Forestry Policy Review 2001

Yunnan Environmental ProgramreJohn Studley, LiChuru Lai Qirykui

The Foresfit'Policy Renriew

10th - }4tftAqSust &t lth - 28th Septenftu 2ffi1

Kunming, Yunnan, P.R. China

John StudleyLi Chun

Lai Qingkui

2'yr"d

Forcstry Policy Analysis Page I

Yunnan Environmental ProgrammeJohn Studley, Li Chun, Lai Qingkui

E)(ECUTIVE STJMMARYForests play an important role in the rural economy of Yunnan Province and have the potentialbased on best practices in policy making to enhance the environment, Yunnans rich biodiversity,and the livelihoods of Yunnans "peripheral peoples" (poor, women & minorities)

The purpose ofthis revierv is to identify key forestpolicies, ass€ss their socio-environmental impact,and to evaluate the capacity of Yunnan Forestry Bureau (YFB) to make policies based on a pro-poor & participatory approaches

Given the time limitations, the research inseuments used included a literature review, a semi-structured & open-ended questionnaire (conducted among 27 key informants in 8 institutes) , and astaff-gender-training "snapshof' or profile (conducted in YFB)

Key informants identified 8 key policies that addressed eitherthe environment and/orthe poor, andof those 8 YEDP is particularly interested in :- the logging bau the conversion of steep farmland toforest, nature rcserves & (foresQ tourism

The key forest policies appear to strongly support the environment, at the expense of peripheralsubsistence society. If however, the planting component of many of the policies is predicated on aconifer monoculture, the environment & biodiversity contribution will be negligible. To address thepoor, the environment & biodivenity a mixed, multi-storey forest with an agre-forestry componentwould be a better choice.

Recent forest policies are already impacting Yunnanns poor, gender relations and minority peoples,and resulting in both a reduction of agricultural land and grazing. There are concems about thespeed of fransitioMntroduction ofthe policies , and the compensation and tenure arrangementssunounding the conversion pohcy. IdeallyNTFP should been developed in tandem with thegadual introduction ofthe new policies

Of the 8 policies reviewed the nature reserve policies appearto offer most in terms of both theenvironment and the poor. It is recognized that nature reserve managemen! must be accompaniedby community development. As a rezult provision has been made in the "experimental" zonessurrounding nature reserves for :- fuelwood plantations, rural energy, NTFP, economic trees, eco-tourism, infrastucture projects, and for co-management between YFB and the local people.

The Yunnan Provincial Forestry Bureau and its institutions comprises 9 government divisions9 non-govemment divisions, 4 out-stations, 5 associated institutes, 4 offices under the State ForestBureau & I add-hoc. On the basis of snap-shot of 9 divisions 46% of staff are female, 66% afDirectorWice Directors, and4lYo of policy makers. office. They are cunently in the process ofimplementing the l0th S-year plan

Forestry Policy Analysis Page2


Policy making and implementation within YFB are both very topdown with very little room toadapt State Forest Policies. Althougb consultation, and field visits are included within botltproc,esses, this mostly comprises experts, or local cadres, with little participation fromanthropological or social scientists, or the poor.

Although the'lolitical space" exists there are many reasons why pro-poor participation is notworking in YFB, and these range from the pragmatic (its very expensive & time conzuming) throughworldviews (Conftcian leadership paradigms) to the paradoxes posed by state ideology (thecultural reform & assimilation of the poor & minorities into the Han social market economy).Further research is required to desegregate the pragmatic from the ideological.

The vast majority of staffwithin Yunnan Forestry Bureau, who have a policy making function havenot received any formal taining in policy making, and those who have received training inparticipatory methods are not using them for policy making. Paradoxically at lower levels ofgovernment, in researc[ in projects & in research networks participatory methods are being usedand in this aspect Yunnan is more advanced than any other province in China

There is a need both for capacity building in conventional & pro-poor participatory policy makingwithin YFB, using the usual suite of instruments. Given the seniority of the policy makers, capacitybuilding needs to be arranged underthe aegis of seniorprovincial institutions (possibly The /r''Technical & Economic Research Centre (which advises YPG on Policy) or the CPC Policy *----

Research Office).

Given the legacy ofboth indigenous knowledge research & participatory approaches in Yunnan,there is a need to develop permanent mechanisms to ensure that research (in participation,integration, value of IK) is tansferred from the field/institutions to the Vice Governors, CPSecretary and others who shape and mould policy in Yunnan

Although inter-departnent mechanisms for integration exist most senior officials in YFB aresceptical about integration ever working. Again paradoxically integration appears to work at lowerlevels of government, in projects, in research and in networ}s.

In conclusion there appears to be a very strong case for capacrty building development in YFB, inboth integration & pro-poor participatory policy making, and that the policies sunounding naturereserve development offer the best prospect of addressing the environment and the poor.

Kunming September 2001

Forestry Policy Analysis

Yunnan Environmental ProgrammeJohm Studley, Li Chun, Lai Qinglui

Section I Introduction 5

Section 2 Methods 5

Section 3 Policy Review 8

Section 4 Institutional capacity analysis 13

Section 5 Conclusions t9

Section 6 Recommendations 20

Bibliography 2 l

APPENDICES

I2

345

ICB IszuesImpact of forest policy onpoor, gender & minoritiesIngging banForest PolicyKey Infomrants

2735

4l4346

Figures

Fig IFig2Fig 3

Fig4

Methods FrameworkThe stnrcture of YFBStaff-gender-training snapshoApproaches to peripheralpeoples

6l4l5

AcknowledgementsThe authors would like to acknowledge the assistance of the following in reviewing policy :-YFB ( Wang Dexiang, Chen Ronggui, Qi Kang,ZhangJia Xiang, Ms Zou Hengfang,Sun Rui Lin, He Zhilin, Lu Shixin, Tian Reichun, Huang Jincheng, Ma Xngwen, Ms Zru Jun, MsGao Linlin, Ms Che Lihua)YASS/IRE (Prof Zrao Junchen, Ms Xuan Yi)FCCDP (Prof He Peikun)KIB (Proflong Chun Lin)TNC @ose Niu)CBIK (Dr Xu Jianchu)YNRI (Prof He Shao Ying , hof Wang Deqiang, ProfRu Hailing, Prof Gong Jiang, +2 )YWF (Ms Li Yuan Fen)


Yunnan Environmental hogrammeJohn Studley, Li Chun, Lai Qingkui

l.0IntroductionYunnan Province is characterised by its high levels of biecultural diversity, with over 250 ethnicgroups, 14,000 flowering plant species, 600-700 tree species,767 bird species &248 mammalspecies. In terms of forest cover its forests still rank 3rd in China, but since 1950 they were beinginueasingly exploited. By the 1980's the Yangtze was beginning to flood more often and the impactof deforestation was realised, and as a result in the early 1990's a raft of new forest policies wasgradually introduce{ addressing, afforestation, conservation and ecotourism. The severe floods of1998 and the subsequently logging ban gave impetus to the process and further policies wereintroduced. The raft of new forestry policies has the potential to enhance or threaten both Yunnansenvironment and its people and each pohcy needs to be considered on its own merits, both in termsof impact andthe approach usedTraditionally natural resource policy making has been top-down, blue print end-state, but current"best practice" is predicated on pno-poor, participatory & sustainable approaches. Because thisapproach requires new skills and paradigms, this usually requires capacrty building.The purpose ofthis review isa) To provide an understanding of the existing key forest policies (relevant to the aims of theproject) and the policy making and implementation process.b) To provide an analysis of institutional capacity within Yunnan Forestry Bureau in tenns ofintegrated" pro-poor, participatory policy making & implementation and to identiff needs relevantfor capacity developmentIn orderto achievethis endthe ISTC workedwith 2local STC's (Li Chun &Lai Qinkui), and 27key informants (8 women & 3 minorities) from 8 different institutes (See Appendix 5), and used arange of methods to address forest policy, capaclty building & impact assessment.

