FREE THE BRADFORD 12 11 Asian youths cha"'ed wtth Conspiracy face 1He

Imprisonment for flfhtlnf Racism.

1-L\'i'IONAL !'10BILI ":I':'"'~, , :COX JK , 59 COOK-

!.BEDS 2 .

Bradford 12 are

Freed!

SeH-defence is no offence

2

Pig ignorance or state conspiracy?

11 months of anger, anguish and aprehension exploded into thunderous applause as the verdict for those who dared not believe it, was repeated 20 times ... Not Guilty. The Bradford 12 were free! While tummult of victory and rejoicing surge through every black community, the result will send shock tremors through the establishment.

And so it should. For a majority white jury of working men and women have, after 6 weeks, listened to 24 police officers on oath; scrutinised 'confessions' obtained by them; and despite warnings from Judge Beaumont that the wrong verdict may "lead to chaos F"Id confusion in the country", have thrown out the prosecution case.

It is a massive indictment of West Yorkshire Police that they chose instead to believe 12 young Asians, who claimed that petrol devices had been made as a last resort in case of a rampage by racist skinheads, because they did not feel able to rely on police protection.

But then, the most powerful argument for self reliant, organised self defence came from the police themselves. To a spellbound and packed public gallery, 24 police officers to a man, provided a candid and full frontal view of their ignorance of racist attacks, and indeed their own racist attitudes.

What appears to have totally escaped their notice, and what was revealed in court was an Asian community that lived in terror of escalating and organised racist violence. And when on July 11th, in the wake of ten terrifying days of murders and rampage in Walthamstow

and Southall, rumours brought hundreds onto the streets - (As they did on that weekend in Luton, Woolwich, Southall, Handsworth, Coventry, Hounslow. In Luton, the rampage did materialise, as it had done in Southall the week before.) -the police, through their thick, race-tinted glasses could see only a public order problem of blacks on the loose.

The skinheads never came. The 38 bottles never used. But when police dis­covered them a week later, they thought they had cracked a Plot by Political Extremists to Mastermind Nationwide Copycat Riots. It was a monumental fantasy whose only merit was that it snugly fitted the collective police view of the cause of the uprisings in last year's hot summer. For the state, it quickly became the chance of a show trial to criminalise the spirit of defiance proudly flaunted by black youth from Toxteth to Brixton to Southall, and to add legal arsenal to its armoury of CS gas and plastic bullets.

Quite how high the odds were stacked against the 12 youths became apparent when Judge Beaumont in his summing up, sweeping aside any pretence that the burden is on the prosecution to prove the case, told the jury that even if they rejected the prosecution case that riot was the motive, and that petrol bombs are explosive substances, they were entitled, nay duty bound, to convict if they felt that the idea of "stockpiles of such weapons may cause chaos and confusion in the country."

He was telling the jury that the defendants could win the toss if the coin

landed smartly on one edge. Yet justice has prevailed. Not because

it is guaranteed but because of a sus­tained campaign that brought thousands onto the streets chanting "police conspiracy", because barristers were not afraid to bring politics into the court­room ; and because of a courageous and united stand by the 12 youths. The jury's brave decision has vindicated everything they said.

And so, 12 young Asians spent 3 months in jail and a further 3 months on virtual house arrest. A South African style ban smashed a nascent black organisation, the UBYL. Pig ignorance was forced out in the open, even if some like Judge Beaumont feared it may "weaken race rela~ions" and a white jury has decided that self defence, in the face of such ignorance, is no offence.

The trial raises pressing questions: why had Yorkshire Police not noticed widespread terror in the Asian community or even the much-publicised Home Office report? Will there be an inquiry, let alone show trials, against those whose action led to widespread rumours of skin­head attacks on the weekend of July 11th, not only in Bradford, but in every major city where large black communities live? Or will the press don the race­tinted glasses so favoured by those in power, and focus only on whether this decision is a licence for vigilante groups and petrol 'bombs'? We have a legal verdict. A proud and defiant black community now awaits the political verdict from society. Meanwhile the only licence we need is survival.

