Formation, construction and representation on the urban...

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Formation, construction and representation on the urban periphery of Sao Paulo 1940 - 1960

The present project thoroughly scribes two ongoing researches and their partial and temporary results

as an attempt to articulation. On one side, we have investigated the role of private enterprises in the

production of housing for the working people. In addition, its implications in the process of urban space

construction in the city of Sao Paulo during the period between 1940 and 1964. The other research

deals with the urbanization of Sao Paulo city between 1951 and 1969 and it expression and/or

representation in folk music, especially in the “Samba.” In the fork of both researches a problem was

identified which was of interest to both and that can be summarised in the title of this dispatch.

The report is structured in two main parts. In the first one the urban periphery formation and

construction themselves are studied: firstly it is attempted to investigate the borders between the

urban, the suburban and the countryside perimeters in Sao Paulo which have been modified

according to the legislation as the city developed, subsequent to it we try to precise the concept of

“periphery” currently used either in the geographical as well as in the social sense. Later, the urban

periphery formation and construction is discussed observing the periodization and punctuating when it

began, how it took place and why the formation and construction of the urban periphery was propelled.

The second part of the report dedicates itself to the “symbolic construction of the idea of periphery the

way it is introduced in the representations of the city which can be found in diverse songs produced in

the period, seeking emphasis on the interaction between city and the “samba” as a two-way street,

this is, the urbanization as a determining factor in the production of the samba as a means of

expression of a specific conception of the city and within it of the space recognized today as

peripheral.

FORMATION AND CONSTRUCTION ON THE URBAN PERIPHERY OF SAO PAULO

WHICH PERIPHERY ARE WE TALKING ABOUT?

Employing the word periphery many writers, depending on the focus they would like to give to the

topic consider the concept of periphery sometimes geographical, sometimes social. Costa, for

instance, prefers using the concept of social periphery: “We shall consider the concept of urban

periphery not as a geographical concept of that which is the margin but the concept of social

periphery. Thus, to the geographical concept of localization we include the pool of social relations and

the agents that are involved in the process of organizing this." (COSTA, 1984 apud GROSTEIN,

1989:17).

To this report, the urban periphery was qualified as a geographical and social concept because many


times they will collide in the case of Sao Paulo. While social, it is added to Costa’s concept the

question of peripheral or marginalized population, which means it is not completely inserted in the

economical and political complex of the city. Brazilian urban peripheries have developed differently

from American suburbs in the same period (GOTTDIENER, 1993). For the U.S., the suburbs began to

be populated by people from medium to high-income communities, while the downtown area by the

poorest people. This example will only occur in Sao Paulo from 1970, with the horizontal construction

of condominiums for people of high income, as Alphaville, alongside new administrative and economic

centres are built in the city of Sao Paulo, "emptying" the downtown area where Praça da Sé (Sé

Square) was the milestone.

Although this work indistinctly uses the term periphery as geographical and social concept, it is known

that the same study period, perpetuates the existence of slums – low class housing emerged in the

last century - and from the 1940s there are the first appearances of slums in the city of Sao Paulo.

Both forms are marginal housing for people who are in the downtown area and therefore outside of the

goals of this work.

As for the concepts of suburb and periphery, they have been freely and dimly applied here, although

the authors know the limitations of such a presumption. We understand the "suburb" as a transition

area between the urban and rural in which the main feature in Sao Paulo is the lack of infrastructure

(light, water, sewer, electricity, streets) and basic equipment, such as hospitals, kindergartens,

schools, etc... Over the period studied, the area that was known as rural slowly scarce and will turn

into suburban, while in the suburbs of the cities of São Paulo, São Bernardo, São Caetano do Sul,

Diadema, Santo André will grow to be one sole area, with very similar characteristics.

The first time the urban perimeter is defined by law is in 1913 (Law 1749/13), being modified a year

later, it included a circle of around 3.300m Largo da Sé, and the remainder was classified as suburban

perimeter. From 1914 the total area of the city was classified as central, urban, suburban and rural.

(GROSTEIN, 1989: 90). This classification remains until 1960, and the extent of their perimeters was

changed as the city grew through the officialization or amnesty of the private streets and peripherals

plots. Until the 1960s, the following the laws changed the perimeters of the city of Sao Paulo: the

already mentioned Law 1749/13 and 1788/14, Law 1874/15, 1057/36 Act, Decree-Law 25/40 and

Decree 5029/60. This last decree, in addition to expanding the suburban area of the city, integrates

the districts of Itaquera, São Miguel Paulista and Guaianazes. Later to the 1960s, instead of

establishing the urban and suburban perimeters, the laws are working with another concept: that of

urban sprawl. So the organize the use of land for municipal purposes, in the expansion zone of the

urban or rural area of the municipality. In parallel to the delineation of perimeters, the city has


expanded through illegal plots, and to "solve" the problem the public authorities decree several laws

officialising these. During this research, the following laws were created to give amnesties to illegal

streets: Law 4371/53, Law 4663/55, Law 5969/62, Law 7180/68, with further amnesties in later years.

However, "the rural area was excluded from the amnesty. (...) The urban zone beneficiated included

an urban area of 186 550km ² and the suburban 158 550 km ² totalizing the 345 110 km ² official area.

(Diário Oficial do Estado de Sao Paulo [Sao Paulo’s Official Newspaper], 1953, pp. 2-3, apud

GROSTEIN, 1989: 366).

Two issues are important in the classification of the perimeters of the city: the first is the question of

approval and supervision, and the second is the issue of deployment of public facilities - such as light,

water, sewer and streets. About the first question, until approximately 1930 (see art 56 of Act No.

663/34 in GROSTEIN, 1987:242) workers that built the houses in rural areas did not dependent on an

approval of the mayor, nor were audited. About the second question, there is a large debate whether

this area is urban or not, and therefore, if it should be deployed of public facilities, because the street

should be formalized (GROSTEIN, 1987:216). Not being officialised, these neighbourhoods were also

hampered by the quantification of plots arisen and their taxation. The discussion over who would be

responsible for these services: municipal, state or private bodies is also extent. It is known that the

volume of private streets was three times higher than the official channels.

Map of São Paulo. Network of water pipes - 1928.

Map of São Paulo. Sewage Network - 1928.


Font: Rolnik, 1997 Font: Rolnik, 1997

Urban stain of the city: the stain in 1916 in black, the stain in 1962 in gray.

Font: VILLAÇA, 1978, apud GROSTEIN, 1987.

