From national political traditions to European federalism

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Projet de Christian Freudlsperger, Cristina Juverdeanu et Isabel Winnwa dans le cadre du partenariat entre le Master affaires européennes de Sciences Po et l'Atelier Europe.

Transcript of From national political traditions to European federalism

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    Christian Freudlsperger

    Cristina Juverdeanu

    Isabel Winnwa

    From national political traditions to European federalism?

    A Case Study of five EU Member States

    Research Paper for Sciences Po Paris Projet Collectif

    in cooperation with Atelier Europe

    Presentation: 24th April 2013

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    I. Introduction: Approaches to a European concept of federalism

    Consensus on the meaning of concepts does not necessarily entail consensus on the objectives that

    concepts represent. There are, certainly, cases where the lack of common understanding of a

    matter helped arriving at a consensus. Nevertheless, in most cases, consensus on the meaning is a

    prerequisite towards agreement and setting of common objectives. Both academic and political

    debate discuss the problem of European federalism. Still, consensus on the meaning of the concept

    is far from being reached. Trying to find a unanimously accepted definition of federalism is not the

    aim of this paper. On the contrary, our purpose here is to show the divergence of perspectives.

    Our hypothesis is that the divergence in the understanding of what European federalism could be

    among the factors that keep the member states from heading towards a deepened integration.

    Following Jean-Luis Quermonnes argument, we could assume that lack of knowledge on the

    Unions destination may be one of the explanations for the Unions dysfunctions (Quermonne,

    2008, p. 78). In the first part, focusing on the case-studies of Belgium, Germany, Greece,

    Romania and the United Kingdom, we review the elements that distinguish the different

    perspectives, creating the divergent understanding of federalism. In the latter part we emphasize

    the common elements on which a consensus could be built.

    a) The rigid distinction federalism-confederalism

    The classic academic debate on federalism turns around the comparison between federalism and

    confederalism. Olivier Beaud pays special attention to the characteristics and the role of this

    dichotomy, considering that the core of the distinction between federal state and confederation is

    the notion of sovereignty: it attempts to establish which one of these two federative forms is

    sovereign ( Beaud, 2007, p. 72). From a dichotomous perspective, the notions of federal state

    and of confederation are to be distinguished along various elements. One of the main distinctions

    is the one between treaty, which is said to characterize confederations and constitution, specific

    to states, and, in this case to the federal state. This debate, which reached its peak in 2004-2005

    with the attempt at establishing a European constitution, regroups, on one side the

    communitarians, and the constitutionalists on the other. From a legal point of view, on one hand,

    within a confederation, the relationship between entities falls within the scope of international law,

    whereas in federal states it is regulated by internal law. Nevertheless, it should be taken into

    account that the federal state also has an external side, governed by international law. Following

    Beauds reasoning, the distinction is also driven by different voting requirements. In an

    intergovernmental structure, usually, unanimity is required, whereas in federal states, majority is

    normally the rule for decision making. As far as the relationship between the citizens and the

    decision-making instance is concerned, the confederation is characterized by an indirect form of

    dialogue. In the meantime, the decision-making entities of the federal state are closer to the

    citizen. Ronald Watts defines a federal system by emphasizing the role of the distinct political units,

    as well as the fact that each one of them is empowered to directly deal with citizens in the exercise

    of a significant portion of its legislative, administrative and tax powers (Watts, 1998, p. 121) and

    each of these entities is directly elected by the citizens. By way of contrast, he argues that, in

    confederal systems, the entities do not have direct electoral and fiscal base, and neither do they

    operate directly on the citizens.

    Sergio Fabbrini considers that EUs comparison with the federal system of the United States is

    essential even though not sufficient to capture the entire EU institutional dynamics (Fabbrini,

    2005, p. 11). In his view, what appears to be distinctive about the EU territorial organization is

    exactly the coexistence of confederal and federal institutions and processes (Fabbrini, 2005, p.

    10). Nevertheless, he argues that this kind of overlap may also exist within the member states (the

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    case of the German Bundesrat as an example). When it comes to the European Union, Febbrini

    distinguishes between some main confederal elements, such as the European Council and some

    federal institutions: the Commission, the Central Bank, the Court of Justice and the European

    Parliament. Thus, at its present state, the European Union doesnt match either one of the two

    categories. Apart from being incapable of describing reality, this normative dichotomous

    approach has the disadvantage of being simplifying and transforming into a concept any kind of

    distinctions between the two types of organization.

    b) Beyond the state-centric approach to federalism

    In our opinion, this rigid dichotomy can be overcome once we have accepted the separation of

    two concepts: the concept of state and the concept of federalism. This destatization, as

    Quermonne calls it, entails a major change in the role of the state, as it no longer is the unique

    and mandatory top of the pyramid. In this perspective, a multi-strata organization emerges and the

    position of the state is an opened matter, as it may still be at the top of the pyramid but also at its

    bottom. This distribution of authority at the subnational and at the supranational levels of power is

    best defined by Gary Marks (1993) through the concept of multi-level governance. His theory on

    the decision-making at the European aggregate level, is interesting to us because it presents a

    form of emancipation from the state-centric approach.

    As far as the federalist theories are concerned, Olivier Beaud considers that the attention paid to

    the concept of state, within the dichotomy federal state and confederation of state prevented us

    from properly analyzing the various and distinct forms of federalism. Thus, he attempts to

    substitute these two concepts by another concept, that of federation, in order to rethink the federal

    matter (Beaud, 2007, p.93). Using a historical perspective, Beaud identifies some common

    elements to all forms of federation. Although autonomous from the state, this kind of organization

    still encompasses two levels: that of the Federation and that of the member states. The main

    argument concerns the principle of federative duality referring to, on one hand, the

    independence of the entities and on the other hand, their interdependence. Thus, for this principle

    to be applicable the most important element is the institutional relationship between the federal

    entities. This simplifying scheme of Beauds theory has the advantage of pointing out some of the

    main characteristics of the European Union today. As the author himself puts it, the theory and the

    application of federalism are extremely loyal one to the other. This is why we consider that the

    divergences in the political and academic debate do matter when it comes to the application of

    European federalism. Visions in member state affect the Unions evolution.

    II. Country Case Studies

    A. Belgium one of the few federal states of the EU as a pioneer for European federalism?

    a) Belgium and federalism a struggle rather than a tradition

    Before tackling the question of the perception of European federalism within Belgium, it is

    important to pinpoint the federal structure of the Belgian state itself. In fact, Belgium, together with

    Germany and Austria, is one of the few federal states among the Member states of the European

    Union. However, as we will illustrate, compared to the other two, Belgium is a very recent and

    structurally fragile federal state.

