From Communes to Communalism: Can the Issue be...

From Communes to Communalism: Can the Issue be Resolved?

RANU JAIN AND AMITA BHIDE

The paper attempts to provide background information on the phenomenon of communalism for social activists/workers. Coverage has been made of the concept; forces behind generation of communalism; changing trends; present scenario; and governmental and non-governmental efforts to combat communalism. In the presentation, the complexity of the phenomenon has not been compromised. Attempts have also been made to present issues and problematic related to the phenomenon, which should be taken into consideration while dealing with the phenomenon.

Dr. Ranu Jain is Reader, Unit for Research in Sociology of Education and Dr. Amita Bhide, Lecturer, Department of Urban and Rural Community Development, Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai.

'Commune'1 , 'Communal', 'Communalism' is a continuum passing from the positive connotation to the negative one; the difference appears to be more a matter of degree. To what extent can a multicultural society accommodate 'communal' differences? What should be the interaction pattern among the communes/communities existing in a multicultural society? How can a common platform be created for various communities when some might have historically developed antagonistic relationships? And above all, how can one think about creating a multicultural society where the 'political will' has a communal touch and the social fabric a communal orientation?

There are various problematic which need careful scrutiny, even if one attempts to address the question of communalism in India — problematic having both micro and macro dimensions, interwoven in a complex fabric, influencing each other in a positive as well as in a negative manner.

It is important to resolve communal issues not only because they go against the principles of peaceful coexistence of communities,

474 Ranu Jain and Amita Bhide

but also because they are built on mutual distrust. This threatens people-oriented development by:

• asking for allocation of scarce resources on communal and not so much on need based terms;

• obstructing growth of certain sections of population just because they belong to specific communities; and

• indulging in the creation and sustenance of mutual distrust based on antagonistic relationships and social gaps among communities.

Such a creation, often, results in violence, which means loss of human and material resources. This also means the creation of a 'psyche' oriented towards 'differences' and vulnerable to manipulation in communal terms.

More specifically, the issue of people-oriented development in present-day India appears to have two dimensions:

• increasing inequities in the distribution of socioeconomic and political resources between the elites and the people; and

• internal factions within people weakening their stand against the elites and affecting their capacity for negotiation.

One feels that people-oriented development has to be based on a social fabric conducive to the well-being of each and every strand of that fabric. This is feasible only in an atmosphere where there is mutual trust, a feeling of 'sharing' and a sense of 'security'.

In this paper, an attempt has been made to understand the sociopolitical and economic forces giving rise to communal tensions in India and the various governmental and non-governmental efforts to combat these tensions. We have taken the literal meaning of the concept of communalism, equating it to the concept of ethnicity. However, the paper mainly discusses issues from the perspective of Hindu-Muslim tensions (see Appendix I for a detailed analysis on Hindu-Muslim tensions in India). This does not mean that tribal problems, issues related to linguistic minorities, Hindu-Sikh tensions, and so on are not of importance. In fact, we feel that not enough attention is being given to these issues, while addressing the problem of communalism. Hence, attempts have been made to place 'communalism' at its macro level dimension, trying to draw the attention of activists to the non-religious forces that give rise to communal/ethnic tensions. The main objective of the paper is to project the problem of communalism in the context of a political society and draw attention towards certain issues (already touched upon in the beginning

From Communes to Communalism 475

of the paper) that should be deliberated upon while attempting to tackle the problem.

Structural Forces Conducive to the Development of Communalism in India

Analysis by various activists and academics indicate that uneven distribution of resources is one of the main reasons behind communal tension. In such a case, the question of vital importance becomes: why does the politico-economic issue of 'development' or 'uneven distribution of resources' get cultural manifestation in India? Some factors that work towards the creation of antagonistic relationships among the communities are discussed below:

Existence of Cultural Pockets in the Indian Social Structure

The social structure of 'traditional' India was developed on the Var-nashram Dharma system or caste system which is unique. It accommodated various cultural groups pursuing their cultural differences. The system was hegemonic and hierarchical in nature. By allocating specific occupations to specific groups, it attributed a specific class position to these groups, which was ideologically sanctioned through the principle of purity and pollution. The most conspicuous aspect of this system was limited yet, well-defined interaction patterns existed across the castes.

Although the writings from the Mughal period give an impression of the prevalence of a social gap between the Hindus and the Muslims, there is not much evidence of communal tensions in this period. The reason behind the absence of communal tensions perhaps, lies in the nature of the prevailing political order. The feudal order of kings and chieftains did not give 'cultural rights' to the subjugated people. People had to accept the existing cultural hegemony and power structure. Sporadic rebellions were an exception than a general rule. One does find cases of conversion of people to Islam; however, the conversion could neither challenge nor provide an alternative to the prevalent caste structure. Further, phenomena like Sufism are indicative of people's attempts to bridge the gap between the culturally different communities. Nevertheless, these attempts were limited in their scope.

This gap was exploited by the British, mainly to suppress the freedom movement. Much has been written on the British policies of 'divide and rule' such the communal award, and the Cripp Proposal which distanced the two communities (Chandra, 1989; Hasan, 1994).


All these policies not only increased the social gap between the two communities, but also provided them with a platform to assert their 'identities' on a primordial/communal basis.

Although there were a few Muslims in the Indian National Congress, the leaders of Congress were mainly identified as the high caste/high class Hindus. Besides, certain policy decisions of the Congress reflected their bias against the non-Hindu minorities (Azad, 1988; Naidu, 1978). This prevented the identification of minorities with the Congress. The identification of Jinnah and the Muslim League with the two nation theory further damaged the relationship between the Hindus and the Muslims (in fact, the issue of partition is still alive issue among certain sections of Hindus and Muslims of present-day India, making it possible for political leaders having vested interests, to project Muslims as 'anti-nationals'). The Cripp Proposal made membership of people to the Union of India voluntary, rather than an obligatory condition. This made acquiring of consent from the minorities an essential task for the leaders of the Congress party. Under these circumstances, projection of the secular front of the Indian nation became essential. This secularism was operationalised in independent India by providing some safeguards for conservation and promotion of cultural interests of religious minorities (see Articles 29 and 30 of the Constitution of India).

