Gustavo Juan Franceschi and the Jews the Overcoming of Prejudice by an Argentine Prelate

8/12/2019 Gustavo Juan Franceschi and the Jews the Overcoming of Prejudice by an Argentine Prelate

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merican Society of Church History

Gustavo Juan Franceschi and the Jews: The Overcoming of Prejudice by an Argentine PrelateAuthor(s): Allan MetzSource: Church History, Vol. 62, No. 2 (Jun., 1993), pp. 207-220Published by: Cambridge University Presson behalf of the American Society of Church HistoryStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3168144.

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GustavoJuan Franceschiand theJews:TheOvercomingof Prejudiceby an ArgentinePrelate

ALLAN METZThis article seeks to demonstrate how Monsignor GustavoJuan Franceschi(1871-1957) became a friend of the newly created state of Israel when only

twenty years earlier he had maintained that Jews constituted Argentina'smajor political problem. This intellectual transformation will be tracedthrough a consideration of Franceschi'swritings about the Jews. As a promi-nent member of the Catholic church and a strong advocate of Argentinenationalism, his views also reflected the generally ambivalent and suspiciousattitude which that powerful institution held regarding Jews. However,following the devastation of European Jewry during World War II and thecreation of the state of Israel in 1948, Franceschi's opinion of Jews moder-ated, resulting in greater understanding. Before presenting Franceschi'sviews, a consideration of Argentine Catholic nationalism will be provided inorder to place these opinions within a proper context.

1Gustavo Juan Franceschi was part of the Catholic nationalist movementand his attitudes towardJews were shaped by his involvement in this politicalmovement. Catholic nationalism constituted a blend of many intellectualcurrents and social and political groupings in Argentina prior to and duringthe 1920s. It remains a viable religious and political tradition, representing

Argentina's unique contribution to Roman Catholicism. Catholic nationalistshave been most successful as an opposition group, generally in collaborationwith the military. Burdick has defined Catholic nationalism as an ultracon-servative Catholicism...; these Catholics embraced the political goals ofright-wing nationalists and were inspired by the nation's traditionalism,hispanism,and militarism. Later,as the country'spolitical andscapechanged,so too did Catholic nationalism, acquiring new allies with temporary politicalsuccess and an eventual loss of power.

1. M. Burdick, For God and the Fatherland: Religion and Politics in Argentina (Ph.D.diss., Univ. of California, Santa Barbara, 1991), p. 44.

Mr. Metz is assistantprofessorand referencelibrarian in Drury College, Springfield,Missouri.207

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CHURCH HISTORYThe secular precursor to Catholic nationalism was the literary movementknown as traditionalism. Prior to 1914, traditionalism may be described as amixture of federalistnostalgia, hispanismo, ultramontane Catholicism, andliterary modernism. 2 Later, international and national developments al-tered the traditionalists'political position, resulting in their participation in

politics. On the international scene, economic dislocations engendered byWorld War I worsened labor-entrepreneurial relations and the RussianRevolution further enhanced counterrevolutionary sentiments among theArgentine elite. At home, the Union Civica Radical (UCR or Radical Party),the political party of the growing middle class, won the presidential electionof 1916, ending the period of oligarchic political dominance. The generalstrikeofJanuary 1919 and its violent suppression (which included a pogromagainst the Jewish community of Buenos Aires), known as the tragicweek,further induced the traditionaliststo engage in formal politics.3As a result ofthis event, a potent reactionary opposition formed against President HipolitoYrigoyen and his RadicalParty.Due to the fluid political situation, traditionalists soon joined likemindedCatholics and military officers to form a new political and cultural force.Traditionalism also adopted the ideas of nascent economic nationalism.Order and militarism came into vogue with the traditionalists, leading to aconnection with their new allies that lasted over two decades.4 The tradition-alists, however, continued to be marginal to formal politics since the UCRhad maintained its power.From the perspective of Catholic nationalists, the competing ideology ofLiberalism was seen as inimical to public order, with leanings toward laicismand anticlericalism. Thus liberalism was described by one commentator asrepresenting a rejection of all norms; uncertainty; a state which doesnothing. .. life divorced from tradition . . . praising of the rights of man, theFrench Revolution, socialismand communism . . . dominance of intelligence.... The prototype is the petit bourgeois: mediocre, prudent, lacking insacrificial spirit; wanting a tranquil life without complications, sentimentaland insipid, if not cowardly. 5In contrast, nationalism constituted a reli-gious foundation for the moral and legal order; strict norms . .. certainty ofrevealed truth; a state which protects and exacts respect .. . life regulated bycustom, history, tradition and legend . . . subordination of intelligence to the

2. D. Rock, Intellectual Precursors of Conservative Nationalism in Argentina, 1900-1927, HispanicAmericanHistoricalReview67:2 (1987): 299.3. For more detail on the tragic week, see V. Mirelman, The Semana Tragica of 1919 andthe Jews in Argentina, Jewish SocialStudies37:1 (1975): 61-73; A. Metz, Despues de la'Semana Tragica': los intelectuales argentinos y la encuesta de opini6n de 'VidaNuestra' de 1919, Coloquio20 (1989): 65-109.4. Rock, Intellectual Precursors, p. 299.5. P. Snow, PoliticalForces n Argentina (Westport, Conn., 1979), p. 106.