    The federal state has only been introduced in 1993 and is therefore not only much more recent

    than the German federalism, but shows fundamental divergences in its composition and

    functioning. It has been classified as a differential federalism and characterized by the fact that the

    geographical units in a relatively consistent state refer to their regional particularities. The current

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    federal state is the result of several state reforms, which tried to resolve the cultural tensions

    between the communities by decentralization of competences and the recognition of language

    communities: the regions Flanders, Wallonia and Brussels, and the respective communities. The

    latter define themselves in accordance with the nationality of their members, the Flemish, the

    French and the German community. Each level has proper, mostly exclusive, competences,

    Parliaments, governments and administrations. The system is complicated by the absence of a

    federal state clause, because the federal law does not have priority over the regional law. Belgium

    also has no national parties covering the whole federation, but parties relating to the ethnic groups

    or regions, parties defending special interests which appeal to a particular voting bloc. One can

    relate the introduction of federalism in Belgium to the attempt to prevent the collapse of the

    artificially created Belgian state. So far, this constellation has lead to conflicts in almost every

    elective period, difficulties in finding a coalition are conditioned by the requirement to represent the

    different language communities, which usually leads to short government periods.

    b) Belgium, a mirror of the debate about the concept of federalism

    Ever since the Belgian state was founded its legitimacy has been questioned. The transition from a

    central state to a federal one did not solve the conflicts between communities fearing to be

    dominated, the formal cohesion of the federal state cannot cover up the internal division into sub-

    nations tending to isolate. Despite strong separatist tendencies the dissolution of the Belgian state

    has not been an option so far, because the different language communities and regions are

    formally, administratively and also politically too strongly connected and intertwined. Federalism

    seems to be the only model to solve conflicts between ethnic and linguistic groups on one territory.

    However, a truly functional government will only be possible in Belgium if there is clarity about the

    concept of federalism and if an agreement can be reached among the different communities about

    whether or not the federal model should be preserved in Belgium. Clearly, Belgium needs a reform

    of federalism. Studies and surveys conducted within the different language communities to detect

    their attitude are not conclusive, as they seem to show that though it is commonly accepted that

    federalism is the best solution in order to secure peaceful coexistence of the communities within

    Belgium, there seems to be very little will to support and strengthen this very federal state.

    c) Belgium, a supporter of European federalism?

    Does this difficult experience with federalism mean that Belgium is a less fervent supporter of

    federalism for the European Union? Pascal Delwit (2011) underlines that Belgium is in fact in favor

    of a federalist approach to European integration, under the condition that the concept of

    federalism applied to the EU is a democratic one, and not just a transfer of competences to

    supranational agencies lacking democratic legitimacy and control, without possible intervention of

    national political authority. The majority of Belgian political leaders and elite are in favor of a

    federal design for Europe, however, for them it has to be a political project, with a primacy of the

    decision making by political leaders rather than technocratic agencies.

    Visibly, all the important euro-federalist movements, like the Union of European federalist and

    Young European federalists, are present and very active in Belgium. They highlight the necessity to

    move towards a closer political union, close to citizens and based on a democratic model of

    decision-making, an administration based on subsidiarity and they are even in favor of the

    adoption of a federal constitution for the EU. Nevertheless, it is very difficult to measure, especially

    given the many disparities between the Belgian communities, if European federalism is supported

    widely by citizens and public opinion as well, the debate about the future of the Belgian nation-

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    state seemingly being predominant. Recent Eurobarometer surveys (58 and 78) reveal that almost

    a majority of Belgians are in favor of the development of the European Union towards a federation

    (47%), which is not outstanding compared to Poland (63%), Czech Republic (55%) and France

    (55%), but clearly puts Belgium in the camp of the supporters of a deeper integration and the

    prospect of federalism, compared to the most federation-opposed nations: Denmark (76%),

    Sweden (71%), UK (54%). In fact, Belgians count among the 14 nations who majorly support

    European integration (30%), Belgians even declare themselves European citizens (63%) more often

    than other European peoples and when interrogated on the necessity of European Union having a

    formal Constitution, the Belgian are also largely favorable (58%). In the meantime, a majority

    demands a reform of the European institutions towards a more democratic model of decision

    making where citizens are more involved, 48% think that the President of the Commission should

    be directly elected by citizens.

    d) The potential impact of European federalism on Belgium

    As for the possible impact of European federalism on the Belgian state, it is possible that the

    different communities could benefit on their own account from European federalism by wanting to

    exist independently and separately within a European Federation or a United States of Europe,

    which would inevitably lead to the collapse of the Belgian state which could be a precursor of a

    post-national era for Europe. Or, on the other hand, the prospect of European federalism could

    provide an impulse for Belgium to restructure the nation-state and rethink the Belgian federal

    model, perhaps in the sense of a more competing federalism in order to permit each community to

    affirm itself constantly in opposition to the others without weakening the federal state as a whole.

    B. Germany Uploading its federal model to the European level?

    a) Euroscepticism and federalist activism a German paradox

    German party politics had always been proud that there was no decisive Eurosceptic force in the

    Bundestag and that mainstream catch-all parties were able to absorb populist and anti-European

    sentiments and transform them into integrationist energy. The CDU of the Helmut Kohl era serves

    as a striking example. While politically situated rather close to sovereignists and right-wing

    conservatives, it was, clinging to a European meta-narrative of peace and prosperity, able to

    preserve its decidedly pro-integration stance. Nowadays, times they are a-changin and a

    political force of the populist right aims at taking the 2013 Bundestag electorate by storm, the so-

    called Alternative for Germany (AfD), a conglomerate of economists and disappointed

    commoners not willing to back Angela Merkel's way of handling the crisis anymore, yearning for a

    return to the good old times of the Deutsche Mark. Support for European integration has,

    according to the latest Eurobarometer polls, fallen sharply since the beginning of the Euro crisis in

    2008; and what is more, 56% of Germans have no trust in the EU nowadays while only 30%

    have a fairly positive image of the EU. And still, it seems as if there was a constant federal spark

    gleaming in Germany, at least among its political elites. Joschka Fischers 2000 speech on the

    finality of European integration is as much an illustration of this point as is the Germany-initiated

    Future of Europe Group. Established in 2011 and comprising the ministers of foreign affairs of

    traditionally rather pro-integration countries such as Italy or France, it served as a strong pointer in

    a federal direction and put forth a convicted stance in favor of more integration.

    b)The German federal tradition

    Given the fact that Germany has a very special relationship with the concept of federalism itself

    this cannot be seen as any sort of oddity. Germanys strong commitment to horizontal federalism,

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    the sharing of political and administrative power between Bund and Lnder, as laid down in Art.

    20 of the German Grundgesetz and remaining under the safeguard of the guarantee of perpetuity,

    is deeply rooted in its checkered history. The Prussian coup of 1932 and the Gleichschaltung of the

    Lnder in 1933 marked the end of the horizontal federalism of the Weimar republic and the

    beginning of barbaric Nazism. Therefore, Germanys federalist order of today serves a variety of

    purposes of politically wide impact: it is supposed to keep political power in the German

    representative democracy as close to the people as possible; it aims at maintaining a balance

    between political center and periphery; it shall safeguard the reflection of the magnitude of

    different regional cultures and traditions; and after all, it is supposed to ascertain that the country

    does not relapse into centralized totalitarianism. In this sense, the German understanding of

    federalism is quite close to the concepts of subsidiarity and proportionality that have been put to

    the core of European affairs with the Treaty of Maastricht (Art. 5 3&4 TEU). The competence to

    act and take decisions is in any case to be taken on the lowest possible vertical level of political-

    administrative power. Therefore, there are, just as it is the case within the EU, policy fields being

    identified within which the Bund exerts an exclusive power, within which competences between both

    entities are shared and within which the Lnder are solely responsible to come up with and decide

    upon suitable political solution (which are admittedly very few). The field of shared competencies is

    traditionally the most contested one. Just as it is in the European Union, executive power mostly

    stays within the confines of Lnder competency. Therefore, the German model of federalism is not

    only coined cooperative (for its constantly consensus-seeking nature, compare with Lijphart 1999:

    Patterns of Democracy), yet also executive federalism by a variety scholars (for a utilization of the

    concept to describe European crisis management politics see Habermas 2011a).

    c) The German perspective on European federalism

    One has to take into consideration this specific relation that Germany has had with the concept of

    federalism when talking about how European federalism is being perceived in Germany. Of

    course, a caveat has to be established here: most Germans fear a centralized European super

    state just as much as their other fellow Europeans. However, if one sticks to the German

    understanding of the concept of federalism, then there would, from a German perspective, be little

    to be complained about European federalism. Not in the slightest would it then mean the

    establishment of a centralized European super state, yet basically its opposite the circumscription

    of political power in a European federal state by the means of subsidiarity. Every political force and

    every political decision should be residing with the lowest possible administrative level. This way it

    would be safeguarded that every country and region of Europe was to be equally essential and

    indispensable. A European federation would in this understanding only take on those problems that

    cannot be overcome on a lower level, environmental protection or banking regulation for example.

    All those that can be more easily, more democratically, more efficiently solved on one of the

    various lower levels, would have to be tackled there. Thus, from a German perspective federalism

    can be understood as a conditio sine qua non to an ideal Europe. Only a federal Europe would be

    a truly democratic Europe and far from a super state of leviathanic proportions.

    There is however one crux to this deliberation, which is the issue of Kompetenz-Kompetenz as it has

    been constantly put forward by the German Constitutional Court. A federal Europe would require

    some sort of authority to initiate Treaty changes. In Germany, a revision of the Grundgesetz

    requires the consent of two thirds of the members of the Bundestag and the Bundesrat. Therefore,

    the Kompetenz-Kompetenz is shared between the federal and the regional branches of political

    power. Should the EU evolve into a federal system following a rather German model, then a form

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    of transferring this principle of Kompetenz-Kompetenz to the supranational level most likely by

    Treaty changes being possible with a qualified majority of Parliament and Council would have to

    be found. The German Constitutional Court however already pointed out in its 2009 Lisbon

    judgment that this would require the adoption of a new German constitution and cannot be done

    within the confines of the current Grundgesetz. Taking into account the importance that German

    people assert to their constitution (compare for example the concept of constitutional patriotism put

    forward by Jrgen Habermas) and the profound lack of constitutional innovation since 1949, the

    adoption of a new constitution in order to establish a European federal system seems however

    highly unlikely.

    d) The potential impact of European federalism on Germany

    The centrifugal dynamics of a concurrently regionalizing and Europeanizing political reality are of

    different effect on different types of Member States political systems. Since, so it is frequently

    argued, the institutional misfit of unitary states (Schmidt 1999: 21) in relation to the current

    quasi-federal political system of the European Union is greater than that of Member States with a

    tradition of federal government, their processes of adaptation have proved more painful, more

    profound and stirring way more controversy. Thus, a factual federalization of the EU would be

    more arduous to a unitary state than to a traditionally federal system that is Germany. Its federal

    tradition would equip it with the necessary administrative flexibility to react and adapt to the

    necessities of a European federal system. The same could be assumed for the judiciary which is

    highly decentralized as well, however has the German community of lawyers gained the reputation

    of being rather sovereignist, as being exemplified by various judgments of the

    Bundesverfassungsgericht, and would therefore probably prove to be reluctant to adapt to a new

    federal situation. In regards to European economic and fiscal federalism however Germany is in a

    rather ambivalent position: on one side, its export-orientated economy profits heavily from the

    single currency (compare Bertelsmann Foundation 2013), saving the Euro through common fiscal

    standards and procedures is therefore in its very interest. On the other hand is it opposed to a

    communitization of federal debt through Eurobonds or to a substantial alignment of living-

    standards and development levels in the different parts of Europe since it would have to bear a

    major part of the costs. Thus, despite being a federal state, the establishment of a European

    federalism would still require an arduous, and potentially costly, process of adaptation.

    C. Greece and European federalism an antagonism?

    a) Greece and the European Union, a conflicting membership

    In a moment where the political, economic and social situation in Greece is on the verge of

    exploding, with Greek people are manifesting all their discontentment and their rage against

    austerity politics, the image of the European Union within the Greek population seems to have

    degraded considerably (49% negative, according to recent Eurobarometer 78), the EU is being

    perceived as non-democratic (67%), technocratic (68%) and not efficient (80%). Yet, the governors

    of the Euro zone prove to be more and more severe on the issue of Greece, as the financial aids

    are voted only by a short majority in the European Council. Thus the question: should Greece

    leave the Euro zone, and even the European Union? An exit of Greece, despite the more or less

    polemic assumptions which have been made, is a very unlikely and improbable scenario according

    to European specialists, for reasons linked to the internal situation in Greece, also economic and

    political interests of the EU itself. Henceforth, the common currency determines the competitiveness

    of a Member state on the international market, thus an exit from the Euro, or even the European

    Union, would isolate a country like Greece on the European and the international market. Some

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    see in the Greek crisis a turning point for the European Union, as the EU has to decide whether it

    wants to risk its collapse, first financially and economically, then politically, or tackle the crucial

    question of a European economic federalism, which would imply a structured federal policy with

    common regulation criteria of the common currency. The Greek crisis shows that in an area with

    as many disparities as in the EU, the adoption of a common currency also means adopting clear

    criteria of convergence, fiscally and economically, within a clear timeframe and rigorous control in

    every member state rules which had not been respected in Greece for a decade with Europe not

    undertaking the necessary controls.

    b) The Greek crisis, a crossroads for Europe?

    In the field of economics and finance, the EU has become a guarantee, if not of stability, then

    certainly of a large rescue network ready to bail out. As the Greek case has demonstrated, the

    solidarity among Member states of the European Union, even if imperfect, nevertheless protects

    states from the worst effects of the crisis, especially national bankruptcy. What the Greek perceive

    in their daily life stands in opposition to this: Europe is also a rigid system of rules and liabilities,

    states are bound by their commitments and punished for not respecting the criteria mostly by

    political pressure exerted by heads of other states, like Germany. The Greek example proves that

    the EU has one major default, namely the disequilibrium between states as well as the

    predominance of Germany in all the negotiations. This crisis clearly is not only economic, but a

    leadership crisis resulting from the incapacity to negotiate on equal terms, Germany who

    represents 20,2% of GDP in the EU and receives the smallest part of EU aids with Greece who only

    produces about 2% of EU GDP and is one of the greatest recipients of EU aids. Some view this as

    a failure of intergovernmental Europe, the proof that the current EU system is not egalitarian but

    privileges the most powerful. There are two possible ways out of this deadlock: the first would be

    to accept a Europe at multiple speeds under the guardianship of the big leaders resulting in an

    aggravation of economic and political divergences which would, ultimately challenge the entire

    Euro zone and even European Union. The second solution would be to put national sovereignty

    into question and form a federation of states, which would all adopt binding constitutional rules

    within a federal government structure.

    c) Greece, a supporter of Eurofederalism ?

