Frontiers of Architectural Research (2014) 3, 468–476

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RESEARCH ARTICLE

Nature of urban interventions in changingthe old center of a globalizing Doha

Remah Y. Ghariba,n, Ashraf M. Salamab

aQatar Faculty of Islamic Studies, Hamad Bin Khalifa University, Education City Qatar Foundation, Doha,QatarbUniversity of Strathclyde, Glasgow, Scotland

Received 6 January 2014; received in revised form 17 June 2014; accepted 17 June 2014

KEYWORDSDoha;Old center;Urban intervention;Change;Socio-spatial impacts;Typo-morphologicalimpacts

org/10.1016/j.foar.2014014. Higher Education P

ing author. Tel.:+974 33resses: rgharib@qfis.eduhotmail.com (R.Y. Ghal.com (A.M. Salama).under responsibility of

AbstractDoha, Qatar is continuously positioning itself at the forefront of international urbanism withdifferent qualities of expression in terms of economy, culture, and global outlook, and ischaracterized by fast-tracked urban development process with large-scale urban interventionsin the old center. Although the unprecedented urban growth of this city continues to be asubject of discussion, little attention has been given to investigate the new interventions andthe resulting effects they have on the old center. This study aims to examine three importanturban interventions, namely, the Museum of Islamic Art, the reconstruction of the traditionalmarket called Souq Waqif, and the Msheireb urban regeneration project. It examines local andglobal issues, universal standard practices, and traditional knowledge. This study employs adescriptive analysis of these interventions to explore the impact of change in the old center,exemplified by socio-spatial and typo-morphological aspects. Reference is made to a number ofempirical studies, including behavioral mapping, GIS population statistics, and analysis ofhistorical maps. Results analytically narrate the reactions of these interventions to thepossibility of simultaneously adopting universal practices with local knowledge, and whetherprioritizing local influences would represent narrow-mindedness in shaping the city.& 2014. Higher Education Press Limited Company. Production and hosting by Elsevier B.V. Allrights reserved.

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1. Introduction

Historically, Doha, Qatar was a fishing and pearl divinghamlet. This city has acquired geostrategic importancesince the discovery and production of liquefied natural gasin the mid-1990s, in addition to oil production. Today, this

n and hosting by Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

Figure 1 The new skyline of a globalizing Doha.(Source: Authors).

1The definition of “Corniche” – a term taken from the Frenchlanguage – is “a road built along a coast or along the face of a cliff”,and it is derived from the Latin word “Corniche” an architecturalterm that designates the top edge of a façade, where it meets the

469Nature of urban interventions in changing the old center of a globalizing Doha

capital city is home to more than 90% of the country's1.8 million people, with over 80% comprising professionalexpatriates from other countries. Doha is portrayed as animportant emerging global capital in the Persian Gulf,characterized by fast-tracked urban development pro-cesses, the highest global connectivity in this region(Wiedmann et al., 2012), and the strong presence of globalflows of capital, people, media, education, and oil and gasindustries (Salama, 2011a) (Figure 1).

After Qatar's national independence in 1971, the Britishconsultant Llewelyn Davis was appointed by the new townplanning authority to design the first master plan of Doha for1990. His plan was based on a ring concept with a cleardefinition and a functional distribution of land uses for eachring, which emphasized the old settlement area as the mainurban center. In the 1970s, the remaining Qatari neighborhoodswere replaced and the indigenous population was relocated tothe new suburban developments (Nagy, 2006). One mainobjective of the plan was to establish a modern city centerto replace the old one. For this purpose, constructing informalcommercial buildings was no longer possible and the lastremaining traditional buildings were demolished to providespace for access roads and multistory developments. The Doha'sprime business and administration center developed in proxi-mity to the old center because of the presence of various officeprojects in areas adjacent to the latter. However, the historicdistrict was home to a rapidly growing immigrant population indensely built areas. The rapid population growth from 89,000 in1970 to over 434,000 in 1997 led to the establishment ofnumerous services outside the old center. Subsequently, newshopping malls in urban peripheries replaced the central retaildistricts, as the old city center witnessed a gradual deteriora-tion process because of the high concentration of housing forlow-income groups (Nagy, 2000). The waterfront with maincommercial and administrative buildings remained the repre-sentative façade. However, the historic city center was exclu-sively used by low-income groups (Ahmadi, 2008). This situationresulted in Doha having no identifiable main center, andexisting urban centers were perceived depending on incomeand cultural backgrounds (Salama, 2011b).