The distribution of social classes in the city

Font: VILLAÇA e SAGMACS apud GROSTEIN, 1987

One can say that the function of the state is just controlling, and that it was little propositional in the

planning. The main concern of mayors in the period was the question of the planning streets in the

downtown area. One example is Prestes Maia Plan of Avenues. According to Grostein (1989:239)

"While the city expanded and illegality was reproduced, the ideals of urban planning did not consider

returning to this issue, seen it as a juncture one. Ideas were structured and if implemented would

result in another city that had nothing to do with that developed in a context of accelerated

industrialization and urbanization." Such context of accelerated industrialization and

urbanization, created in built-in environment the phenomenon of verticalisation and

horizontalisation of Sao Paulo, not to mention the phenomenon of metropolitanization that

takes place according to some authors from 1950s. An excited housing crisis develops when

the city of Sao Paulo knows its first million inhabitants in the 1940s. The below tables

demonstrate this information:


In the first one can see clearly how the population of Sao Paulo in the period is urban: back in 1970,

the degree of urbanization reaches almost 100%. In the second table, it appears that between 1940

and 1950 the population of the city doubles. This is due to increased internal migration, rather than the

foreign immigration, according to Sampaio (1994:25): "Since 1920, the national manpower is present

in industry, in the 30s, domestic rural migration exceeded the contributions of European immigrants.

This mass with rural origins, predominantly illiterate, unprepared, with no political experience and

scarce associative experience had no means to prevent of almost permanent lowering of wages." The

lowering of wages has direct consequences on the housing issue. We can see it in the following

statement:

Housing in capitalism is a commodity like any other. The private production of housing for people of all social classes is one of the most important areas of application of capital. As in the capitalist market the consumer is the 'boss', there are offerings of housing for everyone and especially for all incomes. In this case, what matters is the low-income and uncertain resident that obviously has no chance to acquire and or guarantor to rent a house 'regular'. If the labour market relegates the people to poverty, the housing market denies the poor the opportunity to inhabit the same space as those who can pay higher. There is an economically unviable demand and yet socially undeniable. From this contradiction the 'social housing' is born. BONDUKI (1998:8).

The rural population that migrates in large numbers to work in industries in Sao Paulo or tertiary

sector, find as a first means of housing, the labour villages near the factories (usually, this type of

housing are destined for more skilled workers) or having no other option, live in slums produced by

private enterprises. The slums, which everyone knows, are generally made of a road corridor,

bounded by a row of poorly ventilated homes, which provide inputs for this corridor. There are few

equipment groups: the public health and the tank, to wash the clothes and other utensils. Slums are

known to exist since the passage of the century, as states WISSENBACH (1998:101). Much of rural

and colonial pattern is reproduced in the way of living in urban environment, yet extremely

accumulated, which resulted on an outbreak of disease. The slums are not only built but also the

result of the invasion of former two-story houses located downtown that were abandoned by their

former residents. From these examples of multi-building arises the prejudice of the housing


verticalisation that is surmounted eventually, and in 1940 the bias is completely overcome.

In Sao Paulo, urbanization resulted in a spatial configuration of intense verticalisation in the downtown

area, targeted to the commercial and residential use aimed at middle and upper middle class, who had

easy access to the infrastructure of the city and parallel to the verticalisation it is observed a

horizontalisation in peripheral areas, aimed at the most needy and more difficult access to

infrastructure (SAGMACS, 1958: II-60). Such city growth, led the society to wonder about this

accumulation, and it appeared those preaching the ideology of growth, and those clearly anti-urban.

Here are some comments below

This horizontal expansion created perennial difficulties for the organization of an efficient system of public transportation in the city, contributing to the middle and upper classes preferable urban structuring, despite the prejudices existing until the 1940s, living in vertical condominiums near downtown or the old residential neighbourhoods. The higher standard social class, which we shall call the middle class, is usually living very close to the downtown area. The central location of housing is intended to precisely eliminate the need of transportation (....) In many cities (....) the solution adopted is (....) the construction of condominium buildings in which (....) wonder why it is not yet widespread in Sao Paulo, when, even among us; in Rio it is finally accepted. "(BARROS, 1942:85) (...) In the mid-1920s, Sao Paulo was seen as 'rack of urban problems.’ However, in view of the dominant sectors such issues as lack of infrastructure in the streets and far more dramatic housing situations of poor classes pale in the face of the road issue: the growing traffic in the 'triangle' and the lack of arterial links between the centre and the neighbourhoods. "(CAMPOS NETO, 2002:258)

To get an idea of the extent to which this "horizontalisation" or "peripherialization" has

reached we have the following statement:

These number of people found in the peripheries of the State Capital its ‘locus Residential’ by expanding the activity of urban planning. The built area of the city which was 20 480ha, increases successively to 47 330 ha in 1952, 63 995 ha in 1957 and 91 340 ha in 1962, arrived in 1972 around 126 030 ha. (VILLAÇA, 1978: 30)

It can be said that the extension of the city tripled in about 30 years. Many of the problems we see

today in the city of Sao Paulo, as the problems of public transportation, traffic, the unequal distribution

and consumption of space are problems of long standing. Therefore, the historical study of urban

periphery formation is important to understand many current problems, their origin and their

processes. In addition to the fact that this phenomenon is not specific to Sao Paulo citizens. In the

studied period very important analytical researches for the city of Sao Paulo took place, namely Moses

report, Adhemar de Barros report and SAGMACS (Society for Graphics Mechanographics Analysis

Applied to Social Complexes) report. For the presentation of the periphery in this article, we decided to

stick to the latter. Following is an example of the extent of the urban periphery described by

SAGMACS:

The new fact is that for the first time in Sao Paulo should be thought of as a large city, including downtown and its peripheries. Considering the progress of expansion and density of the city with the uncontrolled proliferation of plots, the report warned to misinterpretation of what it’s done about the 'right to property '


as defined in the text of the Constitution, the unconditional defence of property is not considered a 'social utility of the property, which is the only element capable of ensuring and guaranteeing the collective welfare (...) The area of extreme poverty (where the urban equipment are missing or just are in the initial stage of development) is quite extensive, involving almost the entire periphery, covering 1 231 381 inhabitants, or 29.89% of the entire population of the ‘paulistana’ agglomeration. "(in GROSTEIN, 1987: 294.

SAGMACS produced in 1958 at the request of the mayor of the municipality then, Wladimir de Toledo

Piza, a report that began in 1956 and was published in 1958, called Structure of ‘Paulistana’ Urban

Agglomeration. Current and rational structures. It was prepared under the general direction of Louis

Joseph Lebret, General Director of 'Economie et Humanism' and 'Centre de Formation et de

Recherche en vue du Développement Harmonisé' - IRFED, Research Director of at the 'Centre

National de la Recherche Scientifique (Paris), assisted by Benevuto de Santa Cruz, SAGMACS

technical director and director of 'Economy and Humanism 'in Brazil.

