under the rule of these colonial powers. This section briefly
explains the importance of the historical background in comprehending the existence
and establishment of the Malaysian Chinese in the country.
1.1 Malaysian History
This section is the narration of Malaysian history which serves as a general introduction.
It is also important to have the historical awareness of the Malaysian Chinese
community under the British, Japanese, Communists and Malay rulers. This can be
traced to the historical phenomena of how the Chinese immigrants from Mainland China
had ventured abroad and established themselves in many countries, especially Malaya
during the British colonial era which had begun in the early nineteenth century. They
consolidated their power through restructuring the administration, politics, economy,
society and the way of life in the country. During the Second World War, from 1939 to
1945, the British were defeated by the Japanese Imperial Army. Oong Hak Ching‟s
Chinese Politics in Malaya 1942-1955 - The Dynamics of British Policy mentions how
the British troops were defeated within a short duration:
On 8 December 1941, the Japanese forces began their
attack on Malaya. One division of the 25th
Army
landed at Kota Bharu in the Malay state of Kelantan
and another division landed at Songkhla in southeast
Thailand. After sixty-nine days, the British troops were
defeated (46).
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In the late 1930s, the military uprising of the Japanese Imperial Army gave rise to the
resurgence of the resistance movement. Hence, during the invasion of Malaya by the
Japanese Imperial army which began on 8th
December 1941, many took advantage of the
chaotic period to create confusion. The spread of Communism in Malaya further
exacerbated the situation. The Chinese in Malaya believed in Communism as a platform
for resistance. Moreover, there was strong anti-Japanese sentiment among the Chinese in
Malaya during the Japanese domination of Malaya. The Japanese manipulated the
people under the pretext of liberating them from the British. The ambitious Japanese
intention to change the politics, economy and social condition of the Malayan people,
was regarded as a new form of Japanese hegemony. In order to carry out the
“totalitarian ideas”, they resorted to “exterminate” the Chinese in Malaya in order to
impose fear among the Chinese community. Therefore, during the Japanese occupation,
thousands of Chinese were massacred as illustrated by Cheah Boon Kheng in his book,
Red Star Over Malaya in which he reports on the process of degradation of the local
Chinese psyche by the Japanese hegemony:
The sook ching bloodbath which continued throughout
March, took a reported toll of 6,000 to 40,000 Chinese
lives. The sook ching struck terror in Chinese
communities throughout Malaya and, in the words of
former General Manaki, who served in Yamashita‟s
army, it was the “biggest blot” on the Japanese
administration of Malaya. This single act inevitably
alienated the bulk of the Chinese population from the
Japanese administration (23-24).
Based on this description, the Japanese hegemony created a more vicious terror than the
British hegemony. The psychology of fear was manipulated to the highest degree in the
perpetuation of the Japanese reign of terror in Malaya. The Japanese had been regarded
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as „superciliously terrorists‟ by the Chinese in mainland China and came to be similarly
regarded by the Chinese in Malaya. After the Second World War, the Japanese were
forced to surrender by the US and its Allied Forces. The bombing of Nagasaki and
Hiroshima had inspired the spirit of resistance in the Malaysian Chinese. It was also the
time when the British returned to revive their hegemony in Malaya. For the Chinese in
Malaya, the Communist ideology was the only way of resistance to the Japanese
imperialists. Aloysius Chin, in his book of The Communist Party of Malaya writes
Apart from a handful of traitors, every race and stratum
hankered for unity to resist the Japanese. This
propensity was particularly strong amongst the Chinese
because of their exposure to many years of anti-
Japanese propaganda and education to save the nation.
Their hatred for the Japanese was extremely deep (25).
The spirit of resistance to the Japanese hegemony was strong and emotional, especially
after the „Sook Ching‟ experience. The mass extermination of the Chinese in Malaya
reached epidemic proportions and the Chinese responded by mobilizing a mass
resistance to the Japanese. The underlying cause of such extermination was the desire of
the Japanese Imperial Army to exact revenge on the Chinese who had supported
Mainland China against the Japanese in the Second World War. Jung Chang and Jon
Halliday in their book, Mao - The Unknown Story, refer to the Marco Polo Bridge
incident as the beginning of the Sino-Japanese war: “On 7 July 1937, fighting broke out
between Chinese and Japanese troops at a place just outside Peking called the Marco
Polo Bridge” (244). Indeed, the incident had an impact on the minds of the Malaysian
Chinese. Chinese hatred of the Japanese Imperial Army was deeply-rooted and in
Chinese Politics in Malaya 1942-1955 - The Dynamics of British Policy, Oong Hak
Ching, describes the atrocities perpetrated against the local Chinese:
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Yamashita‟s order was given with the instruction to
carry it out in accordance with his letter. To the
soldiers this meant „summary execution” and they
proceeded to carry out the massacre of the Chinese by
rounding them up “for inspection and identification”
(47).
When the British returned to Malaya after the surrender of the Japanese Imperial Army
in 1945, the Communists stirred political trouble with the intention of filling the political
vacuum. Like the Japanese, the Communists were cruel and brutal in terrorizing the
Malayan people. Aloysius Chin in his book, The Communist Party of Malaya says:
Following the Japanese surrender of Malaya in
September 1945, there was a disagreement in the
Central Committee of the CPM as to the line the Party
should take. A minority was all for the „Chinese line‟
of a guerilla-based struggle and was highly critical of
those in favour of the „moderate line‟. Finally, it was
the militants who were in the majority that carried the
day with the policy of political agitation and the
creation of labour unrest (28).