While the unprecedented urban growth of the city continuesto be a subject of discussion, little attention has been given toexamine urban interventions in the old city, including theunderstanding of the resulting impacts these interventionshave on the old center. Therefore, this study aims to examinethree important urban interventions in the old center, namely,the new Museum of Islamic Art, the reconstruction of the

traditional market place called Souq Waqif, and the large-scaleMsheireb urban regeneration project (Figure 2).

This study examines local and global issues, universalstandard practices, and traditional knowledge. Although theobjective is not to compare the three cases, this studyemploys a descriptive analysis of these interventions toexplore the impact of change in the old center, exemplifiedby socio-spatial and typo-morphological aspects. Referenceis made to a number of empirical studies undertaken by theauthors, including surveys of city residents, behavioralmapping, GIS population statistics, and analysis of historicalmaps. This paper concludes with analytical reflections thatnarrate the reactions of these interventions to the questionsof simultaneously addressing local and global issues, adopt-ing universal best practices without ignoring local knowl-edge, and whether prioritizing local influences wouldrepresent narrow-mindedness.

2. Three aspiring levels of urbaninterventions

Three types of change in the city's old center are envi-sioned. Each type represents a level of urban intervention.They are identified in terms of iconic architectural change,where a building or territory is projected to impose a visualand power statement; remanufacturing urban heritage,where an urban intervention engages local knowledge withits technical and social meanings; and iconic urban change,where an urban regeneration intervention integrates tradi-tion and modernity. The three types represent aspirationsthat are typically adopted by rulers and government offi-cials who advocate traditional imaging to impress upon thelocal society their origin and to boast the profile of thecapital city while reacting to global conditions (Figure 3).

2.1. Aspiring image making: the museum ofIslamic art

Designed by I.M. Pei, the Museum of Islamic Art wasinaugurated in 2008. Its 30-hectare site extended the publicrealm along the Corniche1, with a park surrounding its two

Figure 2 The old center of Doha illustrating the sites of the examined three urban interventions.(Source: Google Earth).

R.Y. Gharib, A.M. Salama470

main buildings. The site marks the eastern end of Doha'shistoric settlement and sets an intended juxtaposition withthe opposite waterfront development of West Bay and itshigh-rise cluster. Toward the inland, the museum manifestsits connection to the old part of Doha by its immediateposition at the end of an urban spine facing the old center(Figure 4). Its exposed location has made it visible fromvarious directions, which has led to a certain visual recon-nection between the old center and the waterfront. Thedesign aspiration was to present a new image of the citywhile evoking a new interpretation of the regional heritage(Salama, 2011a). The intervention embraces two cream-colored limestone buildings, a five-story main building, anda two-story Education Wing, all connected across a centralcourtyard. The main building's angular volumes step back asthey rise to an approximately five-story high domed atrium.An oculus at the top of the atrium captures and reflectspatterned light within the faceted dome. The museum parkoffers a green urban context with a site-specific publicartwork titled “7” by internationally acclaimed Americanartist Richard Serra (Al Khemir and Jodidio, 2009). Featuring3 km of lit pedestrian pathways shaded by native palmtrees, the park offers cultural, educational, and recrea-tional programs for people of different age groups andcultural and socio-economic backgrounds. Year-round publicactivities include film screenings, sports events, storytellingprograms, and art workshops.

(footnote continued)roof. It is widely used in the Mediterranean and the Middle East,where new maritime facades were designed in major coastal cities –often by French architects and urbanists – during or followingFrench decolonization.