2 Methods2.1 Interview Methodology for Policy AnalysisThree main methods were used to explore & identify Key Forest Policy, its implementation andcapacrty building requirements of YFB for pro-poor participatory approaches.r A, Literature Review provided a background not only for Yunnan Province in general , but

Forest Policy & Planning in particular.. 27 key informants were interviews from 8 institutions (YFB & 7 othen)

on the basis of a semi-structured and open-ended- questionnaire. a staff-gender-training profile was constructed based on 9 divisions ofthe YFB as an aid

to Institutional Capacity Analysis

2.2YFB kev informant selection and interview formatGiven the number of divisions within YFB & the number of policies it proved necessary to selectonly 5 divisions that primarily addressed the environment and/or the poor. Within the ForestryBureauthe format adopted (after introducing YEDP) was as follows



Kcy Folicy Selectiot

ThePoliry l\4akingPrcecs Inb8rstt{tt

METTIODS- open ended seml-JtructuredintcrvlesE with 27 Keylnform6nts (KI) from tlnsaltutlonB- a Btaff-gender-tralnlng

"rnatxhotfi proflle of9 dtvlslons In ITB

trrpact ffs€sslft€nt of fiilrstpolicics on poc, gendcr reldist

udrdtuitypcqilcs

Literarrrre ritique of traditional& participatory pnpmr policy

nraking capacitiG in \fFB

l'rwaro: a.adr{trdate f lgt ofpoc*flrlepoliotcs

(SecAppeodxS FMr)Litorsture critique of policy.

mking & levclc of participatioo

Prcpare a sbi.rrt Est of l(eyfslbbs iin basic o'f

YEDP/DFID pro-poor &pao-envhororcnt besis

Sel*tion of Y-FB Divirsione

R*iw of cunart capacity inrruking tmditioral & prGp(Dr

lurticipatory polby makingryrinplsrsrlndm

Review of crcnt policy mking& irr l ' lcmcntat ion proccascs€crdst s lhrratrrc crtiilrof

.€6dr Lcy far€sf po&ry

Raiw of ormtlmls ofparticipatory policy rnaking

Reviw of strmgths &coretraints in int€gration

Csrdrlct a psqticipatoryoriti$nof oach pok4r withkey infurmaats in YFB &forcstry rcbed ictilutftng

R*iw of sirengths &capacity buif ding rcquirerrEntsRrynry of currcntlwels of

porticipabry poliry makingwiltt thc por

Part ic ipatory cr i t iquc ofintegration between YFB & otherdepart trents with key infomnts

in notr YFB department$

Participatory critique ofcapacity bui lding requirercntswithin YFB with key infomtrDts

in non YFB departments

Con&*t a rsrtbitnibry critiqueof€actr poby with kay

infurrnoirg in e*der, fninodtyr povcrgz rsl*od insriofrons

Partb iparc5r critiqre ofparticipartry polta/ rDaking in

YFBwith kryinfomnts innon lfFBirxfrrtiffi



addressed the environment or povertya) Each division was asked to intoduce their Department and mention any key policies that

b) They were asked to describe step by step policy making & implementationc) They were asked to describe msthods of consultation and participation involved in policy makingd) They were asked what requirement they had if any in terms of capacrty buildingin policy making/implementation and participation in particulare) They were asked what mechanisms existed for integration with other departrrents and iftheyworked

2.3 Non YFB key informants & interview formatThe main selection criteria for key informants outside the YFB was based on the their knowninvolvementwith participatory methods, that addressed the environment orthe poor, ortheknowledge systems ofthe poor. The format adopted (after intoducing YEDP) was as followsa) They were asked what they thought of participatory policy making and implementation in YFBb) They were asked inwhat ways it couldbe improvedc) They were asked ifthey though capacity building was requiredd) They were asked how capacity building could be achievede) They were asked to describe "best practices" in participation within their projects

2.4 Sample Size-27 key informants were interviewed- 13 on plicy identification, impact & processes (2 unable to comment)- 8 on policy impact on gender relations & minorities- 6 on other (fuelwood & YFB structure)- 19 men (2 minority) and 8 women (l minority) were interviewed

2.5 Diffi culties with lnterviewing Leaden/OfficialsFrom one ofthe authors experience interviewing official in China since 1993 they appear to be farmore "difficulf'to interview than villagers. One does realise that some questions might be rathersensitive and direct and the interviewee may need to resort to "face saving" methods. What everthe reason they ap'pear to fit into a number of categories :-a) Those who have prepared something, prior to the interview , and are deternrined to get to theend of 'lhe lectur€", whether it is relevant to issues being addressed or notb) Those who use circular logic, and I think the question has not been understood but theyeventually answer itc) Those who ap'pear to use circular logic, but don't really ever answer the questionsd) Those who answer questions I have not askede) Those who do answerthe questions I am asking in a diligent lnanner

We came across most ofthese categories, but our sample was still large enough to draw someconclusions. Two key informants outside the YFB did not feel qualified to answer questions about

Forestry Policy Analysis PageT

Yunnan Environmeirtal ProgrammeJohn Studley, Li Chun, Lai Qingkui

policy making processes in YFB, but the others more than made up for it. All the informants madesome contribution to ourunderstanding ofthe issues being addressed

3 Policy Review

Given the large number of forest policies, laws, regulations & action plans a selection process wasrequired that not only drew from the major forestry-related policy "engines" (See Appendix 4) butnarrowed the field to the key policies that addressed the environment and the poorOn the basis of both the literature and the key informants, 8 key polices were identifiedas being apposite to the aims of YEDP. These included. The Logging Ban. Afforestation* Plan (includedwithin NFPP, RFP, CF>F). Conversion of farmland to forestland. Natural Forest Protection Project. River Reforestation Projectr Nature Reserves. Forest Tourismr Wasteland Auctions* Planting, closing morntains, air sowing

Forthe purpose ofpolicy review, however YEDP has chosen to focus on four policy areas thatrelate to forestry, namelythe logging ban, the conversion of steep farmland into forest naturereserves, and tourism.

