FRENCH WEST INDIAN POLITICAL SCIENCE: THE CONFRONTATION BETWEEN HOLISH, METHODOLOGICAL INDIVIDUALISM...

FRENCH WEST INDIAN POLITICAL SCIENCE: THE CONFRONTATION BETWEEN HOLISH,METHODOLOGICAL INDIVIDUALISM AND HETERODOXYAuthor(s): JUSTIN DANIELSource: Caribbean Quarterly, Vol. 39, No. 2 (JUNE, 1993), pp. 33-43Published by: University of the West Indies and Caribbean QuarterlyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40653845 .

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FRENCH WEST INDIAN POLITICAL SCIENCE: THE CONFRONTATION BETWEEN HOLISH, METHODOLOGICAL

INDIVIDUALISM AND HETERODOXY

By

JUSTIN DANIEL

A.P. BLERALD, La question nationale en Guadeloupe et a'la Martinique: essai d' histoire politique, Politique L'Harmattan, 1988.

F. CONSTANT, La retraite aux Flambeaux: Société et Politique en Martinique, Paris, Editions Caribeennes, 1988.

J.C. WILLIAMS , Compere Lapin et Compere Mulet: métissage et comportements socio-politiques a la Martinique, These d'Etat de sciences politiques, Paris X-Dauphine, 1988.

French West Indian research today is eliminating the demons of the past. It appears that the decade of the "eighties" was dedicated to the emergence of a new generation of researchers who cared less about the social uses of research than about the use of logical processes which facilitate demonstration and verification. The rhetoric of the denunciation, as strong in the past as the colonial past which was used to justify it, has gradually given precedence to a process which although less ambitious on the political level is generally, scientifically speaking, more fertile. This evolution is clearly perceptible in the field of social sciences and is of particular benefit to political science a discipline which has been growing in recent years. The works examined below are eloquent testimony of this phenomenon.

Based on divergent, in fact opposing premises and postulates, the three works cited

express a common interest in explaining the complex situation resulting from several centuries of colonization. However, the approaches employed by each author demonstrate the various ways this reality can be understood. On one hand there is a "holistic" approach based on global categories (the State, social classes, the capitalist system) which favours the mechanism of domination. There is secondly the method of analysis known as



34

"methodological individualism" which takes a close look at the phenomenon of micro- regulation. The third author uses a form of inquiry based on traditional French West Indian thought, introducing a certain heterodoxy into the discussion.

The work of A.P. Blerald tackles a theme recurrent in political science: "nationality", a problem which appears simple but even today lacks a satisfying answer. How do we explain the singular development of Guadeloupe and Martinique and their resistance to the spirit of independence which survives today in all the old colonies? This work is in fact the continuation of a long series of publications on adjacent themes including the study of the mechanics of the relationship between French West Indian societies and their colonial metropolis. The problematic is invariably the same. Perhaps A.P. Blerald is in the process of creating a complete work by exploring the various aspects of the problem of colonial domination including its economic, political and cultural aspects. 1 Although wie acknow- ledge his prolific authorship, the number of publications he manages to produce cannot compensate for the poor quality of the theoretical ideas which inspire his reflection. In effect, his consideration of the problem is largely dependent on gramscian analysis. This explains that state control is based on a subtle dose of ideology and coercion. Asserting peremptorily the pertinence of this problematic, he neglects to examine or even discuss the validity of other possible approaches.

Provided with the equipment which is all in all quite basic, the reader may fear he is being invited to open the doors to the musty ideas of the past. However, we are rapidly assured that this is not the case. Written in an elegant style, the work of A.P. Blerald is teeming with historic details which reveal an indisputable rigour in his documentation. Without departing from the theoretical pattern explained beforehand, he proposes to examine in its successive stages the transition from a predominantly coercive system to one of ideological predominance. Although he renounces any strict economic determinism by using a historical method of periodization, the steps do in fact coincide with the main phases of the development of capitalism. The three periods identified are as follows.