2.2. Aspiring positioning of traditional knowledge:the Souq Waqif market place

The reconstruction of Souq Waqif represents another man-ifested aspiration of revitalizing the past of a country. Theliteral translation of the area name is “the standingmarket,” a Souq with an old history said to span across200 years. Historically, it contained different types of sub-markets for wholesale and retail trades, with buildingscharacterized by high walls, small windows, and woodenportals, as well as open air stalls for local vendors. Bedouinsused to hold their own markets on Thursdays by sellingtimber and dairy products. The market place was also agathering space for fishermen. The Souq acquired itsimportance not just because of its unique character butalso because of its geostrategic location at the eastern endof the old center: facing the waterfront that was oncecharacterized by the strong presence of fishing boats anddockyards, currently the location of the Museum of IslamicArts and the Emir Ruling Palace. The Souq was the majoraccessible entry point to the old city, called Msheireb Valley.The Souq was derelict and most of its unique buildingsbecame dilapidated because of urban developmentand modernization needs that started in the 1970s andcontinued over a period of three decades from the 1960s(AKDN, 2013). With an initiative from the Private Engineer-ing Office of the Emiri Diwan (the Ruling Palace), the Souqhas acquired a new image by being restored to its originalcondition, including reconstruction and renovation usingauthentic materials and skills. However, although itretained its function, new art galleries, traditional cafesand restaurants, cultural events, and local concerts wereintroduced as new functions, attracting many city residentsand visitors (Figure 5).

Figure 3 The old center of Doha showing the Msheireb urban intervention dominating the scene, with the Museum and the Souq atthe top right corner.(Source: Courtesy and ©Msheireb Properties, 2013).

Figure 4 Generated behavioral maps based on observationperiods at Souq Waqif.(Source: Authors, 2013).

Figure 5 Visitors' activities in the main pedestrian spine ofSouq Waqif.(Source: Authors).

471Nature of urban interventions in changing the old center of a globalizing Doha

2.3. Aspiring place making and urbanregeneration

Within close proximity to Souq Waqif, the Msheireb devel-opment stands as an under construction urban regenerationmega-project on the remains of a historic residential site.The site includes a few intact traditional open courtyardhouses and other deteriorated ones. Decision makers wereconcerned with the way it affects the city's authenticimage. The driving philosophy was to deliver a sustainablemixed-use intervention that reflects Qatari culture andheritage not just by its authentic representation but alsothrough its spatial environment. With a master plan devel-oped by EDAW-AECOM, the initial designs reflect the essenceof traditional architecture in Qatar with state-of-the-arttechnology and urban living quality. The project involves

different dimensions of urban regeneration and serves as anew neighborhood in the old center. The intervention “is toinitiate large-scale, inner-city regeneration that will createa modern Qatari homeland rooted in traditions and to renewa piece of the city where global cultures meet but not melt”(Law and Underwood, 2012:131). Physically, the project isdesigned to reduce the use of cars and to attract locals backto the old center by providing a public realm, with anattempt to integrate local identity and advanced sustain-able technologies. In a harmonious balance, the master planencompasses five main districts, each of which has its owncharacter. Regeneration is accentuated by the reinterpreta-tion of old architectural language and the emphasis oncreating a traditional sense of community while projectinglocal culture and heritage that invoke Doha's earliestphysical and social foundations (Msheireb, 2011).

The three urban interventions introduced in Doha's his-toric center are top-down governed developments, pushed

R.Y. Gharib, A.M. Salama472

for rapid and high quality urban change. In addition, themajority of society accepts the three urban transformationsbecause of the direct transfer of wealth from the supremepower to city developers and consumers. Similar to othercities in the Persian Gulf, Doha will experience an increasein the tourism industry, multinational corporations, and realestate developments, thus giving extra importance to thehistoric core. Nevertheless, decision makers delivered thesedevelopments through transparent, yet uni-authoritariangovernance. The decision-making process was fast andeffective toward a predefined vision. However, such devel-opments lacked grassroots social organization or sociopoli-tical components, as sustainability requires.

3. Exploring the impact of change on the oldcenter of Doha

Reference to a wide spectrum of studies that were pre-viously conducted by the authors is made to explore theimpact of change on the old urban center of Doha. Thetypes of impact are identified in two categories: the firstrelates to key socio-spatial dimensions and the second isconcerned with typo-morphological impacts.

3.1. Socio-spatial impacts

Typical in museum architecture, the relationship betweenthe building from inside-the elegant receptacle and itsoutside-the spectacle appears to be paradoxical. Such arelationship seems to be well addressed in Pei's museumdesign (Salama, 2011a). In addressing this notion, thebuilding has a strong presence from the outside anddramatic scenes from inside in addition to the spectacularviews generated by the park design. Considering that thesite is not physically positioned in the heart of the oldcenter, its impact on the traditional sense of place and theold center's historic essence is minimal. However, it is aniconic landmark that adds to the generic urban landscape ofthe area and can be regarded as an exceptional interventionthat represents an aesthetical merger between regionalismand post-modernism while adopting the needs of the city'sinhabitants.

