OUTLINES OF THE GYPSY LIFE IN STARA ZAGORA REGION...

І. In the Ottoman Empire

Evgeniya I. Ivanova Ph.D., Velcho Krustev

Research, acquaintance and depicting of the gypsy ethnos is a sort of challenge. The reasons could be sought, on one hand, in the lack of historical memory and enough written reports about its more recent or further past, and on the other hand – in the peculiarities of its socioeconomic and cultural reality. These difficulties are even bigger when the attention is concentrated on the regional studies for the gypsies back in time. Gathering fact by fact, comparing different sources, and carefully interpreting all this information in the cultural-historical context, a general picture of gypsies lifestyle, customs and traditions handed down since their settling on the Balkan Peninsula is being gradually formed.

Their perennial presence here has left lasting impresses, which most generally could be combined into a couple of tendencies – written sources of the others about them, some information from the historical geography, and vestiges in the spiritual and mostly in the folklore culture of the different ethnoses. Also, the life together, as well as the socioeconomic changes have effected the gypsy community itself. Their ethnocultural system becomes cultivated and enriched in a historical process, which is connected with a multitude of intercultural actions and relations. Thus, in front of us an ethnos is revealed, which in an amazing way, in the course of millenniums, walking through time and space, manages to keep its individuality and to preserve its rather interesting lifestyle, culture and ethnic psychology (Marushiakova, Popov 1991: 17).

Our attention is directed to the lasting gypsy presence in the socioeconomic life, in the historical geography and folklore culture during the period of ХVІІ-ХІХ century.

Our theses are going to be verified by examples and facts from a specific geographical region in Bulgaria. This is a vast part of the Upper Thracian Lowland – the regions of Stara Zagora, Kazanluk, Chirpan, Nova Zagora, Tvurditza and the Maritza River valley. These lands, having their favourable geographical and natural climatic conditions and crossroad position, have been inhabited since far-off antiquity. The same became attractive for the gypsies in the very first centuries of their settling in the Balkan Peninsula. After the Ottoman invasion of the Balkans, Thrace becomes a preferred living area for the gypsy groups. During the last centuries comparatively numerous gypsy communities have settled in the region.

The gypsies – these are people who start at their land of origin India and break up all over the world. They get adapted to conditions of heterogeneous reality and survive in hard times. These agile and impulsive people leave various tracks of their presence all over Bulgarian lands. Their advent is recorded even in earlier centuries, but a significant number of gypsies come to the Balkans along with the Turkish offensive in ХІV century. Some of them take part in it directly, being in the ranks of the auxiliary troops or providing services to the army, mainly as craftsmen, staff of army supply trains or musicians. Other just join to the winners, searching for more favourable living conditions (Stojanovski 1974: 37-38). Part of them chooses to stay here, where they settle for long time and find their own place in the

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Ottoman sociopolitical, military and economic system. Separate groups continue their nomad way of life. They could be found under the names of “lingené”, “chengyané”, “chigan” or “kuptiyan” in the official documentation from that period, mostly in the detailed tax registers related to the empire estates, as well as in the multitude judicial decisions and other text documents. The contribution to this owes to their specific ethnic characteristic, which plays a crucial role during their detachment from the big religious and class communities within the confines of the empire (Ivanova 1998: 64).

In this early period of its development the Ottoman Empire is a powerful despotic and theocratic monarchy, granting the sultan enormous authorities. Its sociopolitical system considerably differs from the West-European and is a complexed militarized administrative, economic and religious structure.

Back in the end of ХV century the forming of the Millet system begins. It has a sociocultural and communal framework organized, firstly, on religion and, secondly, on ethnicity. As a whole the population is divided into two basic categories – true believers (Moslems) and rayah (infidels, the obedient Christians). Two military and administrative districts are created – Anatolia and Roumelia (the latter includes the whole Balkan Peninsula with small exceptions), subdivided, with respect to administrative and judicial relation, into sançaks1 and kaazas (districts) (Bakalov, Stoyanov 1995: 157-159).

During all those centuries the gypsies have had a particular place in the Ottoman administrative channels. They are left out of the prevailing division into “true believers” and “rayah” and are not included in the Millet system. With them the ethnic affiliation comes in the foreground, combined with specific way of life and tax statute. Back in the first centuries of the Ottoman presence in the Balkans a special category becomes identified among them – servants of the army and the administrative system using a number of privileges (Marushiakova, Popov 2000: 40).

The earliest data of gypsies’ presence in the Ottoman Empire tax documentation is from 1430 in the so called Timarski register of Nikopol sançak. For our story the register from the year 1523 is more interesting – “Detailed by-names register of the incomes and taxes taken from the gypsies (kuptiyan) of the Roumelian Vilayet” (Stojanovski 1974:36-75). In it the number of the gypsy households is recorded by their grouping into tax communities (djemaats) with the elders at the head, the religious body, the districts, where they live, crafts they practice, their legal situation and taxes paid. In this variety of information for the first time the gypsies, who inhabit kaaza Zagra – Eski Hisar (today: Stara Zagora and its belonging region) are mentioned. In four of the djemaats 111 Moslem and 455 Christian families are registered, by the widows – 12 in number – being separately recorded, because of their more specific statute. In kaaza Akçe Kazanl`k (today: Kazanluk) 6 djemaats are recorded, including 592 Moslem families, 1 Christian and 4 widows. In kaaza Enidje Chirpan (today: Chirpan) there are 42 Moslem households, and in kaaza Zagra Enidje (today: Nova Zagora) the Moslem families are 6, Christian – 44, and widows – 2 (Stojanovski 1974: 52-53).

The first thing, making impression, is the circumstance that in one djemaat mixed families of Moslem gypsies and Christian gypsies live, by the Christians predominating in the regions of Stara Zagora and Nova Zagora, and Moslems – in Kazanluk region. They consider themselves as a whole, united in a tax community, the incomes of which are formed separately from the others. At the head of this community an elder is chosen, called ceribashi or kodjabashi. The religious affiliation

1 Military administrative unit in the Ottoman empire, a district (sandzhak)

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is not prevailing in this case and not rare are the facts for d jemaats, where Moslems and Christians live, a Christian elder to be at the head (for example, the djemaat of Michail in Stara Zagora). Yet, of major importance was the elder to be respected not only by his own community, but mainly by the Turkish authorities. In Stara Zagora and Kazanluk per one elder was hired as a “naib” – probably an assistant of the kadi (Turkish judge), which, for that time, means passing a vote of great confidence.