AII 8 '1cey policies" have been critiqued in this report and 4 can be found in appendix 4

3.l Policy engineeThere are two policy engines that have the potential to impacUenhance the environment and or thelivelihoods of the poor

3.1.1 Great lVestern llevelopment StrategrThe development of China's western regions is not a new concept, it represents an acceleration ofpolicies formulated over 50 years of Communist Party Rule. It was launched with great fanfare inJune 1999, andwas heralded as "epoch-making" and a "once in a millennium opportunity". Thereality appears to be very different from the rhetoric. Many ofthe policies to date, are top-downand fail to address key local needs, and may be extremely dehimental to people living in the westernregions. Policies with the stated aim of "ecological protection", such as forestry and farming, run therisk of depriving people of their livelihood- The influx of Han Chinese, into minority areasencouraged under the strategr is already having a dramatic impact on the lives and livelihoods oftheinhabitants. Minority peoples are facing increasing competition for employment and marginalizationwithin their own communities, leading to concerns for the survival of their culture and identity (TIN



2000 Studley 1999e). The Parly's greatest fear is that PRC will disintegrate in a similar way to theSoviet Union and thus it is particularly threatened by the "splittist" tendencies in the "nationalminority" regions. As a rezult Party chiefs have openly admitted that a key motivation for *Western

Developmenf is "stability". Fromthe perspective of minority peoples, however, this "rareopportunity" represents "a period of emergency & darkness.. when large numbers of Han Chinesewill be permanently settled in minority areas, mineral wealth will be exploited, and they will houndedfor their political intransigence". When China was looking for exemplars to model the GWDS, it didnot turn to current participatory practices, but outmoded 19th century models of the exploitation ofthe American West & 20th century models of the Development in Siberia (Anon 2000b) Onewould have to question if a stategy that is partly designed to stabilize China's minority peopleslends itself to a pro.poorparticipatory approaches

3.1.2 Forest LawThe Forest Law was revised in 4/98 making subsistence access to the forest possible, but it wasrescinded in 10/98 after the floods. More recently this law has been "relaxed" by YFB, again toallow subsistence access to forests.

3.2 Key Policies (Please refer to Appendix 4 for other key policies & History of Forestry)

3.2.1 The Logging ban (See Appendix 3 for background paper)As a result of the very serious flooding along the Yangtze in 1998 China was forced to adoptdrastic meaflres, including a felling ban in much of SW China , and a raft of other forest policies,that were in the pipeline anyway.

The logging ban (approved by Central Government in Dec 1998) caused much hardshipespecially to county governments & those receiving income from the logging & transportationbusinesses. Additionally those individuals who had invested in logging or transportation equipmentreceived no compensation, and were forced to sell at very low prices. The impact on thezubsistence sectors appears less severe, because limited access to the forest was allowed forfir€wood collection etc (Xu pers cornm 18/9i01)

It is estimated that in Zraotong Prefecture, for example, local income was reduced by 35m RMB,in Lijiang govemment income by 70% andthat 1.2m people became poor (Anon US Embassy2000a Prof Zrao pers cornm 2l/8/01). The logging bans geatly limited sources of income in manyvillages because farmers own stocks of timber could no longer be cut and the labour opportunitiesin logging or tansportation had gone (Mallee 2000). This has driven many to find o{f-farm incomeor back to subsistence lifeqylesAlthough employment has been provided for some who were involved in the logging industryand some compensation has been paid to local governments, this has proved inadequate.Probably the largest impact has been at the county or community level, where capacrty to developinfrastructure & maintain health & education services has been seriously impaired (Xu pen comml8/9101)

In spite of the impact ofthe logging ban, there are signs of localised recovery. In Deqin, for



example, where government income was reduced by 8ff/o and 340,000 people became poorthe economy changed from logging to tourism. Currently the access fees to nature reserves aloneprovide the same income as logging used to (Prof Wang Deqiang pers conrm 24/9101)

There are dangers that the raft of new foresby measurcs that were introduced after floods/loggingban, however well meaning and in the long term good may erode further customary rights of accessto common land and forest rcsourc€s.The development ofNatural ForestProtectioU Nature Reserves, Wasteland Auctions, Steep Landconversion & mountain closure are all predicated on the assumption that access for subsistence willbe r€duced or ternrinated Already the loss of grazing land is being felt and is resulted in"fanshumance", and a decline in stock and income. Since the practice of slash & burn wasoutlawed in 1982 the options for the expansion of grazing are being increasingly reduced (Ward &Chaudry ndXu pers comm 18/9/01)The impact ofthese measures needs to be carefully considered before they are endorsed by orincluded in YEDP pilot projects, and each considered on its merits/demerits.

3.23 Conversion to f,'oresUGrasslandBackgroundFrom late lW a new policy (tuigeng hwnlin hrnncao) was intoduced for converting steepagricultural land" on slopes over 25 degrees into forest or grassland. Under the policy local farmersare given RMB 50, to buy tree seedlings, for every mu transferred and 150kg of unprocessed "riceo'per mu/per year for 5 years for sconomic plantations and 8 years for ecological plantations. InYunnan there are 9 pilot counties , comprising ll2lm mu of steep lan4 ofwhich 2m mu have beentransferred to terrace, 8m mu to forest and 1m mu to grassland- Of the 128 counties in Yunnan,126 include steep land suitable for conversion to forest (Hu & Lu 1618/01)l0th S-year Forestry Plan (Yunnan)The aim is to transfer 400,000ha of steep agricultural land to forestCritiqueThe programme has been widely adopted and demand for fee seedlings in parts of SW China hasexceeded 6m/year (TIN 2000). Although in November 2000 50,000 rural households in Yunnan,were reported to be happy with the scheme and had signed contracts with the govemment totransfer land (Li Weichang 2001) by Sept 2001 others were reportinga decline in incorne and farmland (Ward & Chaudry nd). It is questionable if the programme iseconomically sustainable, what will happen when the compensation nrns out and ifthecompensation is high enough in the long term (Anon US Embassy 2000a). If compensation arriveslate this can also cause problems, species choice is key, because people need income early. TheLizu & Nu people of Nujiang used to grow Da Ma (Hemp) as a cash crop, but because economictrrees do not grve the same returrL the government compensate them for not growing hemp. Ifthecompensation arrives late the people have to cut trees I Perhaps altemative fibne crops (such asRamie - Boehmeria nivea) could be intercropped with the trees I In parts of SW China" grazingcontinues in the new forest areas, and some have suggested that for reforestation to zucceed thelocal economy needs to diversifr into areas like NTFP (TIN 2000). In terms of biodiversrty anderosion prevention there are those who zuggest that a conifer monoculture does little to prevent Derosion and that the previous agricultural land may even have supported greater biodiversity . I