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FRANCESCHIAND THE JEWSprecepts of the Church and to the greatness of the fatherland . . . instead ofwords, concrete deeds realized with ardent enthusiasm.... The prototype isthe cavalier of the crusades: daring, sacrificing, wanting to dominate and toimpose his will for the greater glory, honor and power of the Church and thefatherland. 6These two contrasting perspectives, however idealized, embod-ied forces competing for control of Argentina. From the nationalist point ofview, the objective was the achievement of actual political power.

By the late 1920s, Catholicism in Argentina had become a considerableintellectual force. In 1927, intellectual Catholics like Cesar Pico, ErnestoPalacio, Rodolfo and Julio Irazusta, and Juan Carulla established La NuevaRepuiblica, a major nationalist publication of the time. This publicationsymbolized the emergence of rightist traditionalism seeking a NewDemocracy based on military governance and corporatism and later repre-sented a transition from traditionalism to nationalism. The situation inArgentina, the decline of President Yrigoyen, and events in Europe (forexample, the growth of fascism) all influenced this new ideology.7 CharlesMaurras of France, founder of Action Fran~aise, also had a significantinfluence on Catholic nationalism in Argentina by providing the philosophi-cal basis for a society anchored by order, hierarchy, and authority. Themilitary ruler in Spain, Primo de Rivera, and Benito Mussolini in Italydemonstrated the political potential of fascism. To nationalists, fascism couldcontain the threat of communism and restore the social order. By 1935,Cesar Pico had corresponded with Jacques Maritain following the publica-tion of Maritain'sIntegralHumanism,maintaining that fascism was a respect-able political ideology for Catholics so long as a fascist state would notimpinge on Catholicrights.8The directors of La NuevoRepuiblicaymbolized Catholic nationalism at itsapex, but they constituted a cultural elitist movement and not a politicalparty. They offered an ideology to save Argentina from social disorder, butdid not have the political means to carry it out. However, the new ideologydid resonate with some influential figures such as GeneralJose Uriburu, whoin 1930 led the country's firstmilitary coup. He later acknowledged LaNuevaRepuzblica nd Criterio,another nationalist periodical, for assisting in hispolitical and ideological development. In an interview with Criterio, Uriburudeclared: I always read Criterio, both its articles of doctrine and its politicaleditorials. I am in agreement with the ideas it disseminates and defends.The church and the Catholic nationalists backed Uriburu and supported hisintentions to revamp Argentina's liberal democracy. Uriburu's corporativist

6. Ibid., p. 106-107.7. J. Zurretti, Una nueva historia eclesidsticaArgentina (Buenos Aires, 1972), p. 410.Paraphrased in Burdick, For God and the Fatherland, p. 50.8. C. Pico, Una carta a Jacques Maritain (Buenos Aires, 1935). Paraphrased in Burdick,For God and the Fatherland, p. 50.

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CHURCH HISTORYexperiment of government, however, turned out to be ephemeral (due, inpart, to a lack of widespread public support) and Catholic nationalistscontinued in their quest for a viable politicalbase, finding it in the nationalistbranch of the military.9In sum, the emergence of Argentine nationalism,especially ... its right-wing variant, constituted the necessary political-culturalmatrix for the resurgence of Argentine Catholicism.Catholicintellec-tuals colluded with militaryand civilian elites who were equally sympatheticto the ideas of traditionalism,hispanismo, corporatism,and economic nation-alism, converging into what is ... called Catholicnationalism. l?Thus in the course of the early 1930s it became increasingly evident inArgentina that the old nationalism of prior decades had abandoned itsatheism for a fervent Catholicism, whose proponents included GustavoJ.Franceschi. These ultra right-wing Catholic nationalists were also vehe-mently anti-Semitic. Julio Meinvielle and Gustavo Martinez Zuviria (aliasHugo Wast) were the most visible advocates in this branch of Catholicnationalism.Their campaign of hatred directed against the Jews in the 1930sleft a legacy for later rabid anti-Semites. Meinvielle, for example, influencedanti-Semiticgroups popular in the 1960s like Tacuara and Guardia Restau-radora Nacionalista. According to Meinvielle in El judio, Protestantism, theFrench Revolution, and communism had their origins in the antichrist, thatis, Judaism.ll His distorted vision of history led him to apply its lesson toArgentina. He believed, for example, that the Jews controlled finances, thewheat and flax trades, as well as major industries. Meinvielle believed that inthe ideal national Christian state, there was no place for the Jews. Theprocess of Argentina's purification and expiation prohibited any trace of

