Gender and the Superintendency: The Role of Career Pathways · 2019. 1. 18. · For Peer Review...

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Gender and the Superintendency: The Role of Career

Pathways

Journal: Educational Administration Quarterly

Manuscript ID EAQ-16-0172

Manuscript Type: Original Manuscript

Keywords: superintendency, gender, career paths, mixed methods, gender bias, outsider, insider

Abstract:

Purpose: The gender gap in educational leadership is a national social justice issue. Despite efforts to increase the number of female superintendents in the US, numbers are increasing only slowly. This article investigates the career paths and perspectives of current and aspirant superintendents in Pennsylvania. Research Design: The research study

employed a mixed methods design using an electronic survey with both quantitative items and qualitative open-response items. Findings: The gender gap continues to exist in Pennsylvania and may be perpetuated by a disinterest in the superintendency by women who perceive the position as unavailable via their preferred career path. The insider pathway was preferred and perceived as most optimal, but more superintendents and assistant superintendents followed outsider career pathways. Women were more likely to acquire the superintendency as an insider, were not well-known in new districts, and both preferred and perceived insider career pathways as more optimal. Aspirant superintendents chose insider pathways due to reputation and relationships, and superintendents due to application requests and district familiarity as their driving factors.

Outsiders saw new ideas and perspectives as reasons to apply externally while current superintendents named opportunity. Conclusions: Similarities and differences in career planning preferences by men and women aspirant superintendents indicates an understanding by women of the insider pathway’s potential to overcome bias regarding women in leadership roles. As this career path is frequently not an option, women must choose not to aspire or to prepare themselves for possible gender bias in hiring when applying as outsiders.

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Running head: GENDER AND THE SUPERINENDENCY

Abstract

Purpose: The gender gap in educational leadership is a national social justice issue.

Despite efforts to increase the number of female superintendents in the US, numbers are

increasing only slowly. This article investigates the career paths and perspectives of current and

aspirant superintendents in Pennsylvania. Research Design: The research study employed a

mixed methods design using an electronic survey with both quantitative items and qualitative

open-response items. Findings: The gender gap continues to exist in Pennsylvania and may be

perpetuated by a disinterest in the superintendency by women who perceive the position as

unavailable via their preferred career path. The insider pathway was preferred and perceived as

most optimal, but more superintendents and assistant superintendents followed outsider career

pathways. Women were more likely to acquire the superintendency as an insider, were not well-

known in new districts, and both preferred and perceived insider career pathways as more

optimal. Aspirant superintendents chose insider pathways due to reputation and relationships,

and superintendents due to application requests and district familiarity as their driving factors.

Outsiders saw new ideas and perspectives as reasons to apply externally while current

superintendents named opportunity. Conclusions: Similarities and differences in career planning

preferences by men and women aspirant superintendents indicates an understanding by women

of the insider pathway’s potential to overcome bias regarding women in leadership roles. As this

career path is frequently not an option, women must choose not to aspire or to prepare

themselves for possible gender bias in hiring when applying as outsiders.

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GENDER AND THE SUPERINTENDENCY 2

Gender and the Superintendency: The Role of Career Pathways

“It is the collective push for social justice at all levels in public schools

that constitutes the world worth making, the world worth living in.”

–Susan Chase (1999, p. 223)

Gender equality in educational leadership, and the under-representation of women in

school district leadership, continues to be a significant social justice issue. The increasing

understanding of differences in the approaches that men and women bring to decision-making

and problem-solving together with the benefits that derive from inclusion of these diverse

approaches in organizational planning craft only the starting point for equality concerns

(Desvaux, Devillard-Hoellinger, & Baumgarten, 2007; Folkman, 2015; Swers, 2002; Rhode,

2003). Women in top leadership positions are needed to inspire and mentor female teachers to

take up the challenges of leading schools and districts, and to provide visible role models for

female students developing leadership skills (McKinsley & Co., 2010).

Recent estimates based on a national survey (Finnan & McCord, 2016; Kowalski,

McCord, Peterson, Young, & Ellerson, 2011) and statistics from states that included gender

when recording data about their current school district leaders (Sampson and Davenport, 2010)

indicated that the number of women holding top educational leadership positions slowly

increased from 13.7% nationwide (Glass & Franceschini, 2007) to approximately 25%

nationwide. The cause of this slow increase continues to remain unclear. While some analysists

suggest that qualified women simply do not aspire to the position for a variety of reasons

(Williams, 2003; Glass, 2000), others claim ongoing discrimination against women who do

aspire (Kim and Brunner, 2009; Brunner & Grogan, 2007; Young and McLeod, 2001; Skrla,

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2000). Both camps acknowledge that contextual factors such as the expectations and demands

attached to the leadership role, the opportunities available for career planning and development,

and the compatibility of pursuing professional and personal lives within a specific educational

environment will influence career decision making.

Men and women must interpret the importance of contextual factors in the process of

their career planning. This article presents the findings of a study that examined differences in

the perceptions of male and female assistant superintendents in the state of Pennsylvania aspiring

to the superintendency. The study focused on one aspect of career planning—the choice by

aspirants to pursue an insider route to the superintendent’s position in their current or

neighboring local district or look beyond local contexts to districts where aspirants would be

viewed as an ‘outsider’.

In addition, the study sought the understandings of practicing superintendents regarding

the advantages and disadvantages of these two routes for men and women based on their own

experiences. The experiences of current superintendents and the perceptions of aspirant

superintendents produce the findings from this study, which inform career-planning

recommendations for female assistant superintendents with the ultimate purpose of promoting

gender balance in educational leadership.

Conceptual Framework and Literature

Female Assistant Superintendent Career Choices

The belief that women pursuing careers in educational leadership understand potential

challenges, stereotypes, and biases they may face guides this study. The authors grant that

women will use these understandings to select career options that they believe will counter

challenges and play to their strengths. Smith (2011), examining the career decisions of 40 female

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teachers in the UK, noted the importance of acknowledging women’s agency and examining the

interrelationship of the individual women within her social context. Smith argued that to limit an

analysis of women’s under-representation in leadership positions to internal and external barriers

to progression “…would be to deny women’s agency. Women can, and do make decisions for

themselves, and take steps to shape their own lives and careers...” (p.2) including that relating to

whether or not to consider formal leadership positions.

A number of studies indicated that women find alternative career paths that do not

necessarily follow the vertical, hierarchical model (Schein, 1971) of secondary school principal

to assistant superintendent to superintendent traditionally used by men to access the US

superintendency (Kowalski, et al., 2011; Glass, 2000; Tallerico, 1999a, 1999b). Kim and

Brunner (2009) found 50% of the women in their study followed an alternative career pathway to

the superintendency that did not include the high school principalship at all. Polinchock (2013)

and AUTHOR and OTHER (YEAR) described a plethora of career pathways taken by female

superintendents with no dominant pattern, and with many using school district central office

positions to obtain assistant superintendent positions. These studies supported the hypothesis that

women assistant superintendents consider both choosing to aspire to the superintendency and

positioning themselves for the superintendency if they chose to aspire.