For toO long we have suffered

Now we fight The weekend of 11/12 July 1981 must be remembered as the weekend in which black people in Britain fought back after years of racist attacks, police harassment and oppression. Asian and Afro­Caribbean working class youth in places such as Southall, Luton, Wool­wich, Handsworth, Coventry, Hounslow and Bradford came out in their thousands to protect their communities in response to rumours of organised fascist invasions. It was not an over­reaction to these rumours, but a reaction that had been shaped by thousands of instances of racist attacks. Asian youths in Southall had shown the way in the previous week , when a community mobilised spontaneously to repel a huge skinhead invasion.

In Luton, as in Southall, the threat was not taken lightly. In November 1979, skinheads had invaded the Bury Park area of Luton. This attack was met with considerable and successful resistance by the local Asian youths , but they themselves were arrested when the police arrived on the scene. Again, on Boxing Day 1980, about 400 skinhead football fans launched a fascist organised attack on a packed Bury Park mosque, causing thousands of pounds of damage and very serious injury to the worshippers . In April 1981, 50 skinheads chanting Nazi slogans attacked a demonstration organised by the Luton Youth Movement against racist violence, but once again, the resistance was successful. On 5 July, the Sikh Temple was petrol-bombed in retaliation for what had happened in Southall. Both of the white youths who were brought to court for this attack were later acquitted. On 9 July, a petrol bomb was thrown through the window of an Asian home in a housing estate, and later that night a brick was thrown at another.

It was against a background of these and other incidents that black youths in Luton took to the streets to defend their community over the weekend of 11/12 July.

On Friday afternoon, shops and factories in the town centre and Bury Park closed early and boarded up. Schools and colleges sent their students home. The word was out - skinheads from London were going to invade the town. Reporters from the local paper phoned up members of Luton Youth Movement with the information that five coachloads of skinheads were already in the town centre. Soon, the whole town knew of the threat, and by the evening, scores of black youths had gathered on the streets of Bury Park.

In the town centre, about 100 skinheads

had armed themselves with sticks and snooker cues, and chanted Nazi slogans. There were minor skirmishes. An 11-year old West Indian boy, who was dragged from his bicycle, was badly beaten up and hospitalised.

The police, of course, tried to disperse, not the skinhead gangs, but the black youths in Bury Park. But this front line of the community stood its ground in the early hours of Saturday morning.

On Saturday afternoon, the news of

the previous night's confrontation with fascist skinheads brought hundreds of youths onto the streets. Police blocked off the major roads leading into the town centre, and again attempted to disperse the youths. Skirmishes with skinheads repeated themselves.

The scene was set for Saturday evening, when the town saw a massive defensive mobilisation. Hundreds of youths, mostly Afro-Caribbean and Asian, were on the streets of Bury Park, ready for any fascist attack. Asian taxis that were monitoring the streets in the town brought back the news of a rampage by skinheads chanting nazi slogans and armed with petrol bombs, sticks and knives . The police, however, decided to move in and disperse a 300-strong group of black youths outside the mosque, the scene of previous organised fascist attacks. The intentions of the police were made clear: they too were going to attack the black community, by attacking the youths who stood in its defence. Any remaining distinction between the fascists and the police faded, and the community had no option but to fight back. Some of the worst fighting in Luton took place outside the mosque that evening, into the early hours of Sunday morning. When all was quiet, the police tried to raid the mosque, their excuse that they were searching for petrol bombs and other weapons. But the muslims in the mosque stood their ground. The police were not allowed to enter.

It is important to see in clarity the role of the police throughout the country last July. The first ten days ' rebellious uprisings in more than 30 towns and cities focussed a sharp anger against the police . It was a response to years of police harassment and connivance with fascist violence . For black youths, Asian and Afro-Caribbean alike, there was no difference between police and fascist: defence of the community against one means fighting the other. For the police, rattled by the force of the anger, ' traditional' options of control were out. Rumours in many places may have been the result of inept or pre-emptive strategies that followed, and theories of a 'nationwide riot conspiracy' certainly were . At the same time, they took the offensive with paramilitary violence and 'special' courts.

That weekend of 11/12 July last year, not only in Luton, but also in places like Handsworth, Woolwich and Bradford, as in Brixton and Toxteth - wherever black people had suffered from fascist and state attacks - the message was clear: "For too long we have suffered. Now we fight back, by any means necessary."