Jewishprofanity n his corporativist falangist state.Both Meinvielle and Franceschi rejected totalitarianism, but acceptedauthoritarian forms of government which shared power with the Catholicchurch. However, there were some differences between the two figures.Franceschiwas much less intransigent and dogmatic than Meinvielle. In the1930s, although Franceschi shared some of Meinvielle's anti-Semitic atti-tudes, the former often opposed virulent anti-Semitism and denounced Nazimeasures against Jews.12And by the advent of World War II, Franceschi,despite his antiliberalism,condemned the persecution of theJews, and by the1950s he visited Israel. Nevertheless Franceschi still wrote in 1933 that theJews were responsible for causing the hatred directed against them, thereby

9. Burdick, For God and the Fatherland, pp. 44-51. The Uriburu quotation is on page51.10. Ibid., pp. 68-69.11. J. Meinvielle, Eljudio (Buenos Aires, 1936).12. M. Navarra Gerarsi, Losnacionalistas,trans. A. Ciria (Buenos Aires, 1967), p. 117.

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FRANCESCHI AND THE JEWSawakeningamong Argentines hopes forvengeance and plansof expulsion. 13There was nothing new about the attacks of Meinvielle and Franceschi

against the Jews. Much of Argentine right-wing nationalism had been anti-Semitic since the beginnings of the movement in the 1920s. Mostnationalists,however, did not view themselves as anti-Semitic. Rather, their anti-Jewishstance was based on their conviction that the communists were predominantin theJewish community, reinforced by the factthat manyJewish immigrantswere from Russia.14The uncertainty engendered by the political facade of democracy, that is,the crisisof Argentine liberalism, deteriorating economic conditions, andpopular demands from the masses and workers, led nationalists to seekscapegoats to explain Argentina'sinternal problems.15Throughout the 1930sirrational anti-Semitism replaced all rational thinking in an obsessive searchfor theJewish conspiracy. Besides Jews, such diverse groups as capitalists,communists, entrepreneurs, workers, liberals, atheists, masons, and intellec-tuals were also perceived as a nefarious threat. Carlos M. Silveyra,director ofthe anti-Semiticmagazine Clarinidad,n May 1937 labeled them as thatarmyof vermin, composed of apparently heterogeneous forces. This allegedthreat wasused as an excuse to rationalize the contradictions and inconsisten-cies of Argentine nationalism and the fanaticism of right-wing Catholicism.The pretext for anti-Semitismwas stillanticommunism (thatis, anticommu-nist hatred), but in the 1930s racist theories became more pronounced.Martinez Zuviria's anti-Semitic works displayed both anticommunist andanti-Semitic hatred. For example, the major premise of his BuenosAires,futura Babilonia,which later served as the preface to the novel El Kahal/Oro,was that a Jewish question existed in Argentina and that Buenos Airescould end up being the capital of a future kingdom of Israel via Jewishimperialism. 16The arguments contained in Martinez Zuviria'santi-Semiticliterary works were expanded by later nationalists, ranging from the ridicu-lous Andinia Plan, conjured up by Walter Beveraggi Allende (a formerlegislator and professor of political economy at the University of BuenosAires who alleged that an international Zionist-communist conspiracy waspreparing to establish aJewish state named Andinia in the Southern Argen-tine region of Patagonia), to more sophisticated versions presented byMarianoGrondona in the magazine CartaPolitica. In 1935 Franceschihailed

13. G.J. Franceschi, Como se prepara una revoluci6n, Criterio289 (14 Sept. 1933): 30; L.Senkman, Elnacionalismo argentino y losjudios, Nueva Presencia,3 September 1977,p. 6.14. M. Navarra Gerarsi, Losnacionalistas,p. 117.15. For more on the crisis of Argentine liberalism, see L. Senkman, La identidadudia en laliteraturaargentina(Buenos Aires, 1983), pp. 199-224.16. H. Wast, Buenos Aires,futura Babilonia (Buenos Aires, 1935); H. Wast, El Kahal/Oro(Santiago, Chile, 1935).