These rights have positive implications to the extent that they protect the cultural rights of various communities residing in India. They have negative implications in so far as they contribute towards increasing distances among communities. Interestingly, this distance does not occur as much from the 'rights' granted to the minorities as from the condition of assertion of the 'identity' of a 'minority', for availing of these rights. Just belonging to a religious/ linguistic community, by virtue of birth one's does not enable an individual or a group to access these rights. They have to prove their 'minority' status, in an area where the legislation under question is applicable for the purpose. This engenders and strengthens the process of boundary fixation in a specific category of population, resulting in the projection of a primordial/communal identity in sociocultural terms (Yaqin, 1986).

Unfortunately, even the processes of modernisation, urbanisation and industrialisation in India have failed to overcome these historically developed cultural differences. All these processes, along with the process of democracy, have taken place in a society which was collective in its orientation and catered to patron-client relationship.


Decisions were taken collectively even when they addressed problems as personal as occupation. As a result, through processes like chain migration, jobs in the informal and formal sectors were taken up by communities rather than individuals. Further, kith and kin working in the same industry or same locality or even in associated ones, resided in one locality, thus creating cultural pockets in the urban areas.

These cultural pockets, in general, enjoy strong community feeling with members participating in multiple role situations. However, they also have negative implications. Limited interaction with the outside world restricts the exposure of the members to alternate ways of living. This creates a situation conducive to the formation of stereotypes about 'the others'. Besides, multiple role situations make individuals dependent on community support and vulnerable to community pressures. Due to somewhat similar occupational conditions, members of such groups also occupy somewhat similar class positions.

Physical proximity, it must be noted here, is a necessary yet not essential condition for formation of cultural pockets. Community associations such as the All India Marwari Federation have been found to function towards bringing its dispersed members together. While promoting interaction among the members, such associations may also be used to pressurise members into a 'way of life' through direct and indirect means. This strengthens the notion of belonging to the group among the individual members.

Growing Marginalisation and Resultant Disillusionment Among the People

Although India opted for a combination of capitalism and socialism in the form of a 'mixed economy', it has, by and large, followed a capitalist form of development with some soft alternatives for the poor. This model gave primacy to economic development with only a token concern for equity. Coupled with a centralised system of governance, this model of development gave scant attention to people's participation and visions of development. Consequently, people's issues were bypassed at most levels of decision making. The belief in a trickle-down theory of economic gains resulted in a widening gap between the rich and the poor. Contemporary India is a mix of contradictions and dualities which are byproducts of this pattern of development. For instance, India attained self-sufficiency in food grain production two decades ago, yet starvation deaths persist. Similarly, in Mumbai, which has a per capita income of Rs. 3500/- p.m., 50 per cent residents

478 Rami Jain and Amita Bhide

live in slums in inhuman conditions (BMRDA Draft Development Plan 1991—2001). There is a daily influx of migrants to cities in search of a livelihood — a situation aggravated by growing landlessness and displacement due to macro 'development' projects. Cities have failed to provide decent living conditions to these people. There is a tremendous increase in the number of educated unemployed. To use Lerner's terminology, our towns and cities have become centres of a revolution of rising frustrations (Lerner, 1976).

As a result of this frustration, the credibility of the state has been gradually eroding. Corruption at all levels of governance alienates people from the government. The police are not seen as protectors but as agents of the powerful against the unprivileged. The administration is also seen to be hand-in-glove with vested interests. The deeply entrenched nexus between crime and politicians is commonly known and is fatalistically accepted. This generates an overall atmosphere of discontent among people which requires only a short fuse to ignite.

The existence of parallels between class and cultural categories makes it easier for the people with vested interests to channelise this discontent against communities. Interpretation of the situation in terms of relative deprivation caused by 'others', is generally used for this purpose. Answers in such cases are sought in terms of removal or harming 'other' community members and in seeking a redressal in the form of positive discrimination, thus giving a cultural manifestation to class issues.

Certain Special Features of Indian Democracy

The democratic structure adopted for post-Independence Indian society was developed in accordance to the Western model and was imposed in a societal atmosphere not conducive to it. Society was more collective than individualistic in its orientation and was somewhat feudal, with a functioning style understandable in terms of patron-client relationship. Above all, the state was too distant from the people to make the latter's participation in the decision-making process, a meaningful exercise.

In such circumstances, especially in the presence of cultural pockets, it was easier for the political leaders to attempt to create community based vote banks. Grassroots level leaders were either 'bought' directly through the incentives of money and power or indirectly through the conspicuous manifestation of pro-community stand of the political


parties. However, one of the implications of these symbolic gestures could be the strengthening of sociocultural identities.

The policy of positive discrimination, which means making provisions for special advantages to the minorities in a political economy shared by the majority and the minorities, is yet another strategy ostensibly geared towards the welfare of certain minorities, while strengthening sociocultural gaps within and among communities. This positive discrimination may be practised by making special allotment of resources to certain communities (for example, reservation of government jobs for different categories of people) or by providing an 'autonomous' status to certain communities for managing resources in the area in which they are dominant (for example, the autonomous status given to the Bodos of Assam).