The first period, as one should expect, starts in the 17th century with the institution of slave-based societies characterized not only by coercion, but more importantly by a process of cultural and ideological oppression. Forcibly removed from his social and cultural matrix, the slave was exposed to the ravages of a racist ideology which pervaded all social relations. In contrast to certain theses which consider this period of slavery to mark the beginning of assimilation to the French cultural system, A.P. Blerald underlines the slave resistance to deculturatioa This resistance despite all else, is evidence of a certain unity in the nascent slave culture which makes itself visible in the unequal battle against the oppressor. From this resistance arise the inevitable conflicts which determine the relations in a slave-based society; conflicts which are controlled by the State. The State role is to contain the private violence of the colonists within limits so as to assure the continuation of



35

the slavery-dependent society. We notice here that the author offers a functional explanation of the State, whose role was also to maintain the position of the French West Indies in the framework of the French mercantile system.

On the verge of the abolition of slavery in 1848 (the second period Blerald discusses) came the birth of the phenomenon of autonomous political power. This political situation introduced the opportunity and means to set up a controlling group which exercised legitimate physical coercioa However the establishment of this group did not challenge the accepted class divisions in society as the political elite remained at the service of the

plantocracy. Nevertheless, the elimination of slave-based relations opened the door to a new phase of state control characterized by a noticeable growth in the process of ideological domination. The method par excellence of circulating the republican ideas of assimilation was through education. By 1880, the ideology of racism had become less important than the republican ideals of equality. However, the main component of assimilation, racism continued to serve as a foundation to aristocratic domination and the State which

produced an ideology affirming western supremacy.

From here we move to the third phase which starts with the conversion of the "old colonies" into French départements. At this point, institutional domination was reinforced by the ideology of integrationism which penetrated every pore of French West Indian society. This massive inculcation of imported and imposed values did not fail to generate forms of nationalist opposition. The most tangible signs of this opposition are found in demands of the autonomists and independentists.

A.P. Belerald's analysis can be credited for its simplicity and clarity. However, located in a deliberately holistic point of view, the work is concerned with macro-concepts which restrict it within a rigid framewoik, and ignore certain entire pieces of the complex and subtle reality. Take for example the following assertion - which is not lacking a certain

pessimism:

Anisi, l'oppression idéologique a-t-elle produit dans le champ social antillais un en- semble structure de mécanismes qui, dans le dispositif d'encerclement de la conscience populaire ont édifie des casemates immaterielles bien plus redoutables parce que incom-

parablement plus difficiles a faire sauter que les remparts du Fort Saint Charles ou du Fort Saint-Louis (p. 159) 2

This is certainly beautifully expressed; moreover it summarizes quite well the author's

problematic. Nevertheless it does not square with what is happening in reality. How can we in 1990 explain the French presence in the West Indies by "the encircling process of

popular awareness." How can we simply content ourselves with invoking "false awareness" to explain state domination, even if it is accompanied by political and symbolic



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violence? By insisting too much on cultural oppression, the author has reduced the legitimization process to its simple ideological dimension. This point of view is all the more difficult to defend since the central State, self-confident and dominant, has for a long time been multiplying concessions favourable to the recognition of "particular cultures"; furthermore, through the concentration of its donations it is also accepting the financial burden of "counter-acculturation" activities. Unless we consider that the system installed by colonization has reached such a level of efficiency that it continues to function by itself, it would be difficult today to discern the mechanisms of ideological oppression that continue to confine the French West Indies to a "false awareness". It is probably as a result of

insisting on these mechanisms that a fair number uf French West Indian researchers have neglected the socio-political regulation of departmentalization. Without immersing ourselves in utilitarian sociology, we should be reminded of the almost pavlovian reflex of West Indian elites, who, backed by a large number of the population, are more than capable of manipulating the interpretation of republican ideology - notably the concept of equality - and who use the specific needs to drain the maximum in grants and aid from the metropolis. Behaviour which may appear to be divergent or conflicting can actually be subsumed under the same logic. Based on the existence of a double allegiance to a central system of universal standards and identification with a particular society, certain strategies have come to light. The complexity and subtlety of these strategies are hardly compatible with the "false awareness" attributed to the elites and the social classes they represent. It is clear that taking these phenomena into account demands an inversion of the problematic with emphasis not on the study of macro-effects and global structures (in particular the State and the capitalist system) which determine social behaviour, but rather on the social actors themselves.