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CHURCH HISTORYthe publication of MartinezZuviria'sEl Kahal/Orobecause this work demon-strated the seriousness of the threat of de-Argentinization which hoveredover Argentina.17 Perhaps the pretext of this alleged threat with its underly-ing anti-Semitism was considered necessary to reinvigorate what had been alagging nationalism.18

2.GustavoJuan Franceschiwas a priest, writer, philosopher, and sociologistwho was a major figure in the Argentine church in the first half of this

century. Originally from France, he immigrated to Argentina in 1886 andattained citizenship. Prior to entering the priesthood in 1902, he already hadmade a name for himself as an oceanographer and accomplished writer.Following his ordination, he became a superb preacher, especially emphasiz-ing Christian social doctrine. Franceschi was chaplain of the El Carmenchapel for three decades, during which time he also was secretary of theArgentine Social League, an organization whose goal wasto sustain Christianvalues in society. In addition, Franceschi often acted as chaplain for thenational prison and served as clericaladviser to the Catholic Students' Centerand the Catholic Teachers' Union. He was director of the publicationJusticiasocial and a frequent contributor to El Trabajo, he organ of the CatholicWorkers' Group. Franceschi began teaching philosophy at the CatholicUniversity of Buenos Aires in 1916 and from 1917 to 1941 taught sociologyand Catholic social thought at the seminario conciliar of Buenos Aires. From1933 until his death in 1957, Franceschi was director of the Catholic weeklyCriterio, ounded in March 1928, and he contributed numerous articles andcommentaries to it. Franceschi's writings had a wide readership amongintellectuals and the general public and were characterizedby a clear writingstyle on a wide variety of subjects. In all his work, Franceschi demonstratedhis abilities as a theologian, moralist, philosopher, and historian who alwayswas knowledgeable of his subjects. He was greatly influenced by Frenchthought and he proved very adept at relating it to Argentine conditions. Inaddition, Franceschiwas a canon of the cathedral and was named a domesticprelate in 1933. He was very successful in disseminating Catholic doctrineand defending the church's interests.19Franceschiwas a major figure of theCatholic and Argentine scene in addition to having been a discerning writer,

17. G. J. Franceschi, review of El Kahal/Oro, by H. Wast, in Criterio382 (27 June 1935):203-204.18. Senkman, El nacionalismo, p. 6.19. New CatholicEncyclopedia,18 vols., 1967, s.v. Franceschi, Gustavo Juan, vol. 6; D.Abad de Santillan, Granenciclopedia rgentina, 8 vols. (Buenos Aires, 1956), 3: 387-388.

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FRANCESCHI AND THE JEWSa talented essayist on a wide variety of topics, and a man of well articulatedideas and firm convictions.20

Franceschi, therefore, was the most well-known of all right-wing clergydue to his prominence in Argentine Catholicism and to his editorship ofCriterio.Due to Franceschi's high profile, he was subject to criticism fromliberals within and outside ofArgentina. However, historianJohn H. Kennedydefended Father Franceschi from accusations that he was antidemocratic bymaintaining that his political writings did not indicate conclusively theintention to overthrow the existing order and implant in Argentina a dictator-ship of the right. 21Kennedy conceded that Franceschi supported Franco-style fascism and falangism, but concluded that characterizations of theArgentine clergy as profascist have never been substantiated.22According toKennedy, these charges have been frequently made by liberals both withinArgentina and internationally, notjust regarding Franceschi,but against therightist clergy as well. If these charges of profascism meant that Franceschiand the right-wing clergy were direct supporters of fascism, they would beprobably untrue. Yet in the 1930s the term fascist was vaguely defined asone who advocated an antidemocratic and proauthoritarian ideology, or onewho was against granting the lower classes a greater say in government. Atendency to group together under the name 'Fascist' a large number ofdifferent movements which have in common an antipathy both to theestablished methods of parliamentarianismand to all forms of Socialism andCommunism is pertinent to the charges made in the 1930s and also appliesto clergy like Franceschi and Meinvielle.23While Franceschi did not condonethe fall of constitutional government, since the church refused to recognize aresort to revolution, he clearly did state that democracy was an unacceptablesystem of government due to its inherently liberal philosophy, and aCatholic cannot be a Liberal. 24Franceschi argued that liberalism precipi-tated such catastrophes as class conflict, economic dictatorship, politicalinstability, social chaos, imperialism, revolution, monopolies, and war.25Franceschiwasvery clear about these forms of government. Communism forFranceschi was the exteriorization of evil; its triumph would be God'spunishment for humanity for a second time, definitely condemning it to

20. Israel isto orojosargentinosBuenosAires,1960),p. 66.21. J. Kennedy, Catholicism,Nationalism, and Democracy n Argentina (Notre Dame, Ind.,1938), p. 177.22. Ibid., p. 180.23. G. D. H. and M. Cole, A GuidetoModernPolitics (New York, 1934), p. 63.24. G. J. Franceschi, Totalitarismo, liberalismo,catolicismo (Buenos Aires, 1940), p. 82.Citations in notes 24-33 are quoted and/or paraphrased in M. Navarra Gerarsi,Argentine Nationalism of the Right: The History of an Ideological Development,1930-1946 (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1964), pp. 108-110. G. J. Franceschi,Totalitarismo,iberalismo, atolicismo,p. 34.25. Ibid., p. 36.