FORMATION E CONSTRUCTION OF THE URBAN PERIPHERY

The housing problem is old but worsens after 1942. In the period prior to that which we are studying,

housing for the manpower was labour villages. These districts are located in manufacturing areas

around the town were occupied by skilled workers (see BONDUKI, 1983) and formed entire districts of

the city as the neighbourhoods of Brás, Bresser, Mooca, Ipiranga, Cambuci, Lapa, among others. For

low-skilled workers or those who were not employed in the industries there were houses to rent and

slums, these last ones were scattered in the core and interact with all other activities and social

classes. According to the report of SAGMACS (1958: II-60)

The problem of housing shows flaws in almost the whole city but each region has its peculiar characteristics. In the area near downtown, as Bela Vista, Liberdade and Barra Funda, we find a large number of slums. This research can not be sufficiently detailed to assess the dimensions of the problem. It would require a detailed housing survey in order to suggest measures to eliminate or reduce the problem. The mixed commercial-residential-industrial region of Mooca and Brás shows between 1940 and 1950, a population stagnation or even decline, as in the case of the sub district of Brás. This area becomes less desirable for housing, particularly for new families who are more likely to choose a housing neighbourhood. This is due, among other factors, to the inconvenient combination between industry and trade, the common traffic of the streets with heavy traffic, the absence of certain residential facilities and the type and age of the housings. (...) From the existing industries point of view, it would be required a planning of circulation and construction to avoid the existing overcrowding that increasingly undermine existing activities.

In the year 1942 it is promulgated the Law of Tenancy aiming to freeze the prices of rents and it

should last only for the period of the World War II but it just kept on until 1964. BONDUKI (1998)

argues that this law served to direct investment to base industries that were being built in the country

and to legitimize the populist state trying to please the urban popular classes. It is important to

remember that in 1927 there was the first law of tenancy intended to protect the tenant; however it did

not have much influence on the market as the law of 1942. Thus, the ideology of the own home

(CARPINTERO, 1997) was born. The labour villages and working places for rent ceased to be built,


according to the author.

The 1942 Law of Tenancy, in principle, would be to protect tenants from exorbitant price of rents;

however, the most disadvantaged were the tenants themselves. With regard to investors, construction

of buildings for rent decreased heavily. With the decline of the construction work, the workers and

middle class were affected. Wages were adjusted taking into account the price of rents, thus further

reducing the cost of living of workers and, consequently, he ended up being dumped. In the city, there

was the process of shanty-towns emerging and self-construction in the urban periphery. Initially, many

of the residents of slums and self-built homes were employees in the capital. Unlike Rio de Janeiro,

where the slums were already present from the end of the nineteenth century, in Sao Paulo this

phenomenon was consequence of the housing crisis of the 1940s. According to the report of

SAGMACS (1958: II-60):

Slums are a problem of slums in Sao Paulo but there it is very small compared to other capitals of the country. I believe that this problem must be addressed within a wider program of popular housing, aimed at creating better conditions of housing in all of popular suburbs.

The slums were located on vacant land, especially in the dales of rivers Tamanduateí or Tietê, near

the central and employment polarized areas because given the physical configuration of the city, these

areas belonged to the public and remained idle due to the difficulty of occupation, where it was built

shanties made of wood and other improvised materials: Avenida do Estado, Baixada do Penteado,

Ibirapuera, Canindé, Ordem e Progresso, Lapa, Vila Prudente, Guilherme, Piqueri, Tatuapé,

Vergueiro and others. (BONDUKI, 1994:156)

With respect to self-building plots in the urban periphery of Sao Paulo, we call this phenomenon

horizontalisation or peripheralization; we can say that there were two moments: one for storage of

earth and another occupation. The plots already existed before, since the 20s and according to many

other authors (such as LANGENBUCH, 1971), much earlier, but were not occupied, the occupation is

strongest after the 1940s (GROSTEIN, 1987:338). During storage of land, we can say these plots

were rural and when plotted they became urban in fact; however they may not be framed in the

legislation as such.

This law has helped to accelerate a trend that had already been emphasizing from the mid-20s, with the appearance of the bus: the proliferation of popular plots, where the lots were sold in insignificant small monthly instalments, which ranged from 60 to 120 months and the intensification of the self building. What until recently was sold by the bushel, is now negotiated by a square meter. This same process that was already occurring within the city, extended to the neighbouring municipalities. (SAMPAIO, 1981:26).

The expansion of the urban stain of Sao Paulo to the peripheral areas has happened through a

combination of two complementary and simultaneous processes: the opening of plots by real estate

entrepreneurs and the production of self built houses self managed by the residents. Thereof it follows

the poor precarious settlements of basic infrastructure services, without paving, plumbing and social


facilities, as a result of the private initiative under the connivance and omission of public initiative.

The performance of the plotters took place through the following mechanisms: the stock of land, when

these were still rural, and due to breach law which exempted them from any responsibility regarding

infrastructural improvements and the succeeding sale of these with payment facilities; the formation of

bus companies and the supply of construction material.

Plots or streets instalments are the result of dividing pieces of land into smaller lots and later selling them to interested parties through a system of continued monthly instalments and after the payment of a determined value as input for a specified period of time and with adjustments in instalments set throughout the period of payment of the debt. (GROSTEIN, 1987: 498)

We have the studies of SAMPAIO, who quotes the case of the Parque Novo Mundo (New World Park)

buyer:

Another group of buyers consists of real estate owners companies and builders. The beginning of the activity could be either branch, since both are owners of real estate companies that will later become land plotters. The sale of construction materials associated with these activities also was not unusual. (...) It was common to open an enterprise for each plotting. This procedure was used, for example, by Matteo Bei, who made many lots, such as the Cidade São Matheus, Chácara Belenzinho, Vila Paulina, the latter two in the neighbourhood of Mooca .(...) The popular plots and the self construction always walked together. Most lots produced for sale to the labour people who immediately began the initial construction of a shelter that would increase as the family grew and economic conditions improved. Some plotters also built popular houses to sell but this activity was not a rule. Some even built some houses for sale with the intention to commence the occupation of the plotting; these houses had the purpose to serve as a model to be imitated in other lots offered for sale. "(SAMPAIO, 1981:28-30)

To facilitate the sale of land in distant areas from downtown, many plotters created bus companies to

attend these regions. This is the case of future bus companies as Cometa (Comet):

In 1936 "five companies operated more than one line, four companies with 2 lines and 1 of 3. (The latter with 35 buses in service, was the largest company called Lapa Auto-Onibus Limitada (Lapa Auto-Bus Limited). Another company that developed was the Viação Parque Jabaquara (Jabaquara Traffic Park), which will become in the future the ‘Viação Cometa’ (Comet Traffic), organized by the Arthur Brandi and The Havellanges "to stimulate the sale of Anchieta Real State which has difficulties to sell them because there was no public transportation to the buyers. "There are 15 buses, which also waits one the neighbourhood of Vila Mariana." (LEFÈVRE, 1985:62)

Many lots follow the industrial deployment located on the new roads started from the end of the 40’s,

especially along the routes of Anchieta and Dutra, still it was not only due to influence of the industry

that the urban spot in Sao Paulo’s metropolitan area became a reality but also due to the action of

plotters because they were repeatedly before the deployment of industries.

