Fortifikace a orgaizace ídliště z předřímské Itálie

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Fortifications and Settlement Organization: An Example from Pre-Roman ItalyAuthor(s): Maurizio GualtieriSource: World Archaeology, Vol. 19, No. 1, Urbanization (Jun., 1987), pp. 30-46Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd.Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/124497.

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Fortifications n d settlementorganization: n e x m p l e f r o mpre Roman t a l yMaurizio Gualtieri

IntroductionUntil very recently the later Iron Age of central and southern Italy has beencharacterized by an almost complete lack of settlement studies. This is all the moreremarkable when one thinks of the growth of interest in the pre-Roman populations ofthe hinterland of the Italian peninsula (e.g. Salmon 1967) and the study of native culturechange under the influence of the Greek colonial cities, on one hand (e.g. Atti Taranto1961; 1971) and the Etruscans on the other (Mansuelli 1979; Pallottino 1971).

Among possible explanations for this state of affairs, one may consider the scholarlyemphasis on cemetery archaeology and the typological study of the artefacts recovered,strongly rooted in Italian Iron Age studies (Ridgway and Ridgway 1979) together withthe priority which has been traditionally given to the study of Greek and Roman cities.A second, fundamental reason may have been an excessive reliance on written texts,both historical/geographical, (occasionally including some ethnographic remarks) andepigraphical (Champion and Megaw 1985: 2), with no corresponding efforts, on thearchaeological side, to verify types of settlement, economic organization and landscapereconstruction. When such a situation is compared with the study of the same period incentral and western Europe (late Hallstatt/early La Tene), not surprisinglyoutside of theacademic boundaries of Classical Archaeology, inevitably the disparity in bothavailability of data and theoretical elaborations is outstanding (Collis 1981; Crumley1974; Cunliffe 1976b). At the same time, it is rather discouraging to see that, with rareexceptions (Peroni 1982; 1983; Sereni 1970: 121; Studi sulla cittd antica 1971: 319-99),no structural comparisons are ever made with the better documented and more broadlystudied process of settlement change which affects various areas of central and westernEurope in the later Iron Age. Yet, it would seem natural to discern structuralprinciplesin this transformation that may be used in a comparative sense, if one does notunderestimate the undeniable geographical and culturaldifferences existing between thetwo areas.

However, it would not be difficult to find exceptions to this simplified picture. Indeed,topographic studies on a regional scale, attempting to verify models of settlementorganization are not missing (La Regina 1968). As a result, the generalized view ofempty hill-forts, serving a sparse ruralpopulation based on Livy's accounts (IX, 13, 7; X,

World Archaeology Volume 19 No. 1 UrbanizationR.K.P. 1987 0043-8243/87/1901/30 $1.50/1

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Fortifications nd settlement rganization: n example rompre-Roman taly 3145, 14; XXI, 33, 11;Cristofani1978:93-94; Salmon1967:50-53 and79), in manycasesstrengthenedby the traditionalpostulateof a pastoraleconomyfor manyof the inlandareas,has been questionedand become the stimulus or specificanalysesof individualsites or micro-regions Colonna 1955; 1962: 87-99; De Benedittis 1977; 1980; VanWonterghem, 1981; 1984). Most often, however, the main focus has been on thefortifications hemselvesand theirtopographic etting, particularlyorthe centralItalianareas(ContaHaller1978;Cremonesi1966;Mattiocco1981),whilst orthe LucanianandBruttian territoriesgreater emphasis has been put on chronology and constructiontechniques(Adamesteanu 1971; 1983; Holloway 1970; Treziny 1983). Occasionally,attentionhas beenpaidto the relationshipbetween the fortified itesthemselvesandthemeagreevidenceof habitationareas or cemeteriesand sanctuaries ntheirvicinity,withan attemptat outlininga pictureof the regionallandscape(Angle, Gianni and Guidi1982;Guzzo and Luppino1980;La Regina 1975).Undoubtedly,withinthe fourth centuryBC native world of central/southerntaly,noticeable differences n levels of economic and social organizationdid exist (Torelli1978:76). Most scholarsworkingon the Italic territories Figure1) would seem to beawarethat a unifiedexplanationof what can be labelled as a fourthcentury'hillfortphenomenon' may representa gross over-simplification. or many inlandareas, thefunctionof the hilltop fortificationsas mere refuge areas can be convincinglyargued(ContaHaller 1978)and the absenceof any related stablesettlement n them is simplyproven by the mere topographic ettingof quite a few (La Regina 1971:195-6). ForLucaniaandBruttium,on the otherhand,the veryproximityof such fortifiedcircuits oimportanturbancentres(the Greekcolonialpoleis) (Figure 2), justifies n manycaseslooking at them within the context of the widely discussedproblemof Greek/nativeculturecontact. In the absenceof adequatedataon habitationareas,an incidental,andsomewhatdigressive,resultof this approach,has been the discussionon the possibleethnic derivation of the buildersof the fortifications Adamesteanu1975; Holloway1970: 12-13; Treziny 1983), and even on the specificmilitaryevents whichmay haveaccounted or their constructionHolloway1970:13-14; Lepore1975:54). It mayhavebeen the veryfocus on problemsof acculturation, ddlyenough,thatcausesoccasionalshiftsof attentionfromexternal o internal actorsof changeunderlyinghe widespreadappearancef fortificationsPontrandolfo982:151;Acquasparta986).It isparticularlynthe latter case that the scarcityof systematically ollected archaeologicaldata on thenatureof the settlementsrelatedto the fortifiedcircuitsor on the economicorganizationof the areas whichthey served(Cunliffe1971)becomes most evident.