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CHURCH HISTORYdegradation, returning it to its miserable, primitive conditions. 26 He alsorejected Nazism because of its emphasis on the supremacy of the state anddisavowal of religion.27 Franceschi rejected fascism for the same reasons,although he was very sympathetic to Mussolini.28Thus, like Meinvielle,Franceschi evaluated forms of government according to the role played bythe church in them. He believed that fascism, National Socialism, andcommunism created godless societies since they were diametricallyop-posed to Thomist teaching because in it not only all the men, but the totalityof each man is encompassed in the State. 29 Franceschi rejected theseregimes not because they were totalitarian,but because they were totalitarianin a way he did not approve of by not making a provision for religion.30Falangism, Franceschibelieved, merited full acceptance since it provided thechurch with a majorrole in society.The anti-Semitismof Meinviellewas also reflected in Franceschi'sthought.While Franceschi frequently emphasized his opposition to virulent anti-Semitism and disagreed with Nazi treatment of the Jews, he nonethelessnoted that Argentine Jews were responsible for provoking anger and apassionate reaction. 31The prelate described Argentina as a nation undergo-ing an implacable Semitic penetration which ruined whole branches ofindustry, swallowed up land to have it worked under intolerable conditions,united everywhere against non-Jews, participated in extremist movements,and was noticeably pornographic in its propaganda.32These views were not held by the leftist branch of the Catholic church,whose most representative spokesperson was Monsignor Miguel de Andrea.This faction, however, restricted its activities essentially to social work.Besides being more vocal, the right controlled a majority of the Catholicmedia, ranging from publishing firms to periodicals like Criterio. Moreover,the left was hesitant to contest the right too publicly due to the emotionsgenerated by the Spanish Civil War, in which a link had been establishedbetween the Catholic church and falangism.33In sum, Argentine Catholicscrystallizedinto two groups: the predominant conservative nationalistfactionand the minority liberal-leaning faction. Of a conservative origin and despiteantipopular and fascist origin, the nationalists would advocate a hispanictradition and Christian values in order to secure popular ideological loyal-ty.34While Franceschi and other rightist nationalist clergy did not advocate26. Criterio253 (5 Jan. 1933): 261.27. Criterio290 (21 Sept. 1933): 55.28. Criterio314 (8 Mar. 1934): 221.29. G.J. Franceschi, Totalitarismo,iberalismo, atolicismo,p. 14.30. Criterio335 (2 Aug. 1934): 319.31. Criterio283 (14 Sept. 1933): 30.32. Ibid.33. M. Navarro Gerarsi, Argentine Nationalism of the Right, pp. 110-111.34. G. Farrel, Iglesiaypuebloen Argentina,1860-1974 (Buenos Aires, 1976), p. 98.

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FRANCESCHI AND THE JEWSdemocracy's violent downfall, by their clear antidemocratic stance and ap-proval of authoritarian regimes which favored the church, they did helpundermine faith in democracy and enhance the strength of the nationalistmovement with which it had so much in common.

3.Franceschi's ambivalence toward Jews has been noted above. The anti-Semitic tone of Franceschi'swritings was clear throughout the 1930s. Follow-

ing World War II, however, perhaps due to Jewish suffering in the Holo-caust, Franceschi developed a more conciliatory position which continueduntil his death in 1957, as reflected in visits he made to Israel in the 1950sand comments published thereafter. As will be pointed out, though, even inhis later stage of thought regarding the Jews, Franceschi could still revert toprevious negative attitudes.The origins of Franceschi's attitudes towardJews can be traced to the earlypart of this century. In the immediate aftermath of the tragic week of 1919,Franceschiplaced most of the blame for this event on Hebrews ... who werethe first in the Argentine Republic to sow revolutionary doctrines. 35Areference Franceschi made to Jews in September 1933 reflected a shift inArgentine nationalistthought from a linkage ofJews with bolshevism in 1919to one of economic issues. This newer linkage included Jewish economic andfinancialdomination, which replaced purely politicalconsiderations, attribut-able to economic woes brought on by the Great Depression. For example,Franceschi decried what he termed the implacableJewish penetration of theArgentine economy, which infected entire industries, monopolized andexploited the agricultural sector, and paid workers starvationwages.36Franceschi elaborated on this and other related themes in his December1933 Criterioarticle on anti-Semitism, which constituted a very importantstatement on this subject and will be highlighted below. Franceschi believedthat theJewish question was a complex issue which had no easy solutions andwould continue to have serious implications for Argentina. He related thatwhen he became a priest just after the turn of the century, anti-Semitism didnot exist as a social phenomenon. While there were a few isolated voiceswho warned of a gradual Jewish penetration of the country, they weredismissed as retrograde by liberals who had encouraged a policy of massimmigration. According to Franceschi, the first overt manifestation of anti-Semitism occurred with the tragic week, as a reaction to Jewish immigrationand a linkage of Jews with communists, since many Jews came from Russia.