In more general terms, a second reproach can be directed at A.P. Belerald. The author does not hide his political preferences, and his work is in essence a presentation of the

unquestionable existence of the two "nations" of Guadeloupe and Martinique, based on the understanding that the only solution to their problems is that these islands attain their sovereignty. However, as G. Lavau underlines in his preface, the author does not seem to be in favour of absolute independence and leaves history to determine what tomorrow will be. The refusal to prophesise is a wise position to take. All the more because it is difficult to perceive the weakness in the system which would allow for change, and even more difficult to perceive which social forces would be capable of organizing this change and of breaking the apparently all encompassing false awareness. In short, confined within a total logic, the analysis leaves little hope for the political militant's aspirations for change. In a

word, we are confronted with a paradox which pervades Marxist thought as J. Alexander

points out:" Marxism is an antivoluntaristic social theory which fonctions ideologically to stimulate active voluntaristic change.3 In other words, as seductive as it may be, A.P. Beleralds' reflection fails to reconcile the "social order" and "action", both of which are



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terms in a dilemma recognized by all sociologists. By favouring social structure it reaches a deadlock: at the very most it illustrates the incidence of global conditions on social actors who appear without real power or autonomy. Only the structures and state apparatus aie attributes of a real efficiency, while the necessary elements for action remain diluted in a relatively strict structural determinism which forbids the metamorphosis of feelings of identity into national awareness.

In order to prevent such objections F. Constant in a "prayer to insert" immediately states his twofold intention: to avoid his own political prejudices and to propose within the framework of his current research a new approach based on methodological individualism. From this point of view, his woik, La Retraite aux Flambeaux is part of a significant and welcome evolution of reflection on West Indian society. ...Distancing himself from the

explanatory models which dominate the intellectual scene, he provides us a fine rigourous description of political reality in Martinique.

The analysis starts with a historical perspective. Without doubt, the events related are relatively well known: the emergence of a local political class which has marked the collective conscience through popular leaders as Henry Lemery, Victor Severe, Joseph Lagrosilliere. However, Fred Constant must be credited for bringing to light the rules of the working of a colonial democracy, for having specified the foundations of the power of

political leaders. These foundations continue to exist today because the past continues to

help us understand the present. Moreover we have a better sense of the real nature of electoral competition in Martinique. Within a context influenced by the providence of the State (which is the main supplier of resources), and with the persistence of a society of resourceful people who are fundamentally consumer-oriented, the vote is above all an act of allegiance, a tribute to services rendered, a sign of personal dépendance and of intense

interpersonal relations. This act of allegiance does not entirely exclude a certain ideological control over an electorate traumatized by the prospect of a break with the metropolis. In this

respect, the two examples taken from the municipal elections of 1983 expose the spirit of

political life in Martinique: "Morne Bleu" where control of power is based on the strategy of "reactivation" of a pre-established network of personal contacts; in "Morne Orange", the successful strategy for the conquest of power was established long before the electoral

campaign through a network of relationships which influence the entire area. However the author is not satisfied with an examination of the clientelistic relationship between the electorate and their leaders. He also displays an interest in the observation of the relation-

ship between the State delegates and the local representatives, he substitutes the myth of the

omnipotent civil servant imposing the will of the State at a local level with an analysis which reveals informal arrangements between the actors. Far from being the passive victims of an aggravated jacobinism, the locally elected leaders negotiate with the metropolitan representative (the Prefect) on the implementation and adjustment of rules to the particular context in Martinique. Here local power appears to be situated in individual



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ties of solidarity with the Prefect, a relationship which is a great deal more important than the collective strategy of the local leaders; a situation that decentralization and its redistribution of power has not really changed.

However decentralization has crystalized political debate and substantially changed the strategy of political parties. A double movement appears to be taking shape. The

departmentalist right wing is trying desperately to benefit politically from this recent reform which it opposed in the past, while the left wing, formerly autonomist, is now struggling to get closer to its metropolitan allies. Can this be a sign of large scale political integration in which independentist demands have been marginalized?