Hillforts in southern ItalyTheonlywelldocumentedaspectof the fourthcenturyBC 'hillfort'phenomenon usedin the rathergeneralsense of a fortifiedplace (Duval1981:163)- consistsof a numberof wall circuitsof that period in differentpartsof Samnium,Lucania,and Bruttiumwhich highlighta period of transformations nd instability.For Samnium,where thehistoricaldocumentation s more detailed and a largenumberof epigraphic exts exist(Morandi1982;Poccetti1979)it has been possibleto formulatea systemof settlement



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32 Maurizio Gualtieri

Figure1 Mapof the populationsof the Italianpeninsulaat the end of the 5th centuryBC (afterPallottino1981).organization which tends to underline the non-urban character of such sites (La Regina1978: 401-2; 1975; 1971). Described in a simplified manner, the fortified circuits wouldrepresent refuge or garrison spaces, at strategic points in the territory, for the pagi or vici(agglomerations of rural population) settled in the surrounding areas. Even when someform of stable settlement exists inside of the fortified circuit, it would be rather in theform of simple groupings of houses, exceptionally including a 'public building' (La



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Fortifications and settlement organization: an example from pre-Roman Italy 33Regina 1976: 219-24), whilst religious foci, redistribution points and seats of some formof political activity would be located at open sites or sanctuaries (La Regina 1984: 168;Torelli 1977: 56-58). Although such a model of territorial organization may constitute,with some approximation, a valid framework for a large number of settlements inSamnium and central Lucania, there has been a tendency to use it indiscriminately, in theface of fragmentary archaeological evidence. As a result, systematic explorations of

1. Anzi 4. Buccino 8. CrocciaCognato 12. MarsicoNuovo2. Atena Lucana 5. Castelgrande 9. Gallicchio 13. MoiodellaCivitella3. Baragiano 6. Cersosimo 10. Garaguso 14. MonteCoppolo,::i~7/7\ ^7.Cozzo Presepe 11. Marcellina 15. MuroLucano16. OppidoLucano17. Pomarico18. Potenza19. Roccanova20. Rotondella21. Satriano22. Serradi Vaglio23. TempaCortaglia24. Tempadei Casaleni25. Timmari26. TorreMordillo27. Torettadi Pietragalla28. Tortora29. TricaricoFortifiedSettlement

I/_J E Greek Colony

E Elevation (m)I LI less than 100

100-500

LO ll 500-1000-.l 2g more than 1000Figure2 Mapof the fortifiedsites in Lucania.



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34 Maurizio Gualtierisettlement sites have seldom been undertakenand data on lay-out and function ofindividual ites are much scarcer han those on cemeteries and sanctuaries.

To remain within the borders of our discussioncase, Lucania, I have alreadymentioned an evident tendency there to explore settlement sites within a differentconceptualframeworksuch as Greek/native nteraction,phenomenaof acculturation(Lepore1981;Torelli 1977). Attemptsto askspecificquestionsabout the organization,functionand natureof thesefortified ites, however,havebeen madeonlyinveryrecentyears.Admittedly, in spite of the similarityin constructionof many circuits, relevantdifferences exist among them, size being the most visible and objective one.Furthermore,as more evidence is made available,it is becomingincreasinglyobviousthat not all of them would have served the same function(D'Agostino1974:225-26; LaGeniere 1983:185) as happensfor central and westernEurope(Filip 1981).In the case of Cozzo Presepe, for example, there is an undeniableconnectionwithnearby Metapontoand the interpretation f this hilltopfortifiedsite as a garrisonposthas been convincinglyarguedin the recent publicationof the British and Canadianexcavations Ward-Perkinsnd Macnamara 983:383-88). Equallytrue is the fact thatsome may have served a similar function - the castella of the Roman writers - for areasof particularlyntensivenativehabitation,suchas the micro-region etween the Cavoneand Salandrellariverswhere at least four fortificationshave been identifiedwithinaradius of six km. (Croccia Cognato, Tempa dei Casaleni, Tempa Cortaglia andGaraguso) (Cremonesi1966:139-43; Fracchia1985;Tramonti1984). The lattercase,however,wouldseem to represent he exceptionrather han the rule,whenone looks atthe geographical ettingof manyof them, andparticularlywhen one analyses n greaterdetailthe wideraspectof settlementorganizationn the areassurroundinghe fortifiedsite. Serradi Vaglio, one of the betterexploredfortifiedcentres n CentralLucania, orwhich there is clear archaeologicalevidence from both the fortificationand enclosedsettlementdatingfrom the VI to the IV c. BC (Greco, G. 1982)has often been singledout as an emergingurban-like ettlement(Adamesteanu1975:264-66; Pallottino1971:12)possiblyunder Greekinfluence,notunlikewhat hasbeensuggested or some centralEuropeanoppida(Gersbach1976:25-30).In the course of the last decadeor so, it has become increasingly lear that:

(i) generalization f the typeof organizationand level of complexityof such sites canbe madeonlyif we take into accounta great rangeof variability mongthe individualsettlements and regionaldifferences n factorsinfluencingheirdevelopment(GrecoandSchnapp1983:384-6; Torelli 1984:28-30).(ii) the answerfor a thoroughunderstandingf the organizationof suchsettlementslies:(a) in a more carefulstudyof individual iteswithregard o the developmentof thefortificationsystem, the use of the walled area and its relationshipwith the spaceimmediatelyoutsideof it, where, in manycases remainsof settlementnucleiexist or

can be suspected (Gualtieri1978:405;La Regina 1984:168).(b) in a systematic xplorationof the 'catchment rea', norder o placethe fortifiedsettlementin its wider economic setting (Barker1977;Fracchia1985), as has been



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Fortifications and settlement organization: an example from pre-Roman Italy 37surroundedby a porticoon at least two sides (originally hree) (Gualtieri1985b:258).The ceremonialand religiousfunctionsof the large pavedcourt arehighlightedby thepresenceof a shrine(Figure5: Fll) with culticterracotta tatuettesandvotiveofferings,including acrificial emains,anda possiblesmallaltar,c. 2mwestof it (Figure5, F305).These featuresundoubtedlyqualifythe enclosed areaas a religious ocus(Guzzo1983:210-11) and leave room for considerationson the socio-politicalrole of the fortifiedsettlement.It is possiblethatthe areaperformednotonly religious unctionsbutalso therelatedone of exchangeand someform of administrative ndpoliticalactivity,under hecontrolof a local 'oligarchy' Lepore1975:54). Thus, in the CentralPlateausettlementatRoccagloriosawe maybe ableto see, in the contextof a 'pseudo-urban'entre(Torelli1978:83), the counterpartof the cantonalor territorial anctuarywhich,in the fourthcenturyBC Osco-Lucanianworld,generallyperformed uch functions supra,p. 33).

The above considerationson the role of the fortified enclosure are all the moremeaningfulwhen set against wo othermajoraspectsof the structures o far excavated:(a) Previousevidenceof manufacturing ctivity ound near the northgatein the formof largequantitiesof bronzeslag,has beenrecentlystrengthenedbythe excavationofa late fourthcenturyBC potterykiln (Figure5, F54) set in the context of a workingareaimmediately o the northof theporticopavedareacomplex.We mayhave eithera case of an artisanworkshopdependenton the elite household or of an artisanworkshopbuilt at a majorsettlementarea, within a partiallyrestructuredomplex.(b) Widespread erracing, ncludinga well-laiddrainagesystem, and intersticesorrudimental assage-ways etweendifferent blocks' Figure5, A andB) ontheCentralPlateau, may provide evidence for the regularityof lay-out and complexity oforganization f amajornucleuswithin he fortifiedcircuit.Inone case, a 1.20 m. widepavedroad,runningalongthe eastsideof complexA andcontinuing,unpaved,alongthe east side of complexB, is clearlydocumented Figure5, F271).In manysuch fortifiedsites the walledarearepresents ust one partof the nucleatedsettlement.At Roccagloriosaother habitationnuclei have been identified n naturallydefendedareas,immediatelyoutsideof thefortification,n somecasesincludinganopenpaved area borderedby an ashlarwall as the main architectural eature of the house

layout. The degree of nucleation which characterizes he two major areas so farexcavated (Central Plateau and DB area) points to the large size of the residentpopulation inverygeneric erms(Wells1984:164-66), and with theproviso hat it is avery dangerousyardstickof development Alexander1972:844). Clearly,however,theextentof the naturally ortifiednucleatedsettlement(abovethe 400 m. contour),whichone can inferfrom the topographicworkso farcarriedout(c. 15+ 20hectares),confirmsthe suspicion hatempty spacesmust have existed betweenthe variousnuclei(Py 1982:106). In fact, the presenceof vast tractswithoutconstructionunderlines he much lessrigorous ypeof organization f the overall ettlement,whencompared, s it hasgenerallybeen done, with the commonlyused reference model of the Greek colonial city. Theabsence of actual 'public' buildings, for example, is outstanding.However, if thereferenceparadigm s shiftedto the better documentedmodels of pre- or proto-urbansettlementsof central and westernEurope (Collis 1984;Cunliffe 1978:136-41; Harke



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Roccagloriosa1986

I i0 5m-*:= Paved Areas

=- Drainage CanalLater Wall1-3: 4th c. B.C. Wall= Tile Wall

Figure 5 Sketch plan of excavated structures on the Central Plateau.