./

- i....- _ =(/i)'u ){ fx

,d t j

Foreshy Policy Analysrs


Multiple-storey agro.fore$ might have been more suitable choice in terms of addressing nutrition,biodiversity & erosion prevention (Mallee 2000). Additionally there is uncertainty and ambiguitiessunounding the tenure arrangement of converting from agricultural land to forest. This will hardly actas an incentive for farmers considering conversiorq especially as tenure righc are diffrcult to supportunder Chinese law (Malee 2000, Prof Zhao Junchen pers comm 2l/8101). Lastly adequate fundinghas not been provided to protect & manage the forests after they are established (Hu & Lur618/01)

3.2.4 Nature ResenesBackgroundPlans were first made for nature reserves in Yunnan in 1958, but due to lack of firnds andconservation awareness, they were not implemented for 22 years. During that time 900 tigers,40,000 leopards and 85,000 pythons had been killed. Learning fnom this lesson the YPG has madea significant investment in the establishment of nature resenes. By the end of 1999 Yunnan hadestablished I 12 nature reserves with a total land atea of 2.2mha comprising 5.60/o of the province(Li Chun 2000) Most Nature Reserves (100 out of I 12) come under the direct management of TheWildlife Conservation Office of YFB , who have a remit to. Protect Biodiversity & Nature Reserves. Protect wild & endangered species. To provide cooperation & support for other departments and international cooperationl0th S-year Forestry Plan (Yunnan)Currently Ytmnan has 2.2m ha of Nature reserve and plans to add I I nature reserves (2.1 ha) & 3bases for wild speciescritiqueNature r€serves are often situated near the 1nor, who may recognize their importance but requirefirewoo4 timber, food, medicines, and gaangfor their subsistence livelihoods, which leads toconflict . Additionally birds and animals can destroy crops, and farmers receive inadequatecompensation (eg during 1998 and 1999 birds destroyed 300 ha of crops in Lijiang wetlandreserve, and farmers only received USD 4,200)

"Voluntar5r" relocation of people , from reserves, has proved possible in some parts of Yunnan,although in Danshanbao township 30 families asked to be relocated within the township rather thanmoving to Simao Prefecture. Currently, however, no funding is available for relocation within atownship.

Many r€serves (especially in N Yunnan) are over-staffe4 but under funde{ and as a result there islittle data collection, inventory development or reporting. Management capability is a majorweakness and there are no systems to monitor growth and decline of wildlife species. Subsequmtlythe actual statrs of wildlife populations in many of Yunnan's reserves is quite uncertain.

Nature Reserve managers hope that tourism will bring increased income, but this may negativelyimpact the wildlife the environment and the local culture. Currently horseback riding near BitahaiI^ake is damaging fragile wetlands & grasslands, and concem has been expressed about tourismimpact onthe fragile mountain vegetation of Haba Xueshan Reserve. Both Zhongdian & Lijiang

Forestry Policy Analysis Page ll


County have blasted unsightly roads along both sides of Tiger Leaping Gorge, destroying the scenicproperties & filling the river bed with rubble.

Better planning is required and more capacity building in wildlife conservation and tourismmanagement, and more research is required to find a formula that balances environmental &biodiversity protection, cultural preservation, & community development (Anon 2001)In order to maintain the reserves and reduce conflict provision has been made within the naturereserve legislation (in the experimental areas) for :- fuel wood plantations, economic hees, ruralenergy, NTFP development, eco.tourism, infrastructure development & employment.. Provisionalso exists for the joint-management of nature reserve between the YFB and the local people .The Yunnan Forestry Bureau WCO would welcome a pilot project that included a nature reserve,addressing:- joint-management, participatory planning & implementation, capaclty building forreserve staff, and equipment and infrastructure requirements (Chen Ronggui pers com l518/01)

3.2,5 Forest Tourism/ "Bio.cultural TourismtChina was one ofthe first signatories of the World Conservation Strategy OUCN 1980)and the importance of "nature-based-tourism" was recognised in "China: Biodiversity ConservationAction Ptan (NEPA 1994). The State Forestry Bureau sent delegates toan FAO seminar on "Ecotourism for Forest Conservation and Community Developmenf in Chianglvlai in 197. Subsequently a number of "Ecotourism Interest Groups" were established in a numberof provinces (Ling Lin pers com 1998), 1999 was designated as "Year of Ecotourisrn", theChinese National Tourism Administration announced plans to develop forest tourism as a keyproject and China's State Forest Bureau announced plans to extend its forest parks from 874to2000 by 2010 (China Daily 24110198,2311199 2214199)10th S-year Forestry Plan Cfunnan)YFB plans the construction ofthe Zhongdirn Forest Prrk and the Guishan Forest Park (ShilinCounty) and the development of eco-tourist dishicts within Laojunshen Nrture Reserve(Lijiang), and the Longlin-Wangshui Nature Reserve, the Tongbiguan Nature Reserve & theNangongshan Nature Reserve (Xshuangbanna)CritioueAlthough Forest Tourism & Forest Parks are quite well established in Chin4 they are not withouta number of on-site problems (See Liu & Dowling 1991, Newby & Hong Tao 1991, Dangerfield1999, Tisdell 1996, Li & Hinch 1998 McMaster 1999,ZJrang 1989). 'Eco-tourism" in Yunnan ismore recent and a number of pilots have been established in Yunnan in Mandan (Xishuanbanna) ,Xage (Ztongdian County), Chahe (Nanhua County) & Lake Lugu (Linla County) (Lai 1999).Although eco-tourism does offer potential both in terms of nature conservation and communitydevelopment, there are dangers as well, especially in ethnic minority arcas . In China there are notvery many models of ecotourism-for-local-development as opposed to ecotourism-for-business,and it was very clear during "Clina Year of Ecotourism 1999", it was primarily viewed as abusiness venture. China is keen to promote eco-tourism in ethnic areas, because of the deman4and its potential for "developing" some of China's more remote areas and incorporating them intothe market economy. In some parts of China, however there appears to be an emphasis on theeconomic development of select *ideal- groups, often to the detriment of culture and environment.This has resulted in :- a lack of ethnic control & ownership, elite capture, the *freezing" of ethnic



culture, assimilation with the national society, inequitable benefit distribution, authentic compromiseand incomplete ethnic imagesr , the erosion oftraditional ethnic culture and social values, and a lackof ethnic capacity building in resource management, marketing and site development (Li & Hinch1998)CommentThe paradoxes of eco.tourism in ethnic minority areas occur because of inherent contradictionsbetween conservation and change associated with the process of development. Viable cultures arenot static but evolve and tourism accelerates socio-economic change which often affects theauthenticity of ethnic tourism. Cultural pluralism is an important asset in ethnic tourism, yet politicaland economic institutions tend to integrate minority peoples into the national society. Bio-culturallysustainable tourism development must fit the local society and make cultural sense. The localminority people themselves must own the process of local tourism development, and the state, inturn, may benefit from cultural diversity in both a socio-cultural & economic sense (Swain 1989)Further ResearchResearch is required to examine models of "bio-cultural tourism" , and to assess their suitability forthe pilot projects