Many suffered and the British worked very hard to exterminate the Communists. The
Emergency Period from 1948 to 1960 was declared. Thousands of innocent victims
perished in the name of the ideology or so-called Utopia which promotes equality and
fairness amongst mankind. In his book, Malaysia - The Making of A Nation, Cheah
Boon Kheng states that:
Even though the communist rebellion was an
ideologically-oriented uprising that coincided with
other Communist uprisings in Burma, the Philippines
and Indonesia, it was also identified as an uprising
which involved more Chinese than Malays or Indians
because the Communist Party of Malaya was a
predominantly Chinese movement (23).
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Thus, the local Chinese identity in the minds of the non-Chinese was tarnished. In this
context, the Malays and Indians negatively stereotyped the Chinese as Communist
sympathizers. However, the British regime appreciated the Chinese who assisted them
to defeat the Japanese and granted Federal citizenships to the Chinese who supported
them and regarded Malaya as their home country. Malaya gained independence on 31st
August 1957, after which the political scenario of the country changed rapidly. A new
form of Malay hegemony began to exert itself. Malay hegemony can be defined as
Malay influence in the politics, ideology, economy, law and social order of the country.
The process of hegemony, especially between the Malaysian Chinese and the Malay
rulers is defined by an American scholar as political “bargain” in Cheah Boon Kheng‟s
Malaysia - The Making of a Nation:
The political bargain realized great benefits for all
parties, in many cases more than the original
participants had expected to achieve. The Malays
gained political independence, control of political
organs, and a polity which was to be Malay in style and
its system of symbols. In return the Chinese gained
more than overseas Chinese in Southeast Asia had
dreamed of -equal citizenship, political participation
and office holding, unimpaired economic opportunity,
and tolerance for their language, religion and cultural
institutions. In the decade and a half since the great
bargain was struck, the leadership of the major
structures of the alliance has been remarkably stable …
(Malaysia 39).
The “great bargain” is a mode of “consensual consciousness” in the process of nation-
building. To Joseph Femia, it is Gramsci‟s definition of “some degree of conscious
attachment to, or agreement with, certain core elements of the society” (38). This issue
can be elaborated by studying the history of consensus between the Malays and non-
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Malays. The consensus is vital as it consolidates Malay hegemony by forming a strong
alliance with other race-based parties in Malaysia. Joseph Femia concurs with Gramsci‟s
idea on the effectiveness of a powerful hegemony which is pivoted on the consensual
agreement towards a stable society:
Within a social order, there must be a substratum of
agreement so powerful that it can counteract the
division and disruptive forces arising from conflicting
interest. And this agreement must be in relation to the
specific object-persons, beliefs, values etc. (Political
Thought 39)
Therefore, the “substratum of agreement so powerful” is seen in the way Malaya and
later Malaysia has been ruled by the same powerful political party since independence in
1957. The “substratum of agreement” can also refer to the sharing of power between the
Malays and non-Malays in Malaysia. The country is governed by the thirteen political
parties in the National Front or Barisan Nasional (formerly known as the Alliance or
Parti Perikatan). Moreover, the sharing of power is regarded as the Malaysian formula
which is conducive to the Malaysian scenario. However, Ye Lin-Sheng, in his book,
The Chinese Dilemma, acknowledges that the Malaysian Chinese identity of resistance
is strengthened because the Chinese in the country feel that they have been alienated.
Being an alienated community as such in the country, it has to resist in order to
overcome alienation. Ye Lin-Sheng identifies one of the causes:
Part of the Chinese dilemma in Malaysia is the fear of
diminishing cultural distinctness […] many issues
relating to the identity of Malaysian Chinese remain
unresolved (67).
The awareness of the above dilemma suggests that the Chinese in Malaysia are unique in
their identity in that they haves to overcome alienation by adopting various strategies.
12
Further elaboration of how the Chinese community lived under the British, Japanese and
Communist hegemonies is found in Chapter II.
Statement of the Problem
The study of the theory of hegemony and its application in the aforementioned novels is
relevant as can be seen in the description of culture, politics, history and social
intelligence of the community portrayed by the authors. There are also the other
embedded dilemmas, which are related to the mentioned novels, and the theory provides
insights on how to address the problems. The theory of hegemony is mainly studied in
order to comprehend the role of the Malaysian Chinese psyche and consciousness in the
various stipulated domains. The reasons why the novels are selected are due to their
similarity of themes of Chinese resistance in Malaya and later Malaysia, defending
Chinese identity, including their diasporic link with China. An earlier decision had been
to include the two novels, Taikor and Nanyang (which was nominated for the 2006
International IMPAC Dublin Literary Award) by Khoo Kheng Hor, a new Malaysian
Chinese writer who assumed the multiple roles of journalist, business executive, author
etc. Although the novels are historical sagas of the Chinese, they are mainly focused on
the migration of the Chinese from South Thailand to Malaysia in Taikor and the Chinese
migration from China to Malaya and Singapore in Nanyang. The historical background
and issues are too wide to be included in this thesis. On the other hand, the study of
hegemony is wide and encompassing, especially in tackling the various complex issues
and themes depicted in the novels. The main merit of this theory is to encourage the
researcher to keep abreast of the constant development or changes of the culture, politics,