The SAGMACS says that city zone of greatest growth was the urban periphery, especially the

following neighbourhoods: Freguesia do Ó, São Miguel Paulista, Sao Bernardo do Campo, Ibirapuera,

Osasco and Santo Amaro. (SAGMACS, 1958: p. II-60). These peripheral areas coincide with areas of

very bad housing conditions according to research conducted by SAGMACS, emphasizing the bad

conditions of the regions of Osasco, northern part of Freguesia do Ó, the region between São Miguel

and Penha, Vila Prudente, Utinga and Santo Amaro. The following neighbourhoods also showed poor


quality Casa Verde, Tucuruvi, Vila Maria, Itaquera, Penha, Vila Prudente and Guarulhos. (cfr.

SAGAMACS, 1958: II-66).

The peripheral plots usually possessed (and many still possess it these days) the minimum size

established by law (Law 1561 - A) of 250 square meters, which was well noted by the report of the

SAGMACS "it results in very low territorial densities and much waste of the lots’ area.”(SAGMACS,

1958: II -112). Generally, the occupation of the plot began by the construction of a small room by the

plotter or the buyer on the weekends – these are the well known Domingueiras (Sunday Parties -

sufficient to house the family and get rid of paying rent. The expansion takes place over the years,

with resources saved by the family for their own use or for rental of rooms. Thus, over the years, the

worker itself becomes a small owner and a landlord. The lots are largely divided unevenly between

families and, as such, creating problems of legalization of paperwork in plot, and the margin of the

construction code and often criticizing with respect to the health of the housing (lighting, ventilation

and insufficient sunshine) - such procedures lead to the setting of an unfinished environment,

constantly under construction.

Starting in the 70s, there is a "decrease" of peripherals lots, the city's current configuration, and this

decrease in activity of plotting is because it became economically unviable. One indicator that

suggests a decrease in the production of plots is the population growth in shantytown and slums. If, in

1974, 1.6% of the population lived in the city slums, in 1977 this percentage rose to 6.0% (Sao Paulo.

COGEP. 1979 1, p. 26). In 1973, the population living in slums was 9.3%, in 1979, and 12%, and in

1982 was estimated at 38.8% (Teixeira, 1985: 82-3), however, the sub standardized peripheral

constructions remains:

In 1968, the houses of poor suburbs of the metropolitan area accounted for 25% of the total dwellings. In 1975, 30% of households in the municipality were identified as bottleneck, rustic and co-inhabited. In 1977, 48% of households were considered poor. Subtracting are insecure households in the historic centre and the centre expanded, approximately 45% of households in the municipality of Sao Paulo can be defined as substandard - which corresponds in 1977 to 845 671 households. (EMURB, 1979 and MAUTNER, 1981.

REPRESENTATION OF THE URBAN PERIPHERY IN SAO PAULO

THE SAMBA IN THE CITY

The understanding of the processes of transformation of the city is crucial to explaining the production

of samba in Sao Paulo. At the same time, this production allows it to understand with greater clarity

and concreteness the implications of such processes in the experience of the inhabitants of the city,

as a part of their cultural expression, such as the samba, expresses and represents an important part

of that experience. The samba was a source to understanding the forms of embezzlement of the city,

in its dynamics and complexity, by those who actually participated in its construction and portrayed the


changes experienced by the historiography of urbanization, generally in extremely structured terms.

For this understanding to be possible, we must investigate at least two fundamental points: the actual

space between the samba and the city, and the urban development of samba, "this is the changes in

how to music and possibly also in their musical forms. The first section deals with identifying the

locations in which the samba is produced in the city, and this requires essentially identifying areas of

social and leisure for the poor and the local concentration of black population in the city. To talk about

the "urbanization" of samba, thereafter, we consider traces of changes that included the

transformation of the lives of many practitioners of the samba based in Sao Paulo, allows the

interpretation of a process of "urbanization" of the samba, and related to changes in place, the

practices associated with these places, and the resulting musical forms.

The mapping of the samba places is complex. On the one hand, one can admit that their practice is

concentrated in certain neighbourhoods of poor and mostly black population, such as Barra Funda

and Bixiga (SIMSON, 2007). It is possible to enumerate some of these districts observing the local

emergence of some of the samba schools also active in the city, such as Leaves Street in Cambuci,

cradle to a samba school with the same name, considered to be the oldest still in action in the city

(founded in 1937), the Banana Square (Barra Funda) or the Fish Square (Vila Matilde), where it is

founded the Nene de Vila Matilde samba school (1949). In addition to Barra Funda (place of

carnavalesco joint Green and White Jersey) and Bexiga (Vai-Vai, also origin joints that also becomes

the home of a samba school after 1968), there is also reference to associations of samba in the

neighbourhoods of Vila Matilde, Ipiranga, and Casa Verde Parque Peruche, Liberdade, Vila Maria,

Freguesia do Ó, Tatuapé, Vila Mariana e Vila Madalena, among others. It is interesting denoting that

the associations of samba in Sao Paulo are, in general, in neighbourhoods that are located in

peripheral areas of Sao Paulo. The process of incorporation of these associations, according to Olga

von Simson (2007), involves the formation of dense networks of sociability, involving most of the time,

number of families of workers and their neighbours. The common trait is that these places are places

of concentration of black population, precisely those who organized the associations.

The biggest difficulty is to recognize, in these locations, the specific locations where Sambistas met

and practiced their music. This is because, in many cases, practitioners of Batuque were, by virtue of

official repression, forced to concentrate indoors: terraces and houses, among the principal. The

guitarist Antonio Rago, for example, describes such encounters in the practice of choro (Brazilian

popular music) at the time when he began his musical practice (RAGO, 1986), besides him, other

witnesses report the constant police interference scattering the practice in public space – thus declare,

for example, Mr. Nene da Vila Matilde (BRAIA and SILVA, 2000) and Geraldo Filme, to name a few.

The restriction of the local private practice makes Adoniran Barbosa more relevant of this sort of


interaction: "Sunday we go to a samba in Bixiga / On Major [Diogo] Street, in the house of Nicola."

The relationship with the courtyards, in its turn, refers to the origins of Batuque practiced in the

countryside of Sao Paulo, where there was a close link between the religious festivities and

processions with the practice of samba. Thus it was, for example Pirapora do Bom Jesus, one of the

main paulista rural samba cities (SUZUKI, 2007). If this link is not extinguished with the migration of

black people to the cities, it certainly redefines it decisively. As Simson shows (2007), the batuques

find in Carnival a fortunate diary for its expression rather than the festivities previously linked to

celebrations of mid-year festivities, such as festas juninas (June Parties).