4. Institutional Capacity Analysis4.1 Yunnan Forestry BureruThe Yunnan Provincial Forestry Bureau and its institutions comprises 9 govemment divisions9 non-government divisions, 4 out-stations, 5 associated institutes, 4 offices under the State ForestBureau & I add-hoc office. (See Fig 2)4.1.1 Staffing, Training & GenderAlthough staffing and haining statistics were available on a divisional basis, no institutional figureswere available. It was estimatedthat YFB comprised 200 people. To give someidea of gender, training, and staffinvolvement in policy making & participation 6 divisions wereselected to give a snap shot (although admin has only a minor role in policy making). On the basis ofthe snap shot I division out of 9 was using participatory methods for policy making &implementation8 divisions out of 9 were not using participatory methods forpolicy making & implementation7 divisions had not received any training in policy making2 divisions had received taining in policy making but not in participatory methods5 divisions had received training in participatory methods9 divisions would value PP trainingGender :460/o of staffare female, 66% of Dep/Directors are female, and,4lo/o of policy makers

' Cultural programning can be very selective and only etlmic groups who reflect the unity of China'sminority peoples may be chosen (CNTA 1994)

Forestry Policy Analysis page 13

Yunnan Environmental Development ProgrammeJohn Studley, Li Chun, Lai Qingkui

Forest Survey Planning & DesignInstitute

YUNNAN FORESTRYRIJRF.AIJ

f-!ivisionso Administrative Office (FAO,Party Secretaries Offre)o Afforestation Divbim (River Protection

Forest Programme, Social ForesqyProgramme - PRAused)

o Wildlife Protection Divisiono Forest Fire Control DivisionoForest Law DivisionoPolicy & Regulation DivisionoFinance & Planning Divisiono Personnel Division (Retired sta{f,

Dbciplire)o Forest Trade lJnionoForest Science & Lndustry

Education

Out-Stationso Rural Energy Stationo Provincial seeds & seedling

production stationo Forest Science Extension Station

(inside YAF)o Forest Pest & Dbease Contrcl Staticrn

Rare & EndangeredPlants & Wildtife Office

GIS station

Forest Police & security BureauSouthwest Forest Survey,Planning & Design lnstitute

Southwest Air ForestryProtection Station Yrrnnan Acaderny of ForestrJr

institutes of :-o Forestr5r Institute. Forest Protectionr Economic Forest Tieeso Tiropical Forestr5r & )fishuangbama

Arboretrrno lndustrial Forest Productso R.re &EndmgeredPlantl-abo Forest Science & technical informationo lftmming Arboretr.rrno Yangli & Guangnanexperirnental

stations

Netural Forest ProtectionOfice

lsteep land transferl

Ytrnnan reconnaissance& Design Institute

Yunnan Foresfir School(Technical training)



Fig 3 : Yunnan Forestry Bursau - staff-gender-training ssnap-shot" of 9 divisions

* PM= Participatory Methods (including PRA)


Dlvislon PostVFiled

Female

lo/ol

FemaleV/Director

PolicyMakers

FemalePolicyMakers

Trainedin PolicyMaking

Trained inPM*

Value PPTralning

Notes

Alforestatlon 26 13 [sol 1(D) t5 6 , 18 Yes PM* used inPM&I

WildlifeConservation

5 3 160l 0 5 0 0 3 Yes PM* not used inPM&I

Policy Making 5 21401 0 3 2 5 0 Yes Training aboutnew lews

PolicyImplementation

6 I JrTl 0 6 I 6 I Yes Training aboutimplementationof new laws

Tianbao t8,lt4 2lr4l 0 I 2 0 4t5 Yes

Silviculture 26 r Is0l l IDI I 6 0 I Yes

Education 7 41571 I I 4 0 , Yes

Admin t2 7ls8l l tvDl E 3 0 2 Yes

Finance t2 7ls8l I 8 3 0 I Yes

TOTAL 113 s21461 6 [661 7t 29 I41l 1 l 30

Yunnan Environmental ProgrammeJohn Studley, Li Churq Lai Qingkui

4.1.2 Policy MakingIn general, most policies originate from two sources, one directly from decision makers,and a second as a result of exemplars (practised by local people), discovered by policy makerswhen they are in the field.. In the latter case if the practice has merit they will develop and expandpolicies based on it across the province or even country. Mostly, policies are made and developedby government agencies, particularly policy and regulation division (such as forestry policy andregulation division in Department of Forestry). Once the framework of one policy is developed,tpically a series ofworkshops and discussions will take place andthe attendees (usually experts)will be invited to make suggestions on policy improvement. Aft€r the policy content has beendeveloped it will be sent to the provincial government for approval. Only after it has been trialed,however, on one or more selected sites, if it appears to bs succ€ssful , will it be implemented in thewhole province. During the policy development stage , some information and "impact assessmenf'will be made by the Policy & Regulation Division & the Local Forestry Office, and some feedbackmay be collected by local government.

4.1.3 Provincial Adaption of State PoliciesIn China" up to now, most forestry policies are developed and made by cenhal govemment (theState Forestry Bureau) and the Provincial Forestry Department must follow the cental govemmentpolicy. In some cases, provincial Forestry Department can make some supplementation andadaption to central government policy.For example :-1) In early 1998 the Forestry Law was revised to allow more easy access for subsistence farmersto the forest but after the floods & the logging ban this was rescinded" in late 1998 Recently theYFB has relaxed this law to make easier access again2) The State Forestry Bureau wanted to establish a commercial forest base in Yunnan, in very largeblocks, but the YFB explained that the terrain did not lend icelf to such a plan, and the policy wasadapted to several smaller blocks

4. 1.4 Procedure of Policy ImplementingIn general, implementation goes through five stagesFirstly, on the basis of a new policy, a temporary office will be established atthe Deparfinent ofForestry , who are responsible for its explanation, and the management of policy implementationSecondlS one or two tial sites will be selec'ted to begin to implement the policy under the guide ofthe temporary office. During this period, a lot of senior leaders will visit the sites and give advice,and gather inforrration so they develop the policy.Thirdly, when the trial is over, and most offrce$ agrce on the policy, it will be suggested in someprefectures or the whole province.Fourthly, most prefecture or county govemment will subject the new suggested policy to a "localpractice stage", on several tial sites, before considering implementation. When they have gainedsome experience, the policy will be implemented in the whole prefecturp or county.Fifthly , when local government make a decision to implement a policy, several working team willbe established and distributed to all township or directly to administrative village to guide the policyimplementation. When this task is over, they will report back to local government



4J Strengths & Limitations of the current policy making approach

4.2.1 StrenethsGenerally speaking the Chinese States policy making & implementation capacrty is well developedin comparison with many other countries. It can mobilize considerable financial and manpowerresources down to village level through a powerful system of quotas that are transmitted from higherto lower levels, This works well when the pressure from the cente is strong and when the focus iswell defined and limited. This approach is more successful in construction than in follow-up andusually more effective when activities concem a single sector, rather than coordination among manydepartrnents. There are some drawbacks, however. When the stakes are higlr, it may result incoercion at the village level (tvlallee 2000). Although central government declaredthat its functionshould shift from cental planning to a guidance and assistance system, local government policy isstill a controlling, central-based system ( Xu Jianchu 1995)The YFB appears on the basis of interviews with key informers to have adequate capaclty with top-down decision makingo and in addressing each stage of the policy making & implementationprocess.