The positive aspects of these strategies are trickling down of more resources to the 'have nots'; and better representation of the minority community members in the decision making process. The negative aspects of such strategies, however, are tremendous. Some are given below:

1. Positive discrimination inclines towards benefitting one community at the expense of the others. Such a strategy builds on discrimination in favour of a community against the 'others'. This not only distances a community from 'the others' but also antagonises 'the others' and may lead to a backlash. An example can be given of reservations made for Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, Other Backward Castes and others in certain educational and occupational fields, which have triggered many anti- reservation incidents in India in the last few years.

2. Such movements and accommodation of their demands may trigger more movements demanding resource allocation on the basis of ethnic/communal identity. An example of this is the large number of separatist movements in the Northeast (Chhabra, 1992).

3. Such strategies help the state in evading the real issue of uneven distribution of resources and of elite oriented development process in India by projecting the thesis of exploitation of one group/community by the other group/community. In such circumstances, an easy answer to the complex question of people-oriented development is sought in removing/displacing or teaching a lesson to the 'mischief making' communities.


The high rate of corruption prevailing in the present political system and the weak ideological base of the political parties, have made alliances between communities and political parties flexible.

In this context, the recent alliance between the BJP and the BSP political parties in Uttar Pradesh for forming the government reflects the fragile alliance of political parties with communities and their readiness to join hands with even the communal parties when it suits them, thus, indulging in politics of convenience. In such circumstances, one cannot count much on the political will to fight commu-nalism.

Communal Conflicts: The Changing Trends

Tracing trends in communal conflicts in post-Independence India is an onerous task at best, more so because of the situation-specific nature of communal incidents and their subjective and limited interpretation by the individuals, agencies and organisations. Hence, conclusions based on such interpretations should be treated with caution. Yet, in the next few pages, an attempt is made to trace out certain obvious trends:

1. The decade following Independence that is 1950-60, was relatively free from riots. In 1954, there were about 83 incidents of communal disturbances. The economic crisis and the ethnicity oriented policies of the Indian Government in the 1960s seemed to have paved way for acceleration of communal conflicts. Thus, in 1968, 348 communal riots were recorded (Desai, 1984; Hasan, 1984). Banerjee (1990) states that communal incidents have been steadily increasing over the years. Based on a statistical compilation of Home Ministry reports, Gopal Krishna (cf. Banerjee, 1990) estimates that incidents of communal riots between 1964-70 averaged 1025 per year. Kuldip Nayar reports in The Indian Express that there were 5000 cases of communal disturbances till November 1980 (cf. Desai, 1984). In fact, we find significant riots occurring in almost every year of the decade of the eighties (See Appendix 2). The ninth decade of the century witnessed an intensification of the same trend. In the years 1989-91, riots occurred in many parts of the country. There were more than 12 major riots in the first half of the year 1990. In 1992, following the demolition of the Babri Masjid, there was again widespread rioting in the country. Only stray incidences of communal violence were witnessed after 1993. However, the


absence of violence does not mean harmony. As Engineer (1995) opines, communal violence in post-Independence India has never declined, though there have been comparatively quieter periods. The geographical spread of communal conflicts has been widening along with the increased frequency of occurrence. Till the early eighties, rioting used to remain confined to particular localities or cities. However, in the late eighties, communal violence erupted in a spate that engulfed almost the entire northern belt of India. The same pattern was repeated in 1992. It was earlier believed that communal violence/riots are products of urbanisation and therefore remain confined to urban centres (Nandy, 1990). However, the Biharsharif riot in 1981 proved this hypothesis wrong. Rural areas have been found to be affected by communal violence, but to a lesser degree. The nature of communal conflicts has changed considerably over the years. Riots in the fifties evidenced somewhat spontaneous mass participation (Shakir, 1984). However, conflicts from the sixties onwards appear more engineered (Desai, 1984; Shakir, 1984). This can be deduced from the fact that the use of sophisticated weaponry and preplanned, prolonged rioting have become the order of the day. The loss of lives in communal conflicts was less earlier. As Desai (1984) points out, in 1967, 301 lives were lost in communal disturbances. In 1969-70, 184, 524 and 121 lives were lost in just three riots at Ranchi, Ahmedabad and Bhiwandi respectively. The Mumbai riots in December 1992 and January 1993 resulted in the toll of 1,000 lives and 3, 50, 000 people had to flee the city (Engineer, 1995). Today, riots have become massacres rather than eruptions of anger. Communal riots are engineered to make the minority community, specially Muslims feel insecure. The loss of Muslim lives, in all cases of riots, far surpasses that of Hindus. In the 1969 riots at Ranchi, out of 184 lives lost, 164 were from the Muslim community. In the 1970 riots at Ahmedabad, 413 out of 512 deaths were of Muslims (Desai, 1984). Of the 300 victims of Surat riots in 1992, 95 percent were Muslims (Engineer, 1995). In the Mumbai riots of January 1993, documents such as electoral lists were used to target Muslim houses and enterprises.

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6. Communal conflicts in the past were between communities, with the police and state playing a mediator role. Recent communal conflicts have been occasions of gross violation of human rights by the law enforcers, that is the police, the judiciary, and so on. In the Delhi-Meerut riots of 1987, Amnesty International took up the issue of civilian killings in a communal conflict for the first time. It reported that 29 civilian Muslims were killed and 32 had disappeared (Engineer, 1995). Four hundred people were killed in the first phase of riots in Mumbai in December 1992. Most of them were killed in police firing. Police brutality and the use of unnecessary violence are rampant in these tension ridden periods and the minority community appears to increasingly bear the brunt of it. This points to a blatant communalisation of the police system. Fanning the fire are politicians and administrators who ensure mismanagement of the riots. Hasan (1984) cites how the Raghubir Dayal Commission and theMadan Commission criticised the ministers and administration for interference and undermining efforts. The role of politicians in the anti-Sikh riots in Delhi in 1984 and in Mumbai in 1992-93, is common knowledge.