It is my belief that when a people are attacked, it is their right to act in self defence. The nature of that defence depends upon the nature of the attack... We decided that an organised defence of our community was necessary. In my view, the defence of black people, of all working class people, who are threatened by the menance of fascism, necessitates the forming of defensive organisations. It was with this in mind that we did what we did.

- Tariq Ali, while in custody, July 1981.

Tarlochan Gata-Aura: Given what had happened in Southall,

Deptford, in Coventry where Satnam Singh Gill had been stabbed to death by skinheads; given what had happened in Walthamstow; I feared that death could have been a consequence of a skinhead attack on Bradford. . .. My personal experience is that the police have never defended our community. There is an absence of the will to help ... The police have always protected the fascists ... Maybe you don't know what it is like to be black in this racist society. In such a situation, the only thing you can think of is the measures you might take to defend yourself.

Bahram Noor Khan: I was worried for my family and also

for my dad who has a shop near to Manningham which was the main area the skinheads would attack ... also for the community.

Masood Malik: I had read and seen on 1rV accounts

of, for example, the Deptford fire in which 13 black children died. Even though my knowledge of Urdu is limited, I could read enough to know that such incidents happened ... There were a couple of incidents about two weeks before 11 July... After the 11 July I remember an arson attack on the Leeds Road cafe... When my older brother found out about the attack, I remember him mentioning something about sealing our letter box up because we had fears of someone squirting something through to start a fire.

Ahmed Mansoor: I did think people could be attacked

because they have been before. I thought even if the police were there, it still wouldn't stop all the attacks, because they never seem to manage to stop them.

I knew about Southall the week before already. I saw it on the news and a lot of people talked about it, and it was in the newspapers. People started to get more worried... My parents are frightened and nervous in case anyone attacks our house or anyone outside. There have been a number of incidents in Manningham near us ...

Vasant Patel: I first became aware that people

viewed me differently - that some people could hate me because I am black -while still at school. In my early teens I first experienced a personal attack on the basis of my colour ~>..lone ... (UBYL) There was nothing that I could see which was illegal or violent about the organisation. The people involved seemed genuinPly concerned about the problems of b!d.ck people in Britain.

Giovanni Singh: I went to about twenty meeting where

we discussed which campaigns we should support... I also went to a demo in

3

Bradford 12' s words in court Extracts from statements made from the dock

Coventry about a man who had been murdered by some skinheads. On the demo there were about 10-15,000 people and about 500 skinheads came. The police refused to move them and there was violence. This also added to my suspicion of the police.

Pravin Patel: I have read articles on racial attacks

not just in Bradford but other parts of the country ... When I have read things like this, I have had fear inside me thinking that my family of someone I love might be attacked or killeq in a similar manner ... It's just like these kind of attacks can happen to anyone ...

Saeed Hussein: I got into political thinking by the kind

of processes of thought that went on when I was at school. It was the way I was made to feel as an alien. It was a continuous feeling.

I have always been interested in what happens and the way it happens. I joined the Kashmir! Nationalist Movement at the age of 14 and attended local meetings and demonstrations. I read the literature regularly which involved all the struggles that were going on everywhere, the Palestinian struggle, the South African struggle and that's when I came to ask myself questions, who are these people and what are they fighting for?

We have in this country certain people called politicians. My view. is that there is no special category under which certain people come, we are all politicians. Politics is not about passing degrees at Oxford or Cambridge. Every ordinary day for every ordinary person is politics. Not being about to pay for the winter fuel bill - that's politics. Not being about to feed your family -that's politics. Not being able to afford school uniform for your children - that's politics. Living in slums in the damp - that's politics.

Sabir Hussein: I am concerned generally about

questions like skinheads and racist attacks. I do believe that if they attack us we have to defend ourselves. Everyday life is inescapable.

Tariq Ali: Everything you have heard so far about

the charges against us is about a human reaction - our action in defence of our people... The threat of fascist terror affects everyone of you and not just black people... But there is a reign of terror now for black people. The institutions that subjugate them, and the highest authority in this country has approved of this terror ...

The only reason I was raided in the first place was because of my political association. They carried out a political interrogation before anything else ... then the bail conditions.. . not to attend any political activities. After our arrest, 800 people came together in a meeting for our defence. The community understood that this was a political trial... There whole case against me amounts to nothing but a political prosecution. It is aimed at my political views. It ls nothing but to get me off the streets. At that like I fought for my people. I am not a terrorist but a victim of terror.