4.2.2 LimitationsParadoxically although participatory approaches, appear to be operating well within forestry atcounty level, in research, in projects, across a range of interest group networks Q,ai nd),and there appears to be the 'lolitical spac€" at provincial level for much more participation(Xu pers cornm 18/9/01) it not evident within the leadership levels of YFB, withthe exception ofthe Afforestation Division (AD). The AD has been using participatory methods for the last tenyears, and the are currently using them for policy rnaking & planning. In a new forestry project thelocal people are being encouraged to set some of their own goals and to establish a forestconservation association (Zou pers com 2l /9 l0t)

During interviews the following conclusions emerged :-. Much policy making in YFB is top-down and decision making is done by leaders. Most participationtakes place with experts (who speak with one voice) or sometimes with

rich farmers or village leaders. There is very little input from "social science & economics". Forest Policy tends to blindly follow agriculture. There is inadequate feed-back. Although some ofthe policy making staffhave sudied participatory methods they do not

appear to be using them (for policy making & implementation). Participatory methods are being used in forestry projects, at county level, in research, and

across networks butnot in policy making & implementation. There is a perception in YFB that many ofthe participatory approaches are donor driven

and there is no real commitmentto the process. The institution is not yet ready for participatory prc.poor approaches

43 Constraints on Forestry policy meHng & participationA number of possible reasons have been identified (from key informants, literature & personal

Foresty Policy fuialysis


experience) in terms ofthe constraints on forestry policy making & implementafion in general andparticipatory approaches in particular. Most of these limitations are not peculiar to China and theyinclude. The Confucian leadership paradigm (See Appendix 1). The leaders perception & ideological "blindness" ofthe knowledge of the poor (in terms of

its use for policy making). The leade$ lack of capacity to build on vemacular culture, "interculfural" reciprocity, and

synergy. kaders time (participatory methods, for example, is perceived as very time consuming &

expensive). Participation might be re-interpreted as tool for social engineering and integration (See

Appendix 1). Leaders failure to understand local socio-cultural contexts & normative pluriformity. The lack of any iterative feed-back inthe policy making & implementation process. The lack of flexibility at Provincial level to adapt state policy to the lwal context. The overly close ties between forestry & agriculture

4.3.1 Lack of $onitoring and improvement mechanismsDue to the lack of a monitoring system and improvement mechanisrn, some problems occur duringimplementation, often becoming acute, with increasing criticism. Some ofthis could be avoided if amonitoring and evaluation mechanism was in place

4.3.2 Forestry & AgricultureIn China, the majority of people, including officers and policy makers think forestry is onecomponent of agricultrne. Under this general principle, people often rmderstand and interpretforestry on the basis of agricultural methods, and so they often use agricultural policies for foresty.For instance, Land reform implemented during l95l to 1953 in China was used both foragricultural lands and forestry lands. The "Liangshan" management system policy implementedbetween l98l to 1985 in the whole county came from Household Contract Responsibility Systemin agriculture. This caused had many problems either when the policy is first implemented orbecause the policy never does achieve its objectives

4.4 Links & Integration4.4.1 Formal LinksMostkey informants inside & outside YTB, commented that although formal mechanisms(i.e committee membership (of PAO)and leadership groups (for large YPG projects) for integrationexisted betrveen YFG deparfrnents , they did not work well in practice. The Afforestation Dvisionstatsd that they had good integration with the Finance, Planning & the PAO.

Two Chinese proverbs were used by key informants to illustrate the lack of integration. Eachdeparhnent is responsible for "looking after its own €Bgs", and the impossibility of integration wastypified by three Chinamen trying to carry one bucket ofwater. Most informants felt that alldepartnents were overly independent. Those inside YFB felt that in relationship to YEDP that



YEPB "called the shots" and that none of the leading group that suprported YEDP were reallyinterested in Rural Yunnan. They commented that "YEPB is interested in urban infrastructureprojects, MOFTEC in tade, and PAO in large projects, and usually the Chair does not understandforestqy''. This is exacedated because of the way that deparfinenhl portfolios are shared outbetween Vice Governors.

4.4.2Informal LinksParadoxically, informal linls and networking appears to work very well, on an interest group basis,between forestry related institutions. Two examples ofthis are the PRA Network and the PRANNetwork @articipatory Research & Action Network). In the case of the PRA Netrvork 6 forestryrelated instiartions are represented in the "Forestry Group" and within PRAN there are l0 forestryrelated institutions represented in the PRAF node (Participatory Research & Action in Forestry)(See FMI Report)

5 Concluslons

Key Forest PoliciesThere are two key forest policies that ofrer the most potential both for the poor and theenvironment. They include the River reforestation Project and Nature Reserves. Ttie former ispredicated on participatory planning, and includes provision for mixed forest and agro-forestry.Although the latter is not predicated on participation is does make provision for fuelwood, ruralenergy, NTFP, eco.tourisnq and co-management. Co-management has not been tried in Yunnan,so it could present YEDP with an op'portunity to establish a participatory model

TmFact assessmentSuperficially the key forest policies appear to strong on environmental zupport but offer little to thepoor, gender relations or the minorities. On closer examination, however many policies arepredicated (for historic reasons) on conifer monocultures, which on sGep ground make very littlecontribution to the environment orbiodiversrty. By planting multi-storey fores$ that includeagro'forestry YFB could address the environmen! biodiversity & the nutritional needs of the poor.Most of the key policies post a threat to peripheral zubsistence society especially where theydiminish customary forest or grazing rights. There is concern among the poor, women and minoritiesabout conversion compensation.Time did not allow for adequate research into gender relations, so although it was established thatwomen play a major role in tee planting, an6 had very real concerns aboutthe loss of forestgrazing, firewoo4 & water, we were unable to discover the impact of key forest policies on theirlivelihood

MethodologyGiven the time constraints and the size of the survey population, the research instruments used(i.e an open ended semi stnrctured questionnaire & r stalf-gender-training profile) proved adequate,although given that all the respondents were "elite" the findings were statistically umepresentative.With more time and a larger population text analysis $rvsy could have hen used to statisticallyanalyse the questionnaires



While it was easy to recognize that little pro-poor participatory poliry making was taking place, it

was more difficult gven the instnrments used to desegregate, the pragmatic reasons from the

conceptual or ideological. With more time and a larger population "concept mapping", based on

nonmetic MDS could have been used to address the concepts of : "leadership", "pro-poor",

"participatory", "indigenous knowledge", and any other pertinent terms

Policy Making & ImplementationMost divisions in YFB, lack training in conventional policy making, and those that have been trained

in policy making have mostly studied new laws and their application. Although most divisions

consult (mostly other experts) during the policy making process they often fail to include social or

anthropological scientists, so fail to appreciate the social impact of new policies

Participatory PlanningAlthough a number of divisional directors in YFB have received participatory methods training, only

one division (Afforestation) is applying it to policy making and implementation.In describing the policy making process no one mentioned the poor, or gender relations or minoritypeoples There are a number of reasons why participatory approaches ar€ not taking place and they

range from the pragmatic to the ideological, and further work is required to desegregate thereasons. Paradoxically in lower level of govemment in research, in projects & in interest goup

networks participatory methods are being used for planning & implementation.