7. Till the early eighties, communal conflicts were treated as aberrations or deviations from normal behaviour. However, today, they appear to have been accorded some kind of sanction from the state and the majority community, who want to bring the minorities in line by teaching them a lesson. The minority community appears to have reacted by further closing ranks.

8. The Babri Masjid demolition appears to have brought in yet another change in the trends. The causes behind communal riots in earlier days, could have been traced to local issues explainable in political and economic terms. Today they appear to address the issue of cultural hegemony in a more direct manner.

The Present Scenario

Presently, India is witnessing a process of cultural nationalism in favour of the Sangh Parivar (SP). Although operative since the twenties, the Rashtriya Seva Sangha (RSS) and its allied groups did not enjoy wide support of the Indian population till the eighties. The RSS was virtually exiled after the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi. However, the SP did not cease to function. It created 'service organisations'


and expanded its work of cadre building for a 'Hindu' cause. The SP acquired social acceptance when it participated in the J.P. Narayan movement and merged with the Janata Party in the 1970s. Today, the SP is politically active under the banner of Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). For a short period, the BJP adopted a softer path by accepting Gandhian socialism as a principle. However, when this failed to garner more votes, they turned to their traditional vote banks. Later, due to various strategies of the Congress Government, the BJP could gain momentum in India. These include the attempt of Indira Gandhi to formulate vote banks by communalising the Kashmir and Punjab issues; Rajiv Gandhi's response to the Shah Bano case; and the Congress Government's ineffective and superficial opposition to the demolition of Babri Masjid.

The disillusionment of the people of India with the state machinery and the integrity of the Congress party has left a political vacuum which the BJP used to its advantage. The 'communal' orientation of the BJP could not dissuade people as they had become aware of the communal policies of the so-called non communal parties. Along with the majority oriented Hindutva ideology, what really helped the BJP was its relatively 'cleaner' image as a political party. The implementation of the Mandal Commission in a market economy of scarce resources and ever increasing unemployment rate, was yet another factor that went in favour of the BJP.

It is relevant to point out here that the BJP could appropriate the political vacuum so effectively because the SP had already made inroads into important institutions of the Indian state, like the army, the police and the bureaucracy in its 60 years of functioning. The BJP effectively built on these niches created by the SP by promoting various symbols and processes of unification. More specifically, through strategies like the Rath Yatra and saffronisation, it promoted an image of 'Ram' and 'Ram Rajya' with all its promise of national glory and social justice — two attributes which had/have great attraction to Indians. Above all, the BJP succeeded in forming a broad platform by constructing a crisis situation. The crux of this crisis was the need to put 'Muslims' in their place by demolishing the Babri Masjid and creating the Ram Mandir in its place.

Today, the BJP has a large following. Although it has not been successful in forming a government at the national level, the chances of this happening in near future, cannot be ruled out. This makes it relevant to examine the ideological base of the BJP.


The notion of Hindutva forms the pivot of BJP ideology. The term is related to the concept of 'Hindu', which as defined by Savarkar is, 'the one who regards this land that spreads from the Indus (Sindhu) to the seas as his Pitrabhumi (fatherland) and Punyabhumi (Holyland)' (Punyani, 1996:6). Hinduism, in such a case, includes religion(s) practised in the land of the Hindus.

However, as stated by Thapar (1987:cf. Ram, 1996): The new Hinduism which is being currently propagated by the Sanghs, Parishads and Samajs is an attempt to restructure the indigenous religions as a monolithic uniform religion... This seems to be a fundamental departure from the essentials of what may be called the indigenous 'Hindu' religions.

As stated by Ram (1996), the concept of Hindutva is being given more a cultural than religious intonation both by the propagators of the SP and the Supreme Court. It is defined as a way of life of the Hindus. However, the practised implementation of Hindutva shows that Hindutva politics is based on an upper caste ethos, and aims at the hegemony of one section of society, and one type of religion over the entire Indian society. This is an impression based on the history and analysis of the present day policies of the SP.

The concept of Hindutva is to be seen against the backdrop of the emergence of Hinduism as a homogenous religion (Ram, 1996). The concept of Brahminical Hinduism, projected as Hinduism, was at the root of multiple religious revivalist movements. Its political translation began mainly with Bal Gangadhar Tilak, who attempted to mobilise people in religious terms by organising Ganeshotsav and Shiv Jayanti. Savarkar was another major nationalist leader who carried this process forward and formed the Hindu Mahasabha. He related the ills of Indian society to the disorganisation of the Hindus, which left the frontiers of the country open to repeated invasions. He propounded that the struggle for supremacy would begin after the British left and that the Christians and Muslims were the real enemies who could be defeated only by Hindutva. His key sentence was 'Hinduise all politics and militarise Hindudom' (Punyani, 1996).

The present politics of Hindutva reveals certain elements. It is against minority rights and keeps the antagonism against Muslims, Christians and Dalits alive. In Mumbai, the Minorities Commission has been replaced by the Human Rights Commission. Its other activities also reflect an attitude different from the 'secular' one generally identified with the Indian state. Instances can be given of the Shiv Sena


assertion against Bangladeshi Muslims; and the statements of the SP against the 'practice of conversion' by Christian missionaries. The main issues raised against the Muslims are the need 'of population control' in the Muslim community and 'Indianisation' of Indian Muslims. These issues are being projected against the issues of Indo-Paki-stan relationship and the internal security of India. Further, it is against Article 370 that promises autonomy to Jammu and Kashmir and personal laws that give minority communities a right to manage their sociocultural affairs in accordance to their religious tradition and culture.