The Souq Waqif reconstruction can be seen as a successfulheritage-led project that introduced change to promote asense of place through the creation of a vibrant publicrealm. It hosts various activities that cater to a widespectrum of people, some with cultural meanings and otherswith commercial functions and authentic restaurants. Theargument is that “Souq Waqif can be portrayed as an

Table 1 Identification of the Museum of Islamic Art and the S(Source: Salama and Gharib, 2012).

Identification of the Project

Identified ascenter (%)

Identified asperiphery (%

Souq Waqif 57 8Museum of Islamic Art 22 20

exemplar of urban space diversity in the Gulf region”(Salama, 2011a:179). During national and religious festivals,the Souq offers several cultural and tourist activities thatfoster a sense of interaction between local citizens and theexpatriate community. The importance of Souq Waqif versusthe Museum can be elucidated in a recent survey involving490 residents of different cultural backgrounds to exploreurban space diversity and the way in which the two urbaninterventions are identified among eight new urban projects(Salama and Gharib, 2012). Notably, 57% of the respondentsidentify the Souq as a center for the city, 49% identify it as aproject that represents the city, and 39% identify it as themost visited space. Less significant figures are generated inthe responses to the Museum intervention (Table 1).

A closer look at one of the key settings within Souq Waqifreveals the way in which it has become one of the mostattractive leisure spaces in Doha; it caters to diversegroups, including tourists, Qataris, and expatriate residents.Conducting behavioral mapping of the selected settingwithin the Souq discloses the authentic use of the space(Salama and Wiedmann, 2013) (Figures 6 and 7). Qataris andnon-Qataris have been observed to visit the immigrationoffice for various reasons, including authenticating docu-ments or renewing visas. Other users, including residentsand tourists, frequented the space for dining or socializa-tion, because the area has a diverse variety of ethnicrestaurants and attractive outdoor cafés. Tourists who stopover in Doha en route to other destinations often visited thespace to shop, to admire the “traditional” architecturerepresentative of the reconstructed and renovated Souqbuildings, and to experience or to investigate severalcultural aspects of Qatar. Typically, groups of tourists wereobserved to visit traditional shops prior to relaxing in cafésor dining. A low representation of children, probablybecause of lack of activities and facilities that would caterto them, was also noted. Male Asian workers would some-times visit the space from nearby residential areas locatedsouth of the Souq. However, security police stand in front ofand near the immigration office and have been known torepel certain visitors, particularly unwelcome laborers orthose who have been observed as annoying. Mounted policeofficers also frequently patrol the streets and are one of theattractions, especially for tourists.

The mapped space is one of the major arteries of theSouq; it is lined by various restaurants with roof terracesand outdoor cafés. In generic terms, the space is lively andwell frequented at all times. However, it is more vibrant onweekends than on weekdays, and in the evenings ratherthan in the mornings. The reason may likely be the openingtimes of restaurants and cafés. Visitors generally go there

ouq Waqif by the city residents.

)Identified as representingthe city (%)

Identified as mostvisited (%)

49 3916 16

Figure 6 Generated behavioral maps based on observation periods at Souq Waqif.(Source: Salama and Wiedmann, 2013).

473Nature of urban interventions in changing the old center of a globalizing Doha

for a meal or coffee with friends and family, whereas othersmay go shopping. The space was observed to be primarilyused in the mornings as a space en route to shops or theimmigration office, whereas it was used in the evenings fordining in restaurants or cafés, as well as for shopping in theadjacent traditional market or handicraft shops. Crowdswere bigger in the evenings rather than in the morningsbecause the majority of visitors, other than tourists, weremore likely to be at work. The space, as part of a pedestrianpassageway to the traditional market area, seemed to befunctioning well. However, the lack of activities and venuesfor children was also noted.