    A euro-federalist movement seems to exist in Greece, at least the structures and the main political

    European-centered movements in favor of federalism. There is a Greek European Federalist party,

    as well as a Young Greek Federalist movement, the first parties in Greece publicly supporting

    federalism and a federation in form of the United States of Europe where citizens are regularly

    consulted via referendums. With regard to policy aspects, the Greek focus is on Defense and

    security, counting on more financial support from the EU for Greek police and army, as well as an

    advantage in education, investment and employment. The establishment of the federalism is not

    regarded as a threat to Greek national identity, as it does imply the assignment of sovereignty in

    the sense of identity, but the sharing of common principles and values with European and national

    identity coexisting. The most important administrative aspect seems to be the demolishing of old

    Greek institutions in order to replace them by new ones guided by the framework of the EU

    federation, where the principle of subsidiarity and the division of powers, which would ensure less

    corruption and more transparency within the Greek state.

    Recent Eurobarometer surveys (78) show that 44% of the Greek would be in favor of a

    development of the EU towards a federation. In fact, at the moment of the first enlargement, at the

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    moment where the Constitution was drafted, there seem to have been movements in Greece

    defending a deeper integration, a federal structure: the Greek were among those claiming a

    closer cooperation in the domain of security policy and defense, as well as social, environmental,

    macroeconomic and fiscal policy. The Greek are conscious of the fact that the problems Greece

    faces today can be better taken care of, within a supranational structure, with a permanent

    presidency of the European Council, resembling a European President, a deepening and

    enlargement of the European Union while defending the particular positions of the small Member

    states. Greece has supported the idea of an election of the Commission President by the European

    Parliament and the reinforcement of the Parliaments and the Commissions role which are

    perceived as the most capable of and intent on defending the participation and representation of

    small Member States, at the same time reflecting on a way to insure the representation of the

    smaller states through an extension of the co-decision procedure and qualified majority voting. The

    EUs economic objectives having been the main preoccupation, the Greek have demanded a

    reinforcement of the economy and the European labor market, a requirement defended by the

    Greek firms. At this very same moment, the Greek have also developed the idea of a double

    citizenship, which would permit Greek citizens to benefit more easily from free movement.

    d) The impact of European federalism on Greece

    At present, it is very difficult to measure if the federalist ideas are very present within public opinion

    in Greece, given the tense relation with the EU, which seems more likely to be translated into a

    rejection of Europe than in a request for a federal Europe. Though there is some talk in the media

    about the possibility of federalism in Europe, the Greek mainly address this topic to express their

    concern about the probability of being excluded from such a federation project, given the major

    economic and political challenges they have been facing over the last decade. However, and this

    speaks in favor of the presence of a pro-European and even pro-federalist voice in Greece, the

    tenor of the Greek commentators regarding Europe is not entirely hostile and reproachful, but

    rather moderate and there is some extent of recognition of Greek failure with regard to economic

    performance and administration. The Greek case seems to highlight the question of democratic

    legitimacy and economic coherence at the same time pointing out the difficulty of conceiving which

    kind of future structure for the EU is meant when federalism or a European federation, or The

    United States of Europe are evoked. Especially regarding the question of centralized

    administration or decentralized institutions, and more importantly, the gap between a European

    technocratic elite taking decisions increasingly in a non-democratic unilateral manner lacking

    legitimacy by citizens who seem to be less and less involved in the European integration process.

    D. Romania European federalism and new Member States

    a) Federalism a delicate issue

    The discussion on the perception of European federalism in Romania is actually a discussion on

    the imperceptibility of this matter in the Romanian public sphere. As no absence is neutral or

    reasonless, we consider that this very silence should be analyzed. In Romanian, both political and

    academic debates only deal with the concept of federalism at the infra-state level. In the

    perspective of a better territorial organization, regionalization and federalization were brought

    about as possible viable solutions. Firstly, we will, in the following, show the European

    requirements on this matters concerning regionalization. Secondly, we will argue that the

    Hungarian minoritys territorial partition in Romania and its autonomy claims may be a reason of

    reluctance when it comes to the debate on federalism.

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    1) A question raised by the European Union

    The issue of regionalization rose under pressures of the EU accession. Except for the case of

    Transylvania (discussed below), regionalism has not emerged as a strong political force in post-

    communist Romania (Dobre, 2009, p.182). In the perspective of the EU accession, the idea of

    region took a functional approach, because regionalization has thus occurred in a very functional

    way and mostly as a means of managing regional-level EU operational programmes as part of the

    national development plan consensus (Dobre, 2009, p.182). Romania was part of the broader

    trend that impacted the candidate countries from Central and East Europe. Principles such as

    subsidiary and multi-level governance had to be tied in with the centralized, unitary state of

    Romania. EU put pressure on the candidate countries to empower regional levels and to implicate

    them in the repartition of funds. Here, as Ana-Maria Dobre emphasizes, the EU requirements are

    not the only explanation for the phenomenon of regionalization. Nevertheless, it can be argued

    that the European Union made the existence of appropriate regions that would implement the

    structural funds and that would possess adequate financial and budgetary management capacity

    (Dobre, 2009, p.184) a priority. The attempt to satisfy the NUTS II criteria began part of the

    Romanian political agenda and debate. Gradually, a whole institutional infrastructure developed

    in order to take in charge these regional requests. It started in early 1998 with the National Agency

    for Regional Development (Agentia Nationala pentru Dezvoltare Regional) and culminated with the

    creation of a Ministry in charge with regional development: the Ministry for Development, Public

    Works and Housing. Nevertheless, the creation of the advised and functional eight development

    regions that would comply with NUTS II criteria remains a delicate subject in Romania.

    2) Yet silenced by national sensibilities

    (1) Romania is a sovereign, independent, unitary and indivisible National State, enunciates the

    first article of the Constitution of Romania, emphasizing the idea of the unity and the indivisibility of

    the state, which has its origins in a troubled history and a lasting territorial division. But also, it may

    be seen as an attempt to prevent national secession coming from the Hungarian minority,

    organized in a rather compact geographical area in a part of Transylvania. During the post-

    communist years, the parties representing the Hungarian minorities have favored territorial

    autonomy along ethnic lines, but this demand has been rejected by the parties of the ethnic

    majority (Bochsler & Szcsik, 2012, p.1). The majoritys reactions seemed to interpret theses

    claims as part of a revisionist agenda aiming to correct territorial partition through separatism.

    Apart from autonomy demands, representatives of the minority such as The Democratic Alliance of

    Hungarians from Romania (Uniunea Democrata a Maghiarilor din Romania UDMR) also

    constitute one example of active political supporters of regional self-government (Dobre, 2009,

    p. 189). Consequently, it is one of the reasons why the protection of the state was collectively

    perceived as vital and superior to any demands for regionalization (Dobre, 2009, p. 192).