There is no information what part of the registered gypsies were in the towns and in the villages, but the non-migratory ones, who were grouped in djemaats and paid taxes within it, were clearly delimited from the nomads called “gezendé” in the document. The gypsies, living in specified communities were in very close kinship: “…in the inventory from 1523 it can be seen at first sight that they are much more various and numerous than the respective inventories of the rest Balkan population. The gypsies are the ones who have designations like: father, mother, son, brother, younger brother, cousin, brother-in-law, son-in-law, father-in-law or just a relative, close one. Most data can be found in the fact that the family of gypsies is multiple, with greater number of children and they live in communities bigger than those of some other Balkan peoples… Mostly about this contributes, as if, the gypsies’ way of life itself, and especially the fact that they very rarely enter into marriages out of their small, and moreover, scattered ethnic environment” (Stojanovski 1974:39). “With the nomadic gypsies a peculiar form of matriarchy is preserved – highly respected is the most elderly woman in the kin, who observes the old customs and gives helpful hints to the younger members” (Stojanovski 1974: 41).

The registry of professional specialization of the various gypsy families contains rather detailed information. The blacksmiths, horse dealers and musicians are the biggest part. Whole djemaats are mentioned, whose members were only musicians. Probably they constituted those groups using zurnas and drums, by which they played at various revelries and wedding parties. In the document a total of 35 crafts are enumerated, but Stojanovski explicitly underlines that there were more, which he himself could not identify.

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Among the listed ones there are: tinsmiths, goldsmiths, sword-cutlers, comb-makers (The Dríndaris), painters, sieve-makers, cooker producers, horse shoe makers, butchers, donkey drivers, guards, servants, healers, etc. It could not be understood what craft is practised by a certain number of gypsies, because only “master” or “apprentice” is written down for them. As to the Stara Zagora region, manufacturers (or sellers) of broad beans, naibs – kadi assistants, hekimins – doctors and apprentices are named” (Stojanovski 1974: 41-44).

For designation of gypsy communities in the towns the Turkish documents use the term “djemaat”, which, however, does not mean that there is a formed gypsy mahalà (neighbourhood). In some cases gypsies are registered as a part of a mahalà, but they are still separated as they have a fixed tax statute, which imposes a separate taxation on them. The existing Ottoman documents do not represent enough grounds to talk about forming of a whole-town gypsy community having any wider social functions (Ivanova 1998: 67).

The first laws intended especially for the gypsies in the Bulgarian lands have been valid since ХVІ c. In 1530 the Sultan Syuleiman I the Great passes the “Law for the gypsies in the vilayet of Rumelí”, whose main purpose is ensuring of complete tax recoverability, also including those of nomadic gypsies. By that time the wandering members of the ethnos are of great number – their colourful life on wheels impresses not only the native inhabitants, but also the foreigners, passing through our lands. Only another category of population, colonized by the ottomans, could rival them in this strange life-style – the yurutzi2 (Grozdanova 2003: 28-29).

In the Law from 1530 г. for the first time the sedentary gypsies are separated from the nomadic ones in legislative way. Article 7 says: “If any Moslem gypsies begin wandering along with non-Moslem gypsies and then settle somewhere and mix with them, these shall become a subject of scolding; after being punished the gypsies-unbelievers shall pay their taxes”. Thus the specific statute of the both large gypsy groups was legitimized, by which, at the same time, the attempts of the Ottoman Empire to make them settle down, were legalized in a subtle way. And even though the gypsies were not structured as a separate millet, the authorities made certain efforts in this direction to an extent, necessary for the imposition of the taxes due from the gypsies, who were not working for the army (Kolev, Krumova 2005: 67).

An important moment in this law is the confirmation of the special administrative and legal statute and the certain rights of tax self-government for these included in the so called “Gypsy sançak”3. This is a specified category of gypsy population, which does not earn its living from serving the army. A decade later a special “Law for the superior of the Gypsy sançak” (1541) was also passed. In its area of validity gypsy households are included from a variety of settlements, situated mainly in today’s East Thrace – Viza, Keshan (Keşan), Chorlu (Çorlu), Dimotika, Gyumyurdzhina (Gümürdjina), Fere, Eski Zagra ( today: Stara Zagora – author’s note), Yambol and others. These gypsies, also called “Kipti”, are ironmongers, blacksmiths, charcoal-burners, fortress observers, musicians, cattle-drovers (djelepkeshani – people breeding sheep, lambs, and goats for the army) and others. All of them enjoy significant tax concessions in comparison with the rest of the gypsies, who are not hired to serve the army (Georgiev 1961: 309-313). In the register of the cattle-drovers living in the Bulgarian lands, prepared in 1576 from

2 Turkish herdsmen, stockbreeders3 In this case under sançak “a certain category of gypsy population, hired to assist the army by provisioning of services” is understood.

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the kadi of Pazardzhik town – Dzhafer, the name of Ali is given, son of a tinsmith from the Umuroglu village (today: Partizanin, Chirpan region). As a tax he has given 30 sheep” (St. St. Cyril and Methodius National Library 95, 23:58).

During these centuries a subject of special dispositions of the authority is the construction and maintenance of communication and road network in the state. Representatives of different ethnoses, living in the empire – both Moslems and Christians – participate in this process. The basic units of the network are the so called menzils – travelers’ stations, situated in different parts of the area, which maintain fleet-footed horses ready for action all the time. In ХVІІ c. in the interior of the country as such are also mentioned the administrative centres Stara Zagora, Nova Zagora, and Chirpan. The stations are served by a specially employed personnel, in which, except the superior, syuryudjíi (postmen), odadjíi (people, who care for food provisions, farriers-shoeing smiths, ahchíi (cooks) and others are included (Grozdanova 2003: 21-23). Taking the craft occupation of separate gypsy groups into account, with a grain of certainty we could suppose that a part of the farriers-shoeing smiths are gypsies.

During the next centuries the menzils are burdened with more functions, for example: postal one. The courier accompanying the French doctor and traveller, Dr Ami Bue on his way to Constantinople during 1836-1837 is a gypsy (French travelogues 1981: 307). In 1873 the pope Mincho Kunchev4 (a rural priest and rebel from the Stara Zagora region) is sentenced to exile and driven from the Stara Zagora konàk (police office) by “a cart, with one horse put to it: of the post syuryudjíi (the postman) chengene Hasan Piskyuliya” (Kunchev 1983: 369).

The demographic data up to the first half of ХIХ c. about the population in Stara Zagora region, also including the gypsies, is fragmentary. Certain information for the gypsy population in this region is found in the Ottoman register from 1526-1528. It says that in the kaaza Eski Zagra from 2450 households the gypsy ones are 61 in number. А register from 1568-1569 points out 21 gypsy households (Ivanova 1998:69). In 1831 the first general census in the Ottoman Empire was made. It encompasses only the male population, divided by religious principle, and does not give possibility the national structure to be established. The women are not included

4 Mincho Kunchev (1836-1904)– priest, revolutionary, sentenced to exile in Diarbekir. Author of the one of the last illustrated manuscript book “Vidritca”.