Although Msheireb urban intervention remains under con-struction, certain socio-spatial impacts can be conveyed. Theurban design concept integrates the courtyard typology bytranslating it into modern blocks, which, however, is sugges-tive of European city cores rather than traditional Islamiccities. The large share of commercial use transforms the

earlier residential neighborhoods into a major business hub.Although this shift to mixed and commercial use is needed tore-establish Doha's old core as one of the main urban centers,it also implies a discontinuation of a historic urban scene.Moreover, the project thrust to deliver a benchmark foremerging lifestyles attempts to create an intervention that isnot just a glass or metal greenhouse but one rooted in localculture, with plazas acting as urban lungs for the develop-ment, while drawing from Qatari traditional architecture as amain quality of the proposed surrounding buildings.

3.2. Typo-morphological impacts

The three urban interventions in the old center are intro-ducing significant impacts on urban morphologies, includingland uses, urban densities, and spatial configuration. In thecase of Souq Waqif, the agglomeration of warehouses and

R.Y. Gharib, A.M. Salama474

stores was replaced with a replicate of the historic market.The museum project replaced 15 ha of potential commer-cial projects and extended the public realm along theCorniche. However, the most significant morphologicaltransformation is expected in the Msheireb urban regenera-tion project, where a wide spectrum of new typologies anduses are introduced. As part of a comprehensive researchproject (Wiedmann et al., 2013), a survey based on historicphotography and GIS data unveils that the district wasoccupied by residences that made up approximately 60%of the total gross floor area (GFA) (Table 2). Offices andretail and light industries occupied the remaining plot area.Moreover, the majority of buildings were medium-riseapartment buildings with retail and services on the groundfloors. Approximately 25% of the built area was occupied bylow-rise residential buildings. Based on GIS populationstatistics, between 10,000 and 15,000 inhabitants lived inMsheireb before the district was demolished.

Based on the Msheireb project master plan, GFA forresidential use is increased to 221,643 m2, which is onlyapproximately 30,000 m2 more than in the previous district.However, the residential share of the total GFA will decrease to29%, which is caused by the overall GFA increase to 759,613 m2

Figure 7 Visitors' activities in the main pedestrian spine ofSouq Waqif.(Source: Authors, 2013)

Table 2 Comparison of total gross floor areas (GFAs) and land(Source: Wiedmann et al., 2013).

Category Msheireb 2006 GFA (m2)

Residential 192950Apartments 141,950Houses/townhouses 51,000

Offices 63,000Public sector offices 0

Retails 65,000Community services 2400Mosques 2400Schools 0

Hotels 0Cultural–national archive 0

Total 323,350

(Msheireb, 2011). Thus, the overall built density is significantlyincreased to 310% of the total plot area compared to theprevious district. By contrast to the former configuration,offices will occupy almost one-third of the total GFA, whichwill result in four times more office space. In addition, 33%more retail space will be integrated, mainly on the groundfloors. While the previous district did not have hotels, approxi-mately 16% of the future total GFA is reserved to hoteldevelopments. Art galleries and the National Archive willfurther underscore the cultural importance of the new district.The most significant transformation can be expected from theresettlement of high-income groups. The northern part of thedistrict and approximately one-fifth of the residential GFA isreserved for local communities, whereas the southern andmore densely built part accommodates medium- to high-income expatriates and their families. This reallocation of thelocal community in Doha's old center is part of the idea tointroduce urban lifestyles and to initiate gentrification pro-cesses. However, the overall population density within thedistrict can be expected to drop significantly to 200 inhabitantsper hectare compared to the earlier average of approximately500 inhabitants per hectare.

The high built density of the Msheireb project is mainlycaused by the gradual increase in building height from threeto seven floors in the northern part of the project to 20–30floors in the southern part. By contrast to the previousdistrict, where approximately 300 small-scale buildingswere built side-by-side in dense clusters, the new develop-ment includes approximately 100 buildings, mainly built inlarge blocks (Figure 8). However, the close proximitybetween buildings remained a key characteristic despitethe increase in building heights. Another main difference tothe past morphology is the introduction of nine public plazasin strategic locations and the introduction of various modesof transportation, including bicycle and bus routes.

4. Critique: mapping urban interventions ontypes of change in historic centers

Ideally, a change in old and historic centers aims to introducenew interventions with the best contextual harmony. The

use at the Msheireb site – 2006 and 2016.

(%) Msheireb 2006 GFA (m2) (%)

60 221,643 29.0199,15922,483

19 253,855 33.574,327

20 93,646 12.51 19,137 2.5

45605996

0 116,813 15.50 54,519 7.0

100 759,613 100

Figure 8 A typological comparison between the Msheireb district in 2004 and the new master plan.(Source: Google Earth and authors).