Challenges to Female Superintendents

Glass (2000) offered five suggestions for the gender discrepancy in educational

leadership: (1) lack of credentials, (2) lack of fiscal experience, (3) disinterest, (4) hiring

reluctance, and (5) late entry. Glass suggested that although more than half of women in

educational administration graduate programs are women, only about 10% of those in doctoral

programs are opting to acquire a superintendency certification (Glass, 2000). Unfortunately, this

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statistic relies on data over 15 years old. Kim and Brunner (2009) suggested misleading

information supported Glass’ assertion and suggested that biases in hiring were responsible for

fewer female superintendents rather than fewer certifications. Kim and Brunner (2009) described

bias as seen in the research of Kamler and Shakeshaft (1999) interviewing hiring consultants

involved in superintendent searches. One consultant in this study noted:

If a woman exhibits certain characteristics, and this is not too different than the certain

characteristics the board would in a male consider an indication of strong leadership, she

will be too male, unsympathetic, and uncaring. On the other hand, if she is a woman and

shows too much femininity, she is too weak, too soft… Women are always walking this

fine line of trying to be both formulas. (p. 56-57)

School boards expect women to be both masculine and feminine and develop biases against

women related to gender-normative expectations.

Glass (2000) further claims a lack of financial experience by female applicants that

prejudices their promotion prospects. Contradictory to this assertion, most state superintendency

certification programs require some kind of financial training or budgeting course and/or test on

fiscal skills. Brunner and Yong-Lyun (2010) and Polinchock (2014) indicated many female

superintendents follow alternate pathways to the superintendency that include central business

office positions. As these positions often require use of district-wide fiscal skills, alternate route

superintendents might even have greater district-level financial experience than traditional route

superintendents.

Nonetheless, Glass (2000) revealed pertinent concerns with other potential explanations

of underrepresentation of women in educational leadership. Those women who managed to make

it to or near the top of their field in education remained limited by more explicit biases in hiring

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practices with school boards who were often reluctant to hire female superintendents (Tallarico,

1999a). Aspirant superintendents perceived that school boards considered women less capable of

managing a school district and that many of the connections associated with the “old boy’s

network” remained unavailable to women (Glass, 2000; Tallerico, 1999b). Moreover, mentoring,

repeatedly cited as key to entry into the superintendency, remained easily accessible to men

while requiring persistent seeking by women in educational leadership pathways (Lane-

Washington & Wilson-Jones, 2010). Even with these challenges, women find ways to enter the

superintendency.

Insider/Outsider Paths to the Superintendency

One choice both women and men must make when seeking the superintendency is

whether to apply as an insider (within the school district where they currently work and are

known) or an outsider (in a district outside their own where they are less known or not at all

known). Carlson (1961, 1972) first considered insider-outsider career paths to the

superintendency in a study of male superintendents. Referring to insiders as place-bound and

outsiders as career-bound, he examined the benefits and hiring patterns of both. Place-bound

superintendents benefited from knowledge of and in the district, experienced longer tenures, and

had a good reputation in the district; however, they suffered from difficulty initiating change,

faced challenges in developing authority over teachers, experienced limitations in group

management due to district history, and experienced a forced need to tighten existing policies

and procedures. Districts usually hired place-bound superintendents when they were satisfied

with the way the school system was functioning and did not see a need for change. Conversely,

career-bound superintendents benefited from higher salaries and better benefits due to a

heightened bargaining position on hiring, increased flexibility early in their tenure, and

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opportunity to make change with less aversion. They suffered from a mandate to make change

(even when change seem unnecessary), an expectation to implement new rules and policies, a

need to expand central office staff, and a feeling of expendability in the district. School boards

hired career-bound superintendents when a need for change was clear or when schools were not

performing at acceptable levels. In addition to these findings, insiders often had the benefits of

not needing to relocate, shorter commute times, and being well known in their districts while

outsiders often suffered from the inverse of each of these.

Carlson went on to categorize the behaviors of male insiders and outsiders:

The insider…adapts or modifies his performance to fit the office. ... The place-bound

superintendent seems to derive status from the office; he does not bring status to it. …He

performs within the framework established by the predecessor rather than by creating a

new framework. The performance of the outsider, on the other hand, does add something

to the role. The office is modified rather than the person. His performance changes the

office and … holds possibilities of increasing the status of the office. (Carlson, 1961, p.

227).

Carlson offered that the office of the superintendent affected and molded insider superintendents,

but the outsider superintendent affected and molded his or her office instead. Considering the

presence of gender biases in the hiring process, the malleability of either the professional or the

profession seems important. As such, school boards customize insider superintendents to the

needs of the district, while outsider superintendents customize the position to their own needs

and those of the district themselves. School boards may consider the benefits and risks of hiring

a female based on who or what will be the target of change.

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For those that do aspire, Maienza’s (1986) study of women’s access to the

superintendency through the lens of Kanter’s (1977, 1993) organizational mobility still has

relevance. Kanter proposed that mobility in organizational careers is dependent on three factors:

(1) opportunity, (2) power, and (3) relative representation. Opportunity means being in a place

where one can be noticed and have access to information. Power denotes the ability to gather

resources, use these effectively, and to get things done. Power is increased when one’s tasks are

visible and highly relevant to the goals of the organization. Relative representation refers to the

degree to which an individual is represented in the organization by others like him or herself. If

not of a particular group, individuals may still gain access through “extraordinarily visible

competence, strong alliances, or changing priorities in the organization” (Maienza, 1986, p. 61).

These three factors suggest that for a woman, the insider route would have an advantage over the

outsider route when selection for promotion is dependent on a desire for proven ability in the

context of a specific school district.

Dawley, Hoffman, and Smith, (2004) also hypothesized that the insider route would be

more advantageous to female applicants in helping them overcome the societal perceptions that

leadership is a male trait. They note:

In the case of female leaders, we argue that being an insider is an advantage. People tend

to rely on past experiences or stereotypes when a situation is new, ambiguous, or

stressful. Because of this, people are less likely to rely on stereotypes when they deal

with a person that they know well or if they are in situations in which they have had

previous experience. Thus, the more well known a female successor is to her

organization, the more likely that she will be judges on previous impressions and

performance, not on stereotypes (p. 681-682).