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both in this, as well as in the subsequent censuses. Back in ХVI c. they begin dropping out from the list of taxpayers recorded and do not hold any administrative positions in a society, whose prevailing religious doctrine is Islam. These circumstances automatically exclude them from the documentation.

The results of that census are not promulgated, but only data for separate kaazi is kept. According to these pieces of information in Stara Zagora kaaza there is total of 18,368 men, from who – 12 782 Christians and 5586 Moslems. In Kazanluk kaaza 16,014 people live, of them 8097 being Christians, 7195 – Moslems, by here also 748 gypsies are listed (Todorov 1972: 295,299).

In ХVIII-ХIХ c. Stara Zagora is an administrative centre of a kaaza containing 109 villages. Up to the first decades of ХIХ c. the Turkish town is typical, but afterwards its appearance is changing gradually. Bulgarian mahali (quarters) are formed with peculiar architecture. Along with the mosques some Christian churches are already in construction – “Sveti Dimitar” (built in 1743), “Sveta Bogoroditza” (1768), “Sveti Nikolay” (1834), and “Sveta Troitza” (1863). As in most of medium-sized towns in the Ottoman Empire, here the economic activity is also based on the domestic crafts, own farming, viticulture, gardening. From about 45 crafts practised in Stara Zagora only 5-6 are brand Turkish. In the town above 2500 wokshops, groceries and shops are functioning, the bigger part of which located in the charshi (bazaar, shopping street). “…The markets are in good condition, though the most of them being designed in a chaotic way, the shops are better constructed than the former ones and with plethora of goods” (Voaleri 2005: 347-348).

The earliest exact data for the population of Stara Zagora can be found in “Tzarigradski vestnik” (1858). They are from the Turkish register for taxes payment, in which only the men of age are subscribed. “The inhabitants of Eski Zagra are, in fact, four people: Turks, Bulgarians, Jews and kuptii or gypsies... The Turks have haughty temper as conquerors... Bulgarians are enduring, proficient, hard-working... The Jews

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just like people not accustomed to work make their living from trading being more skilful in taking … The Kuptii or gypsies are divided into inhabitants and wanderers and do not differ from the other gypsies... Separately, in the town live: Turks 3,297, Bulgarians 4,205, Jews 429, and Kuptii 645 – a total of 8,576 people in the town. In the villages: Turks 1,289, Bulgarians 12,076 – Total: Turks 4,597, Bulgarians 16,281, Jews 429, Kuptii 645 (wanderers are not included)”. In the issue 31 town quarters are mentioned – 12 Bulgarian with 833 houses, 18 Turkish with 1,632 houses and 1 Jewish with 75 houses. An isolated gypsy quarter is not mentioned, but 111 gypsy houses or 4.2% from the total number is recorded. (Tzarigradski vestnik 1858, №369). According to this data the men-inhabitants of a gypsy house are of greater number – 5.8 people against 2 for Turkish, 5 for Bulgarian and 5.7 for Jewish house.

In the end of 1871 during the successive census of the population in the Ottoman Empire “... the population of Eski Zagra amounted to 11,000 Bulgarians, 9,000 Turks, 1,500 chifuti (Jews – a.’n.), 1,000 chengenes and 500 Armenian and Greek. Total: 23,000. The town had 35 quarters: 15 Bulgarian, 18 Turkish, one Jewish and one Chengene mahalesi... Westwardly from the konak there was the Chifuti’s mahala, and Chengene mahalesi was along Bedechka River. Each one of them had a separate cheribashi5” (Hadjigenchev-Bechu 126: 91-92). Or, according to the different pieces of information, the gypsies are from 4.3% to 7.5% of the town population. In the process of its growth an isolated settlement of them is formed.

The notes of Robert Jasper More on his travellings in the region of Plovdiv sandzhak in 1876 give information about the population in the nine kaazas, in which again only the male inhabitants are reported. In kaaza Stara Zagora (one town and 102 villages) total of 33,353 people live, of which Moslems are 6,677 Turks and 989 gypsies, Christians – 24,857 Bulgarian, 70 gypsies and 740 Jews. In other words, the registered male gypsy population in this kaaza is 3.2% of the total (Mihov 1935: 195). In Odrin salnamé (annual anthology) for 1876 only 266 gypsies are registered in this kaaza. The difference probably comes from the presence of numerous nomadic groups (St. St. Cyril and Methodius National Library – 0 - І 140: 119).

The travellers who had visited Kazanluk in ХVIII-ХIХ c. describe a flourishing town, situated in a pretty and fruiful valley. Bulgarian ethnos is prevailing, and some of the houses dispose of “ala European” conveniences. The main occupations of Kazanluk people is field farming and rose growing, by the domestic craftsmen being organized into authoritative guilds (Pavlov 1912: 287-312; Vassilev 1923: 212-222).

According to statistical data from 1859 of Dr Poyer6 there are 2,000 houses: 1,100 Turkish, 800 Bulgarian, 50 Jewish and 50 gypsy (Moslems). 14 quarters are formed – 6 Turkish, 5 Christian, 1 Jewish and 2 gypsy. The male population numbers 7,390 people: 4,000 Turks, 3,000 Bulgarians and the rest – 390 Jews and gypsies. In the kaaza, including 39 villages there are 6,361 houses, 7 farms, 41 villages and huts and 20 gypsy huts in Yamursuz village (today: Ruzhenà) (Kazanlushka iskra 1934, №236). A decade later the Hungarian ethnographer, geographer and traveller Felix Kanitz writes that Kazanluk “in 1871 has 2,500 Bulgarian, 1,500 Turkish, 30 Jewish and 50 gypsy houses. The town has 15 quarters. The Turks live in its eastern parts, while Bulgarians inhabit the western ones, having appearance closer to European. The gypsy quarter is one” (Vassilev 1923: 218-219).

The last demographic data on Kazanluk kaaza before the Liberation is from 1876 and shows that here, in one town and 50 villages live 30,898 people in total. Classified on the base of religious and ethnic principle they are: Moslems – 14,365

5 A gypsy elder, a leader6 Dr Poyer - Member of the Paris Geographical Society. Visited Stara Zagora region in 1859.

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Turks and 1,384 gypsies; Christians – 14,906 Bulgarians, 24 gypsies and 219 Jews (Mihov 1935:195). The earliest information about the gypsy quarter in the region refers us to Chirpan. It concerns about the first half of ХVII c. By this time Chirpan is a small town, a kaaza centre. An essential role for its demographic and economic development plays the fact that it is situated by the main road passing from Plovdiv through Stara Zagora and leading to the Black Sea coast. All the foreigners ever been around are impressed by the fruitfulness of the land and the abundance of numerous orchards and vineyards. Population consists mainly of Bulgarians and Turks, by their number being roughly equal. The Arabian traveller Hadji Kalfa points out: “In every Turkish mahala there was a mosque, except that one near “Dik-boya”, which did not have a mosque and was called Chingene mahlesi”. The gypsy quarter is neighbouring on the Turkish one, and the Bulgarian is detached from them by a river with bridge above (Subchev 1938: 292-315).