The approach F. Constant used in his analysis is certainly innovative. Rejecting global social categories, he deliberately opts for a methodological analysis which allows for social action. However this is not simply a discussion of self-interests of disembodied actors. The author endeavours to describe the social environment in which the actors practice their

strategies and the author moves quite easily between these strategies and the world in which they develop. While calling on the spirit of methodological individualism, he tries to

protect this social reality "sui generis" which cannot simply be reduced to the confrontation of individual interests and which, in fact logically speaking, pre-exists the role of the actors.

We must also mention that F. Constant seems to create a narrow link between the society he studies, having qualified it as individualist from the outset, and the approach he uses. Two problems ensue from this. First; how to explain the individualism which impreg- nates social behaviour in Martinique? Is it a question of an inherent tendency of a society formed by social structures inherited from the plantation era, structures which favoured personal dependencies? Is it a question of a phenomenon inherent in a particular culture or does it result simply from the strategic capacities of actors exchanging resources? The author remains silent on this issue.

Second; recourse to methodological individualism is justified by the necessity to appeal to "categories which conform to the reality of the object under investigation" (p. 20) and by the necessity, heuristically speaking, to match the sociological individualism which characterized the object. This presents a problem since the methodology one employs and the reality one wishes to understand are two distinct procedures which do not coincide in the

way the author suggests they do: the first consists of qualifying a research object and the second of favouring a method.4 Fortunately F. Constant bypasses the difficulty by moving from individual behaviour to the role and functioning of institutions and their influence on the actors. In so doing he brings to mind a reality which, even if it is essentially in- dividualistic, does not necessarily exclude a holistic approach. Basically it seems clear that



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any investigation which is directed at the French West Indies should be intended to enlighten both the macro and the micro while allowing movement between them both.

J.C. William uses an entirely different procedure in his thesis Compere Lapin et Compere Mulet: Métissage et comportements socio- politiques a la Martinique.The tide is itself suggestive and significant of a problematic which claims to be heterodoxical. Drawn from the West Indian bestiary,he symbolically throws in on one hand "Compere Lapin", a smart rabbit placed at the center of the analysis to present the mulatto similarly situated in the centre of Martiniquais society. On the other hand "Compere Mulet" who signifies the slave, resigned to his position but capable of a certain resourcefulness. The procedure he uses is unusual; having underlined the inadequacy of the usual tools of the social analysis to capture a fleeting reality, J.C. William, without further hesitation dismisses Marxist analysis. The following formulation for example should be clarified: "Marxism helps to understand the "mechanism" of the Martiniquais collectivity as a whole. However, it leaves unexplained a number of phenomena which are important because of the atypical character of the object under study, and the hypertrophy of the superstructure" (p. 39). he also challenges with just cause the approach of the periodization of history which neglects the phenomena of super imposition at the time, and consequently the complexity of the existing structures as well as the intersecting economic, social and political foices at work in society. The author prefers to draw from a number of concurrent and complementary approaches inspired at once by history, economics and psychoanalysis. He does not hesitate to consult French West Indian literature in the process.

Without doubt, J. C. William's work owes a great deal to traditional French West Indian thought, which dates back to Cesaire, Fanon and Glissant. The tradition of this indigenous thinking attempts to explain behaviour that is sometimes difficult to decipher and sometimes disarming for the outside observer - behaviour of a people bent beneath the weight of a colonial past and on a continual search for their identity. At the same time, we can consider that in William's analysis there is a suggestion of a sort of "palingenesis": concepts created by predecessors are enriched and often abandoned for new notions

judged more adequate for the content of the analysis. Moreover even if the setting has not developed, the historical actors realize that their role is getting more precise. In particular the mulatto class is presented as having fulfilled the function determined by Martiniquais history and by the formulation of economic, social and political demands of having found their just place in the centre of a growing society. As a result the author's thesis can be summarized as follows: the code which can be used to decipher the organization, the functioning and the trajectory of a confused society can be found in the ambivalent desire for recognition characteristic of this mulatto class. A result himself of biological interbreed- ing, the mulatto confronts conflicting desires: the urge to mimic the white colonist culture, and the urge to affirm his difference. With this new code, J.C. William devotes himself to reexamining the following conclusions.