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When extended to female superintendent aspirants, gender biases and stereotypes may be more

easily overcome by a woman who is well known or an insider in the district. Hiring committees

may judge known female leaders more on previous impressions and performance than by gender

stereotypes, than those who are less known or completely unknown to school board hiring

committees.

Current Data On Insider/Outsider Appointments

Current data on the frequency of insider/outside appointments is limited to either single

and frequently large urban school districts (Cuban, 2016; Matthews, 2002) that typically appoint

outsiders, or the national survey of school superintendents conducted by AASA (The American

Association of School Administrators) in 2010 (Kowalski et al., 2011). This survey, based on the

responses of 1,800 superintendents from the 14,176 school districts in the USA, found the 66.2%

of the superintendents responding to the survey obtained their current positions by following an

outsider route. Kowalski also noted that outsider hires had increased since the previous survey

undertaken in 2000 from 68 to 71% in districts with fewer than 300 students. In districts with

25,000 students or more, outsider hires remained constant at approximately 59%. However, these

figures do not indicate whether the respondent superintendents obtained their first positions using

an insider or outsider pathway nor any differences by gender.

The Pennsylvania Superintendency

Pennsylvania provides a unique environment for research into the superintendency for a

variety of reasons. First, PA has a total of 501 school districts each with their own superintendent

and many with additional assistant superintendents. These districts are often small and close

together providing many opportunities for inter-district networking and communication. As such,

those in educational leadership can promote themselves to more than one district. Furthermore, a

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professional might move to a new school district without having to physically relocate and

without increasing their commute time. Second, PA has a percentage of female superintendents

greater than the national average with 29% females (as compared to 24.1% nationally) as of the

2014-2015 school year (PDE, 2015). Finally, there has been a turnover in the superintendency

within PA with 104 new hires for the 2014-2015 school year. A cursory Google news search in

March 2016 revealed at least an addition 16 new hires since the end of the 2014-2015 school

year. With a large number of districts in close proximity, a sizeable female superintendent

population, and plentiful turnover, PA provides an ideal population of school leaders for research

into gender differences in insider/outsider superintendency career pathways.

The Study

The purpose of the present study is two-fold. First, the study seeks to understand how

men and women aspiring to the superintendency perceive the insider versus outsider career

tracks in relations to achieving their goals. Second, the study investigates whether gender

differences exist in hiring patterns of insiders/outsiders by school boards through an examination

of current PA school superintendents’ first superintendent positions. The research questions are

as follows: (1) Which career track (insider or outsider) do assistant superintendents aspiring to

the superintendency in PA consider the most optimum when seeking their first superintendent’s

position and why; and is there a significant difference between male and female choices? and (2)

Which career track (insider or outsider) did current superintendents in PA follow to gain their

first superintendent’s position, what influenced their choice of track, and is there significant

difference between the choice of male and female superintendents?

By answering these questions, this study contributes to the understanding of the ongoing

underrepresentation of female superintendents. In addition to providing recommendations for

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women aspiring towards the superintendency, findings will continue to highlight the

underrepresentation of women and the need for gender awareness, sensitivity and equity in

school district leadership hiring practices.

Research Design and Methods

The study employed a mixed methods design using survey-based quantitative and open-

ended question qualitative methodology. This approach was selected because it allowed

researchers to simultaneously collect multiple choice responses to confirm or disconfirm

hypotheses, and collect open-ended responses to investigate emergent trends in the data.

Participants

A list of all superintendents and assistant superintendents in the state of Pennsylvania,

obtained from the PA Department of Education (PDE), directed a search for the email addresses

of those administrators. Of the 748 administrators, 687 active email addresses were obtained

through school district website searches of which 460 were superintendents and 228 were

assistant superintendents. Each potential participant was emailed up to three times with a request

to participate in an online survey. After 2 months of data collection time, 295 of the 687 emailed

responded to the survey resulting in a response rate of 43%. Of these respondents, 100 identified

as assistant superintendents or central office staff and 195 identified as superintendents resulting

in individual response rates of 44% and 42%, respectively.

Survey

Researchers developed a survey inquiring about participants’ career pathways to or

towards the superintendency, their preferences and perceived advantages by career path,

commuting changes, and familiarity in districts. The survey, designed and administered through

Qualtrics Software, comprised of mostly multiple choice (quantitative) items, but also some open

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response (qualitative) items. The survey items differed based on previous answers which

identified the participants by job position, first time superintendent status, insider or outsider

career path, and interest in the superintendency and are presented in Table 1. Before sending the

survey to potential participants, researchers conducted a pilot study with 10 university students

and faculty (included a current assistant superintendent and retired superintendent.

Quantitative Data Analysis

After the survey response period ended, data were extracted from Qualtrics and imported

into SPSS for analyses. Data were dummy coded and missing data were not included in analyses.

Descriptive statistics, chi-squared tests, and t-tests were used as appropriate to investigate the

findings. Additionally, a post-hoc power analysis was conducted using G*Power and effect sizes

were calculated with eta squared tests.

Qualitative Data Analysis

Qualitative survey items were analyzed using a deductive approach (Creswell, 2012;

Maxwell, 2013; Patton, 2014). Responses were coded into topics based on the main ideas

presented in each response. These codes were generalized into themes by considering the

purpose and congruency of the ideas presented. Themes were triangulated for credibility by

comparing them to the research, review by a panel of experts (two superintendents and two

assistant superintendents), and secondary coding by an independent party. Furthermore, support

for each theme was confirmed by direct quotations from survey responses.

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Limitations

As is typical of any location-based study, results may only describe PA superintendents

and aspirants and not generalize to the population at large. Similarly, this study suffered from

low power due to a small sample size as is typical of administrative research.

Findings

A total of 290 superintendents and assistant superintendents responded to the survey

without missing data. Of the participants completing the survey in full, 92 identified as assistant

superintendents resulting in a 40.4% response rate (228 contacted) and 192 identified as

superintendents resulting in a 41.7% response rate (460 contacted). The participants were 66.6%

male (193) and 33.4% female (97) with 66.2% (192) superintendents, 31.7% (92) assistant

superintendents, and 2.0% (6) central office of building level personnel. Superintendents were

75.0% male and assistant superintendents were 48.9% male. Ages and years in current position

were generally equally distributed across genders while identified position was more frequently

superintendent for males but equally distributed for females. Specific data is presented in

Table 2.

Assistant Superintendents

A total of 96 assistant superintendents responded to the survey with 75% interested in

becoming a superintendent in the future and 25% uninterested. A chi-square test of independence

examined the relation between aspirations towards the superintendency and gender. The relation

between these variables was significant, χ2

(1) = 5.02, p < 0.05, with gender explaining 5.2% of

the variance in superintendency interest, η2 = 0.052. More male assistant superintendents

(85.1%) than female assistant superintendents (65.3%) were interested in becoming a

superintendent.