In 1876 as per official demographic data Chirpan kaaza is inhabited by 21,627 people. From them the Moslems are 5,157 Turks and 420 gypsies, and Christians – 15,959 Bulgarians and 88 gypsies. There are no Jews (Mihov 1935: 385). According to the Odrin salname the number of the gipsies is bigger – 806 people or 4% of the total population in this kaaza (NBCM 0 - І 140:119).

In Nova Zagora kaaza there are three villages, inhabited by gypsy population in the 60s of the ХІХ c. The Chanakchii village (today: Dolno Panicherevo) by this time has Bulgarians, Turks and gypsies. The Azaplî village (today: Zapalnya) has two mosques and 170 houses, of which 20 are Bulgarian, 30 gypsy and 120 Turkish, and the Smavlii village (today: Rumanya) numbers 80 Turkish, 60 gypsy and only one Bulgarian house (Koichev 1997: 400,402,409-410). The total number of gypsies is 311 people or 2.2% of the total population (NBCM 0 – І 140: 120).

The statistical data quoted up to here about the gypsy population in Stara Zagora region is incomplete, fragmentary and too contradictory. Such data about the towns of Chirpan and Nova Zagora is totally missing, while the rest, by the reasons already emphasized, encompass the male population only.

All of this does not help for creating a real ethnodemographic picture of the region. And while for Stara Zagora a gradual growth of the gypsies’ number was being noticed by explicitly emphasizing that these were only sedentaries, in Kazanluk itself their number was about 200-250 people, that is to say, staying in a place. In the villages around Kazanluk their number was averagely three times bigger than in the town. By faith the Moslem gypsies were about 15 times more. In 1876 in the region 2,793 Moslem gypsies and 182 Christians were registered. This corresponds to the general tendency, and namely changes of religious belonging from Christian to Moslem among the ethnoses living in the Bulgarian lands during those years.

The gypsies’ life-style and ways of subsistence back in the earliest times of their migration are connected with practising of certain crafts. “Gypsies begin working as soon as they begin toddling. The elderly ones wander, do hand-reading, tin-plate, weave baskets or, mostly, steal, and we, the children, keep the tents. The young girls do the cooking and cleaning, while the boys gather twigs and timbers. My mother, an old gypsy woman, said that a gypsy could travel all over the world without a coin in his pocket. He could learn a hundred handicrafts, thousands of tricks and millions of lies, skilfully stuffed in his head” writes in his book “Gypsy life” Gypsy Petulengro (Mir, 1936).

The professional specialization of the separate gypsy groups has been kept for centuries, by very often they name themselves after it. Back in the middle of ХVІІ c.

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the Turkish traveller Evliya Çelebi, using a list of the Istanbul craftsmen, prepared by order of Murad ІV, registrates some gypsy craftsmen guilds. “In this list 57 guilds are included, by the gypsies being mentioned for the first time in 10th guild of the Bear-leaders, encompassing total of 70 men. In 15th guild are the horse dealers (Djambazani) with 300 men… in 43rd guild, of the musicians, which includes 300 people, the most are gypsies. in 45-и guild the actors are included… For the last time in the general list gypsies are mentioned in the guild of boza sellers” (Marushiakova, Popov 2000: 52-53).

Wherever they go, gypsies succeed to fit into the economic structure and to find their market niche. So the nomadic life gives them possibility to offer their goods and skills where necessary.

And the assertion in this direction made by Dr Ami Bue in the middle of 30s of ХІХ century is precise: “Therefore, in Turkey they have indeed become necessary members of the society …As a general, they are carters, horse dealers, cart manufacturers, horse shoe makers, coppersmiths, tinsmiths, miners, goldsmiths, musicians, gendarmes and executioners” (French travelogues 1975: 298).

In the last decades before the Russian-Turkish war of liberation (1877-1878) in Stara Zagora more than 40 crafts are developed – each one to a certain extent. These are practised by different ethnoses of various religious belonging. Six of the crafts are in the hands of the domestic gypsies – they are tinsmiths, mahchií (manufacturing iron nails and wedges), and naldjií (manufacturing cattle shoes),

Tinker

“…There were about 15 workshops of mahchií and naldjií in Stara Zagora.” Close to these crafts are the so called baltadji and demirdjiluk. “They have almost one and the same craft – ironmongery. … The Baltadjií manufactured axes and adzes: it was just like in the god Volcano’s workshop: constant smoke, blows and sparkles. …The Demirdjís manufactured mattocks, sickles, spatulas for bread-troughs and cutting blades for wooden ploughs. Their workshops were permanently full of villagers, who, to have their work done sooner, were very often compelled to help the masters with something”. Much more poorly developed is the comb-making (tarakchiluk). In those years this craft is practised both by Bulgarians, and by gypsies (Ilkov 1908: 144-145).

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Gypsy elaborating combs - Grebenari

In two donors names lists of the church “Sveta Bogoroditza” in Chirpan from the first half of ХІХ century “the ürfeti” are enumerated, e.g. the craftsmen’ staffs, sponsors of the Christian church. In that one from 1819 coppersmiths are mentioned, and in the latter from 1834 – Demirdjís (ironmongers) (Kondarev, Garvalov 1987: 67-68). And that these are typical gypsy crafts is confirmed in the historical notes of Tanyo Peev7. “Ironmongery – this craft must be one of the oldest… When people needed hammering of a ploughshare, a hoe, or another iron tool, they sought only the gypsy masters, as each village had one of them”(Subchev 1938: 298).

During the Bulgarian National Revival the black ironmongery (karademirdjiistvo) was developed in Kazanluk. Masters manufactured shovels, hoes, hooks, axes, pickaxes, and other tools, but mainly hammered ploughshares for the needs of agriculture. In Enina village, Kazanluk region, except black ironmongery, a couple of Moslem gypsies “manufactured also wrought (gypsy) nails from old iron (“furda”), by order and from materials of the client”. These nails were used back in 1691 for the restoration of the church “Sveti George”. “Enina gypsies served the farmers from Gyusovo (today: village of Sredno Izvorovo) and Hasut (today: Krun), that is why they had a regular job” (Kitipov 1968: 192,343). The Demirdjís from Nova Zagora, “all of gypsy origin”, manufacture sickles, coulters (iron devices for ploughing), burii (stove-pipes) and others (Koychev 1997:328). The Demirdjís Zheko Grudev from the village of Gyohpala (today: Mihaylovo, Stara Zagora region) and Ivan Panichkov from the village of Dzhambazito (today: Kaloyanovetz, Stara Zagora region) helped out the preparation of the Stara Zagora rebellion in 1875 by casting bullets. In the village of Arabadjievo (today: Kolarovo, Stara Zagora region) live “… the domestic old demirdjí Dimitar and his son Atanas…” and “…the gypsy Dimitar, the Tinner” (Kunchev 1983: 127, 221).