35. G. J. Franceschi in El Pueblo, 26 Jan. 1919; S. McGee Deutsch, The Argentine Rightand the Jews, 1910-1933, Journal of Latin AmericanStudies18:1 (1986): 118.36. G. J. Franceschi, Como se prepara una revoluci6n, pp. 30-31; Deutsch, TheArgentine Right and the Jews, p. 128.

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CHURCH HISTORYWith this Jewish influx, Buenos Aires had become one of the Jewish capitalsof the world, and Franceschi believed that there were more Jews in Argen-tina than in both France and Italy combined.37 Franceschi also believed thatthe number ofJews already living in Argentina was excessive and he notedthat the Argentine Catholic nationalist writer Manuel Galvez had also pointedthis out years earlier.38 Franceschi termed this influx of Jewish immigrationas a Hebrew invasion, which provoked a new anti-Semitism manifestingitself not in violence, but in numerous anti-Jewish writings. Thus, it wasimpossible to deny that the Jewish problem is the order of the day in theArgentine Republic. 39

Franceschi continued to express hostility toward Jews in 1935, particularlyin opposition to potential immigration of German Jews to Argentina. As hehad done in the past, Franceschi through his writings in Criterio created ahostile atmosphere for Jews. This contributed to the failure of a May 1935mission by James G. McDonald, the League of Nations high commissioner forrefugees from Germany, to secure a concrete agreement from the Argentinegovernment to admit more Jews into the country. Franceschi feared thatmore Jews would threaten Argentina's uniqueness as a predominantly His-pano-Catholic nation.40A commentary in the 24 November 1938 issue of Criterio attempted tosummarize that publication's (Franceschi's) position on the Jewish questionin the previous five years. Franceschi maintained that a review of writings inCriterio from 1933 to 1938 on the Jewish question would reveal a consistentattitude in response to alleged Jewish actions and influence inimical toArgentine national and spiritual interests (such as perceived Jewish threatsto Hispano-Catholic Argentine identity). This defensive posture, the commen-tary assured, would consist in legitimate means which respected humandignity and should not, therefore, be interpreted as reflecting an anti-Semiticattitude since no hatred was involved. Our opposition to Judaism is anopposition of Christian order which openly and categorically repudiateseven a hint of any racial or totalitarian doctrine. Criterio'sposition regarding37. Franceschi's claim was not supported by the facts. According to TheAmerican ewishYearBook,the Jewish population in Argentina was 215,000 in 1933 (or 1.81 percent of thetotal population) while the number of Jews in France was estimated at 225,000 andItaly, based on a census, at 47,435, both for 1931 (which were the nearest availablefigures to 1933). Thus the combined totals for Jews in France and Italy were 322,435compared to Argentina's 215,000. See Statistics of Jews: Jewish Population of theWorld, AmericanJewish YearBook, ed., H. Schneiderman (Philadelphia, 1935), pp.359-360.38. M. Galvez, Antisemitismo, Criterio 239 (29 Sept. 1932): 300-302. Galvez outdidFranceschi by greatly exaggerating the Jewish population in Argentina, citing a figureof 800,000.39. G.J. Franceschi, Antisemitismo, Criterio301 (7 Dec. 1933): 317-321.40. G.J. Franceschi, Governar es poblar, Criterio376 (16 May 1935): 1.

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FRANCESCHIAND THE JEWSthe Jewish question was one of charity andjustice, Franceschi insisted. Thus,Criterioprotested against the brutal persecution of Jews by Nazi Germany,such as Kristalnacht.41

Franceschi'sanalysisofJewish matters continued the following year.At theclose of an extensive six-part series written in 1939 on TheJewish Problem,Franceschi reached some conclusions especially concerning Argentina. Racistsolutions to the Jewish problem should be, and had been, rejected outrightbecause they were unjust,anti-Christian,and useless. Unjust, because theyignored legitimately acquired rights and violated human dignity. Anti-Christian, since they contradicted both the dogmatic and moral principles ofCatholic doctrine. And useless, because history demonstrated that attemptsto destroy or vanquish the Jews always failed. Another theme Franceschiaddressed in this series was the position of the church vis-a-vis the Jews,which he summarized in three main points: 1) a respect for the Jew andmatters related to him; 2) the need to prevent the Jew from having adeleterious effect on Christianconscience through his propaganda or acts ;and 3) a prohibition of Jews to attain leadership positions since this wouldlead to an inevitable dechristianizationof society. In other words, while it wasimperative to maintain the human dignity of the Jew, it also was vitallyimportant to preserve the Christian nature of Argentine society by, forexample, insisting that the president be Catholic. Franceschi closed bywondering when the antipathy between Jews and Christians would beresolved and then he answered his rhetorical question in theological, eveneschatological terms: When the oration of the saints, urging the days ofmercy, will open the eyes of Israel. 42Just as Franceschi had written a series on the Jews in the pivotal year of1939, he wrote another article on anti-Semitism in the critical year of 1945,which reflected a more understanding, less critical attitude, attributable inpart to the Jewish persecution during World War II. Franceschi referred torecent anti-Semitic outbreaks in Argentina which he viewed as an intrinsicevil and incompatible with true Catholicism. 43Franceschi then proceededto define anti-Semitism and its two major manifestations. It was the hatred,the hostility toward the Semite, and especially the Jew, not due to a certaindefect which one or more individuals of this ancestry has, but only for being