Despite the repression, the practice of samba is also preserved, as far as possible, in specific

locations that become benchmarks for the Sambistas. The set of these references, which includes

parks, streets, squares and other designations, is difficult to systematize. One complete list of these

sites is to date, a difficult task to perform. Nevertheless, there is the indication of some areas of

recognized importance in various testimonies of sambistas, which allows us to understand the

characteristics of some of some of these spaces: the squares of the Sé Cathedral, Clovis and João

Mendes, which concentrated boot shiners that at the end of their turn practiced samba with their

instruments of labour; Direita Street, essential reference of black sociability in Sao Paulo in the period

(mainly in the 1950s), home to many local salons and gafieira; Square of the Patriarch. Other places

identified by Silva et alli (2004: 132-3) deserve quotation: the Praça do Piques (currently Praça da

Bandeira), the "Prainha" (Mail Square, on the corner of the valley of the avenue Anhangabaú with São

João) the Bar of Chico (San Antonio Street in Bixiga) - the so-called "Cabaret of the Poor" - and, in

Barra Funda, on the crossing of Conselheiro Brotero Street and Vitorino Carmila. Zuza Homem de

Melo also mentions the Siroco bar on Nove de Julho Avenue, near Praça da Bandeira (Bandeira

Square), "where the samba was a constant theme together with a good glass, especially when there

appeared famous composers such as Geraldo Filme" (MELLO, 2003:43-5).

The indication of such places reinforces the relationship between the practice of samba the nightlife

and entertainment, particularly (but not exclusively) black, in the city. However, note that the absolute

majority of these sites are still located downtown. In addition to restating the idea of Downtown as the

place of convergence of social, cultural and artistic life in the city in the period, this indication shows

the formation of a type of social area closely linked to the concept of urban "leisure" - mediated mainly

by the relations of consumption. Of course, this phenomenon is not confined to the central area of the

city, but may be characteristically urban as opposed to other place mainly related to the "periphery" of

the city, and seems to be the football fields of dale

Olga von Simson briefly mentions the relationship between the samba and football, quoting as an

example the formation of Vai Vai association from a dissent group of a football team of the Bixiga, the


Cai Cai (SIMSON, 2007). The relationship is perhaps even more deepened. Osvaldinho da Cuíca,

born in one of those urban periphery in the city, the Tucuruvi (north of Sao Paulo), remembers

numerous gatherings on these lowland areas of these meetings to football matches, which commonly

ended up in samba practicing. From his point of view of the origin of most of the samba schools of Sao

Paulo should be linked with lowland football. (DOMINGUES and CUÍCA, 2009)

Anyway, this is a process that involves, firstly, a change of space: the practice of samba in an urban

rather than rural environment. There has been noticed that many of the places here were observed

corresponded in the period to the areas defined as "suburban" and even "rural". However, the concept

of urbanization is usually associated with a defined population that is the passage from the “field” or

the wilderness to the "city", whatever the "zone" of the city corresponding to this new location. There is

still, in this case, a displacement (which also occurred in relation to the timing of their practice), and a

merger. From various locations within the State (and even other states), practitioners come to the

capital and meet in certain neighbourhoods of Sao Paulo, (SIMSON, 2007). Afterwards, the growth of

the city and the eviction of the poor from downtown neighbourhoods to even more remote urban

periphery will break into a second moment of spreading, or an occupation of new sites, away from the

central area. In ethnographic research conducted with the Vai-Vai samba school, the geographers and

Dozena and Marcelino (2008) obtained evidence that "with the construction of roads, valuing of land

and removal of slums, many of its components [of the samba school] migrated to the entire city"

(Dozena and MARCELINO, 2008). This seems to have been the case, for example, Peruche Park

(Parque Peruche) in the north side of the city, occupied by a population that was expelled from the

Saracura stream area 9 de Julho Avenue was inaugurated. (MARCELINO, 2003).

Urban life provided Sambistas on another hand, new ways of producing samba. The insertion of other

practices of musical production takes from an anonymous (or even collective) to a copyright

production (individualized). From crafted instruments followed others: manufactured instruments and

then large-scale industrialized, as well as, and equipment enthused from their original functions, such

as tools and household utensils, among others. Germano Mathias, who distinguished himself by his

percussive performance of a can of grease and frying pan (which was common in the batteries and

samba schools joints), was hired in 1955 by Associated Broadcasters as “singer and exotic

instruments performer (RAMOS, 2008).

It would be risky to say that the process was "completed" and that the samba is fully developed, even

in Sao Paulo - or even that it is an irreversible phenomenon. It is certainly arguable, at least, the idea

that this change occurred so striking that it does not need to be classified as "urban" - while for the

"rural samba" the distinction was important. That does not mean it is not practiced in other places, in

other ways, with their references - including rural areas.


THE CITY IN THE SAMBAS

The population inflow to the city of Sao Paulo, notoriously intense in the period considered here,

helped developing new neighbourhoods and agglutinated new residents from various backgrounds,

both those expelled from central areas in the process of verticalization as migrants. On this

concentration in the urban periphery of the city there is an intensification of contacts and an

"exchange", even if unintentional, between various musical forms: Sambistas get in touch with the

cocos, baiões, emboladas and other rhythms creations from the North and the Northeast, and vice

versa. An interesting and highly illustrative example of this type of exchange is the relationship

between the sambista paulistano Germano Mathias and the alagoano composer Jorge Costa: while

this found in Sao Paulo the final form of his musical production, combining to his new environment

samba the syncope of his homeland emboladas, the first incorporated to his own syncopate the

rhythmic tricks of rhythms patterns learned with his north-eastern colleagues and friends (RAMOS,

2008).

Musically, the process of urbanization can be perceived in several aspects: the inclusion of melodically

references, harmonic and rhythmic and other musical ways with which the samba then live: in more

refined nightclubs, the jazz makes its presence known and also by the contact of night musicians with

the samba, the ground to the creation of Bossa Nova is originated in the late 1950 (Mello, 2003).

Finally, we can not fail to mention the inclusion of references to carioca samba, widely spread by

vehicles of mass communication to a local musical practice of rural roots, and the gradual replacement

of the marcha sambada paulista (paulista samba march) by the “lighter” and "groovier " feature of

Rio’s (DOMINGUES e CUÍCA, 2009).

If there is evidence in the musical forms of important new forms of production and distribution of the

samba in Sao Paulo, it is to the thematic and textual references to places in the city, observable on the

lyrics of songs produced in Sao Paulo in the period you wish want to pay more attention to.

A distinction can be made here among the references to the city taken as a whole and the specific

locations of the city, which differ from the central places and those located in what has been called the

periphery of the city. The first two categories will be mentioned briefly in order to discuss more

carefully the representations of the periphery we are interested in.