Some of the masters-gypsies from Stara Zagora are members of town guilds. These craftsmen’ guilds grant certain advantages. On one hand, they make the

7 Tanyo Peev (1856-1936) born in Chirpan, teacher, revolutionary, active politician at the end of 19 century.

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gypsies equal-in-rights members of the whole empire legislative and social system, and, on the other, gives them the possibility to participate in the whole-town life. By their membership in the craft-guilds, the domestic craftsmen-gypsies have certain economical rights, such as sufficient supply with raw materials and sure market for their products. They sell their production themselves, because the guilds’ statute forbids the craftsmen from ceding of their goods to anybody else for sale.

As a whole “…the gypsies everywhere like living from someone else's sweat, without labour – in the easy way” writes 1870 S. Borov for one of the first issues of journal “Chitalishte” (Borov 1870: 190-191). Some of the gypsies from Stara Zagora make their living by logging. The problem is that they undertake the illegal felling of trees and deforesting of the area around Stara Zagora and low hills of Sredna gora. “The lands of the upper-mentioned villages being always abundant with forests, have recently very badly affected, because people could not save them from the Stara Zagora gypsies. These are known under the name Eshekchíi8, and went there every day to cut trees, by which they made their living until the ruin of the town in 1877. …This Turkish-gypsy guild was a curse…” (Ruseski 1884: 202-203) Typical is the situation in Ashik Seneklíi village (today: Kirilovo, Stara Zagora region), and probably in many other places.

Especially impressing and much notable with their musical instruments are gypsies-zurnadjíi and tupandjíi (drummers).

In Stara Zagora groups of gypsy musicians are hired by the local authorities to play on different occasions. In the summer of 1867 the town makes preparations for welcoming the sultan Abdul Azis. “…People cleaned everywhere, whitewashed their houses with kirech (lime), raised flags. However instead of the sultan in Eski Zagra

8 An offensive exonym from the Turkish “eshek” – donkey. “Eshek bair” or “Asinine hill” is the other name of the hill Ayazmo above Stara Zagora, where the gypsies go cutting trees.

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came the valí Hurshid Pasha of Edirne (Odrin). He was welcomed as far as the Muratlí grove, in the appropriate way by music from dauli (from Turkish daul – a drum) and zurnas, whatever there were in Zaara….”. Not always, however, the occasions were rather pleasant for Bulgarian population. In 1868 the procession, escorting to the gallows the revolutionary Sava Silov from Stara Zagora, who was a combatant in Hadji Dimitar’s detachment, is lead by the “chalga musicians, whose zurnas tore the air with their shrill sounds. Afterwards the dauldjis came, beating their dauli to burst, and behind them, with a lot of effort, the zaptiehs made place for the procession to pass…” (Hadjigenchev-Bechu 126: 16-18).

In Kazanluk in 60s – 70s of the ХІХ century there is an instrumental group of zurnas and drums, called “gypsy music”. It plays to the Turks when they celebrated their religious holidays with “gyuresh” – pehlivàni’s (wrestlers) fights on the lawn “Suralan” near the town. The Kazanluk spring and autumn fun fair is resounded by “gypsy music from shrilling zurnas and thunderous drums” (Peycheva 1999: 30-31, 34, 43).

The gypsies-zurnadjíi and drummers also acted in the villages of Ahievo, Djuranlii and Bozduvandjii (today: Bozduganovo, Stara Zagora region). They are called “Djuranlan drummers of the hás gypsies” (more prominent, more genuine, purer) and “drummers-zurnadjíi from the real kin of gypsies” (Kunchev 1983: 118, 188, 198, 205).

And the gypsy men “…worked day and night together with their children and earned good money. They began their work singing from midnight and going on in the same way until 3 or 4 o’clock in the afternoon. The rest time of the day, especially in summertime, gypsies (because the craft was in their hands – ironmongery, a.n.) spent in the cool air of the pubs, and the gypsy women hurried to finish their household chores, in order to went round the harems and hamams (Turkish baths), to sing to the hanums (married Turkish women – a.n.), to beat tambourines and dance kyuchek (belly-dancing)” (Ilkov 1908: 144).

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In the years of Ottoman domination dealing with music and dance is considered to be priority of the women of easy virtue, and is treated as prostitution (fahishelik, kahpelik).

And the Ottoman administrative system prefers to turn “the deeds forbidden by the law”, committed by the women of gypsies, into a source of income for the treasury. In the tax register from 1523 this taxation is called “tax of prostitution” (resm-i-fuhshiyat). “The law for the gypsies in the vilayet “Rumeli” from 1530 enacts a monthly tax (kesim) at the rate of 100 akçe from them. By sultan’s order from 4th

November 1564 strict measures are taken as regards to the gang of the gypsies-migrants, who demoralized the population by prostituting themselves, playing saz and dancing in the roads and markets (Todorova 2003: 144).

Wandering in the lands of empire the gypsy women deal with beggary, hand-reading, casting charms, healing. They often go in pairs and prefer coming into contact with women. To the mother of the priest Mincho Kunchev in Arabadjievo village “…two gypsy women came, even sat outside at the door and made my mother run backwards and forwards “Give me this, give me that…”. My mother could not please and satisfy them with dikiski (gifts – a.n.)”.

Most often they are given foodstuffs, which they gather in a special pot, called “vidritza”. “The vidritza is a small keg, having iron rings and a noose on the top. It gathers about five or six oki9 of water. This vidritza is carried in hand by those gypsy women who go round from house to house and beg. In it they gather any products for eating: ayran, curds, cheese, boiled pumpkins, uneaten dish, and so on, and so on, whatever they could wheedle out of somebody, and whatever they are given” (Kunchev 1983: 105, 250, 263).

The various written sources before the Liberation give certain idea for the structure, life-style and the ethnic psychology of the gypsy ethnos.