An integral part of the doctrine of Hindutva is Indianisation of the Indian economy. The SP appears against the increasing stronghold of multinationals in India. The campaign of Swadeshi Jagran Manch (SJM), an organisation belonging to the SP, against 'Enron' was intense. However, as observed by Punyani (1996:2-3), there is a strong pro-liberalisation lobby within the BJP.

The construction of a standardised Hindu culture, which may provide a common platform to various sections and streams of 'Hindus', is yet another function of Hindutva. The crusade against mosques and for temples in Ayodhya, Varanasi and Mathura is one means for achieving this goal. Others are the campaign for banning cow slaughter and for making Sanskrit a compulsory language in India. The institutions of education and media are being used in a very conscious manner for this purpose.

One finds two interesting trends emerging in the present Indian scenario. The first is a consolidated following for the BJP which seemed to have reached its peak, if the result of the last parliamentary election is any indicator. The second is the emergence of counter forces to BJP. These are:

1. Bifurcation of political parties into secular and communal: Although the BJP has won maximum seats in the 1996 Lok Sabha elections, it failed to form the government because no other political party (other than its pre-election allies) aligned with it or extended support to it. However, keeping in view the flexible base of the political parties, one cannot count much on the resistance projected.

2. Strengthening of Dalit issues and the resultant hold of the political parties promoting Dalit issues: Although these parties do not appear more promising than the earlier ones, one does envisage a possibility of the projection of class issues in the


cover of ethnic ones. Attempts towards Dalit-Muslim unity are of special importance in this context.

3. Resistance emerging from middle class intellectuals and NGO: Earlier, various individuals and agencies were working towards combating communalism from their isolated fields but today one can perceive a conscious and active effort towards networking among these agencies and individuals.

Government Initiatives to Promote Communal Harmony

In the period following Independence, till the 1960s, communal conflicts were relatively few. Hence, there was no specific attempt to address this problem. However, by the sixties, the frequency and severity of communal violence increased and the government had to take some action. The Jabalpur riots of 1961 deeply shocked Pandit Nehru who took steps to set up a National Integration Council (NIC).

The NIC is the most important governmental initiative towards promoting communal harmony. It is a body consisting of representatives from various sections of society having recommendatory powers to the administration. The NIC has witnessed many changes in its composition since its initiation and has made recommendations for various areas like education and media. The council, in its meeting at Srinagar in 1968, recommended a reorientation of the entire school system for achieving the goals of national integration based on the report of the Gajendragadkar Committee. In 1970, National Integration Committees were set up in different universities and colleges. In 1977, two working groups were established to reactivate the process of national integration. They came up with a seven point programme to promote communal harmony. In 1982, National Integration Camps were held. These were part of student exchange programmes which were discontinued later because they did not have an academic component. A similar fate was met by a project on community singing initiated in 1982 by the NIC in schools. In 1986, it formulated a scheme to encourage voluntary action to promote communal harmony. In 1990, the NIC was reconstituted to include over a 100 members consisting of Union Ministers, Chief Ministers, representatives of political parties, regional party leaders, figures of public standing, media, labour and women representatives and the chairpersons of various Commissions such as the SC/ST Commission, the Minorities Commission, and so on. Whether this reconstitution was effective or not is a different story altogether.


Various other organisations and options are also being used for reorientation of the education system towards national integration. An example can be given of the National Council for Education, Research and Technology (NCERT), the Central Board of Secondary Education (CBSE), and frequent meetings with Education Ministers, Chancellors and Vice-Chancellors of universities. Some of the measures taken for national integration are evaluation of school textbooks from the point of view of national integration; setting up of a uniform education system (10+2+3) for the entire country; adoption of a three-language formula for school education; setting up of Central and Navodaya schools and; above all, enlisting of the institution of education in the concurrent list in order to make Central Governmental measures more binding on the state education system.

Some other initiatives taken for national integration are the National Service Scheme (NSS) and Nehru Yuva Kendra (NYK) scheme. The NSS targets at students while the NYK at non-student youth. Both of these schemes stress upon reducing the social gaps among the communities by making members interact on a common platform, thus giving them an opportunity to know each other. Exchange programmes and national integration camps are a few other activities undertaken for the purpose.

The government has also tried to promote communal harmony through the use of media. National integration is a theme used in guidelines for certifying films by the Censor Board. The Films Division has produced several films on the themes like 'Hum Sab Bhai Bhai' or 'Together We Stand, Divided We Fall'. Also included are films which emphasise commonalities between different religions. The government owned radio and television networks produce special programmes on celebration of festivals of different communities. In the 1980s, special slots were produced on the theme of national integration and events such as runs and marathons were organised to propound the same message. Public greetings, offered by important political figures like the President and the Prime Minister on religious occasions can also be considered as an attempt towards strengthening inter-community acceptance and tolerance.

A review of governmental endeavours indicates patchwork attempts rather than a sustained effort to address the real problem. There is a need to explore the impact of these programmes. Moreover, focus of these programmes is on attitudinal change, assuming 'attitudes' to have an independent existence. J.P. Naik, in the education policy of


1966-68, had made several useful recommendations addressing the root causes of communalism. Similarly, the Haksar Committee had also referred to some direct measures for intervention, like checks on religious establishments, setting up of riot squads, and so on. However, such recommendations have not been accepted in a meaningful manner by either the Central or the State Governments. As an Indian Express editorial (Engineer, 1988) puts it:

...even a token reinforcement of one single issue such as the above would bring a sense of credibility to the debates of the NIC [and other governmental measures]. However, all the ministers attending the meeting (held in aftermath of Delhi-Meerut riots in 1987) were content to remain in the same old cliches of secular fabric etc. (Box parenthesis is added).