For an examination of representations of the city of Sao Paulo, rich material was provided by the

celebrations of the IV centenary of the foundation of Sao Paulo, celebrated in 1954. The size and the

symbolic / ideological scope of celebrating such date is beyond the interests this paper but still it is

useful to observe the city that brings to light the compositions produced in this context, even though

reducing the Brazilian pride tone of most of them.


In some of these compositions, as the case of "Sao Paulo, heart of Brazil" (Francisco Alves and David

Nasser), it is symbolized in fact more than the city itself but the state of Sao Paulo: for the period add

up the images of economic power of the state with centralized power in the capital. Brazil’s heart is

Sao Paulo, which can be acknowledged "in the fields or in the city, the capital, in the hinterland." In

many of these compositions, they project the city to the rest of the state as if to establish a relation /

comparison to the rest of the country. At this point Ipiranga becomes interesting - stage, according to

official history, to the proclamation of the Independence of Brazil - said this and other compositions

such as "Centennial Room" (Mário Zan) in 1953: "Save the shout of Ipiranga / That history has

hallowed / It was in here O my Sao Paulo / that Brazil which became free."

To brace the rest of the country, the "the huge city of countless wealth” is portrayed in generally, with

little but yet precise indications of their locations: as in an advertising piece, the city is shown from the

top, like a whole little differentiated. "You have your nights adorned / For drizzle in dense veil / About

your buildings / That seem to reach the sky." A "giant capital" of Raul Torres and Sebastião Teixeira, it

is the "city of skyscraper" that "there are not those who do not see it and astonish themselves.

Alternatively, the "Sao Paulo of Anchieta" (Wanda Adarnuy, 1954), city "of smoking chimneys to

remember at every moment that you are happy at work."

The skyscrapers and chimneys, however, are part of the city. Certainly, that which the Brazilian pride

speech mostly want to celebrate, but not on its sum. Nelson Gonçalves, together with David Nasser,

paints a somewhat more comprehensive portrait of the city, although still from a panoramic

perspective on overflight. In the composition "I love Sao Paulo" in 1953, are listed as "Rich women in

nightclubs” and the 'barons in Cadillac / Parade in the road" - clear reference to the central areas and

the rich neighbourhoods of the city - but also the "their proletarian neighbourhoods / where workers

live / Giants of production." In this contrast between the rich neighbourhoods and the proletarian it is

established the base of the duality between "city" and "suburb" - or, even between "downtown" and

"periphery" of major future implications, as shown further.

The official image of Sao Paulo in the period is its downtown area - the city of skyscrapers, the

nightlife (São João Avenue). Vinicius de Morais and Antonio Maria, on their “Bended with the love for

Sao Paulo" (1954), speak of the nightlife, when we exchange “the night with the day” and “time slowly

passes by,” but when" the day comes / the sun is on Sao Joao Avenue. Apart from the avenue, some

place else is frequently quoted the "Zero Spot" of the city – according to Haroldo Barbosa (Sao Paulo,

1954), "Sé Cathedral Square is your heart." The downtown area symbolizes the functional complexity

of the metropolis, adding to its area the most diverse activities related to work, services and leisure

and thus becoming less and less an area of housing.

It is virtually impossible in the 1950s, not thinking of downtown as a reference, even though the


beginning of transformation is sensitive. Truly, the city decentralization was discussed very much back

then and even sought thoroughly, at least in the academic and technical fields. This debate is what will

lead to the creation of the Regional Administrations in the 1960s. It is found, moreover, local

commerce centres, neighbourhood cinemas, and other options for entertainment rather than the dale

football field. The fact is that it became increasingly difficult to walk the entire city and it began to show

itself progressively more assorted. In this context, the understanding of representations of the urban

periphery gained relevance. A number of issues could be assessed from these representations, such

as life and daily life, relationships with work and gender, and even a posture in the in the face the

urban problems experience (housing and transportation, for instance). On this paper it will be

highlighted one of them, which serves as the basis for further questionings: which is the recognized

periphery? And how?

"THERE" E "HERE": GAPES FROM (AND INTO) THE URBAN PERIPHERY

The first image associated with the periphery is that of the industrial city of proletarian neighbourhoods

and factories. It is still an edge sufficiently recognized by the "city official" that deserves the praise of

“local pride” composers, like the song " São Paulo, paulista capital" Silveira, 1956)" its major factories /

giving (sic) life for the workers / In all the world, you are the most progressive / You are a Manchester

for the whole world". In "Hail São Paulo" (Anizio Silva and C. Portela, 1954), praises are given to the

"factory of artists of the morning sunrise, the serenade of engines and men workers" that makes my

country develop. "

The growth of the city beyond the central districts also motivates the attempt to seize full. In 1960,

Lauro Miller and Sílvio Caldas release the record Isso é São Paulo (This is São Paulo) which is an

exact attempt to portray the city not by means of a unifying stereotypical image, but through a number

of evocations of places, and for this they make use of the representation of neighbourhoods. It is

interesting to observe the chosen areas for representation - Ipiranga, Aclimação (which also mentions

Bela Vista, Belém, Itaim), Jardim América, Barra Funda, Casa Verde, Brás, Freguesia do Ó, Penha,

Vila Prudente and Lapa. That is the "city as a whole" honoured by the singer, although surpassing the

strict area of the centre, still moves very little to what are, in fact, the limits of the area occupied then.

Furthermore, the predominant “local pride” tone still masks more than reveal these locations. From the

Ipiranga neighbourhood is only mentioned the proclamation of the independence, from the Jardim

America (America Garden), palaces and gardens. From Barra Funda, the samba, from the Casa

Verde (Green House) a little yellow house, from Brás, the bohemian canteens, from Penha, the

church, from the neighbourhoods of Vila Prudent and Lap, only nostalgic references to" when the old

tram was not the station "and" when those roads were poor and simple barefoot " or a former past


love...

The most interesting reference to the purposes of this work is the original version of "Vila Prudente":

"When I leave the hubbub of the city," sang Silvio Caldas, suggesting the movement of workers

commuting between home and work. The housing crisis caused by the force of the Law of the

“Tenancy” is what will impress the composers, Paulo Barbosa and Adoniran Vanzolini, even more

than the verticalized downtown.

The situation was addressed in the dumped "Shelter of Bums" (Adoniran Barbosa, 1958): "I got my

money / working the whole year / In a ceramic, manufacturing pot / And there in the Alta Moóca / I

bought a beautiful lot / Ten in the face, ten of funds / I built my house (...) / Where could Joca and

Matogrosso be / My two friends who did not want to accompany me?/ Can they be plain drunk on São

João Avenue / Or seeing the sun square in detention?" . The report is accurate: those suffering the

trauma of eviction were sentenced to an inevitable drop in living standards. As shows BONDUKI it

would be impossible for the evicted to find another house at the same price level, especially near the

central region of the city. From the possible solutions after the eviction, Adoniran shows three of them:

the blending in the periphery, the begging and imprisonment. Another solution would be to live in a

slum, addressed in other of his songs, like "Dump the Shantytown" or "Hold on, John."