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There were a total of 39 assistant superintendents who had applied for superintendent

positions with 23.1% applying only in their current district, 53.8% applying only for positions in

another district, and 23.1% applying for positions both inside and outside of their current

districts. A chi-square test of independence was performed to examine the relation between

aspirant superintendent application history and gender. Although more male aspiring

superintendents (31.8%) applied both inside and outside of their districts than females (11.8%),

gender and application history were unrelated overall, χ2

(2) = 2.33, p > 0.05. In order to increase

sample cell size for the highest level of test accuracy, data were dichotomously dummy coded to

a strict insider (stay in current district) or outsider (nearby or residency change district)

application history and “both” responses were removed. After dichotomous data coding, the

relation remained insignificant, χ2

(1) = 0.159, p > 0.05.

Seventy-two assistant superintendents indicated aspirations towards the superintendency.

When asked about their preferred career paths, 48.6% preferred to stay in their current district,

20.8% preferred to accept a position in a nearby district, 4.2% preferred to move to a district that

required a residency change, and 26.45% had no preference. A chi-square test of independence

was performed to examine the relation between assistant superintendent career track preference

and gender. The relation between these variables was significant, χ2

(3) = 7.66, p = 0.05. More

female (65.5%) than male (35.0%) aspiring superintendents preferred a position in their current

district while more males (30.0%) than females (9.4%) preferred a position in a nearby district.

This relationship explained 3.7% of the variance, η2 = 0.037. In order to increase sample cell size

for the highest level of test accuracy and possible effect size, data were dichotomously dummy

coded to a strict insider (stay in current district) or outsider (nearby or residency change district)

preference and no preference responses removed. The significant relation between career track

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preference and gender was maintained after dichotomous data coding, χ2

(1) = 6.80, p = 0.05, and

the effect size was increased to account for 12.8% of the variance η2 = 0.128.

The same sample was asked where they thought they had the best chance of becoming a

superintendent: 41.7% responded inside their current district, 18.1% responded in a nearby

district, 8.3% responded in a district requiring a change of residency, and 31.9% responded with

equally optimal chances in any district. A chi-square test of independence examined the relation

between aspirant superintendents’ perception of the optimum career pathway and gender and

indicated these were unrelated overall, χ2

(3) = 6.01, p > 0.05. Nonetheless, more male aspiring

superintendents thought applying in a nearby district (25.0%) or district requiring them to change

their residence (12.5%) than females (9.4% and 3.1%, respectively) would be most optimal.

Conversely, more female aspiring superintendents thought applying in their current district

(46.9%) would be most optimal as compared to males (37.5%) or thought the career pathways

were equally as optimal (40.6% female and 25.0% male). In order to increase sample cell size for

the highest level of test accuracy, data were dichotomously dummy coded to a strict insider (stay

in current district) or outsider (nearby or residency change district) perception of optimality and

“equally optimal” responses dropped. A chi-squared test of independence after dichotomous data

coding revealed a significant relation explaining 8.4% of the variance between the perceived

optimal career track and gender, χ2

(1) = 4.11, p < 0.05, η2 = 0.084. Summaries of quantitative

data for each question is shown in Table 3.

Data for qualitative open-ended questions inquiring about why assistant superintendents

perceived the insider or outsider pathway as optimal produced different factors. Female insiders

perceived reputation, relationships, and familiarity in that order as the most prominent

contributing factors towards making the insider pathway more optimal. Male insiders perceived

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reputation, familiarly, and relationships in that order as the most prominent contributing factors.

Female outsiders perceived a need for new ideas as the top contributing factor and perceived

experience, new perspectives, and personal factors as equally contributive towards the optimality

of the outsider career path. Male outsiders perceived a need for new perspectives as the top

contributor, followed by equally contributive new ideas and experience as contributing most

towards the outsider path’s strengths. Those responding qualitatively for perceiving the nearby

district career pathway as most optimal were small in number, but females responded with the

most contribution from location, qualifications, and reputation; while males perceived the age of

the current superintendent in their district, networking, and then experience and location as

equally important. Counts of all the themes for males and females by insider, nearby district, or

outsiders are displayed in Table 4.

Superintendents

A total of 189 superintendents responded to the complete survey. Of these respondents,

51.9% reported taking an insider pathway to their first superintendency position and 48.1%

responded as taking an outsider career path. Furthermore, 119 superintendents were acting in

their first superintendency position, with 59.7% of these first-time superintendents previously

employed in their current district in some capacity. A chi-square test of independence was

performed to examine the relation between superintendent career pathway and gender. Although

more male superintendents (51.4%) took an outsider pathway than females (38.3%), gender and

superintendent career pathway were unrelated overall, χ2 (1) = 2.43, p = 0.05. These results are

inconsistent with superintendent reporting of their previous employment in the district. A chi-

squared test of independence demonstrated that previous employment in the district and gender

were significantly related, χ2

(1) = 3.70, p = 0.05. These inconsistent results could be a factor of

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time or a small effect size, η2 = 0.031. The insider or outsider career pathway asked all

superintendents about their first superintendent position, but the previous employment question

only asked superintendents currently in their first superintendent position about their previous

district of employment.

Of the 91 outsider superintendents responding, 20.9% considered themselves well known

in the district where they gained employment while 79.1% did not. An independent-samples

t-test was performed to examine the relation between how well known a new superintendent was

in a district and gender. The relation between these variables was significant, t (72) = 5.03, p <

0.05, with 6.5% of the variance in how well known a person was in a district explained by

gender, η2 = 0.065. More male superintendents (26.0%) than female assistant superintendents

(0.0%) were well known in an outsider district where they gained employment as a

superintendent for the first time. A chi-squared test could not be used on this data due to the lack

of responses from women who self-identified as well-known. As such, data were dummy coded

dichotomously to create a faux continuous outcome variable.

Of the 55 superintendents reporting an outsider career pathway to their first

superintendency, 47.3% reported their commute time increased, 21.8% that their commute time

decreased, and 30.95 that their commute time remained the same. A chi-square test of

independence was performed to examine the relation between outsider superintendent commute

time change and gender. Although more females (63.6%) had increased commute times than

males (43.2%) and more males (34.1%) had unchanged commute times than females (18.2%),

decreased commute times were generally equal between the genders. As such, gender and

outsider superintendent commute time were unrelated overall, χ2

(2) = 1.58, p > 0.05.

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Of the 90 outsider superintendents responding, 36.7% relocated for their accepted

position and 63.3% did not. A chi-square test of independence was performed to examine the

relation between outsider superintendent relocation and gender. No significant relationships were

found, χ2

(1) = 0.11, p > 0.05.