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Figure 6 Map of surveye sites around the nucleated settlement.



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Fortifications nd settlement rganization: n example rom pre-Roman taly 41from the two majorareas excavated(CentralPlateauandDB), has found the followingpercentages or the fourthcenturyBC site (Bok6nyi 1986):

Caprovines 40%cattle 37%pigs 14%

Altogether, in spiteof the tentative characterof the analysesmentioned,the economicdata so far extractedwould not seem to agreewith either a type of animalhusbandrybasedon pastoralismor a systemof subsistenceagriculture,raditionally ostulated ormanyof the inland areasof pre-RomanItaly.

ConclusionsA basicunderstandingf the developmentof Italic settlementshadbeen achieved n the1960sandearly1970sthrougha generalchronologicalandtopographical tudyof someof the fortificationsprawlingn manyinlandareas of centraland southernItaly duringthe fourth centuryBC. The more recent systematicexplorationof habitationareasconnectedwith the fortifications ndincreasing elianceon surfacesurveyandeconomicstudiesare adding quite a few qualifying lementsto the pictureof settlementpatternsandcommunityorganization n pre-RomanItaly. By avoiding he simplisticdichotomyof GreekversusItalic(Coarelli1971:330-31) andinpartalso of urbanversusnon-urban(Alexander1972:849), the on-goingarchaeological tudyof individual ites wouldseemto strengthenthe view that in quite a few cases the fortified settlementsrepresentamaterialexpressionof important conomic,social, andperhapspolitical, ransformationsoccurringduringthe fourthcenturyBC in the Italianhinterland.In fact, some of themore developed sites appearto have exhibitedmanyof the characteristicsf a 'centralplace'andto pointin the directionof urbanizationCunliffe1976a:140-41; Sereni1970:122).Thearchaeological videnceso faravailable,however,wouldnot seemto suggesthowfar they would have been from an 'urban threshold'or, indeed, whetheran 'urbanthreshold'n the sense of the Graeco-Roman itymodelwould have been in the logicofsuchdevelopments(Collis 1979:130-131).22.ix.1986 Departmentf ClassicsThe University f AlbertaEdmonton,Canada

AcknowledgmentsPartsof an earlierversionof thispaperwerepresentedat a Colloquiumon 'SettlementPatterns n Ancient Italy:two decades of research'organized n Dec. 1985at the 87thGeneral Meeting of the Archaeological Institute of America, Washington, D.C.Subsequentdiscussionwith M. Torelli(Universityof Perugia)greatlyhelped nclarifying



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42 Maurizio Gualtieridifferent aspects of the organization of the Roccagloriosa site. The excavations atRoccagloriosa, undertaken in the 1970s by the Department of Antiquities of Salerno(Italy) have been supported since 1982 by grants of the Social Sciences and HumanitiesResearch Council of Canada and the Central Research Fund of the University ofAlberta. The pottery from the surface survey and from the Central Plateau excavationhas been processed for publication by Dr. H. Fracchia of the University of Alberta, towhom I owe advice on the dating of the structures and the sites in the surroundingterritory. Figure 1 was drawn by S. Saunders, Figures 2, 3 and 6 by the author with theassistance of the Graphics Dept. at the U. of A. and Figures 4 and 5 were produced byGraphics at the U. of A., after the site plans of architects J. Rougetet (CNRS, Paris) andL. Scarpa (Istituto di Urbanistica, University of Naples).

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AbstractGualtieri, M.Fortifications and settlement organization: an example from pre-Roman ItalyAlthough providing a general discussion of recent studies on the settlement system of the Italiccommunities of the later Iron Age (V and IV centuries B.C.), the paper addresses the specificproblem of the Lucanian fortified sites (in the hinterland of South Italy) and their meaning in thecontext of the rapid' developments which those communities underwent during the periodimmediately preceding the Romanization of Italy. The recent archaeological exploration ofindividual settlement sites is producing clear evidence on the degree of 'centrality' of many suchfortified sites and the complexity of their functions within the settlement patterns of pre-RomanItaly.

Fortifikace a orgaizace ídliště z předřímské Itálie

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