Jayest A min and Isaaq Kazi did not make statements in court.

Self Defence is No Offence! 24-page pamphlet to be produced jointly by LOP and Bradford 12

campaign. Reprinting LOP coverage of trial, with interviews

etc. 60p copy. Please send orders to Bradford 12 campaign at above address including large

stamped addressed envelope. On top of this, if yo1,1're black, you have lt-•••••••••••••••••1 to deal with racism which doesn't seem

to exist in the dictionary of the West Yorkshire Police Force. But if you ask any black person he or she will tell you what it means ...

We began the UBYL about 6 to 7 months before we were arrested. The basic aims and objectives... are simple. They were to unify the black community. We were generally anti-racist and anti­fascist.

The campaign still needs Money!!

Please send donations to: Bradford 12 Defence Fund,

Box JK, 59 Cookridge St, Leeds 2.

;r; . I

•

The Cardiff 6 are six young Welsh people who are at present being held in police custody and who have been charged, like the Bradford 12, with conspiracy and explosive charges.

The names of the six are: David Burns, Nick Hodges, Adrian Stone, Gareth Westacott, Jennie Smith and Dafydd Ladd. They were arrested in April or May of this year and have been refused bail. All the 'evidence' against the 6 has been collected after their arrest. As in the case of the Bradford 12 it includes statements signed while in police custody, after threats, interrogation and denial of sleep and food.

A campaign to defend the six has been started by Welsh Political Prisoners Defence Committee. The WPPDC says that the six are scapegoats for the police failure to find culprits for bombing campaigns in Wales. They have all six been picked on because of their political activities. They are or have been members of the Welsh Republican

Support Irish P.O.W.s!

"Second-class citizenship is crude oppression and must be confronted and removed. We, who suffer from this disease must of necessity have two major assets: first, resolve, and second, unity. We must break down the barriers created by those who oppress us and recognise that we share a common role in society and therefore present a united front against our common enemy, otherwise we prejudice our chance of success ... fellow second class citizens, now is the time to cement the bonds of unity!"

(From a statem ent smuggled out of the H·Blocks by Irish R epublican Prisoners of War, ten of whom w er e to be murdered by British imperialism, written in support of the 1981 demonstration in London against the Nationality Bill. )

This expression of solidarity between Irish and black peoples is not new. During a period of mass uprising against British rule in India during 1919, Irish regiments in the British army mutineed rather than turn the~r guns on Indian demonstrators. Neither is it one-sided. Members of tP.<! UBYL played an active part in supporting the struggles of the Republican prisoners in the H-Blocks and Armagh prisons and were guests at the 1981 Sinn Fein Ard-Fheis (annual conference) .

There are good reasons for this solidarity to continue. In Northern

5

Cardiff 6

Ireland during 1981, over 30,000 plastic bullets were fired by the British army and 'security' forces , resulting in seven deaths and many hundreds of injuries. During the last months, West Yorkshire police's Chief Constable, Ronald Gregory, has admitted that his force has built up stocks of these weapons, to be used presumably in areas like Chapeltown and Manningham against those who have the courage and conviction to resist racist attacks and stand up to police harassment.

Following the development of the Special Patrol Groups, Snatch Squads, Riot Shields and the use of CS gas, the threatened use of plastic bullets is just the latest example of the technology of repression developed in Northern Ireland to be brought back to use against in particular black peoples in Britain.

These weapons of repression have not succeeded in overthrowing or subduing the Nationalist peoples of Northern I reland. And neither will they crush people in Britain like the Bradford 12 whose only crime has been to fight back against their exploitation and oppression. But there will be casualties in this struggle, and the state will take political prisoners.

In Britain 54 Irish men and women who have shown their resolve to fight back against British imperialism's oppression of Irish people, are

·,;; I .

Socialist Movement and two are prominent in Plaid Cymru Youth Movement. This is another political trial organised to smash political activity.

The campaign is calling for a public inquiry into the activitil"il of the police in Wales, particularly the 'political police.' They accuse the police of bribing people into giving information and ignoring the judges' rules on those held in custody, among other things. The campaign demands that:

• All the charges should be dropped. • Stop the police dirty tricks

• Free Welsh political prisoners • A public inquiry into the "Political

Police." The campaign can be contacted at:

The Secretary, WPPDC, 115 Mackintosh Place, Roath, Cardiff.