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After the French Revolution, the mulattos who had participated in the master-slave relationship in the colonies have positioned themselves in Martinique as an intermediate class bent on achieving their social aspirations. The contrast in the role played by the mulatto in other societies is noteworthy. In Haiti and Guadeloupe, for example, the differences are striking: in Haiti, as architects of a struggle for independence against the "non-whites", the mulattos strengthened their power once the initial objective of independence was achieved by relying on still vibrant racism, to improve on their dominant economic position. In Guadeloupe the elimination of the whites under the Convention and the repression of the freedom fighters under the consulate removed the mulattos from social and economic activity.

Although financially more successful than the black ex-slaves, the Martiniquais mulattos were frustrated with the disparity between the status conceded to them by the colonial system and the role they occupied in society. In response, they launched themselves into a frantic straggle to obtain equal rights with the whites, directing their cause at metropolitan public opinion (Bisette case). Was it a fight for political and economic equality or for the social status of the whites which has forever remained inaccessible? In any case, it is this thrust which is at the root of the integrationist demands.

The successful achievement of these demands began in the 1870s when the French Republic, in the process of strengthening itself, accorded rights to the local culture by granting new elective positions and representative fonctions. The evolution of these changes was crowned in 1946 by the assignment to Martinique of departmental status. This conquest of republican institutions benefitted from the support of the black population which remained irt a state of psychological dependence on the "master" despite the abolition of slavery. William illustrated this dependence by citing references to the existence of mimicry as well as other behavioural characteristics (in evidence even today) and claims these behaviours have helped nickname the Martiniquais "l'homme du plaisr" ("The man of pleasure").

Since the end of the 19th century, economic and cultural mutations have resulted in occasionally violent struggles, notably in the agricultural sector. These straggles aim to achieve social equality and to assert a difference. This mutation has resulted is the emergence of a group of "new mulattos" - that is to say blacks who "occupy the positions previously reserved only for mulattos", (p. 272).

According to William, during the 1930s the assertions of "difference" were most pronounced on the cultural level while the phenomenon of imitation or mimicry was emerging in the economic sector. This continual vacillation between two logics which interrelate confused political and institutional demands as well as the political situation itself. But it aids in our comprehension of the ambivalence of a political process to understand that this process is defined by a dilemma in the mulatto mentality itself.



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In this way, J.C. William isolates historical periods differentiated according to variable doses of the urge to mimic the metropolitan society on the one hand, and to assert with

pride a difference on the other. At the culmination of these two apparently opposite logics we find a society, "set at odds" which the author qualifies as "atypical" fitting no known

taxonomy. Clearly, J.C. William is trying to extricate himself from classical analysis of French West Indian society. However he does this using several sophisms which, without

harming the essential quality of his work, open him to criticism related to the concepts used to describe this reality.

The notions of "jamming" and "atypic" often used by the author in fact present real

problems. How can these analytic categories be allowed for the categorization of Martini-

quais society only? Should we understand by "society sets at odds" a reality which manages to escape from the grip of the usual conceptual tools just because it is governed by the dialectic and difference, the latter itself capable of deception? Is it just a matter of

characterizing the object of the study? If so we have no choice but to admit that the reality is never directly accessible. Whatever the object of his study, the social science researcher should devote himself to bringing to light the buried social mechanism which functions in the society. His task is to "sort out" or clarify the real. In other words, the notion of

"jamming" as the author uses it appears to have two meanings: it indicates a reality which is not directly accessible to the observer, that is to say at best a truism, which cannot be

challenged; it also allows for the characterization of a society according to its distinct features inherited from a singular history. In both cases, we still have to demonstrate the

pertinence of the term.

Similarly, the notion of atypic as a concept or methodological tool appears to have a limited scope. Admittedly the refusal to confront the issue with models which remain isolated from the work is partly justified - although it is equally illusory to choose and then compare scattered elements across several societies. In this case, it leads J.C. William to avoid any comparative analysis whatsoever despite his denial, to set up Martiniquais reality according to irreducible specifications. It appears that he is in fact paying tribute to a clearly perceptible tendency in French West Indian research and in political discussion. This tendency consists of conferring a role of Deus ex Machina according to local particularities in explanatory systems. For example, the author proposes that the relationship between the Martiniquais citizen and his mayor is both significant and unique. The main demand of the citizen is that his mayor in order to be elected is bom in the commune; if so he then willingly accepts to place his fate in the hands of the mayor. Is it a perfect remnant of plantation society as mentioned by the author? We should note that such behaviour,

amplified in Martinique by the existence of a community of close personal inter-relations, can quite easily be found in other regions.