Most superintendents believed their career pathway choice helped them achieve their

current positions. Of the 95 insiders, 94.7% thought the insider pathway was helpful. Of the 89

outsiders, 70.8% thought the outsider pathway was helpful. A chi-square test of independence

that examined the relation between perception of career pathway helpfulness and chosen career

path found it to be significant, χ2

(1) = 18.82, p < 0.05, and explained 95.2% of the variance

between perception of career pathway helpfulness and chosen career path, η2 = 0.952. Insiders

perceived the insider career pathway as more beneficial towards their career goals than outsiders.

There were no significant relationships when career pathway benefit was examined in relation to

gender using chi-squared tests for gender and insider benefit, χ2

(1) = 0.281, p > 0.05; outsider

benefit, , χ2

(1) = 0.22, p > 0.05; or benefit of insider versus outsider, χ2

(1) = 1.33, p > 0.05.

Quantitative data for each question is summarized in Table 3.

Data for qualitative items inquiring about factors contributing towards superintendents’

chosen career pathways indicated that female insiders perceived familiarity followed by both

application requests and a drive to help in that district as contributing factors towards their career

pathway choices. Male insiders reported application requests followed by familiarity and then a

drive to help in their district as their contributing factors. Female outsiders stated opportunities

were most contributive to their outsider career pathway choices. They responded with equal

emphasis on application requests, better districts, poor relationships, and location as contributive.

Male outsiders responded with opportunity much more often as a contributing factor, followed

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by better districts and poor relationships. Counts of all the factors identified by males and

females and by insider or outsiders are displayed in Table 5.

Discussion

The Gender Gap

The gender gap persists in educational leadership in the state of Pennsylvania. The

response rate of female administrators in this study aligned with and confirmed state data

indicating that 29% of superintendents are female. Additionally, the study confirmed that female

assistant superintendents are less likely to be interested in aspiring to be superintendents than

their male peers (Glass, 2000; Munoz, Mills, Pankake, & Whaley, 2014). Such a discrepancy is

alarming because it provides a clear mechanism for the perpetuation of the gender gap in

educational leadership. If women remain uninterested in the superintendency, education

leadership and the decision-making involved will continue to be driven by male understandings,

priorities and approaches, while reinforcing stereotypical beliefs that only men can lead

effectively. Researchers must begin to investigate why this disinterest exists and how to attract

more women to top-level leadership positions in education.

The lack of interest in the superintendency by women demonstrated in the present study

gains further meaning when considered as a factor responsible for the gender discrepancy in

leadership. Previous studies have indicated that women enter the superintendency later in their

career than men and this perpetuates the gender discrepancy (Glass, 2000; Gupton, 2009;

Kowalski et al., 20110; Lane-Washington & Wilson-Jones, 2010). However, our study did not

confirm this trend with 54.2% of female superintendent respondents and 47.2% of males making

up the 46-55-year-old age range. This equitable pattern continued through the over 55 range with

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35.4% females and 31.3% males, which ultimately accounted for over 75% of the sample in the

over 46 age range.

It is possible, however, that women began their leadership journey at later ages. Assistant

superintendents did not mirror the consistent age patterning by gender although no significant

differences were present. Most women were in the 46-55 age range (51.1%) while most men

were in the 35-45 age range (42.2%). Women and men made up 31.9% and 37.8% of the 35-45

and 46-55 age ranges, respectively. Again, over 75% of each group were in two age ranges, but

the 35-55 age range is very broad when considered in the context of career development. This

delay in possible superintendency entry age for women was mirrored in data from the state of

New York (The New York State Council of School Superintendents [NYSCoSS], 2016)

demonstrating possible generalizability of findings. In their report, NYSCoSS wrote:

Where the differences [between men and women] remain stark are the significantly

higher proportion of unmarried/unpartnered women, and the higher proportion of men

with school-aged children. Given the time and stress demands of the superintendency,

much more work needs to be done to understand these differences and whether (or

perhaps, how) traditional gender roles around family responsibility impact the pathway to

the superintendency (p. 6).

Although this study only begins to explore the effects of those pathway and how to work around

any related biases, the presence of related findings confirms the need for more research

investigating such impacts.

Cultural changes presented a possible mechanism for age similarities despite gender in

educational leaders previously unseen in the superintendency. As the NYSCoSS (2016) study

indicated, family responsibilities were no longer defaulted for the female household leader. In

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fact, the typical American nuclear family consisted of dual earners often sharing many parental

responsibilities (Lindsey, 2015). These dual earning families often engaged in egalitarian

marriages where, “partners share decision making and assign family roles based on talent and

choice rather than traditional beliefs about gender” (Lindsey, 2015, p. 235). As both men and

women share previously feminine duties, effects of the maternal wall (see Williams, 2003) may

become weaker, allowing women to enter leadership roles earlier, or a parallel paternal wall

could create limitations to entry into the superintendency for men in the future. Indeed, only

male superintendents cited family as a factor contributing towards their superintendency career

pathway choice. One assistant superintendent described his current disinterest in the

superintendency as follows:

There are currently several positions available in districts throughout Pennsylvania. I

have three daughters in school and I do not wish to pull them from school to relocate. Nor

do I wish to become a weekend Dad! I will not sacrifice taking care of my own children

to move away to take care of everyone else's children. My "Dad cap" is more important

to me than a "Superintendent's cap" at this point in my life.

As familial gender roles continue to blur, more flexibility may emerge in the career pathways of

both men and women in education.

Perceptions of Optimal Career Pathways to the Superintendency

Data from the present study provided interesting insights into views of superintendency

career pathways and inconsistencies between perceptions and practice. Assistant superintendents

generally perceived the insider pathway as most effective (41.7%), but nearly a third believed

insider or outsider pathways did not create an advantage or disadvantage (31.9%). Nonetheless,

the remaining 25% perceived a nearby district as more helpful than an outside district. Assistant

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superintendents preferred the pathways in the same pattern the strongest preferences for the

insider pathway, followed by no preferences, a preference for a nearby district, and finally a

preference for an outside district. Oddly, application histories suggested assistant superintendents

did not consider optimality or preference when applying as more than 50% of assistant

superintendents applied only as outsiders whereas only about 25% either preferred or thought the

outside or nearby district pathway was most optimal. A similar number of assistant

superintendents applied in both districts as responded with no perceived optimal career pathway,

but less than 25% applied as insiders despite a majority of responses preferring and seeing that

pathway as most optimal.

To better understand the application history, preferences, and perceptions of assistant

superintendents in comparison to superintendents; data were analyzed as just insider or outsider.