The Bradford 12 campaign sends its solidarity to the WPPDC and calls on all those who have worked so hard to free the 12 to extend their support to these victims of police conspiracy!

sentences in British prisons. Unlike British soldiers found guilty of crimes in the North of Ireland, they are not allowed to serve their sentences in their own country. Here they are subjected to discrimination, victimisation and physical brutality from prison staff.

The prisoners have not taken this lying down and two, Frank Stagg in Wakefield and Michael Gaughan in Parkhurst, died in the '70's whilst on hunger strike demanding the right to be repatriated. At the moment, two other Republicans, Mick Murray and Pat Hacket are on the blanket (refusing to wear prison uniform and submit to prison discipline.) The Troops Out Movement, along with Sinn Fein POW Dept, and other organisations are mobilising people to support the prisoners' struggle.

TOM supported the campaign to free the Bradford 12. The state has failed to criminalise them, but as resistance grows in this country, black and white people will find themselves incarcerated in English jails as political prisoners We should unite in support of their struggle and those of Republican prisoners.

Solidarity to the Bradford 121 Support Irish Prisoners of War in their

struggle for repatriation I

Leeds TOM

International support 6

Black Women for Wages for Housework (U.S.A.) organised a picket outside the British Consulate in Los Angeles on April 26th to mark the first day of the Bradford 12 trial. As well as drawing attention to police harassment of the Black Community in Britain and the framing of the Bradford 12 for organising and def­ending their community against racist attacks, the picket focussed on the similar experiences of the Black community in the U.S.A. There too, Black people have borne the brunt of the government's economic policies of cuts in jobs, services and most importantly, in Welfare. They have had to fight harassment by the police, bias in the courts, racist attacks on their homes and families, and against immigration laws designed to keep out as many people as possible. The picket raised the most recent example in Los Angeles of police harassment carried to its extreme - the case of Delois Young, a young Black woman who was shot, and her unborn baby killed, by police who claimed to be looking for drugs.

Representatives at the picket included the Feminist Women's Health Centre, The Older Women's League, individual .'\sian women and men, and the Los Angeles Wages for Housework Campaign. -\fter some insistence, a deputation with 'largaret Prescod-Roberts of Black Women for Wages for Housework as spokeswoman, spoke to the Vice-Consul. Although he said he didn't know much about the Bradford 12 case, he was forced to admit that there was a lot of criticism in Britain of police relations with 'ethnic minorities' and that there may need to be some re-examination of police practices. The major Los Angeles area news-station made hourly broadcasts of the conversation between Margaret Prescod· Roberts and the Vice Consul; other press coverage included an article in a local daily paper.

This picket, led by Black women, left the British government in no doubt that what happens here is of direct concern to people in the U.S.A., and that we refuse to be divided from each other nation by nation, race t>y race, sex by sex.

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1 ~~~EHfSe ~~~Pg~~~N+~~T~~~gF~:g ,JNDIVIDUALS ;1 '''} Bradford: Guru Govind Singh Sikh Temple. Guru Nanak Sikh Temple, Ramgarhia Sikh Temple, Islamic Centre, ... ::;::: Hindu Cultural Centre. Bradford Trades Council, AUE'N (Eccleshill Branch), TGWU (1192), Bradford District Labour Party, {; ~;( Bradford Nonh Constituency ~ P., Undercliffe Ward L.P., Green Lane Youth Centro, Bradford University S.U., 1'. i;i;i;:; ~~~rd ~~~~~~.,S,;,~ie, Islamic Centre, Trades Council, TGWU (ACTSS), ASTMS, Equity, Come-Unity CoUoctivo, Out .