    Nonetheless, what should be remembered is that the discussion on federalism in Romania has its

    frame settled by the dichotomy unitary state versus territorial secession. As Cristian Preda also

    puts it (Interview with Cristina Preda, 27th of March 2013) this is one of the reasons for reluctance

    when it comes to a discussion on federalism.

    b) A (fading) Initial Consensus

    Another reason may be the fact that the Romanian public opinion never raised questions on the

    future of the EU. As Preda points it, Romanias situation was a particular one as its accession to the

    European Union was marked by a strong consensus: no anti European voice (Interview with

    Cristina Preda, 27th of March 2013) for the first five-six years. The political elites consensus

  • 11

    influenced a public opinion consensus. However, lack of discussion on the subject also meant lack

    of questioning the shape or the future of the European Union. The question of a European

    federalism was absent both from the Romanian public space and from the Romanian academic

    debate. On the other hand, the initial consensus on the European Union is fading away. As Preda

    observes, the anti European critiques are mainly directed against the Commission and its

    requirements but also against some member states. In the first case, the anti corruption

    requirements are one example of the targets of critiques. In the second case, the Schengen file and

    the postponement of Romania's accession to the Schengen area were subject to critiques against

    Germany and The Netherlands, member states that were, in the end, defending the Commissions

    criteria and requirements. We consider that is not only premature but also unjustified to argue that

    these critiques against the Commissions policies and requirements would lead to an interrogation

    on the future of the EU. Even so, their emergence should be acknowledged and analyzed even if

    for the time being their impact is undefined.

    c) Which impact for a European Federalism?

    In Central-East Europe, post communist states inherited the highly centralized state structure from

    the former regimes (Bochsler & Szcsik, 2012, p.1). As we have seen, in this kind of highly

    centralized states, such as Romania, the very question of decentralization (especially in the case of

    the presence of important minorities on the territory) is subject to fierce debate. As far as the

    European level is concerned, scholars such as Renaud Dehousse and Cristian Preda argue that,

    from a theoretical point of view, it is easier to adapt a superior federal layer (the European Union

    one) for states with a prior federal basis. Nevertheless, Arabela Ster thinks that todays European

    Union represents a good anti-chamber to a potential federal Europe and that even states

    without a prior federal order have proved capable to adapt to new forms of

    organisation(Interview with Arabela Ster, 22nd of February 2013). However, for the time being, as

    Preda points out, we didnt succeed translating the federal question in all the official languages of

    the Union (Interview with Cristian Preda, 27th of March 2013). The federal becoming of the Union

    is far from being certitude. The becoming itself does not benefit from great attention in Romania,

    nor do the implications on the Romanian State.

    E. The UK Latent Euroscepticism and anti-federalism?

    a) Euroscepticism in the UK

    Euroscepticism is surely not limited to the British Isles and their inhabitants; however, one could still

    claim that the UK is in many regards the motherland of the phenomenon. Ever since its 1973

    accession, support for British membership and trust in the European institutions has been low.

    Recent figures prove equally striking. In the 2010 Eurobarometer for example, 64% of the polled

    Britons stated that they did not trust the European Union which is very much out of line with an

    EU27 average of only 45%. At the same time, nowhere in old Europe is there such a plentitude

    of Eurosceptic press as there is in the UK. And nowhere in Europe are Eurosceptic groups as well-

    funded and well-organized as they are there. Consequently, the British tradition of Euroscepticism

    (Ford et al. 2012) has found an organized political outlet in the UK Independence Party (UKIP),

    founded in 1993 as part of the opposition to the Maastricht Treaty, performing rather successfully

    in second-order elections such as European or British regional ones.

    But, why did this phenomenon evolve? Simon Hix (2007) offers a rational choice institutionalist

    explanation which he bases on the assumption that, should domestic actors feel that domestic

    policies will move further away from their ideal positions (because of European integration), they

  • 12

    will be Eurosceptic. From his perspective then, two rationales led to a structural British disposition

    towards Euroscepticism: (1.) in majoritarian systems, such as the UK (compare Lijphart 1999);

    Euroscepticism is more likely to occur because desired policy change might be hampered by the

    consensus dynamics on the European level. Both Labour and Tories thus have an incentive not to

    constrain the hands of the domestic government through further integration. (2.) If a member

    states domestic policy regime is to the right of the European median, as it is the case in the UK,

    voters and parties on the right are more likely to be Eurosceptic, because European integration is

    likely to result in a policy shift to the left of the status quo. The UKs domestic policy regime,

    marked by a liberal labor market and service sector as well as low levels of income distribution is

    considerably to the right of the EU average. Not surprisingly, parties of the right, particularly Tories

    and UKIP, are opposed to the EU imposing socialism through the back door, as Margaret

    Thatcher once put it.

    b) The UK tradition of centralized power

    Traditionally, the UK is being perceived as a rather centralized state. The authority of its central

    executive which is closely bound to the will of the Parliament is perceived as being nearly

    unrestrained. At the same time however it cannot be thought of as a unitary state in a territorial

    sense (Jeffery & Wincott 2006). Its Union was always comprised by different states; it never only

    consisted of England, but has, for quite some time now, also included Scotland, Wales, and

    Northern Ireland. Until 1997, when New Labor assumed power in Downing Street, the entire

    Kingdom was basically reigned from Westminster while its subordinate parts lacked considerable

    competences of self-government. Only through delegation of tasks were they included in the

    political-administrative process. (Gamble 2006) After 1997 however, through a process of

    devolution, they gained considerably more independence and competence. This was done not only

    for surely primordial political and economic reasons, yet also to empower the devolved sub-

    national territories within a European environment that aimed at enforcing the application of the

    principle of subsidiarity. (Laffin 1999) Nowadays, even though one cannot consider the UK to be

    an ideal type of centralized state (anymore?), its constitution still remains considerably closer to

    concentrating than to dispersing political power (compare Lijphart 1999). The territory of England

    for example lacks any kind of self-government and keeps on being reigned by Westminster, while

    the devolved territories only account for approximately 15 percent of the United Kingdoms

    population and GDP. Still, in the light of independence movements and attempts to transfer more

    power to the sub-Union level, debates on the issue of British federalism have quite frequently taken

    place. However, any aspirations to federalize the country have been rejected, e.g. with the 1973

    Kilbrandon Report, mostly putting forth the argument that British federalism would inevitably be

    marked by an English dominance. Another fraction of centralists argued that any derogation from

    the rather unitary status quo could mark the beginning of the end of the UKs unity. A stance which

    could nowadays, devolution reforms, be exemplified by the forceful Scottish attempts to gain

    independence from the Union.

    c) The UK perspective on European federalism

    Taking into account the degree of Euroscepticism among Britons and the countrys rather deficient

    experience with the concept of federalism and its application, it cannot come as a surprise that

    there is not much desire among the British to establish a federal European Union. Of course, there

    are federalist organizations existing in the UK as well and, surely, there are also outspoken

    European federalists such as the former Labour MEP and current adviser to the President of the

    European Council Richard Corbett (which we interviewed for this policy paper). However, besides

  • 13

    the obvious fact that these people and organizations comprise only a petite minority of the overall

    public has the British discourse about the concept of European federalism a specific peculiarity.