When considering application history dichotomously, an even more blatant difference in

insider/outsider differences became present with 70% of applications outside the district. When

compared with 66% and 61% insider preference and perception of optimality, respectively, one

cannot ignore the inverted pattern. Assistant superintendents applied for the superintendency in

ways inconsistent with their preferences and perceptions for a best chance at success. Perhaps

these assistant superintendents did not achieve superintendent positions because of these

application patterns. Imaginably, more opportunities for outsider applications might exist for

assistant superintendents as individuals are only located in one district, but can apply in any of

the remaining 500 districts within the state as an outsider. Qualitative data helped to explain

these inconsistencies. Insiders typically noted reputation as the most pertinent reason to apply in

district while outsiders cited new ideas and perspectives. If an individual did not feel they had

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yet acquired a strong enough reputation or had different enough ideas, they might choose to

apply in a way inconsistent with their perceptions.

Gender differences in assistant superintendent perceptions presented a similar story with

some notable concerns. Significant gender differences in assistant superintendents’ preferences,

but not application histories suggested women experienced considerations but not practices

towards applying for the superintendency differently than men. While men almost equally

responded as preferring an inside, nearby district, or having no preference; women responded as

strongly favoring the insider pathway, followed by nearly half as many without preferences and

very few choosing a nearby or outsider pathway. Considering the optimal route dichotomously,

gender appeared significant: males equally chose the insider or outsider pathway while females

strongly saw the insider pathway as optimal. No significant differences by gender were found in

application histories although these were again inconsistent with preferences and optimality

perceptions.

The preference and perceived optimality of the insider route by females was not

surprising. Women rising through an insider pathway may experience less gender bias due to

past experiences and reputations that dismantle typical gender stereotypes (Dawley Hoffman, &

Smith, 2004). Studies demonstrated women led in more effective manners and especially so in

domains that would build such reputations and make an impression during interactions with

others. Folkman (2015) noted:

The bias of most people is that females would be better at nurturing competencies, such

as developing others and relationship building. While this is true, the competencies with

the largest differences between males and females were taking initiative, practicing self‐

development, integrity/honesty, and driving for results.…while men excel in the technical

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and strategic arenas, women clearly have the advantage in the extremely important areas

of people relationships and communication. They also surpass their male counterparts in

driving for results. (pp. 168-169)

Women make impressions, and impressions overcome biases.

Perceptions of why each pathway would help were consistent with the literature as well.

Women rated reputation, relationships, and familiarity (in that order) as the most common

reasons they saw the insider pathway as more advantageous. One woman said: “[I have a] long

history of successful work in multiple roles in my current district [that] would overcome any bias

against my non-traditional background.” She demonstrated a clear understanding of the

advantage of reputation over bias. Men noted the same top items, but rated familiarity over

relationships. One man simply responded that, “reputation and knowledge of the system,”

provided him an internal advantage. Although both genders understood that impressions were

most related to insider advantages, women noted relationships more often than men.

A focus on gender-based strengths was less apparent in those considering the outsider or

nearby district pathway as most optimal. Men saw a lack of history and new perspectives as most

helpful followed by both new ideas and experience in the field. Meanwhile, women noted most

often new ideas followed by new perspectives, experience, and personal reasons. One must note

that fewer women responded to the open-response question for outsiders, so these patterns may

not be as indicative of females overall as that of male respondents. Here, men and women cited

quite similar reasons for the strengths of the outsider pathway. Both genders understood the

traditional hiring of an outsider when a district wanted to enact change (Carlson, 1961) and

perceived advantages in that pathway in a consistent manner.

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Those men perceiving their best chance toward the superintendency through a nearby

district mentioned the age of the current superintendent as the motivating factor while women

noted reputation, experience, and location equally. Men considering an insider path considered

the likelihood of the current superintendent leaving. One man responded: “[I have better chances

in a nearby district] because my current Superintendent is young and effective. He has a long

career here if he wants it.” Women noted both reputation (a high insider factor) and experience

(a high outsider factor). One women wrote: “I have a strong background in education including

experience at all levels in K-12. I have a quality professional reputation. I also have central office

experience in a high performing school district.” This woman discussed both strong experience

and reputation that if seen in a nearby district could overshadow any stereotypical gender biases.

Overall, women and men considered advantages based on career pathway in ways consistent

with the literature on the advantages and disadvantages of insider/outsider pathways.

Patterns in Career Pathways to the Superintendency

The insider and outsider pathways were generally equally employed by superintendents

when entering their first superintendent position. Interestingly, gender differences only existed

when asking current first time superintendents about their career pathways rather than when

asking all superintendents about their first superintendency position. As the typical contract of a

superintendent in Pennsylvania is 3-4 years, this might reflect a longitudinal change in the career

pathway choices of males versus females. This might also relate to a confusion in the wording of

the questions as one question asked about previous employment within the district and the other

asked about taking an insider or outsider pathway, see Table 1. If the longitudinal change is

responsible, the data would indicate that in the past 3-4 years more females were hired as internal

candidates than external candidates while men were hired equally internally and externally. This

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could be indicative of women understanding and choosing more effective career paths, more

internal candidates being hired overall (61% of first time superintendents in the study were hired

internally as compared to 39% of second or more time superintendents), increased gender bias by

school boards when hiring external female candidates, fewer external applications either overall

or by women only, or simply an increase in women hired (26% of first time superintendents in

the study were female as compared with 23% of second or more time superintendents). Despite

the reason for this possible change, a gender difference in career pathways for first time

superintendents suggests an advantage of the insider pathway for females aspiring towards the

superintendency.

Females explained this advantage as related to familiarity with the district, their drive to

help, and requests to apply by school boards or retiring superintendents. The application request

factor was similarly noted as most important in males choosing insider pathways suggesting

districts might be pre-selecting internal hires for superintendent. One women wrote:

I, in fact, did not apply for my position. Being closer to retirement age than many first

time superintendents, I was in agreement with our Board to conduct an outside search for

the superintendent. (I was the Assistant Superintendent at the time.) However, after many

months of this process, I was approached by the Board to assume this position. At that

time, I agreed to step in for a three-year contract and shift our focus to hiring an Assistant

Superintendent from the outside. We are currently grooming him to be the next

superintendent.

Internal grooming of future superintendents could result in an inflation of internal hires and

create a false perception or statistical indication of advantage in the insider route; however, a

lack of such advantage for males suggests a real difference might still exist. Males also cited

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familiarity and a drive to help as contributing factors in their chosen insider career paths: “I had

experience with the district - understanding the district's culture and expectations from the

community. I demonstrated an ability and desire to lead and help the district continue to move

forwards and help students and teachers succeed.”