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: .. : .. ••.'.:.!.! of Work Centre (Swanhmore) . Third World First, Leeds Un~versity S.U., Leeds Poly Labour Club, The Standing Conference of . Pakistani Organisations. Mushm Council, Federation of lnd1an Associations, F•rst Base Youth Centre, Shape·Up-North, ~ :,,_:;; NALGO (LEEDS). Leeds Poly SU, Leeds College of Pnnting SU. Women Aga1nst lmpenahl)m ~

Nationally: Pak1stan Muslim Welfare Assoc., Shree Lohana Mahajana (Ashton-u-Lyne), Indian Wort<ers Association IGBJ I Pakistan Women's Orgamsetion, Bengali International, Federation of Begali Youth organisations, Birmingham Youth :: Movement, Dewsbury Asian Youth Organisation, Sikh Gurudvara (South London), Jamaica Society, (Manchester) West *,:·~·::·::::::·.,:·,·~,····. Yorkshire County Assoc:ation of Trades Councils, Lambeth Trades Council, Hackney Trades Council, Wandswonh Trades ::' Council, Camden Trades Council, Westminster TUPS Branch (APEX), ACTTS Central London, ACTTS South London, ACTSS ISW London). ASTMS 507 Branch, G&MWU (MATSAJ Central London, ASTMS No15 Div Council, NATFHE m;: (Kilburn Poly), Lewisham NALGO National Union of Tailors and Garment Workers, Bakers Food and 'Allied Workers Union, Ji' Hackney NUT, City and East London College NATFHE, Nonh Hammersmith NUPE, Kon Gill (Chair, TUC Equal g Opponun~t~es Ctteel. Cliff Will1ams <AUEW Convenor), Man1n Eady (1\!UFI London Vice-pres), St. Paul's L.P. !Bristol). ~·:,.,··--.~',''l:'. Battersea L.P. (Queen's Town Branch), Ealing-Acton L.P., Hornsoy i.P., Holborn and St. Pancras L.P. West Lawisham @ L.P., Tony Bonn MP, Lord Ted Willis, Kevin Moore (Lambeth Council), Merle Amory !Brent Councillor), Pater Tatchell I (Bermondsey L.P.I, Big Flame, Hyde Pari< Socialist, Jewish Socialist Group, Revolutionary Gay Men's Caucus, Irish Republican Socialist Party, Armagh Co-ordinating Group, Latin American Women's Group, Nonhem Ireland Gay Rights Association, Christians against Racism and Fascism, Troops Out Movement, Young Communist League, AchiUes .Heel, National Association of Disabled Writers, Migrants Action Group, Southampton ANL, The Spade, Hammer and Pan Society, . Writers and Readers Publishing Co-op, Blair Peach Memonal Fund. Wandswonh NAME, 121 Books, Lowisham Way ~,~,~ Centre, Independent Film Makers Co-op, Brent Community Bookshop, Nonh Islington Law Centre, Thamesdown CRE, IW Birmingham Community Assoc., Newsreel Collective, Journeyman Press, Sheba Feminist Publishers, David Edgar, Ron ~ Halverston ICP Chair), Asquith Gibbs (Lewisham CRCJ, Wally Brown IM.._;de CRCJ, John Willis (Film maker), University " of York S.U., London Student Organisation, National Union of Asian Students, National Union of Students, Middlesex ~j f'1~;~:.c;~i~ ~1tu~!:!,~~~~h (~;::tr;r 1\'o:h;;Xi:o~=~~:;,.';~~~~:· Bt.ck Students Allianca (Essex Univ.) Sussex .l

Kashmiri Workers Assoc. Bangladesh Workers Assoc. Bangladesh Welfare Assoc. South East Region TUC. @ London L.P. Wandswonh NALGO, London CARF, Birmingham CARF, Indian Worlters Association, Hind Mazdoor Lehar, @f),.',i·'·'

Pakistan Workers and Peasants Party, Black Liberation Front, Khan Family Defence Committee, Reggie Yates Defence , Campaign, Paul Worrel Campaign, Richard Cambell Campaign, Mohinder Singh Defence Campaign, West London · ~~ Defence Committee, Brixton Defence Committee, Liverpool 8 Defence Committee, Namibia Support Committee. :i::~~:· Co-ordinatmg Committee for the Defence of Iranian People's Struggle !Manchester), Women Against Imperialism, ).' ••••. ' .••. ~ ••• ~ •••••• ~.: NCCL, Huddersfield Action Committee Against Racism, Peter Hain !Putney LP), Revolutionary Communist League,

8 .. <:···.