    As is perfectly understandable, the British discourse about the EU is characterized by a strong

    rejection of the notion of a centralized Brussels superstate. However do the British tend to use the

    federal vocabulary in an understanding of the concept of federalism that is deprived of any

    historical basis (Interview with Renaud Dehousse). Indeed, in the British context has the word

    federalist retained an entirely new meaning and is nowadays being utilized as a conceptual

    equivalent to centralized. Therefore, the fact that the British tend to not talk about a centralized

    yet a federal Brussels superstate, makes it virtually impossible to discuss European federalism in

    a not ex ante negative sense of the concept. Consequently, the term is now in frequent use by

    Eurosceptics, yet hardly ever utilized by pro-European forces in the UK.

    d) The potential impact of European federalism on the UK

    A smaller institutional misfit would, according to Europeanization literature, make it potentially

    easier for countries with an extensive federal history to adapt to the establishment of a European

    federalist order. Countries that have a federal experience, as a rule, tend to breed people that are

    better disposed towards European integration. If you come from a country with multiple layers of

    government, you accept more willingly the idea that there is, on top of the rest, the European

    Union. (Interview Dehousse) Clearly, the UK does not have any profound experience with the

    concept, but at the same time might the regionalizing dynamics within it induce a Europeanizing

    one in the long term as well. The recent devolutionary process, resulting in an empowerment of

    sub-national territories, might, through the leverage regions possess in a multi-level-polity such

    as the EU, as well result in a gradual federalization of the UK and/or its incorporation in an overall

    European federal system. Current evidence speaks at the same time in favor (Scotland and its

    attempt to gain independence while remaining within the EU) as well as against this claim (PM

    Camerons bid for an in-/out-referendum). At the same time would the obstacles for the

    establishment of a European federalist order not only in structural aspects be rather high, but also

    in fiscal and economic as well as in judicial terms. With its own and proud currency, its rejection of

    any fiscal integration and its distinct constitutional tradition would the UK have a hard time

    adapting to a federal Europe which makes such development even more improbable.

    III. Observations from the case studies and interviews: On which common notions could the concept

    of European federalism be founded?

    The country case studies conducted within this research project reveal that there is no such thing as

    consensus on the substance of the concept of European federalism. Deriving from this, there is

    no common understanding on if and how to proceed towards a federal order in Europe as well.

    Does the notion of European federalism entail merely economic aspects or does it stretch

    towards the political sphere? The particularly peculiar case of Greece revealed that there is a

    cleavage between those two notions and that pro- as well as anti-federalist actors align themselves

    along this line. Furthermore, is federalism even the appropriate concept to apply in a Europe

    divided by deep economic, social and cultural divisions or would it prove to be an ineffective way

    of governing the Union? The Romanian and Belgian cases shed grief doubts on the assumption

    that federalism might be the most efficient way to govern the multifaceted geographical sphere that

    Europe is. Those doubts seem to have not taken hold in Germany yet, where a federalist order, in

    the German sense of the word, is still frequently being seen as something desirable and essentially

    democratizing for the EU. The opposite holds true for the UK where the concept of European

    federalism is not just a politically contested one (as it is everywhere in Europe) but one that took

  • 14

    on the entirely different and negative meaning of a centralized Brussels superstate. Consequently,

    no consensus on what the term European federalism actually means and entails has there been

    found yet. Still does the following section, based on the interviews conducted for this research

    project, attempt to identify frequently stated tendencies and similarities which could in turn be

    utilized to found upon them a common understanding of the concept.

    A. The concept of federalism: central or federal competencies?

    Leaving aside the very peculiar British case for the moment (and taking it into account later on),

    there seems to be consensus, at least among the various researchers and politicians from the

    different Member States we interviewed, that federalization had to be distinguished from

    centralization. These concepts are, particularly from a historical perspective, rather contrasting than

    similar. "When the US Constitution was established, the opposite was the case: a federal

    government was chosen because a centralization of power was to be rejected" (Interview

    Dehousse). Jean Quatremer also endorses the distinction between federalism and centralization,

    while stating that the respective collective understanding of the concept depends on the federal

    experience a nation has made. Those states with a federal tradition tend to understand European

    federalism in a more subtle way. (Interview Quatremer) Beyond this very basic distinction between

    federalism and centralization there is another one to be made, namely the one between federalism

    as a state-centered concept (as it was traditionally the case) and as a concept transcending the

    nation state (as it would have to be applied to the European Union). Thierry Chopin supports this

    claim being made by Olivier Beaud (compare the introductory section of this paper) and states that

    a federalization of Europe would entail aspects of centralization and regionalization at the same

    time, a wholly new allocation and distribution of political competences safeguarding the highest

    possible level of democratic representation and overall legitimacy. Therefore, an entirely new and

    currently only vaguely outlined, concept of federalism would have to be found and applied to the

    EU a federalism of its own. (Interview Preda) Therefore, beyond any political and national divide,

    a very basic and abstract consensus on the meaning of federalism in a European context can at

    least be stated. This is essential, because a broad agreement is precondition for debating about

    the future of the EU. (Interview Quatremer) Yet still, what if one talks about more detailed aspects

    of federalism? Then, admittedly, no common understanding of the term can be identified. There

    is no such thing as a 'federal trademark'. (...) And as far as I know, there is not one brand of

    federalism. There are as many as there are federal countries." (Interview Dehousse)

    Taking into account the peculiar British case where European federalism and Brussels

    superstate are two ways of labeling the same concept, one has to moreover state that it might

    also be not very useful and expedient to over-use the concept of European federalism since its

    political record is paved with misunderstanding and marked by irrational fears of centralization.

    (Interview Dehousse) Therefore, not only an entirely new way of organizing federalism in a

    European context would have to be found, yet also a new way of communicating the concept. The

    central question remaining to be resolved, from the perspective of our interviewees and also from

    the perspective of EU citizens, is the one of legitimacy and democracy. Before any form federalism

    can be achieved, Europe has to become more democratic and legitimate in the eyes of the

    citizens, a conviction which implies a fundamental reform of its political system. It does not seem to

    be enough to democratize the EU while or through federalizing it. The leap of faith to federalize the

    Union requires after all one foremost precondition faith in the Union.

  • 15

    B. Federalized economic and fiscal government

    One aspect that federations have in common is a federalized economic and fiscal policy. The

    European Union of today has only achieved part of this, namely the common currency as part of its

    monetary Union. Ultimately, the shortcomings of the status quo in regards to fiscal and economic

    coordination and governance have been revealed by the current crisis. "The Euro was clearly a

    federal gesture, but an unaccomplished one, because there is no governance framing the common

    currency" (Interview Reyni). With the crisis of the Euro zone, which can be systemically traced back

    to economic imbalances between different parts of the European Union, it now becomes obvious

    that adjusting the diverse levels and traditions of fiscal and economic governance is needed to

    safeguard the Euro (Interview Chopin). This obviously entails the transfer of new competencies that

    are very close to the core of national sovereignty, to the European level. Yet does such initiative not

    have to necessitate centralization; it can also implicate the federalization of economic governance

    (compare Habermas 2013). The economic and financial crisis revived the idea of a federation;

    more Europe is now being regarded as the solution to overcome the challenges of the crisis

    (Interview Ster).