6 Recommendationsl. That YEDP explores further the role of nature reserves as a platform for enhancing theenvironment and the livelihoods ofthe poor (including tourism & NTFP)2. That YEDP conducts further work on the impact of forest policy on gender relations3. That YEDP conducts more research into the fuelwood situation4. That YEDP considers "concapt mapping" as a means to befisr understand the ideologicalconsfraints of a pro-poor participatory approach5. That YEDP considers initiating research (case studies) to raise the profile ofof pafiicipation, integration, III & intercultural reciprocity6. That YEDP includes the YFB in its plans to develop capacrty7. That YEDP considers the inclusion of a nature reserve in a pilot project


Yunnan Environmental ProgrammeJohn Studley, Li Chun, Lai Qingfuui

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Yunnan Environmental Development ProgrammeJohn Studley, Li Chun, Lai Qingkui

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*Thaker R 1998, Change & continuity: orthodox discourse on gender relations in China, New Delhi, Gyan 1fta*,;Publishing HouseThierry , Francois , 1989 , 'Empire and Minority in China'. In Minority Peoples in the Age of NationStates pp. 76-99. (Edited by Chaliand) , London , Pluto PressTIN , 15/6i99 , Tibetans Oppose World Bank Froject , London , TINTIN ,2714/99 , World Bank Funds Contoversial Population Transfer Scheme , London , TINTIN , 2000 , China's Great Leap West , London , TINTisdell , C ,1996 o Ecotourism , Economics , and the Environment: Observations From China inJoumal of Travel Research Vol 34 (a) pp 11-19 , USA , University of ColoradoTobin K (ed) , 1993 , The Practice of Constructivism in Science Education , Hillside NH , LawrenceErlbaum AssociatesTravis , H , 2000 , Pirates ofthe Infonnation Infrastructure: Blackstonian Copyright & the lstAmendment in Berkeley Technology Law Journal l5(2) , H Travis ,www.law.berkeley. edu/journals/btlj/aticles/ I 5_2/travi s/travis.htmlUmans l,1992, Analysis & typology of indigenous forest management in the humidtropics of Asia,Wageningan, ICK-NBLF-BFUmans, L, 1998, The rapid appraisal of a knowledge system in IK&DM 5(3) pp I l-14Van Walt Van Praag , M , 1987 , The Status of Tibet : History , Rights and Prospects in IntemationalLaw , London , Wisdom PublicationsWang Hong Chang nd Deforestation & desiccation in China: A preliminary study, Beijing, ChineseAcademy of Social ScienceWarren, D et al 1995, The cultural dimension of development, London, ITPWalters C, 1986, Adaptive management of renewable resources, New York, McGraw-HillWeber , M , 1930 , The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism , London , George Allen &UnwinWiersrmr K, 1997, Norrnative pluriformity in forest management Professional & community perspectivesin Pluralism & Sustainable Forestry..., Rome, FAOWiersum K 2000, Incorporating IK into fonnal forestry management' adapion or pmadigm change ? inLeaming from Resource Users, Vienna, University of Agricultural ScienceWinkler, D 1998a, Deforestation in Eastern Tibet in Development. Society & Environment in Tibet(Clarke) pp78-95, Vienna, OADWWollenberg , E , 1995 , Social Dimensions of Sustainability [Proposal to the Ford Foundation]WUZ & Ou X , 1995 , The Xishuangbanna Biosphere Reserve'A Tropical Land of Natural & CulturalDivenity China , Paris , UNESCOXu Jianchu , 1995 , Divenity in Transitions: Lessons Learned From the Yunnan Uplands in SouthwestChina (Paper: Symposia: Culture in Development & Globalization) , Nonghai , Hanoi & Tokyo ,

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Yunnan Environmental ProgrammeJohn Studley, Li Chun,I^ai Qingkui

APPENDX 1 INSTITUTIONAL CAPACITY BUILDING ISST]ESBefore the project considers capacity building, it needs to define unequivocally the concept& basis of "pro-poor participatory policy making". Within both forestry & developmentdiscourse there is already considerable ambiguity, and this is not helped by the DFIDliterature. Although "knowledge" is recognized within the DFID SL literatue (1999) as a"human capital" and "reciprocity" as a "social capital", little reference is made to knowledgeequity (between knowledge systems), knowledge is not viewed as a key asset ofsustainability, and reciprocity only appears to be recognized monoculturally (not cross-culturally). There are dangers, gtven the ambiguity that "pro-poor participation" will be re-represented on the basis of a Confucian worldview and become another tyranny or a newtool of social engineering.

Cunently pro-poor policy making, within YFB is not being practised for a number of reasons,ranging from the pragmatic to the ideological & conceptual. ln order to address CapacityBuilding fully it is not enough to provide only tools and techniques for policy making ifthere is no fundamental change at the ideological and conceptual level

There are a number of concepts & approaches that currently underpin pro-poor policymaking, that are not limited to China, but appear in "Western" neo-populist forestrydiscourse. Although these approaches are predicated (at a rhetorical level) on "participation, and integration & incorporation of IK ", the praxis is often characterised by; thedichotomization of knowledge systems, tyranny, cultural erosion, and social engineering.There are dangers that when these fatally flawed approaches are re-represented in a Chinesecontext (Confucian leadership paradigm & view of peripheral & poor people) the knowledge,culture & livelihoods of the poor (and gender relations & minorities) will be furtherdiminished.

A1.1 Participation & ForestrySocial Forestry was intoduced in India (with prompting from the World Bank) inthe 1970's as a result of widespread protest, resulting from deforestation andthe exclusion of local people from forests. Its original aim was to "meet local needfor firewood and other products with active local participation". No provision,however was made for indigenous knowledge and forestry was decoupled fromsocial and cultural values. Far from defusing the protests, the takeover ofcommunal land for commercial plantations. rather than village woodlots led to . It mostlyfailed because the plErners did not understand the needs of the local people , and it only"succeeded" wherg/rich farmers had surplus land to convert to industrial tree species (SeeShiva l982,Hildy6rd 1998). The failure of social forestry prompted the Indian government torevise its forest policy and in the early 1990's it introduced Joint Forest Management. JFMwas supposed to emphasise environmental & subsistence benefits over cornmercial interests,and include *greater'participation by local people. The only significant "success" tookplace in States where villagers had already established organizations to protect forest (i.e.West Bengal & Orissa) (Jaccobson nd) Some states totally ignored the shift to JFM and onlyadded "perticipationt and 6poverty alleviationt to qualify for funding. As a result "off-the-shelf' participatory plans, drawn up by UK forestry experts were used to intoduce JFMto the Western Ghaus. The project goals were decided ex situ and local NGO's were only



consulted on implementation. As a result the committees were dominated by the elite,women were marginalise{ and the poor, and tribal people bec,ame worse off (most of theODA funded plantations were on village "commons') (Hilqfrd et al 1998)