IMG, Revolution Youth, SWP, ANL, RCP/WAR, RCG, CP IGBJ, Millan Community Project ISLJ, Wandswonh CCR, • ACTSS (Branch 41214), Socialist Organiser (Sheffield), Asian Youth Association (Shaffield) Black Consciousness Group < (Sheffield I, Asian Women Community Workers Group, Lambeth NUT, Asian Solidarity Society INELP).

Sikh Gurudvara (Glasgow), Bengali International IE London), London lnst. of Education SU, Kingston Poly SU, London Asian Act1on Group (N Lorldon), Moss Side Peoples ' Centre, College of Printmg SU, Sheffield Univ. SU, W. Lewisham ··~ Community W orkers & Voluntary Org., Coventry Youth LP, Bridhngton LP, Queenstown LP (Banersea), Homsey ·,m,.:, .. ~~.'·:.,:=.,:=~. Movement, Luton Youth Movement, Friends of Nareen Adhtar, Vale LP. Moswell Hill LP, Poole LP, Homsey LPYS, ';m Friends of Nasira Begun, Friends of Jaswinder Keur, Cynthia Northampton LPYS, Legal Act•on Group, Islington Bus Co., ~§! Gordon Act1on Group, Bangladeshi Div1ded Families, Sultan Sheffield Centre Against Unemployment, Glasgow Bookshop ~==·-· Mahmood Support Ctte. Friends of Chun Hee Leong, Najat Collective, Bournemouth Womens Group, Spare·Rib Collective, W Chafee Defence Campaign, Parveen Akhtar Defence Campaign, Outwrite Collective, Schools Aga~nst The Bomb, Gay Rights ioi Save Ayesha (Oxford) Friends of Mohammed Butt (M'ster), at Work, Peoples National Party, Workers Revolutionary Pi Sh1rley Grahem Campaign, Race Today Alliance, Caribbean Party, Lanes Assoc. of Trades Councils, NERTUC, Southwark t]i Labour Solidarity, Wages for Housework (UK), Black Women Trades Council, Brent Trades Counc1l, Birmingham Trades f for Wages for Housework, Wages Due Lesbians, Engltsh Council, Lambeth NUT, Wandsworth NUT, NUPE (Hamm :q Collect1ve of Prostitutes, Women Against Rape, OWAAD, ersm1th Hosp) , NUPE (exeter). NUPE (Bristol) NALGO ) IRSP (M'ster SGJ. N.E. Lancashire Campaign Against Racism. (Lambeth!, NALGO (Newham), NATFE (inner London Reg1onal Oldham Campaign Against Racist Laws, Campaign Aga•nst Council, NATFHE (N. London Poly) , TGWU (Bournemouth), 4 Rac•st Laws, Essex Law Centre, Hounslow Law Centre, TGW (Liverpool) ACTSS (Edinburgh), Hotel and Catering ==}

Quaker Community Relations Council, Alliance of Rad1cal Workers Unton, Nat Graphical Assoc . Union of Communication :·1 Methochsts, Scotush Council for Civ•l L•berttes, Halifax Multi- Workers (Bristol) CPSA (E.London) CPSA (Scotland), AUEW :[[j Cultural Fest1val, Lew1sham CRC, Tameside CRE, York CRC, (Yarmouth), AUEW <TASSI 1161, ASTMS (London, NUR Sw•ndon CRC, Astan Soc (Warwtck Un•v SUI. St. Johns (London Dtst . Counc•ll, Joan Magnerd MP, Ron Brown MP .j Col SU (Manchester), Manchester Un~v SU. UMIST SU. I Leith). Jo Richardson MP. Peter Ha1n . ·~

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Internationally: £. Party, US League of Revolutionary Struggle (MLI Workers @

All India Co·ordinatmg Cttee for Workmg Women, Sri Lanka Commumst Party, Canada (MLI, Party of Labour Belgium, %. Commumst Party (Left) , lndtan Peoples Assoc of N Amenca, Demograz1a Proletaria (Rome) Comite. Unitaire Francais n~ People 's Progressive Party (Guyana) Sinn Fein, Na F1anna lmm•gres, Orgamsation Commun•ste des Travailleurs (France) t:~ E•rrean (Stnn Fe1n Youth Movement) Irish Republican Soc1ahst Centre d'Etudes Anu-lmperialiste. ~=~~i

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