One feels that the state has the necessary power and infrastructure to check communal violence. The need is to utilise the state resources with efficiency and adequate political will.

Initiatives Taken by NGOs Towards Communal Harmony

There has so far been no systematic documentation of non-governmental voluntary initiatives for communal harmony. A reason for this could be that initiatives focusing on promoting communal harmony are relatively recent; they have multiplied in number and in strength only in the last decade. Yet, one observes a rich variety of approaches in these initiatives. An interesting feature of the initiatives for communal harmony is that individuals and organisations, both at micro-and-macro levels, are engaged in such efforts and they cover various social institutions like media, police, educational institutions and so on. The following is a review of various initiatives and strategies utilised by them:

1. Communal organisations are engaged in an intensive and frighteningly logical manner to bring out 'facts' before the public in educational campaigns. The various publications of the SP are evidences of this. To counter this propaganda, it becomes extremely essential to present the other side of the picture to the people. Various organisations are, therefore, consciously involved in research and information dissemination as a strategy to combat communalism. The topics covered touch upon various dimensions of communal problems like, the stated and implied meaning of Hindutva; causes of communalism; gender issues; impact of riots on children, women; and so


on. Attempts to link communalism to housing and other basic rights are also evident. The purpose of such research is more dissemination of correct information to the people than pure academic enquiry. Names of a few organisations engaged in such work are Centre for Study of Society and Secularism, the Women's Research and Action Group, Ekta Samiti, Centre For Education and Documentation, Vikas Adhyayan Kendra, and soon. Other organisations have taken up such activities on need basis. A few examples are the report of Youth for Unity and Voluntary Action linking riots to eviction and segregation; works by various feminist groups on the Uniform Civil Code; and so on. Human rights networks have carried on a lot of investigative work on human right violations during riots. The name of Sabrang Communications deserves special mention here. The organisation publishes a newspaper, Communalism Combat, and is also involved in compiling of relevant news items from other sources in the form of a dossier. This activity is undertaken jointly with the Indian National Social Action Forum (INSAF).

Communalism is a process of acculturation. The media plays an important role in this respect. Newspapers, television, radio and cinema have been found to reflect communal overtones. Conscious manipulation of mass media by communal organisations has also been noticed. Various individuals and agencies are, therefore, trying to create a platform in the media for generating an awareness about the causes of and issues related to communalism. Names can be mentioned of Nikhil Wagle of Mahanagar (a Marathi daily published in Mumbai) and of Anand Patwardhan who has produced films like 'Ram Ke Naam'. In fact, several organisations have produced films on related themes. There are about 40 such films in circulation in Mumbai to date. Unfortunately, all of these mediainterventions have remained at the level of 'alternatives' and have failed to leave an impact on mainstream media where communalists appear to have a hold. One of the most promising interventions to promote communal harmony is the intervention at the community level. The idea was born in the initiative taken by Mr. Suresh Khopade at Bhiwandi. By bringing people and police together on a common platform of the Mohalla Committee (MC), he could con-

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trol the communal riots in Bhiwandi. Later, Khairnar implemented the strategy in Bhagalpur and was again successful in averting communal riots. The success of the strategy in preventing riots in Bhiwandi and Bhagalpur in 1992-93, when the entire India was burning with communal tension, brought it to the notice of the country. Today, attempts are being made to implement the strategy in Mumbai.

The MCs attempt to promote interaction between people of different communities on the one hand and between people and the police on the other. Although the immediate objective of the MCs is to avert communal tensions, their long term aim is to create a model of citizenship and people-responsive administration. About 24 MCs have been formed in Mumbai. The MCs have had mixed results. In Satbag Colony at Andheri in Mumbai, tensions between Dalits and other caste Hindus could be averted through the MC. In a few places, sustaining the MC has become a problem. The role of NGOs in the formulation of strong MCs cannot be denied. For example, the Jeevan Nirvaha Niketan helped in the organisation of the Satbag Colony MC. In the present context, MCs seem to be a viable strategy for organising local resistance to communalism. However, one has to be cautious that a strong people's group may meet with resistance from the police and other vested interests.

Community based programmes mainly address the political and economic forces that make an individual and a community vulnerable to communalism. Some of these forces, as identified in these programmes, are unemployment, insecurity, illiteracy and lack of awareness. To promote interaction and understanding among the people, common means such as rallies, celebration of peace weeks, Ekta Bandhan (members of different communities tie 'rakhi' to each other in a pledge of brotherhood), Jan Milan programmes on religious days, community oriented festivals, reunions, picnics, and so on are used.

Another common strategy has been to form groups of youth and women and to train them to understand and combat communalism at the local level. Such training workshops have been organised by community based NGOs who are involved in diverse activities in the field such as health, education and housing.

Attempts are also being made to address the socioeconomic issues related to communal tension by organising vocational



guidance workshops, leadership and other training pro-grammes for youth.Seminars and debates are also being organised for generating awareness on communal stereotypes. These community-based initiatives are promising as they consider people to be the centre of all activities. Organisation of small pockets of local resistance through comprehensive programmes could be a way to check the forces of communalism. However, they are still new and geographically limited and are, in general, facing strong resistance at the grassroots level. Yet another field of intervention is the school situation. The idea is to catch them young. Undoubtedly, at this level, stress is on bringing the students from various communities together in order to give them an opportunity to develop familiarity with each other and to combat vulnerability that emerges on the basis of ignorance. Attempts towards attitudinal change is yet another objective of such interventions. Attempts to achieve this are being made by organising painting exhibitions, essay competitions, cross-cultural camps, and so on. A few organisations working at this level are Khoj and Mel-Jol Hum Bachchon Ka. The Rashtriya Ekta Samiti has organised 'Bal Pathak' along the lines of RSS Shakhas for developing secular minds in children. Attempts are also being made to organise training programmes for school teachers and to use social service slots in the time table for secondary schools for exposing the students to activities that may promote communal harmony. Among voluntary efforts to combat communalism, special mention should be made of women's organisations and women activists. These interventions emerge from the fact that women are maximally oppressed and exploited in a riot situation. Yet another fear that activates the women's organisations is the possibility of suppression in the sociopolitical set-ups promised through religion oriented organisations. Initiatives taken by the women's organisations address various dimensions of communalism like field investigations on the impact of riots on women; role of police in exploiting the women, especially during the riot situation; subjugated position granted to women as an aftermath of riots; and socio-political systems based on religion placing women in subjugated position. Mention must also be made of organisations that are attempting to combat communalism through cultural interventions. Safdar