In all of the documents, memories and newspapers’ issues a distinction is made between the gypsies confessing the both religions. In the most of cases for this purpose the terms “Bulgarian” gypsies and “Turkish” gypsies are used. Though being more benevolent to the Moslem gypsies, Turks, as a whole, demonstrate a significant dose of mistrust towards them. Thus, for example, the ustabashi (the chairperson – a.n.) of the leather guild in Stara Zagora “… did not want to give an ear to the disputes and quarrels between the tinsmiths (a craft, practised by the “Turkish” gypsies – a.n.), and he only contented himself to chase them away by yelling: “Ha, get away of my head, chengeneler!” (Ilkov 1908: 106). During the wedding ceremony “Bulgarian” gypsies keep the Christian customs – an orthodox priest marries the bride and groom. “Turkish” gypsy brides henna their hands. In the village of Enina, Kazanluk region, a Moslem gypsy Kayata has got “a harem of two wives”. The marriage, however, between Christian and Moslem gypsies is hardly accepted, that is why the priest Mincho applies any means – beating, blackmail, deceit, in order to foil the marriage between the cheribashi Alikoch, a Moslem gypsy man and Raika Eneva, a Christian gypsy woman. At the same time a great honour is shown to the priest Mincho’s father by being invited to become a best man of a Demirdjís’ wedding.

“The domestic demirdjí old man Dimitar engaged his son Atanas to grandfather Enyo’s daughter Zlata from Shahpazlii (today: Yastrebovo, Stara Zagora region). Cause they didn’t have a best man, they invited my father to become the one and he accepted…” (Kunchev 1983: 127).

9 Unit of weight, equal to 1225 gr.

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Sedentaries (Yerlií) and nomads (Katunari) stay away from both religious communities. The sedentaries are in the towns (being mainly craftsmen) – in ХІХ c. they have already specified quarters in farming lands or in certain villages (where they deal with field farming).

An independent group are The Lingurari (Bear-leaders), who together with their camp and bears travel around the villages and towns and appear in the fun fairs. Similar attractions could be seen at the Stara Zagora Sur fair: “By the way, our parents took us to the Sur fair to watch how monkeys and bears are made dance or play tricks. Sometimes, for a farthing, they put us up a big bear, by at the same time the bear-leader gave us a little fur against bad spells” (superstition kept up to now) (Toshev 1935: 4).

About some nomadic linguri (Bear-leaders), settled for short time in the beginning of 60s of ХІХ c. in the village of Arabadjievo, the priest Mincho writes: “This year some rich linguri took the village, tied their bears up and a man doesn’t dare to pass by their tents. These linguri also held eight weddings, which were married by us – the old priest Paskal Zhelev and me” (Kunchev 1983: 179).

Another classification, according to which the gypsy groups are divided, is their professional specialization. In the various archive materials for the region Stara Zagora, fourteen crafts practised by them are enumerated, by in the most of cases the fact if they are “Bulgarian” or “Turkish” gypsies is highlighted.

The examples considered up to now are only a part of the documentary registered gypsy presence in Stara Zagora region in the period of Ottoman domination. They are a kind of testimonies that this ethnos found its place within the organized and changeable social system.

Other, too indicative and to a great extent authentic evidences for early gypsy presence in the region, is data from the historical geography. On one hand, this is the toponimy, and on the other, archaelogical artefacts – the language, by which the land informs us about its past.

Maybe namely the toponyms in a most exact and flawless way inform us about what kind of people existed in more compact masses, which areas they inhabited and what were their directions of migration.

And because in the Bulgarian lands different ethnoses have lived, as well as separate tribal groups, among the numerous and diverse names of settlements, rivers, mountains, etc., there remained quite a few toponyms, originating from the ethnoses’ proper names (Mikov 1943:17, 23, 1-5-106).

Other reliable sources are the archaelogical vestiges, which have been kept unviolated in the earth depths in the course of centuries, or even millenniums. Today in their own typical way they fill out the story about the past

Toponimy is one of the most important sources of historical geography in each region. Since its origin the toponym bears much information. In the process of its existing a part of the information is gradually getting lost, the situation of its origination is forgotten. Then follows a process of transformation and alteration until reaching to the so called folk etimology, which in many cases is interesting from an ethno-cultural point of view (Kovachev 1987: 17).

A great number of toponyms, linked with the gypsy ethnos, could be seen in the village of Pustrovo, Chirpan region. Very typical is the fact that all of them are situated in one area – the “Gypsy hillock” – probably this had been the region of their domicile for very long years. Here are “Gypsy field”, “Gypsy ravine”, “Gypsy egrék” (from Turkish: summer sheep-pen) (Tachev 2003: 212). 6 km to the north of

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the village the place “The dead gypsy man” is. At a folklore level a tale is told about the death of a gypsy charcoal-burner (Pavlova 2005:361). A Vladalo10 from 1880 points out that in the vicinity of today’s Oryahovica village, Stara Zagora region, there is a land called “Chengene konàk”, and near Byalo pole village “The Chengelev’s well” is famous. In the Chirpan area there are the places “Gypsy gerén” – barren, hard and stony land, “Gypsy foliage”, “Chingené bair” (a hill near the gypsy mahala in the town) and “Gypsy grave” (Subchev 1938: 47, 209; Pavlova 2005: 365-368). “Gypsies’ graveyard”, graves or a grave are located by v. Byalo pole and v. Dulboki, Stara Zagora region, as well as v. Yazdach and v. Vinarovo, Chirpan region. In all these terrains vestiges of necropolises are found. To the south of v. Zlatna livada, Chirpan region, a low natural hill with shrubbery bears the name “Gypsy hill”. On the territory of “Gypsy hill” near Gita village, region of Chirpan, the natives often find ceramic pottery, an evidence for the presence of an old settlement. The place “The gypsy woman” is situated to the south of Stoyan Zaimovo village, Chirpan region, and today is a hill with low forest. The lands named “Gypsy bilyuk” (from Turkish: “multitude”, “a large number”) and located to the north-west of v. Gita, are said that once the Turks would give these lands for use to the domestic gypsies (Pavlova 2005: 29, 367-368).

The most toponyms generate from possessive adjectives and nouns and bear their names by ethnonym. These are connected with the material culture and historical experience of the native gypsy population (f.ex. the upper-mentioned “The Chengelev’s well” near Byalo pole, “Gypsy egrék” near Pustrovo, and others). Some of them indicate sacred places (f.ex. “Gypsies’ graveyard” by v. Yazdach, and v. Dulboki). Others mark geographic and natural datum (f.ex. the place “Gypsy gerén” near Chirpan, “Gypsy hillock” near v. Pustrovo, “Gypsy hill” near v. Zlatna livada, Chirpan region). The third are connected with a certain happening or event (“The dead gypsy man” near Pustrovo).