Outsider superintendents typically cited job opportunity (or a lack thereof in their current

district) as the factor most contributing to their career pathway choice and indicated they would

have preferred an insider position:

The superintendent at my previous district will be there for several more years. I had been

an assistant to the superintendent and assistant superintendent in that district for seven

years. It was time to look for a superintendent's position. I would have stayed if the job

would have been available.” –male response

A female respondent noted, “Inside position not open.” while another male respondent

explained:

Many different factors. The Superintendency was not open in my district at the time; the

Superintendency was something I was striving for at the time of my move. I was told I

was going to make a great Superintendent. I felt it was the right time to make the move.”

Other responses included factors such as poor relationships, movement to a better or preferred

school district, location, and family. These factors suggest aspirant superintendents considered

the district fit as an educational leader and personal fit as an individual as well.

Open response items indicated location and school district quality were more important

for men than women as shown in responses such as, “I liked the district and it decreased my

travel time,” and, “Good district close to home.” It is possible only men had the opportunity to be

selective about districts due to women’s need to overcome bias. One woman wrote, “You

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generally have to overcome the way you are viewed. If you've worked in district, have done a

great job, there is a concern that your area will not be sustained. I think it’s a perception issue.”

Nonetheless, data trends indicated that women experienced an increased commute time more

often than men when becoming superintendent although neither gender typically relocated for a

superintendency position.

More men than women reported being “well-known” when moving to the

superintendency as an outsider. In fact, no women outsiders reported being well-known in their

new district of employment as first time superintendents. Given that connections and mentoring

experiences are often cited as influential in women’s leadership success (Gardiner, Enomoto, &

Grogan, 2000; Sherman, Munoz, & Pankake, 2008), a lack of such relationships was surprising.

Perhaps this is a remnant of the ‘old boys’ network and external networking among men remains

stronger than that of women. Nevertheless, the advantage of relationships cannot be denied.

Women and school districts should work towards making external connections that may result in

larger percentages of outsider career pathway efficacy and hiring.

Changing Perceptions of Pathway Efficacy

Superintendents had different perceptions of the helpfulness of insider or outsider career

pathways than assistant superintendents. Sixty-eight percent of assistant superintendents reported

an optimal career pathway as compared to thinking career pathways were equally optimal.

Conversely, 83% of superintendents reported thinking their career pathway helped them to their

position. This was especially present in males with 59% of assistant superintendents and 85% of

superintendents reporting career pathway helpfulness (females reported 75% of assistant

superintendents and 83% of superintendents). This might indicate a change in perceptions of

career pathway efficacy or optimality. Assistant superintendents may have perceived the career

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pathway as less important, but after experiencing the superintendency hiring process found the

pathway more assistive than originally considered. If true, aspirant superintendents should

attribute more importance to their chosen career pathways and apply in concert with these

optimal pathways in order to achieve success. The potential under-valuing of career pathways

might be responsible for any disconnect between perceptions of optimality and preference and

actual application history found in assistant superintendents aspiring to the superintendency. This

is supported by the larger disconnect found in men, which coincides with the larger difference in

pathway helpfulness in men between the assistant superintendents and superintendents.

Summary of Findings

The gender gap not only still exists in Pennsylvania, but also appears likely to continue if

changes do not occur. Women were less interested in the superintendency, less likely to rise to

the position through the more-available outsider career pathways, not well known in outsider

districts, and both preferred and perceived insider pathways as most optimal. The insider

pathway was both preferred and perceived as most optimal for gaining the superintendency and

employed more often by current superintendents when rising to their first superintendency.

Nevertheless, more assistant superintendents applied as outsiders. This level of disconnect was

mirrored in the perception of helpfulness due to pathway by assistant superintendents as

compared to the perceived helpfulness of superintendents. Those applying for the

superintendency chose insider pathways due to reputation and relationships while those

acquiring the superintendency noted application requests and district familiarity as their driving

factors. Outsiders saw new ideas and perspectives as reasons to apply externally while those

current superintendents viewed opportunity as their real reason for applying as outsiders. These

results collectively indicate gender bias is still an issue in educational leadership, but shed light

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on how both aspirant superintendents and school boards can proceed to counteract and alleviate

this social justice challenge.

Future Research

Two pressing issues revealed by this study are the disconnect between preference and

application and the disconnect between assistant superintendent and superintendent perceptions

of career pathway helpfulness. These issues provide a plethora of future research directions

including an exploration the differences in these perceptions and practices through both

exploratory and theory-driven methodologies in order to build a well-explained and

understandable image of the efficacy and meaning of the insider versus outsider career pathway

model. Studies extending from the current data should increase sample size or employ a

qualitative methodological design. As inequities are again confirmed in this study, future

research must continue to explore gender bias in educational leadership and how this impacts a

woman’s desire to aspire to the superintendency. One area of concern includes why women are

less interested in the superintendency and how educational systems can attract women. Studies

could explore traditional and non-traditional familiar gender roles in educational constructs as

are related to positions of leadership. Moreover, studies should explore what drives a woman’s

career path choices when she does aspire to the superintendency both in the aforementioned

contexts and others.

Implications

This study revealed that the insider career pathway does, in fact, provide some benefit to

female aspiring superintendents and aspiring superintendents overall. Following that women

perceived this advantage highlights that women recognize bias and possible routes for

overcoming the existing gender bias in the system. Men were both more likely to obtain outsider

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career path positions and equally likely to obtain insider positions. This confirms the existence of

a challenging success route for aspirant female superintendents, which may account for some of

the disinterest in the position by females. Seeing that requests to apply were most often cited as a

contributing factor for the efficacy of the insider career pathway by superintendents, aspirants

could aim to create relationships and build reputations in their current districts that might

influence others to request applications when positions open. Those who must consider outsider

career pathways, reportedly most often due to younger current superintendents, must work

towards enhancing their experience and ability to provide new ideas and perspectives to districts

providing superintendency opportunities. Districts, especially those looking to hire outsider

candidates, must work harder to attract women to superintendency positions. They might do this

by reducing gender bias, offering familiarity and relationship-building interventions, specifically

requesting female applicants apply, or mentoring women to build interest in those positions.

Finally, familial gender roles must be taken into consideration during the hiring and application

process. School boards must consider biases created through such roles and avoid allowing these

thoughts to impact decisions. Ultimately, biases exist on both ends of the hiring/application

process and career pathways might be used to diminish the effects of such biases. Insider career

pathways offer opportunity for all aspiring superintendents, but especial future female

educational leaders.

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Tables

Table 1

Survey items and available responses.

Item Group: Available Answers

With which gender do you most identify? A • Male

• Female

What is your age? A • 25-35

• 36-45

• 46-55

• Over 55

What best describes your current position? A • Superintendent

• Assistant Superintendent

• Central Office

Administration

• Building Level

Administration

Are you a first time superintendent? S • Yes

• No

How long have you been in your current position? A • Less than 1 year

• 1-3 years

• 4-6 years

• 7 or more years

Are you interested in becoming a superintendent? AS • Yes

• No

Which of the following would best describe your

superintendent application history?