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Hashmi Memorial Trust (SAHMAT), an organisation inspired by Safdar Hashmi, has been engaged in such work through poster exhibitions, street plays, painting displays, concerts and formation of forums like 'Artists against Communalism'. On December 6, 1993, one year after the Babri Masjid was demolished, they staged 'Hum Sub Ayodhya', an all-night cultural show emphasising the Indianness of Ayodhya.

Projection of secular strength at the national level is not the concern of SAHMAT only. Mention should be made of the Bharat Bachao Andolan of Rashtriya Yuva Sangathana also. They organised a campaign on the 'Soil of India' which required collection of soil from various parts of India to erect a pillar at Varanasi. Campaigns of such nature are obvious attempts to counter the cultural symbols used by the SP. Various Gandhian organisations like the Gandhi Peace Foundation, Sarva Sewa Sangh and Banavasi Sewa Ashram have utilised strategies like fasts, and organisation of all-religion prayer meetings to promote communal harmony, thus, bringing in an emotional and religious dimension to the secular agenda. The strength of the NGO initiatives is limited and their outreach is small. Hence, in order to combat communalism effectively, the need for networking becomes imperative. A few attempts towards networking are evident. The INSAF, established in 1993, is a coalition of over a hundred NGOs from various parts of the country. The prime objective of the forum is to evolve strategies to meet the twin challenges of communalisation of society and politics and globalisation of economy. It has set up a Commission on Secular Action which conducts regular workshops in order to create a cadre of secular activists. Salokha is also trying to network between organisations. Already existing networks of voluntary agencies like Voluntary Action Network, India (VANI) have encouraged members of organisations to take up activities to promote communal harmony. Attempts to enlist organisations that are working on combating communalism are being made by Humanscape and TISS. Indo-Pak relations have been a major factor in Hindu-Muslim tensions in India. There are certain attempts to curb these tensions and set up a dialogue between the two countries by establishing the Pakistan-India People's Forum For Peace and Democracy. Initiated in 1994, this forum meets annually and

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attempts to move beyond borders and resolve the thorny issues which are creating tensions between and within the two nations.

The above review indicates that numerous and multifarious initiatives are being undertaken to promote communal harmony. Yet if the political support to the BJP is any indicator, the onslaught of communal forces seems to have hardly suffered a dent. The issue is what is that elusive element lacking in all these initiatives that they do not gather as much force and momentum as the communal campaigns get?

Conclusion

A 'sense of belonging' to a commune (which may also be identified as primary group) has positive consequences. It provides the individual with socioeconomic security and psychological integrity. The problem occurs when this sense of belonging gets accentuated to an extent that it starts influencing interactions beyond its supposed level of operation. Generally such situations emerge when the boundary of the groups/communes gets fixed, rigidly defining in a specific manner 'us' and 'them'. Problems get accentuated when belonging to a commune has implications for the distribution of scarce resources and when it can be used for vested interests. Such conditions reinforce social gaps and antagonistic relationships among the communities.

Unfortunately in India such extreme sense of belonging to communes is prevailing and, we feel, has to be combated for ensuring people oriented socioeconomic and political development. Resolving communal tensions, however, make it imperative to comprehend the following issues involved in the situation:

1. Why is Indian society facing communal tensions? What are the forces in the Indian social structure that give rise to communalism?

2. Why does the political economic issue of 'development', 'uneven distribution of resources' and 'dissent generating due to inefficient political system' get cultural expression in India?

3. Can the historically developed antagonistic relationships existing among certain communities of India, reduce? If not, how can these cultural diversities be best accommodated in the Indian social system?

4. In the present Indian society what should be the most appropriate strategy for resource distribution?

5. Can positive discrimination ensure equity? 6. What form of 'secularism' can be best applied to in the Indian

situation, the state being aloof. towards religions or the state


treating all religions equally? How should the appropriate concept be practised in the real life situations, at the level of state-people interactions as well as at the level of people's interaction with each other?

7. What is the elusive element lacking in governmental and nongovernmental initiatives to combat communalism that they do not gather as much force and momentum as the communal campaigns do? How can these initiatives be strengthened and linked to other developmental initiatives?

8. Can the efforts towards secularism reach out to the people through popular/folk cultural means or by incorporating the notion of faith in the secularist agenda?

9. Can the problem of communalism be tackled only at religious and cultural levels? Or, is an efficient state machinery a 'must' for the purpose? If so, should the secularist forces work towards forming an effective people-oriented political party?

10. Does India require a process of nation-building? Can the process project an alternative to the cultural nationalism being promoted in the form of 'Hindutva' by the communalist forces ?

It is needless to state that all of these issues need to be addressed to in the light of certain macro level problematic like:

• To what extent can cultural differences be accommodated in a society having a common political economy?

• What should be the interaction pattern among the communes/communities existing in a multicultural society?

• How can a common platform be created for various communities to come together, especially when some among these may have historically developed antagonistic relationships?