    The Commissions Blueprint for a Deep and Genuine Economic and Monetary Union of

    November 2012 sets out what the next steps of the journey could entail. Should this concept be

    realized and thus be accepted by Member States would it imply a major step towards pooling

    national sovereignty in regards to responsibility and solidarity competences on the European level,

    therefore constituting a decisive step towards economic federalism. Some highly probable and

    potentially problematic developments have in this context to be pointed out: (1) an implementation

    of the concept would prompt a differentiated federalization of the Euro zone (and probable future

    acceding countries such as Poland). The other countries (currently 9 out of 27) would most likely

    not take part in this step towards a federal economic and fiscal Union. The Euro zone is certainly

    in the pole position to drive the EMU, although sustainable policies require the compliance of all

    actors (Interview Ster). (2) At the same time, this pooling of competencies would most likely entail

    no centralization of competencies, but a pooling of sovereignty and a transfer of politics from the

    national to the European level. Beyond the arrangements to ensure the governance of the Euro,

    there will be no centralized government. (Interview Featherstone). This federalization of economic

    and fiscal governance will however, as Dominique Reyni sees it, not be accompanied by a further

    step towards political Union. (3) The probable lack of a decisive step towards political Union to

    legitimize the further integration of fiscal and economic policies would however constitute a serious

    shortcoming and threaten the legitimatory basis of the entire European Union. Since it touches on

    essential parts of national sovereignty would such initiative undoubtedly and urgently necessitate a

    broader democratic fundament of the EU (Interviews Quatremer and Reyni). Should European

    leaders decide to pursue the path of economic federalism without its political equivalent (and

    judging from the Blueprint it looks as if this was the case) would the EU eventually enter a stage

    of post-democratic rule (compare Habermas 2013) with national competencies being undermined

    and supranational politics being under-controlled.

    C. A (federal) European constitution and the nation-state

    Thierry Chopin pointed out that theres a debate between the constitutionalist and the

    communitarians, whereas the latter would say that theres no need to lose our time with a

    Constitutional Charter, as we already have one, while the Constitutionalists would say that even if

    we have an informal constitution the Constituent Assembly is missing. (Interview Thierry Chopin)

    Dominique Reyni affirmed that to give Europe a formal constitution would be necessary to achieve

  • 16

    the European idea, and logical given that Europe has a democratic pretention and a Parliament

    elected by universal suffrage. (Interview Reyni) Renaud Dehousse took the opposite position by

    stating that "the very construction of Europe is in so many respects a constitutional endeavor. The

    very spirit of constitutionalism is that governmental power needs to be limited. The spirit of the

    construction of Europe is that the power of states has to be limited. So, even though we do not

    have a formal constitution, we do have some sort of constitutional order, also with the current

    Treaties. Constitutionalism in a broader sense has been a pillar of the progressive achievement of

    European integration; however, it does not have to be formal to be considered a constitutional

    order containing nation-states power. In fact, the constitutional rhetoric was mainly responsible for

    the failure of the constitutional attempt, because the very rhetoric of constitutionalism frightened

    people and played into the hands of those populists which were arguing that there was a

    centralized superstructure in the making (Interview Renaud Dehousse) With regard to the rhetoric

    of constitutionalism, Dehousse is especially endorsed by Jean Quatremer, who illustrates that the

    debate about a European constitution holds two fundamental similarities with the debate about

    federalism. Firstly the fact that just as there are very divergent concepts of federalism in the different

    nation-states, the debate about a constitution also features a wide range of perceptions within the

    respective Member states, going from support to rejection. This is one of the reasons why the

    constitutional attempt of 2005 was doomed to fail. The second aspect, coincidentally explaining

    the failure of European constitutionalism is linked to the general perception of Europe not being

    democratically legitimate in the eyes of European citizens. The impact of the divergences in

    perception of the notions of federalism and constitutions can be illustrated at the example of

    France and Germany and concluded that in some nations, like France, a European constitution is

    perceived as a challenge to national sovereignty. This especially applies to Member states without

    a federal experience, but with a strong central state, and a concept of federalism as being a super-

    state absorbing national competences, like France, because their assumption of sovereignty is

    inseparable from the nation-state and the nation, the guarantor of national identity. For the

    French, in a pyramidal perspective, it would be a direct challenge to their national constitution,

    whereas for Germans, this federal European constitution would be just another layer juxtaposed to

    the German constitution. (Interview Jean Quatremer)

    All the interviewees agreed on the fact that there is no agreement on the necessity of Europe

    having a formal constitution; as such an endeavor is generally not supported by European citizens

    or political elites. As Richard Corbett points out, the main challenge is once again to approve one

    concept of what a European constitution should look like, given that we dont just have one model,

    but quite a variety of different models. However, if we took the path of making the Treaties look

    like more of a constitution, if we attempt to codify a European constitution, if we actually call it a

    constitution, it would be rejected. (Interview Corbett) However, as Thierry Chopin explains, from

    the point on, when we demand for more political and democratic legitimacy for the institutions and

    for a more legitimate and effective European executive power, we are within a constitutional

    debate. (Interview Chopin) He raises an issue coincidentally addressed by all the interviewees

    which is the perceived lack of democracy and legitimacy within the current EU system, and, as

    Cristian Preda points out, the necessity to give Europe more democratic coherence through true

    elected European officials. (Interviews Thierry Chopin and Cristian Preda)

    Arabela Ster perfectly summarizes the European constitutional debate by clarifying that deepening

    the integration and completing the internal market, the economic and monetary union, are not

    conditioned by the existence of a constitution. Certainly, the introduction of a European

  • 17

    constitution would smooth the way but the existing premises point to the fact that it would not be

    improbable that a formal Constitution would just appear to confirm a state-of-the-art rather than

    vice-versa. If Europe were to have a constitution, it would have to go beyond the traditional

    debate of communitarianism and constitutionalism, because the specificity of the EU would

    require a unique form of federalism that would suit its objectives, rather than a classical one.

    (Interview Arabela Ster).

    D. Identity as a limiting and empowering factor

    Identity is a demanding concept as it aims to deal with persistence and change, similarity and

    difference, objectivity and subjectivity, the collective and the individual level of social and political

    understanding of the self, all at the same time (Duchesne, 2008, p. 402). The concept of

    European Identity is usually used to measure Europeans attitudes towards the European Union.

    However, in the end, this is mainly a measure of the knowledge on the EU and of the agreement or

    disagreement on EUs policies. The distinction between the demanding concept defined above

    and its rather limited empirical test is one of the main reasons for the ambiguity of the concept.

    This is one of the reasons why, during our investigation, we privileged the concept, used by Sophie

    Duchesne, of European identification. On one hand, this has the advantage of suggesting a more

    dynamic process, better suited for a constantly changing object of identification: the European

    Union. On the other hand, identification has the advantage of not suggesting a form of

    competition with national identity.

    Is there a form of identification with the European Union?

    On this point, Chopin (Interview, 8th of April) considers that despite the ambiguity surrounding

    identity, two dimensions of the concept can be identified at the European Union level. On one

    hand, he emphasizes the importance of what he calls alterity-identity. From this point of view, the

    Europeans, compared to the others, have a different set of values and preferences (concrete

    examples such as the way in which gun possession is perceived in the US as opposed to Europe

    support this argument). Nevertheless, this difference of perception is caused by the long common

    history and has little to do with the EU supranational level itself. On the other hand, what is

    measured by means of Eurobarometer is the citizenship-identity dimension. It could be

    understood, as Habermas (1998) as taking the form of a constitutional patriotism. This European

    citizens attachment would be, as a matter of fact, the attachment to democratic values and to the

    rule of law.