41. Dos pesas, dos medidas, Criterio560 (24 Nov. 1938): 315-316.42. G.J. Franceschi, Elproblemajudio, VI, Criterio593 (13 July 1939): 245-250. The fiveother articles in this series under the same title were in the following issues of Criterio:587 (1 June 1939): 101-105; 588 (9 June 1939): 125-130; 589 (15 June 1939):149-154; 590 (22June 1939): 173-178; 592 (6July 1939): 221-226.43. Franceschi's reference to recent anti-Semitism probably referred to incidents whichtook place during Juan Per6n's presidential campaign in late November throughmid-December 1945.

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CHURCH HISTORYmembers of it. Its two forms, occurring at times simultaneously and some-times successively,were physical persecution and defamation.44The trend toward more understanding on Franceschi's part vis-a-vis theJews continued into the 1950s. Following a visit to Israel in 1952, Franceschirelated his impressions. He pointed out that the Jews were a unique peoplewho played a special role in world history and that Christians should beaware of the connection between Israel and our own salvation. Franceschirelated that just ten years earlier (1942), the Nazis had attempted thesystematicand brutal destruction of the Jews, who served as the scapegoat ofmodern civilization. Franceschiwondered, considering such a devastation ofhuman life, what other people could have accomplished what theJews had inIsrael in such a relatively short time. Franceschi concluded that Israel wasable to achieve this remarkabletransformationthrough immigration.45Franceschi's second article on his Israeli visit was published in Criterio.Franceschi observed that Israel was the most western of the Middle Easternnations.And while its political institutions (such as ministries,administration,police, and municipal government) were similar to those in every modernstate, Franceschi noted that it was necessary to seek further in order todistinguish Israel from other countries: for example, its unique history,diverse landscape, and certain institutions. These institutions gave impetusto the country's tremendous vitality and fully responded to the Israelimentality of the common good. Franceschi also expressed a legitimateconcern whether Israel as a state and society would be guided by religiousprecepts, reflecting its religious tradition, or if a more or less total secularism(that is, laicism) would prevail. Franceschi similarly was greatly concernedwith secularism and the threat he perceived that it posed to Catholicism inArgentina probably due, at least in part, to an anti-Catholiccampaign from1952 to 1955 conducted by the government of Juan Peron.46It appeared toFranceschi that it was impossible that a civil and a substantially religiousauthority could coexist-a keen insight since this dilemma continues to be amajor issue in contemporary Israel. Franceschi concluded, however, thatIsrael could not survive without its spiritualunderpinnings and tradition.4744. La bestia enfurecida, Criterio 559 (17 Nov. 1938): 288; G. J. Franceschi,Antisemitismo, Criterio925 (6 Dec. 1945): 533-535.45. G. J. Franceschi, Impresiones de oriente (IV): Miradas sobre Israel, Criterio1167 (10July 1952): 469-474.46. New CatholicEncyclopedia,1967, s.v. Argentina. For more on Per6n and the Catholicchurch, see Susana Bianchi, La IglesiaCatolicay el estadoperonista(Buenos Aires, 1988).47. G. J. Franceschi, Impresiones de oriente (V): Miradas sobre Israel (11), Criterio1168(24 July 1952): 507-512.47. Franceschi expressed support for Israel on many occasions. See Solidaridad argentino-israeli, IsraelyAmericaLatina 7:68 (Jan.-Feb. 1956): 8-9; G.J. Franceschi, Odios de losseudo cristianos, Criterio 1252 (26 Jan. 1956): 43-45; G.J. Franceschi, Amar a todoslos humbres, IsraelyAmericaLatina 7:71 (1956): 11-13; G.J. Franceschi, Odios de losseudo cristianos, p. 45; Notas del continente, Israely AmericaLatina 7:72 (1956): 14;

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FRANCESCHI AND THE JEWS4.