One decade after another in the place “Sinanski (Karasinanski) cemetery”, situated 2.5 km to the east of Рупките village, Chirpan region and 0.2 km from the area of “Kaleto”, the native inhabitants find remnants of pots and skeletons. The archaeological excavations made in the season 2003-2004 confirm the presence of necropolis and gives interesting information about the funerals. The necropolis is vast and located on area of about 12-15 decares on low, non-/out-of-bay ledge on the left bank of Starata river. Soil is stony, infertile, the place is naturally unprotected. Terrain is appointed for and used as necropolis for a couple of millenniums. The funerals discovered are since four different periods – the earliest ones are since the late Iron Age (VІІІ-ІV c. BC), then are these since VІ century, since the late Middle Ages (ХІ-ХІІ c.) and since the time of Ottoman domination (end of ХVІ-ХVІІІ c.). There is not continuity between the periods. From the latest funerals more than 50 graves are investigated – these are pits, dug in the embankment or in hard land. The depth of digging-in is different, varying from 0.50 m to 1.20 m of the now existing surface. There is no system in the graves disposition, except at the earlier necropolis since VІ century, where the graves are arranged in rows. This presumes different periodicity of their digging up. The grave facilities have irregular rectangular shape with rounded edges and there is no construction of stones in any of them. Only in five or six of the graves vestiges are found from wooden beams, which were used for covering. The funereal rite is accomplished wth laying of corpse without coffin, directly in the pit. The common

10 Turkish document of land ownership.

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orientation of the necropolis is according to the Christian custom – west (head) – east (legs), but in these graves there are very big deviations. They reach up to 35-38° from northeast to southeast. The position of the arms is different – both laid beside the corpse; one lying beside the corpse, and the other folded over the pelvis; the least of funerals are characterized with both arms folded on the breast. There is almost lack of funereal gifts and tissue vestiges. Dating is done by means of stratigraphy and the dug-up Turkish coins, one of which is inserted in the mouth of the deceased (the so called “Haron’s obolus” – a coin, by which the late shall pay for his way across the river of dead) and three earrings from copper wire in very bad condition. During the excavations no signs of memorial rituals – embers, animals’ bones, etc., are found. For example, with the graves since VІ c. in the same necropolis, skulls of goat heads are dug up (Yankov 2005: 77).

From the period of the late Middle Ages and Ottoman domination other excavated necropolises exist, too. The closest to the upper-described, which could be used for comparison, is located in the area of “Maritza East” complex (near Mednikarovo village). Here the funerals date from ХV-ХVІ c. and are Christian, too. The canon from that time is observed – orientation is almost without deviation: west – east, the arms are folded over the chest. The graves are more compact, ordered one by one, by the inner area around the head and legs being often constructed of stones.

The biggest distinction from the graves in “Sinanski cemetery” is the presence of multiple funereal gifts – from the 16 excavated graves there are 10 having ceramic pottery, ornaments, iron objects, tissue remains (Yankov 1991: 119-121).

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The archaeological excavations give grounds to the specialists to consider the graves in this latest necropolis being gypsy. The arguments in favour of this supposition are the following: - the native inhabitants associate the name “Sinanski (Karasinanski) cemetery” with gypsies- there is no discovered settlement from the late Middle Ages and Ottoman period in this region, and the necropolises of the neighbouring villages (Rupkite and Svoboda) are located in other places- the funerals do not belong to of non-Moslem population, but probably to Christian. There are no marks of Moslem customs – most of all, the graves with alcoves, very typical for this religion, miss.- in many aspects, there are deviations from the accepted canon, typical for other Christian necropolises of the same period – the graves do not have a definite laying out, but are scattered in a desultory way; there are no stone constructions from their inner sides; there is a lack of any funereal gifts and signs of memorial rites. - the artefacts give grounds to the investigators of the necropolis to think that in this latest period it was periodically used by “nomadic non-Moslem population”. In these centuries the written sources show that these were only the gypsies.

Stable vestiges the gypsies bequeath also in the folklore culture of the Bulgarians. The long-lasting common life between the ethnoses has an effect also on their spiritual culture, traditions, rites and customs. Most often the summarized appearance of the ethnos fits into the folk literature or in certain custom, and reflects the social hierarchy. A typical example in this respect is the Bulgarian image formed on the gypsies’ mentality.

In Bulgarian vocal folklore a place for the gypsy woman is assigned – she is not only swarthy and ugly, but she is also imputed to have abilities of a sorcerer and holder of magic powers, being acquainted with any charming herbs, which could help not only to bring lovers together, but to split up an already started family (Stoin 1928: No:1414). The image of the gypsy woman is impressing with its fearfulness and it is personified in the Bulgarians’ idea of one of the most dreadful diseases – “black death”. In the traditional people’s notions she is dark, bare-headed, with dishevelled hair, shabby, carrying a cudgel (Stoin 1928: No:1441; Slaveykov 1925: 107; CFB 1963: 342, No:29).

The images of gypsy man and woman are widely practised all over the masquerade ritualism as a token of the folk belief in their supernatural magic abilities.

In the mummer's games, whose semantic designation is directed to ensuring the fruitfulness, well-being and acquisition of new social statute for the young people participating in them, the gypsies’ characters are a method of touching the “other”, the great beyond, the world of the evil spirits. In the games of the “old people” and “mummers” from the settlements in the foothills of Stara planina – Gabarevo, Pavel banya, Osetenovo, Tuja, Turiya, Dunavtzi, etc., the bear and bear-leader are typical gypsy images.

The rite, in which participants are trodden on by a bear or a person from the audience, is related to the strong belief in the healing power of this action (Marinov 1914: 377; Petkov 1978; RHM – Stara Zagora 44).

In the mummer’s games in the v. Turiya, Kazanluk region the gypsy characters take a central place. They lead with them a “gypsy woman”, who according to the ancient ritual shall be inseminated and to give birth to a child. The

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insemination itself is accomplished by one of “the gypsies”, who carries a yarn-beam having a symbolical meaning. In some of the games childbirth happens up on a tree, which represents a peculiar allegory of the fertility.

Also a gypsy is the leader of the killed camel, which later comes to life – a symbol of eternal circle between death and resurrection; together with the man are his woman and their young child (Kraev 1979: 154-155). The participants are dressed in old, ragged and scruffy garments, with dirty and painted black faces, often barefoot, and some carrying bags and cudgels – all of these being elements from the real life of the ethnos.

Belief in the supernatural abilities of the gypsies predestines to them a place in some traditional Bulgarian rites. One of them is lighting a new, life-giving fire. Similarly to the earth and water, fire is especially respected in Bulgarian peasant beliefs. It is considered to have magic, purgative, protective and profilactic ability. The folk belief recommends the fire in the fireside shall never go out, because it is a bad sign both for the house, and for the family. During the day it shall burn, and at night shall be carefully covered with ash to be kept from going out. The tradition demands that once per year in every house of the settlement the old fire to be extinguished and a new and vivid one to be lit in its place (Marinov 1914: 42). In Chirpan region main dramatis personae for lighting the new fire are the gypsy-blacksmith and his woman. The new fire is lit in the night on Friday before Saturday. The gypsy man and woman take off all their clothes and begin rubbing two dry timbers, until they kindle. With this fire the dead firesides are lit. As soon as the fire has been lit, the gypsy man begins to forge hot a metal stick above it, about which iron from nine different places has been gathered. Then an old man takes it and goes round the village to sear the cattle for health and rich harvest. After finishing of ritual activities all the people got together for a whole-village kurbàn (offering). They regale the gypsies, give them presents and pay to them (Popov 1991: 66-67).