    It is beyond the scope of this paper to offer a clear-cut answer whether or not there is such a thing

    as European identity. Nevertheless, we could try to tackle the less ambitions matter of identification.

    As we have observed during the case-studies, most of the Europeans have a basic knowledge on

    the European Union. However, the question stays open when it comes to how this information

    could be turned into an attachment to the EU. Firstly, it is important to emphasize that European

    identity cannot be expected to be built in the same way as the national was built. The European

    Union cannot apply some of the mechanisms that were at the core of the nation-building, such as

    the fact of favoring one culture over another, harmonizing the language or asking its citizens to die

    for the mother country. Secondly, another difficulty in the way towards a European identity is the

    multitude of actors. Cristian Preda (Interview, 27th of March) emphasizes that this European identity

    should be created starting from 27 and soon 28 member states, their national administrations,

    languages, and traditions. It should also be built upon the European institutions, agencies, and the

    bodies themselves. Furthermore, this European identity should be created in mirror with a

  • 18

    territorially and structurally dynamic entity. During our case studies, we observed a set of recurring

    elements which concerned the issues of identity. In one instance, the concept of identity was linked

    to the concept of democracy. Participation, towards voting but also direct participation, was seen

    as encouraging European Identity. This dimension could be summarized under the notion of

    citizenship, or citizen participation. Another dimension concerns the matter of legitimacy of the

    institutions, but this time from a symbolic point of view. A constitutional debate or the election of

    the Commissions president were seen as bringing the EU closer to the citizen and thus, leading to

    an embryonic European identity.

    What is its relationship to national identity?

    Scholars have contradictory views on the relationship between European and national identity.

    Some scholars argue that the national identity would be contrary to the European one. However,

    most authors today argue for a partly cumulative relationship between national and European

    identities at the individual level (Duchesne, 2008, p.400). Within this frame of mind, the national

    lens remains the main one when it comes to citizens identification or identity. As Preda suggests,

    this is mainly because of its rationality, in the sense of social visibility, of the national frame and

    because of its long-lasting tradition: the national identity is closer and more palpable for the

    citizen. This does not mean than a superior layer of identification cannot be added. As far as

    local, regional and national levels of identification coexist, the argument of coexistence between

    European identity and all the others layers is perfectly sustainable. The most investigated opinions

    consider that a European identity is going to emerge. Nonetheless, it will not have the same

    characteristics as the national one. If we follow Habermas argument, it is going to be based on

    common democratic values and a common democratic space for debate. Still, some symbols are

    needed (such as a European anthem), but they are to be handled with caution (the refusal of a

    European Constitution). For this emerging European identity, accentuated by the interdependence

    provoked by the crisis (Chopin, interview, 8th of April), democratic participation and democratic

    legitimacy remain capital.

    IV. Conclusion: Can differentiated democratisation be the solution?

    This paper had as a starting point the concept of European federalism. After careful investigation

    we realized that this initial concept could be the very key to our initial question. We realized that

    within the analyzed countries there is no common vision on what this European federalism could

    be. Thus, our proceeding to an endeavor of defining and clarifying the meaning and the objectives

    of federalism in the first place and European federalism as a particular conceptual challenge

    seemed to be the first step to make. From a theoretical point of view, we tested the dichotomous

    distinction between federal and confederal but we found it to be unsuited for the case of the

    European Union. We consider that the overcoming of the state-centric approach to federalism is

    crucial. However, this obliged us to recognize that beyond the state-centered concepts, there are

    also significant divergences with regard to the question which federal concept would be consistent

    with the requirements of the European Union.

    Therefore, in our eyes, the most pertinent modus operandi entails questioning different

    appreciations of the concept of federalism and prospective European federalism in some Member

    states of the European Union. Choosing countries with seemingly opposing visions on the subject,

    we obtained conclusive case studies, focused on Belgium, Germany, Greece, Romania and the

    UK, which permitted us to point out one central challenge posed: the necessity of achieving a

    common concept of understanding, more precisely, an agreement on criteria and definition of the

  • 19

    concept of (European) federalism. Before moving from the theoretical to the concrete, we have to

    agree on which federalism we are talking about when we speak of European federalism.

    In an attempt to substantiate our assumptions about the necessity of agreeing on common

    understanding, we conducted several interviews with scholars from different backgrounds.

    Nevertheless, by contrasting the comments, we were able to distinguish what appears to be the

    main challenge the European Union faces, regarding its current structure, but especially as to the

    debate about a federalization of the European system: Firstly, the apparent democratic deficit of

    the European Union, resulting from deficient involvement of citizens and connected to this, the lack

    of legitimacy in the eyes of citizens, but also with regard to the nation-state, particularly confronted

    with the given constitutional legitimacy within the framework of the sovereign nation-state. The

    general tenor seems to be that this set of problems has to be resolved precedingly - or

    coincidentally with - the question of a federal regime. As of other dimensions connected to the

    debate about European federalism, namely economic or identity aspects, they appear to certainly

    be complementary, but nevertheless secondary with regard to our problem set. A particularly pointy

    aspect emphasizing this conclusion is the question of identity in the framework of European

    federalism, where the general tenor predicts a cumulative concept of identity for the European

    Union, resulting in a coexistence of national and European identity, and not a clash of identities.

    Can we already move beyond the common concept of understanding and propose a federal

    concept for Europe? Well, we can prudently proceed to draw conclusions from our observations

    and advance the idea of experimenting with differentiated federalism in the framework of the Euro-

    core, which could progressively foster incitation for other Member states to join and converge with

    the federal structure. An alternative proposal for Europe, which transcends the concept of

    federalism, but responds to the main challenges we highlighted, namely the democratic deficit of

    the European Union and its lack of (constitutional) legitimacy, is elucidated by Jrgen Habermas,

    notably in a lecture given on the 26th of April at KU Leuven. In some sense, Habermas proposes to

    substitute the term European federalism with the term supranational democracy, by depicting

    the fact that the European Union in its current state has no constitutional legitimacy in the eyes of

    citizens, due to its technocratic dilemma political elites being relatively distant from national

    public spheres and not directly accountable to European citizens and Member states still

    conducting very different policy strategies despite sectoral coordination leading to a perception of

    malfunctioning of the European system. The establishment of a supranational democracy would

    permit to move beyond the intergovernmental method of sovereign nation-states and the logic of a

    purely executive federalism and finally expand the European Union to a political union. This

    leads Habermas to conclude on another challenge the European Union currently faces, which we

    are inclined to include in our problem set, namely the lack of solidarity among Member states, a

    criterion seemingly even more difficult to fulfill, as once again, there appears to be no common

    understanding on either the concept nor the application. Ultimately, we deemed it more useful to

    contribute to the clarification of conceptual problems rather than engaging in the on-going debate

    about European federalism by artificially proposing or admitting one clear-cut concept.

  • 20

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