Franceschi adopted a more reasonable, understanding attitude towardJews following World WarII, which continued into the 1950s when he visitedIsrael, until his death in 1957. Argentine writer and social/political commen-tator Samuel Tarnopolsky noted that some of Franceschi's earlier opinionson the Jews could have been mistaken for those of Nazi writers. And ifFranceschi did not wish to retract these past statements as a Christianpriest,Tarnopolsky wrote, he should do it inhis dignity as an Argentine. 48Despite his more conciliatory attitude towardJews and Israel, Franceschistill could revert to his previous attitudes toward Jews. Robert Weisbrotobserved that the anti-Semitism of the Argentine Catholic church was sodeeply embedded as to be almost involuntary. To illustrate this point,Weisbrot referred to some remarks made by Franceschi at a 1956 receptionheld in his honor by Dr. Arie L. Kubovy, Israel's ambassador to Argentina.Franceschi had just arrived from a trip in Israel and was introduced mostcordially by Kubovyto an audience of approximately 500 guests at the Israeliembassy. Kubovynoted the magnanimous spiritof the honored guest whoserelationship toward the Jews is not merely one of tolerance, because toler-ance presumes a certain masked deprecation, which no doubt wasunworthyof this famous member of the clergy. As it turned out, however, Franceschi'sremarks were scarcely even tolerant, in Weisbrot'sobservation. He stated inpaternalisticgenerosity that according to Deuteronomy, thechildren shouldnot pay for the sins of the fathers, and so Argentine Catholics will notattempt to make the Jews of today pay for the crucifixion of Christ. Kubovywas dismayed, but Franceschi'spaternalism wasjust one of many instances ofthe church's ambivalence toward acceptingJews on an equal basiswith otherArgentines.49Yet, despite such a lapse, Tarnopolsky described Franceschi as one whohad overcome prejudice. Franceschi became the best friend of the nascentState of Israel in Argentina and received considerable coverage in Jewishmagazines, according to Jorge Mejia,disciple and successor to Franceschi asdirector of Criterio.50And Tarnopolsky related that Franceschi came to Israel,where upon stepping on the land, he knelt, kissed it, and wept. He visitedEurope following the Holocaust. Facing a large tomb of war dead, Frances-chi's remarks, according to Tarnopolsky, should be etched in every syna-gogue and church: There, all are together in death, Jews and Christians.

G. J. Franceschi, Fraternidad judeo cristiana, Israel y AmericaLatina 8:74 (1956):8-11; Notas del continente, Israely AmericaLatina 8:73 (1956): 14; G.J. Franceschi,Tierra llena de recuerdos, IsraelyAmerica Latina 8:76 (1956): 6-7.48. S. Tarnopolsky, Losprejuciadosdehonradaconciencia(Buenos Aires, 1971), p. 113.49. R. Weisbrot, TheJews of Argentina,pp. 218-219; La Luz41: 1034 (16July 1971): 8.50. J. Mejia, Monsefior Gustavo J. Franceschi, Criterio 1288 (25 July 1957): 493; S.Tarnopolsky, LosPrejudicios,p. 113.

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CHURCH HISTORYOver the tomb is raised, on one side, the candelabra of seven arms, and onthe other, a large Christian cross. And this is how we should live; to suffertogether, and if necessary, to die together. Tarnopolsky concluded that thiswas the teaching and the example of a priest. His lesson should not beforgotten. 51In sum, what accounted for the ambiguous nature of Franceschi'schangeof heart? Despite the fact that he had changed his political position vis-a-visthe Jews (as demonstrated by his support for Israel), his theological positionremained problematic-that is, he no longer believed that Jews should bepersecuted for the sins of their fathers, but he continued to view the Jews ascollectively responsible for Christ's death. Whether a moderation of Frances-chi's attitudes towardJews paralleled, on a larger scale, a similar shiftby theVatican is subject to speculation since there is no evidence of a direct linkbetween the two. However, it may be noted that following Israel's indepen-dence a general understanding developed between Israel and the Vaticanregarding Israel'spledge to protect Catholicholy sites in Israeland especiallyJerusalem. (Franceschi himself expressed this concern in his writings aboutIsrael in the 1950s.) In addition, the early post-WorldWar II period into the1950s also witnessed efforts by the Catholic church to modify its liturgy so asto discourage language prejudicial to Jews. So while a connection betweenFranceschi's shift in attitude and developments in Vatican-Jewish/Israelirelations is difficult to ascertain, there was a greater understanding on thepart of both Franceschi and the Vatican in the 1950s, without necessarily acausal relationship between the two.On the other hand, the Arab League in Buenos Aires in the 1950s (andbeyond) charged that holy sites in Israel were being desecrated and that theCatholicchurch waspersecuted there, thus exploiting the fact thatArgentinahad a primarily Catholic population. Moreover, the Catholic church inArgentina historically has not been tolerant of religious pluralism and thiswas reflected in its general opposition to the reforms (including the ecumen-ical movement) of Vatican II. In contemporary times, the Argentine Catholichierarchy continues to be antagonistic toward Jews in general and particu-larly in Argentina. Thus within this specific context, perhaps, the case couldbe made that Franceschi was a pioneer, or at least more the exception thanthe rule, in seeking to improve Christian-Jewishrelations.51. S. Tarnopolsky, Losprejudicios,p. 113.

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