• To what extent can the global economy that strengthens consumerism oriented capitalist values, accommodate cultural specificities?.

NOTES 1. According to The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Sociology, (Marshall, 1994)

'Commune refers to either a group of people sharing life and work, a Utopian community in which members attempt to found a»new social order, based on a vision of an ideal society,... sociological interest in communes focuses ... on the commune,... (as) the attempt to create new, shared, egalitarian living and working relationships.' (Parenthesis added).


Azad, M.A.K. 1988(1959)

Banerjee, A. 1990

Chandra, B. 1989

Chhabra, K.M.L. 1992

Desai, A.R. 1984

Engineer, A.A.(Ed.) 1984

Engineer, A.A. 1988

1995

Hasan, M. 1984

Hasan, M. (Ed) 1994

Lerner, D. 1976

Marshall, G. (Ed.) 1994

Naidu, R. 1978

Nandy A. 1990

Punyani, P.R. 1996

Ram, P.R. 1996

Shakir, M. 1984

REFERENCES

India Wins Freedom, Hyderabad: Orient Longman,

Comparative Curfew: Changing Dimensions of Communal Politics in India. In V. Das (Ed.), Mirrors of Violence: Communities, Riots and Survivors in South Asia, New Delhi: Oxford University Press.

India's Struggle For Independence, 1857-1947, New Delhi: Penguin Books Ltd.

Assam Challenge, Delhi: Konark Publishers.

Caste and Communal Violence in Independent India. In A.A. Engineer, (Ed.), Communal Riots In Post-Independent India, Hyderabad: Sangam Books.

Communal Riots in Post-Independent India, Hyderabad: Sangam Books.

Delhi-Meerut Riots, New Delhi: Ajanta Publications.

Lifting the Veil: Communal Violence and Communal Harmony in Contemporary India, Hyderabad: Sangam Books.

Communalism and Communal Violence In India. In A.A. Engineer (Ed.), Communal Riots In Post-Independent India, Hyderabad: Sangam Books.

India's Partition: Process, Strategy and Mobilization, Delhi: Oxford University Press.

Technology, Communication and Change. In Communication and Change: The Last Ten Years and the Next, Honolulu: East West Centre.

The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Sociology, New York: Oxford University Press.

Communalism and Political Process: A Comparison of India And Malaysia. In S.M. Alam, and G.R. Reddy (Eds.), Socio-Economic Development: Problems In South And South East Asia, New Delhi: Indian Council for Social Science Research.

Politics of Secularism. In V. Das (Ed.), Mirrors of Violence: Communities, Riots and Survivors In South Asia, New Delhi: Oxford University Press.

The Hindutva Myths -Part I, Facts Against Myths, 11(11), February.

Hindutva Offensive: Social Roots And Characterisation, Mumbai: Centre for Study of Society and Secularism.

An Analytical View of Communal Violence. In A.A. Engineer (Ed.), Communal Riots In Post-Independent India, Hyderabad: Sangam Books.


Constitutional Protection of Minorities Educational Institutions in India, New Delhi: Deep and Deep Publications.

APPENDIX 1 Hindu-Muslim Relations

Although the structural forces mentioned in the paper can explain Hindu-Muslim relations to a large extent, one feels that certain dimensions of the relations have gained complexity that require special mentioning. 1. The bifurcation of the country into India and Pakistan, and the very visible

existence of 'Pakistan' across the border of India has kept the memory of the Two Nation' theory alive in the Indian mind. This, on the one hand, has negatively influenced inter-country relationship and, on the other, has obstructed the acceptance of Indian Muslims as 'Indian'. One, at times, witnesses reluctance among the non-Muslim Indians to provide even 'citizens' rights' to the Indian Muslims.

2. Contacts among the Indian Muslims and the Muslims of other Islamic countries have added fuel to the fire.

3. The three Indo-Pak wars (1948, 1965 and 1971-72) and continued conflictual relationships between the two countries have enforced and strengthened the image of Pakistan as an 'enemy' and that of the Indian Muslims as friends of Pakistan and non-patriotic to India.

4. Structural gaps existing among Hindus and Muslims further increases animosity among the two communities. Indian Hindus find Islamic religion a very different, closed and 'backward' religion. Hence, not much attempts are being made to bring the Muslims into the 'mainstream' of India and, it is left to the initiative of the Muslims to remedy the 'flaws' in their religion, assert their patriotism and become part of the Indian nation.

APPENDIX 2 Major Riots in Post-Independent India in Chronological Sequence

Yaqin. A. 1986

Period

1960

1961-70

1971-80

Place

Ahmedabad

Jabalpur (1961) Aligarh(1961) Hazaratbal (1963- 64) spread to Calcutta, Rourkela,

Jamshedpur, Ranchi and Washim Maharashtra (1966) Srinagar(1967) Karimganj (1968) Ranchi (1969)

Bhiwandi(1970) Ahmedabad (1970) Firozabad (1972) Aligarh and Varanasi (1978) Jamshedpur (1979)

1981-90

1991-95


Allahabad, Moradabad, Sambhal (1980) Godhra (1980-81)

Bihar Sharif (1981) Pune and Solapur( 1982) Meerut, Baroda and Nelli (1983) Bhiwandi(1984) Ahmedabad (1985-86) Delhi, Meerut (1987) Kota, Bhagalpur, Badaun, Ratlam, Mhow, Khargon, Khambat, Palanpur, Hansot, Jaipur, Indore and Nagda(1989) Kanpur (1990)

Bhadrak, Saharanpur, Kanpur, Sikandarabad, Meerut, Banaras, Seelampur, Baroda, Kota, Indore and Hyderabad (1991) Surat, Gujarat and Mumbai (1992) Mumbai(1993).

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