AS • I have only applied for a

position in my district.

• I have applied for a

position in another district.

• I have applied for position

inside and outside of my

current district.

If you were to become a superintendent, would you prefer

to:

AS • Stay in your current

district.

• Accept a position in a

nearby district.

• Move to a district that

requires you to change

your place of residence.

• No preference

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Item Group: Available Answers

Where do you think you have the best chance of becoming

a superintendent?

AS • In your current district.

• In a nearby district.

• In a district that would

require you to change your

place of residence.

• Your chance would be the

same in any district.

Why do you think you have the best chance of becoming a

superintendent in your current district/a nearby district/a

district that would require you to change your place of

resident?

AS Open Response

Were you previously employed in your current district? S* • Yes

• No

(Thinking back to your first superintendent position), did

you take and insider (within your district) or outsider

(outside your district) pathway to the superintendency?

S • Insider

• Outsider

(Thinking back to your first superintendent position), do

you think taking the insider/outsider pathway to the

superintendency helped you obtain your position as

superintendent?

S • Yes

• No

(Thinking back to your first superintendent position), how

do you think applying as an insider/outsider helped you

obtain your position as superintendent?

S Open Response


you relocated in order to accept your superintendent

position?

S-o • Yes

• No


your commute time change when you became

superintendent?

S-o • My commute time

increased.

• My commute time

decreased.

• My commute time stayed

the same.

(Thinking back to your first superintendent position), what

made you choose to apply for the superintendency

inside/outside your district rather than outside/inside?

S Open Response

(Thinking back to your first superintendent position), were

you well known in the district where you gained

employment as a superintendent?

S • Yes

• No

Note: Italics indicate part of question dependent on previous answers. Group represents to which

items were shown; A=all, AS=assistant superintendents, S=superintendents, S-o=outsider

superintendents, S*=first time superintendents

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Table 2

Descriptive Data by Gender

Male Female Total

% % % n

Position

Superintendent 66.6 33.4 66.2 192

Assistant Super. 23.3 48.5 31.7 92

Total* 66.6 33.4 100.0 290

Age

25-35 1.0 1.0 1.0 3

36-45 25.9 20.6 24.1 70

46-55 44.6 52.6 47.2 137

Older than 55 28.5 25.8 27.6 80

Years in Position

< 1 year 15.5 16.5 15.9 46

1-3 years 33.2 34.0 33.4 97

4-6 years 28.5 38.1 31.7 92

7+ year 22.8 11.3 19.0 55

* = Positions do not include data for central office personnel. These

six respondents represent 2.0% of the total sample.

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Table 3

Summary of Quantitative Data

Insider Nearby Outsider Both

% % % % n

Assistant Superintendent

Application History

(m,f)

23.1

(18.2, 29.4)

NA 53.8

(50.0, 58.8)

23.1

(31.8, 11.8)

39

Preference* 48.6

(35.0, 65.6)

20.8

(30.0, 9.4)

4.2

(5.0, 3.1)

26.4

(30.0, 21.9)

72

Optimal Application Route 41.7

(37.5, 46.9)

18.1

(25.0, 9.4)

8.3

(12.5, 3.1)

31.9

(25.0, 40.6)

72

Application History 30.0

(26.7, 33.3)

NA 70.0

(73.3, 66.7)

NA 30

Preference* 66.0

(50.0, 84.0)

NA 34.0

(50.0, 22.2)

NA 53

Optimal Application Route* 61.2

(50.0, 78.9)

NA 38.8

(50.0, 21.1)

NA 49

Superintendent

Previous Employment* 59.7

(54.5, 74.2)

NA 40.3

(45.5, 25.8)

NA 119

Actual Career Path 51.9

(48.6, 61.7)

NA 48.1

(51.4, 38.3)

NA 189

Yes/Increased No/Decreased Unchanged

% % % n

Assistant Superintendent

Did you apply for the

superintendency in the past?

42.3

(50.0, 34.7)

57.7

(50.0, 65.3)

NA 97

Are you interested in the

superintendency?*

75.0

(85.1, 65.3)

25.0

(14.9, 34.7)

NA 96

Superintendent

Do you think your chosen

pathway was helpful?

83.2

(82.6, 84.8)

16.8

(17.4, 15.2)

NA 184

Did you have to relocate for the

superintendency?

36.7

(37.5, 33.3)

63.3

(62.5, 66.7)

NA 90

Were you well-known in your

new district?*

20.9

(26.0, 0.0)

79.1

(74.0, 100.0)

NA 91

Did your commute time

change?

47.3

(43.2, 63.6)

21.8

(22.7, 16.7)

30.9

(34.1, 18.2)

55

Notes: Top percentages represent overall percentage of response in category. Bottom percentages

represent the given responses by gender; overall (males, females).

Italicized data indicate items recoded to insider or outsider only responses. Responses of “nearby” were

grouped with “outsider” responses and “both” responses were dropped.

* = Significant difference by gender at the 0.05 level; n = number of responses for given item; NA = not

applicable.

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Table 4

Count of Contributing Factors towards Assistant Superintendents’ Perceptions of Optimal

Career Paths

Insider Nearby District Outsider

Factor Male Female Male Female Male Female

Reputation 24 19 0 1 0 0

Relationships 10 10 0 0 0 0

Familiarity 13 6 0 0 0 0

No History/New Perspective 0 0 0 0 11 1

Request to Apply 9 3 0 0 0 0

New Ideas 0 0 0 0 8 3

Experience 0 0 1 1 8 1

Hiring Patterns 3 0 0 0 3 0

Current Superintendent Age 0 0 4 0 1 0

Internal Grooming 4 1 0 0 0 0

Networking 0 0 2 0 0 0

Residency/Location 1 0 1 1 0 0

Personal Factors 1 0 0 0 0 1

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Table 5

Count of Contributing Factors towards Superintendents’ Chosen Career Paths

Insider Outsider

Factor Male Female Male Female

Opportunity 0 1 42 11

Request to Apply 15 7 1 2

Familiarity 11 8 0 0

Drive to Help 10 7 0 0

Better District 0 0 10 2

Poor Relationships 0 0 8 2

Timing 9 1 0 0

Location 0 1 7 2

Predetermined 5 0 0 0

Suggested/Mentored 4 1 0 0

Family 1 0 3 0

Natural Progression 2 2 0 0

Ready for Change 0 0 2 1

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Gender and the Superintendency: The Role of Career Pathways · 2019. 1. 18. · For Peer Review...

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