475Nature of urban interventions in changing the old center of a globalizing Doha

three types of change for achieving urban harmony are“contextual uniformity, or contextual juxtaposition, or con-textual continuity or a combination of these” (Tiesdell et al.,1996: 188–190). On the one hand, Souq Waqif is considered achange by contextual uniformity because it repeats thehistoric beats and replicate past closures and morphologies.Although copying is typically rejected by many contemporaryurban theorists, it is required to sustain images of lostheritage in certain cases. In this case, the restoration andreconstruction were sensitive, either in the materials used orin the local technology utilized, to the historic architecturalelements. Contextual juxtaposition exists within the twointerventions of the Museum of Islamic Arts and the Msheirebregeneration – as they are new additions to the old center –that attempt to respect the contextual particularities of theirsites. Specifically, the Msheireb urban regeneration intro-duces an extra layer of esthetic integrity to the local contextin an effort to offer a new interpretation of local architec-tural language. On the ground level, all three interventionsshare the objective of creating public activities throughpedestrian movement and continuity. The ground level isalso surrounded by a variety of commercial and culturalactivities.

On the other hand, contextual continuity often refers tothe respect of architectural layers from the ground leveland upwards, such as that new interventions may need torespect the notion of activity continuation, for example,retail frontals size and height. This continuity appears to bemissing in the three interventions because of their func-tional differences and the peculiarity of each. The danger ofsuch discontinuities is that new interventions may produce,through time, a sense of local character dilution withgreater loss of traditional fabrics. Despite the relativesuccess of the Museum and the Souq, and the anticipatedrealization of the Msheireb development, the old centermay be at risk if further changes are introduced withoutsufficient and effective respect to the whole. In such a case,a change by contextual uniformity will be the most appro-priate to retain the historic sense of place. Currently, thissituation is quite challenging in the old center of Dohabecause the vision of the planning authorities is to reachglobal standards leading to further utilization of contextualjuxtaposition, compromising the old center's uniqueness.

5. Conclusion: the “local–global” delicacy ofchange in Doha's old center

Despite being large-scale and typologically different, the threelevels of urban interventions introduced at Doha's old centerrepresent reactions to the global condition, the aspirations ofrulers, and a sense of history and local tradition. With varyingdegrees, the three typologies positively answer the question of“Can a practice or a design solution be simultaneously localand global?” The aspiring image making and the iconic archi-tectural intervention of the Museum and its park simulta-neously address global and local issues by consciously attempt-ing to react to global cultural flows, translating the culturalaspirations of Qatar into a manifestation that speaks to theworld architecture while addressing demands placed on thedesign by context and the regional culture. The reconstructionof urban heritage exemplified in the Souq Waqif validates thenotion of simultaneity of global and local issues through a widespectrum of activities and the diversity of users. The aspiringplace making and urban regeneration evident in the Msheireburban regeneration reflects global aspirations while rootingsuch aspirations into the local vernacular.

Responding to the question of adopting universal bestpractices without ignoring local knowledge, the three inter-ventions integrate quality international standards whileaddressing local knowledge. This idea is manifested inrealizing a world-class museum designed by a renownedarchitect who was able to incorporate international experi-ence into regional environmental imagery. Universal bestpractices are evident in the master plan and in the designqualities of the Msheireb urban regeneration intervention.Such practices invigorate the development of a new archi-tectural language that envisages the selection of historicreferences plowing from local and regional heritage. Notably,the reconstruction of Souq Waqif focuses exclusively on localfactors, as exemplified by the use of indigenous materials andconstruction techniques.

In reacting to the question of whether prioritizing localinfluence would represent narrow-mindedness, the twointerventions of the Museum and the Souq generate a newurban discourse in the city on diversity, usability, accessi-bility, and connectivity. Serving people of different agegroups and cultural and socio-economic backgrounds does

R.Y. Gharib, A.M. Salama476

not represent blind resistance to the global or blindadherence to the local, but creates a harmonious balancebetween the two. However, the absence of sufficientactivities for children in the Souq and limiting its use tomiddle- and upper-income groups should be noted. Thepublic has yet to see how the Msheireb urban regenerationproject addresses these notions and whether it will achieveits promises.

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