In the folk consciousness there are various superstitions, related to the gypsies. On one hand, priest Mincho Kunchev does not believe the history about the gypsy Boncho turned into vampire, but on the other, in his opinion the gypsies are precursors of bad events – he has a dream of gypsy women, who are begging, and after that his wife falls ill and dies. And even though according to the folk beliefs

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“coming across a gypsy-man is good sign”, in this case for him it is not like that at all. He interprets his meeting with a gypsy woman and her young gypsy-child as a bad sign at the moment of his detention: “With my going out of the village, the gypsy woman Dimitritza, came across to me, carrying a riddle and leading her young gypsy-child behind her with ruffled hair. I told to myself: “A gypsy woman met me, when I am leaaving the village, but all right, god is good and let his will be!” But when he comes back to his native village after being exiled in Diarbékir, among the first welcomers is his faithful young gypsy Ivan Gyuzelya, who together with Koyu Mravkov caught in his honour 25 oki fresh fish from the rural river (Kunchev 1983: 180-181, 250, 364, 642).

The gypsies as such are present in Bulgarian literature since ХІХ century. Most often, however, they are a synonym of a negative, uncivilized, non-modern tribe. They are strangers and different from the Bulgarian, who relates them with the chaos and evil spirits.

Bakalov, Georgi and Ivan Stoyanov. 1995. History of Bulgaria 681–1960. І, Sofia:AgresBorov, S.P.А. 1970. Tzigane. – Cultural club. Tzarigrad. 6:189-191.CFB 1963. Collection of folklore brainchilds and bibliography. 50. SofiaGeorgiev, Georgi (compiler) 1961. Sources for the history of Bulgarian law. Sofia.Grozdanova, Elena. 2003. Many-sided ways of the peace and war. In: Contrasts and conflicts “behind the camera”. Pages 8-45. Sofia:Gutenberg.Ilkov, Dimitar. 1908. Contribution to the history of Stara Zagora. Plovdiv.Ivanova, Svetlana. 1998. The small confessional communities in the Bulgarian towns in ХVІ and ХVІІ century. In: The Bulgarian ХVІ century. Pages 45-79. Sofia. Kitipov, Petko. 1968. The past of Enina. Sofia.Kovachev, Nikola. 1987. Bulgarian onomastics. Sofia: National culture.Koychev, Nikola. 1997. History of Nova Zagora. Stara Zagora:Kota publishingKolev, Deyan and Teodora Krumova. 2005. Between Scilla and Haribda. On the identity of the millet. Veliko Turnovo:Astatra.Kondarev, Nikola and Nikola Garvalov. 1987. History of Chirpan and Chirpan region. Sofia: National cultureKraev, Georg. 1979. Tipology of the category parody in the mummer’s rite by materials from v. Turiya and v. Pavel banya, Stara Zagora region. In: Folklore, language and national destiny. Pages 144-159. Sofia.Kunchev, priest Mincho. 1983. Vidritza. Sofia:Bulgarian writerMarinov, Dimitur. 1914. Folk faith and religious folk rites. In: Collection of folklore brainchilds, 28:5-290Marushiakova, Elena and Vesselin Popov. 1993. The Gypsies in Bulgaria. SofiaMarushiakova, Elena and Vesselin Popov. 2000. The Gypsies in the Ottoman Empire. Sofia: Kettledrum.Mikov, Vassil. 1943. On the origin and meaning of our towns, villages, rivers, mountains and places names. Sofia.Mihov, Nikola. 1935. The population of Turkey and Bulgaria in ХVIII and ХIХ c. Bibliographic investigations with statistical and ethnographic data. IV. Sofia.Mir 1936. – Central State Historical Archive, f. 526-к, inv. 1, a.u. 1033.

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Pavlov, A. 1912. Economical development and statute of Kazanlîk. In: Kazanlîk in the past and today. I, Pages 287-312. Sofia.Pavlova, Neda 2005. The toponimy of Chirpan region. Sofia:University publishing house “Sveti Kl. Ohridski”Peycheva, Lozanka. 1999. The soul cries – a song comes out. Sofia.Petkov, Marin. 1978. Mummer’s games in Pavel banya. SofiaPopov, Rachko 1991. Saints-twins in the Bulgarian folk calendar. SofiaRegional hystorical museum (RHM) – Stara Zagora 5Sz-SA-44 – Celebrations and customs in Tuzha village, region of Kazanluk.Ruseski, Georgi 1884. Notes on the status of the forests in Stara Zagora department. Statistical almanac of Stara Zagora department for 1884. P. 196-207. Stara Zagora.St. St. Cyril and Methodius National Library – Sofia, Oriental department, f. 95, a.u.23St. St. Cyril and Methodius National Library – Oriental department, 0 - І 140Stoin, Vasil. 1928. Folklore songs from Timok to Vita. SofiaSubchev, Nikola. 1938. History and ethnography of the town of Chirpan. ChirpanStojаnovski, Alexander. 1974. Romite na Balkanskiot poluostrov. Prilozi. Oddelenie za opshtestveni nauki. VІІ, Skopje, 1:32-59.Tachev, Ivan. 2003. Pustrovo. History and destiny of a Bulgarian village. Stara Zagora.Todorov, Nikolay. 1972. The Balkan town from ХV-ХIХ century. Sofia.Todorova, Olga. 2003. „Men’s times”. In: Contrasts and conflicts “behind the camera”. Bulgarian society in ХV-ХVІІІ century. P. 63-153. Sofia:GutenbergToshev, Andrey. 1935. Early memories. SofiaFrench travelogues. 1975. French travelogues for the Balkans ХV-ХVІІІ c. Sofia: Science and ArtHadjigenchev-Bechu, Dimitar. Memories. Manuscript copy. RHM – Stara Zagora 6Sz-AF-126.Vasilev, Stefan. 1923. Foreign travelers across Kazanlîk from the past century. In: Jubilee collection “Iskra”. Pages. 212-222. Kazanlîk. Voaleri, Pier. 2005. Between two worlds. The Bulgarians in Roumelia ХVIII-ХIХ century. Sofia.Yankov, Dimitar. 1991. Medieval Christian necropolises in the region of Maritza East complex. V: Maritza East. Archaeological researches. Sofia І:119-121.Yankov, Dimitar 2005. Reports from ХХV meeting of the archaeologists from Southeastern Bulgaria. Sofia, І:77-78.

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