The character of Adoniran, in contrast, has gained money, but not enough to buy a new house or

apartment in the region near the centre, and his income also could not guarantee the payment of rent.

It remained, therefore, many suburbs, and Adoniran sends his character to the Top of the Moóca. In

another song, Vide Verso Meu Endereço (Check up My Address on the Back), he goes further: "I got

married, bought a little house there in Ermelino [Matarazzo]. The extent that the city reaches

impressed all who came to Sao Paulo on that season, and their inhabitants, hitherto used to have a

vision that, from certain points of view (as the building Martinelli), covered almost the city. Areas

previously known as distant suburbs are now fully connected to the central region and more densely

occupied, which will draw the attention of composers. On the progress of the "urban stain", it is

interesting to observe what Ernani Silva Bruno says:

The growth of the city’s area became considerable (...), reaching the limits of ten to fifteen miles in relation to the centre. The suburbs of 1890 were included in the mass of the urban periphery neighbourhoods and some even exceeded its limits. According to Aroldo de Azevedo, 'it is now difficult to determine with certainty the city and the suburban areas limits, as suburbs like Lapa, Santo Amaro and Penha, which are located on ten kilometres of distance from the centre urban were already integrated into city life. The suburban area extends itself in a variable radius. To the north the influence of the metropolis is smaller and reaches only about ten kilometres from the centre: the area of the Cantareira, which is in the hills of that name, is a natural barrier. To the east and west the suburban area extends itself in a radius of twenty-five to thirty miles. However, the well-developed area of the city is practically included within a circle of three kilometres and a half radius (BRUNO, 1954).

The songs that show this new city, especially the sambas of Adoniran and Vanzolini usually show a


mood that suggests this is the area of the city that is outside of these three and a half kilometres to

which Bruno refers. Both locate their scenarios in a quadrant that runs from north to east, and in some

cases to the south, but always omitting the southwest quadrant, historically related to the growth and

direction of displacement of higher layers. Accordingly, it is interesting to observe a samba from

Vanzolini that, although only launched in 1968, illustrates this argument.

In the Samba do Suicídio (Suicide Samba), Vanzolini describes the various unsuccessful attempts of a

man trying to take his own life. The action begins in the centre, where the character of Vanzolini,

based on a real story read in the newspaper, decides to kill himself jumping off from a viaduct. After

the successful attempt, presumably, he is taken from the city centre to the Alto de Santana: "I walked

back towards the city, which took me a week." If the measure of Ernani Bruno is correct, it is perfectly

possible to return from the northern boundary and in less than a week, even on foot. The hyperbole

does not serve only to reinforce the idea that the Alto de Santana is far from the city centre. In another

passage, the narrator describes an attempt of poisoning by vermicide that, suggests by language

("little booger, fighting cock", "I’ve made the skin of the rude man"), that it is a place away from the

centre. The next frustrated attempt is on Brás, on the tracks of the Central do Brazil (which results in a

"gruesome derailment), and the advice of the confessing father is responded with the claim that "the

body is closed on the tent of Father Zulu ", a reference that also appears to indicate a far place. The

music of Vanzolini is therefore a tour by the urban periphery of the city from the attempted suicide of

his character, and choice of locations, this case cannot be credited simply by the needs of the musical

phrasing.

A simple listing of districts quoted by the sambistas (Alto da Moóca, Ermelino Matarazzo, Brás, Alto de

Santana), and others that can be remembered without much effort (the Jaçanã Neighbourhood from

Trem das Onze, for example), shows an clear intention of portraying a city that is outside the scene of

prosperity to which the “local pride” authors always refer to remember the time. Deliberately, it is left

aside all theatres, cinemas and bars, luxury trade, the areas of footing, etc… To portray a reality much

harder and longer then also present. In times of "progress", life was getting more difficult each day, as

BONDUKI affirms:

You could say that despite economic growth, the decade of [1940] was dramatic for the large contingent of workers who lived or went to live in São Paulo. On one hand, there was facing the evictions and the lack of rental housing shortage, which inevitably pushed to the periphery, on the other hand, there was suffering the lack of any urban infrastructure and public improvements, transportation firstly. (...) Between 1940 and 1950 more than half a million people came to live in their own homes. Most in peripherals ...) neighbourhoods, which were not as unoccupied as they were in the 20’s (BONDUKI, 1994: 276)

If these sambistas had in common the search for a representation of a wider city with an everyday life

oldest and harder than the "golden years" of the “local pride” speech, it should be noted that the most

common use for these representations was the quotation from neighbourhoods more distant from the


centre and least known to the general public (as the Ermelino sayings from “Look my address up on

the back”), or the place in which Paulo Vanzolini locates his samba Alberto: "After a lot of looking

around, they found Alberto in Vila Esperança “Hope Town” / In the garden playing with the child. " It is

worth to note yet another example of music from Adoniran, Luz da Light “Light from Light”: "There in

the hill when the light of the Light breaks down / We are secured by candle lights” and in the “Green

House Hill (Morro da Casa Verde):” In the Morro da Casa Verde, all races sleep in peace / And

downstairs are my crazy colleagues / When you start the samba it does not stop (sic)." In the

examples, attention is drawn to the way the neighbourhoods are positioned. The key word is "there":

"Here in the hill", "back in Hope Town," "there at the top of the Moóca",

"There at the top of Santana." While dealing with a much larger city than the "official" one and put in

evidence an urban experience that has little to do with that described in the songs of the “local pride”

of the IV Centenary, the samba players, sambistas, still see this new city from the centre. This justifies

even the emphasis on the idea of distance, remoteness. This may be because the perpetrators of

these sambas were in fact residing in the central area.

However, is there any kind of urban periphery representation from their inhabitants? Sometimes, like

in the neighbourhoods in which they formed the associations, blocks and schools of samba. Here, the

references are sprayed, as one can see some examples of sambas-themes of strands and schools of

the period. The club “Camisa Verde e Branco” (Green and White Jersey) sang in the mid-1950s, the

verses of Carica and Soró: "Hello, hello, people bamba / On the Barra Funda / samba is living." In the

Unidos do Peruche (United of Peruche) school, established in 1955, a samba of its founder, Carlos

Alberto Caetano (or Carlão of Peruche), said: "When the peak of tambourines say / It's carnival,

carnival, carnival / And our dear school / Walks down Zilda Street / On a masterful pageant (...)".