From here it is difficult to discern the base on which the "atypic" concept can be



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postulated. Where is the norm or the referent? As there is no room for comparison which would lead to an enlargement of the field of investigation, we cannot lay too much emphasis on the concept. We regret that the author who was able to distinguish distinctive features of Martiniquais, Guadeloupes and Haitian models, did not persevere in his analysis. The illustration arranged around a simple plot (the urge to mimic the assertion of difference) allows for the entry of a "cultural" explanation, and places his work in the middle of a confrontation between generalizing knowledge and individualizing knowledge.S The choice of the second option must be made with caution as it runs the risk of locking the researcher into the singularity of a particular case, as a result he may end up comparing cultural features among themselves and extricating the invariant aspects of this culture in order to illustrate its particularity.

Should we then be smprised if the author moves from a reality qualified from the start as atypical to a procedure which is itself atypical? Here the real problem concerns the cohesion of the object of study with the methods and categories used. Do the latter come within the province of taxonomy which is only justified by the postulate of an atypic theme? This is in fact the impression we are left with, that is, of a process which performs a complete circle while it forges a system of specific explanation in order to remain in keeping with the reality. Furthermore, this impression is reinforced by the absence of confrontation with related concurrent or complementary problematics which would con- tribute to the "opening up" of the analysis and the discernment of its scope. For example, the hegelian dialectic of the universal and the particular, the analysis of Tocqueville in "jealous egalitarianism" in the French collectivities and associated ambiguities of behaviour, and the distinction made by Habermas between the different sources of legitimization could have all contributed to this opening up.

As a final remark, we cannot but notice the passages dedicated to Aime Cesaire which betray the limitless admiration that J.C. William has for the poet. The few pages dedicated to Cesaite quickly turn into an apology. The author of Cahier d* un retour au pays natal is presented as the first to manage to reach the necessary level of understanding of historical progression. He tried very early in the game to reconcile assimilation and the assertion of difference (pp. 304, 327). Appealing to the verdict of the censors, William underlines the fact that the "Cesaireian" reasoning, continually informed by and adapted to a dynamic economic and political context illustrated an indisputable constancy and a reassertion of the will to defend particularities. To this end, the author forgets some obvious facts. First that Cesaire is above all the co-founder and the representative of the Negritude movement which draws essentially from the field of western universalisai; that as a political leader, he is a "new mulatto" and is still the prisoner of his practice of state universalism.

These three works examinated demonstrate the richness and complexity of the French West Indian societies. They also bear witness to the young discipline of political science in



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the sense that previous to this new genre of works, there were very few studies that

approached according to scientific principles, most notably the application of rigorous methodologies. Without doubt, in spite of their limitations, each work will stimulate in future a more sophisticated field of inquiry.

NOTES & REFERENCES

1. See for example, Histoire économique de la Guadeloupe du XVIIe siècle a nos jours, Paris, Kar- thala, 1986; Negritude et politique aux Antilles, Paris, Editions Caribeennes, 1977.

2. In the field of West Indian society, ideological oppression has produced a structured body of mechanisms that in the encircling process of popular awareness have set up intangible barriers which are all the more difficult to penetrate than the ramparts of Fort Saint-Charles and Fort Saint-Louis.

3 J. Alexander, Theoretical Logic in Sociology, Τ.Π, in The antinomies of classical thought: Marx and Durkheim, Berkeley, Los Angeles, University of California Press, 1982, p. 1 1.

4. See for example P. Birnbaum, J. Leca, Sur Γ individualisme, Paris, PFNSP, 1985, p. 15.

5. On this matter, we could refer to Β. Β adie 's work, Culture et Politique, Paris, Económica, 1986, (2nd edition).



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