Osvaldinho da Cuíca, later a renowned player of the capital, composed his first samba in 1958 in

honour of the carnival cord of his neighbourhood: "My people ... / Who is over there / Look up the

battery out / I have seen / It’s the Tucuruvi Boys. " In the Bexiga, the already traditional club “Vai-Vai”

had one of his exaltation-sambas composed by Tino Guariba, with lyrics that said: "Who ever samba

in life / Not once maybe / Come to Go-Go's Bixiga / Saracura’s pride"

It is necessary to point out the fact that the composition of sambas-exaltation or sambas theme,

characteristic of blocks, strips and schools of the period, is governed by certain "conventions" that

allow the establishment of a competition, brand of Carnival parades (even informal in the period, and

official in Sao Paulo at the end of the 1960s). The tone often proud, refers to compositions in tribute to

the IV Centenary of São Paulo, with a key difference: except in rare instances, the sambas of these

associations fall within the boundaries of their own "communities" or neighbourhoods.

Interesting notes in this regard, is that each of these associations comes from their specific location.


Even if their leaders stopped contact with each other, their sambas were not any reference to reality or

common experience. Neither its spaces come out as "urban periphery" - that is, not a relationship is

articulated between the neighbourhood (or neighbourhood in district) with the rest of the city or its

central area.

There is evidence that this representation of a "peripheral condition" is already present, including the

establishment of a socio exclusion or segregation. Without wishing to view the process in terms

teleological or deterministic, it is observed that at present it is possible that the music produced in

peripheral (such as rap, and also the samba) is portrayed in this condition. One example is a

composition written by Germano Mathias (in action during the period studied here) in 2002, called the

Periphery Samba:

I am samba, I come from the periphery I do not rent housing, I live in the voice of everyday people I am poor in absolute poverty, but there are riches who hear me With a glass of whiskey in hand, my brother everything is beautiful in colour, beautiful, beautiful I am welcome by tourists much more by my people people in a crowded bus Go on battling for a change, hanging like a pendant I am the samba from Itaquera, Brazilândia, Sapopemba and Cachoeirinha, I am the fruit of the head of the gang carvered and hammered and the bottle of sugar cane And also in cans.

This contemporaneous samba highlights the contrasts with the elements in representations of the

urban periphery during the study period. The reference to the periphery is now explicit and, more

importantly, with the opposition between the condition of the peripheral and "central" in the duality

between the "absolute poverty" and "glass of whiskey in hand, between the tourist and pendant. The

list of various districts recognized as places that share the same peripheral condition (both

geographical and social) is clearly distinct from the cases examined here. Finally, both the

enumeration and duality serve to reinforce a representation of a periphery speaking about itself. In the

cases reviewed here, there is a look of those living in central areas toward the peripheral area (such

as Vanzolini and Adoniran) or that abstaining from this observation, constructs an image of a "city as a

whole "and that in fact does not exceed the Centre, or the Sambistas that are located in the suburbs,

look at themselves without the very real relationship with that of other similar locations.

FINAL CONSIDERATIONS

It has been observed here the formation of an area of the city of São Paulo that initially read as a


"suburb", it is a term that defines a socio spatial segregation of the city. Until the 1950s, the most

common design on the area of the city that interested in this study can be seen from a statement such

as this one from Ernani Silva Bruno:

Given the training plan with the neighbourhoods, sometimes disconnected and having no connection between them can say that except in its central part and its immediate neighbourhood, São Paulo is a city, which still expects to be urbanized in the full sense of the word ' in the words of Caio Prado Júnior. (Bruno, 1954: 1315-1382, our remarks)

The words quoted, and particularly the words highlighted, show a change in design of the city,

expressed in the coexistence of the term "suburb" with a "periphery", which will increasingly dominate

the technical and academic discourse. The change is; in general, leave it in a conception of "degrees

of urbanization" for an idea based on a relationship between intrinsic and structural areas of the city.

The citation to Caio Prado Júnior shows the meaning of the term in its association with the notion of

incompleteness, lack of or delay. The idea of suburbs, which would gain prominence mainly from the

1970s, shows a wider view of exclusion and segregation, as discussed at the beginning of the text.

The city grew in the period, with strong performance of private enterprise alongside a collusion and

failure of the public ministry. The role of private initiative has been mainly through trade and stockpiling

of peripheral land lots, coupled with the sale of construction materials and provision of bus companies

to facilitate the sale and care of the peripheral region. With the exception of homes built by IAPs

(Institute of Retirement and Pensions, which also has a mixed capital: private and public) and the

Foundation of the People's House, a public initiative on the issue held little housing in Sao Paulo. With

regard to peripheral lots, the concern among the public company has been active since the 20’s, but

the measures were ineffective, not because of legislative measures passed - changes in urban and

suburban perimeters for tax purposes, officialising bulk of private streets -- often worsen the situation,

or simply been circumvented, for lack of supervision. There is a lack of overall planning for the city,

and a triumph of a model of planning that emphasized the central area, known as the "developmental",

pragmatic and very little toward the media. Another example not mentioned in the article, but we could

have done it: it was the delay in deployment of a city subway magnitude reached, this occurred only in

the 1960s. Who else suffered from this lack of planning, was undoubtedly the most peripheral of the

population: that for long remained without basic infrastructure, and is still suffering from the problems

of dislocation of transport between home and work.

While the periphery was formed and built specifically, their formation in the token is not yet

consolidated. The contrast between the sambas of the 1940s and 1950 with the samba Germano

Mathias 2002 showed a drastic transformation in the way of the periphery’s representation by

Sambistas. The historical process that led to a transformation of this scope, and especially in a subject

is still open to investigation.


This present report investigated the formation of the "periphery" in two very distinct and not easily

relationable aspects: certainly, it is not possible to infer the relationship between city and construction

of its representation or determine a causal relationship. Still, the combination of the two forms of

reading of the urbanization process have proven successful, more importantly, they incite each other

to new questions and suggests new problems to be considered. One of these problems, and the work

presented here hopes to help foster this debate is to consider the training process (material and

symbolic) of space from another perspective, and consider it on its own characteristics, not only from

their "absence", "precariousness" and "incompleteness." The periphery here analyzed has acquired,

since the time examined in this study, a concrete existence and a self-representation impossible to

ignore.

REFERENCES

Acerto de contas de Paulo Vanzolini (various artists). Rio de Janeiro: Biscoito Fino. 4 compact digital

discs, stereo. BF-541.

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stereo. 348621 2.BONDUKI, Nabil Georges. Origens da habitação social no Brasil (1930-1954): o

caso de Sao Paulo. Thesis (doctor). Sao Paulo: FAUUSP, 1994.

BARBOSA, Adoniran. 2 em 1 - Adoniran Barbosa. Sao Paulo: EMI. 1 compact digital disc, stereo.

583158 2.

______. Meus momentos (vol. 2). Sao Paulo: EMI. 1 compact digital disc, stereo. 857723 2.

BARROS Jr., A S. “A habitação e os transportes”. in Revista do Arquivo Municipal, 82, 1942.

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