For those States that have forest councils and have adopted (participationD in JFM (anddevolution) it has resulted in a power shift that has empowered the local forest deparfrnent,at the expense of local councils (Sarin 2001 Kaimowitz2l Jwte 2001).This situation resonates with globat representations of "participation", which has becomeanother tool for engineering consent to projects whose framework tnspefi daermined inadvance, and like integration, it has become anothpr tyranny (See NaiKdy 1999 Heeks1999 Cooke 1998 Cook/& Kothari 2}}l,Hitd$d et al 1998)

Both "social forestry" and JFM in India illustrate that "participa.tion" that fails to engage withthe distribution and operation of power within local communities will offer little tomarginalised groups. Many participatory projects rest on the dubious assumption that simplyidentiSing different'stakeholders' and getting them around the table will result in a "fair"consensus. Participation requires wider processes of social transformation and structuralchange to the system of social relations through which inequalities are reproduced

Al.2IntegrationIn spite of the current attention to IK, in much of the world, the development ideologies ofcapitalism, socialism, and Marxism-Leninism, Cartesian Science, and formal technologies,government interventions, and the "scientization of alternative knowledge systems",continue to colonize the consciousness of marginalized peoples. As a result indigenouspeoples are reduced to a single "backward" description and specific forest-relatedknowledge continues to be viewed as inferior and in need of "elevation" according tgrthelogic of the superior knowledge & "real" science (Esteva 1985, Lummis 1991 l\)rdrd 1994)

Professional forestry is cunently attempting to "elevate" indigenous knowledge through"integration" or "incorporation" with professional forestry, and even suggesting that it mightrepresent a "paradigm shift" (for professional forestry). Rather than representing a "paradigmshift", integration appears in corgrnon with *participation" & "co-management" to be yetanother "western" tyranny (Hi\$fard 1998, Kaimowitz 2l June 2001)

Integration, contains the implicit assumption that the cultural beliefs and practices known asforestry knowledge conform to westem conceptions about "knowledge" and power relationsand it tends to view traditional forestry knowledge from the perspective of awestern/traditional dichotomy, only as "data" useful for forest management bureaucracies orindustry.

In order to learn from indigenous forestry systems, the acculturation of foresters in thevernacular culture of the forest users is an essential process for understanding of andintervening in a forest management complex. Acculturation entails not only more attention tothe immaterial cultural realm (worldviews, paradigms, cognitive frameworks), but the use ofcognitive anthropolory in an integrap interactive milrner, and an understanding ofmultiple resource stewardship (UFns 1992)

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A1.3 Dichotomising western & fndigenous KnowledgeOne distinct approach has beefncouraged by advocates of IK (and some technocrats) whohave been described by AgraVfl (1995) as "neo-indigenistas". The dissemination of thisapproach has been part of a rhetoric praising the virtues of "participation", "empowerment","bottom-up", and'ofarmer-first" (See Chmbers 1994). Some measure of theinstitutionalization of this version of IK is the number of networking organisations andresearch units (Warren et al 1995).One of the diffrculties, however with the "neo-indigenistas" approach, in commonwith modernization theorists, is the danger of leaving intact the dichotomy of westernknowledge and ildigenous knowledge as homogenous and exclusive entities (Berman1988 Agrawal\p95 Umans 1998). The dangers of this dichotomy need to be highlighted,and they include:-Monocultural mvopiaThis approach masks the plurality of actors, the multiple identities they have, and themultitudinous relations they have (Umans 1998)DecontextualizationBy uncritically placing local knowledge within a dichotomy, the decontextualizationof IK isnecessarily impliedyfnd the unique and important knowledge of specific groups becomessubject to the sa4t' limitations and criticisms as Western science and development theories(See Banuri &\rfarglin 1993)Separating & "Fixing" in time and spaceAttempts to separate and fix in time and space two knowledge systemsare bound to fail unless the two systems have two totally separated historicalsequences of change. Contact and exchange, for example, between Asia and theAmericas has taken place for thousands of years and western and indigenousknowledge systems have had intimate interaction and co-evolved since the 15thcentury (Eclfiolm 1980 Levi-Stauss 1955)Its stransulationIK is generated in the immediate context of the livelihoods of people, and it is adynamic entrty that undergoes constant modification as the needs of thecommunities change. It is impossible for IK to maintain its vitality or vigour if it is isolatedin an archive, frozen in time and space, in knowledge centres privileged on western scighceand bureaucratic procedwe and shangled by central confol and management (AgraVl 1995)Its conceptual frameworkWhen IK becomes subject to the limited paxarneters of Westem science anddevelopment theories which rely upon an ordered conceptual framework and finiteelements from which and in which to work, it is bound to fail. Both systems havespecific histories, particular bwdens from the past and distinctive patterns ofchange and heterogeneity betureen elements [see ldacabe 1988]Its validitvThe tendency to define IK in relation to Western knowledge is problematic in that it raisesWestern science to a level of reference, ignoring the fact that allsystems are culture-bound and thereby excluding Western knowledge itself fromthe analysis. This limits the analysis of indigenous systems by nanowing theparameters of understanding through the imposition of Western categories.


Yunnan Environmental ProgrammeJohn Studley,Li Chun, Lai Qingkui

Paradoxically although many "neo-indigenistas" mock science they use it andunconsciously assign it to a higher pedestal than indigenous knowledge. Theirpractice and methods are often based on scientific methods and they subject IKto a scientific criteria of validity before it is recognized as "usable" knowledgeRichards 1980, lvlassaquoi 1993, Rajan and Setlturamm 1993 Brockensha and Riley1980Its IsolationThere is a tendency to isolate knowledge sub-sets which mirror ethno-disciplinesets for the purpose of analysis and documentation (Fairhead and Leach 1994).Examining local knowledge in this way can lead to the construction of certainaspects of knowledge as important, while excluding or ignoring other areas orpossibilities of knowledge which do not fall within the selective criteria ofWestern scientific parameters.Its compartmentalizationIK as a comparhnentalized vision has become a major concept within developmentdiscourse, and a convenient absfraction which consists of bite-sized chunks ofinformation that can be slotted into Western paradigms, fragmented anddecontextualized; a kind ofquick fix, ifnot a panacea. Such approaches are indanger of repeating the same problems of simplification , over-generalisation, anduniversalism that we find in development theory (Richards 1985 Hobart 1993Harris 1996).Its MisrepresentationThere is a largely unappreciated gap between the neat rationalities of development agencies'representations which imagine the world as ordered and manageable and the actualities ofsituated social practices (Hobart 1993). As a consequence, we end up with a theory thatmisrepresents the context in which indigenous knowledge occurs and is experienced.Its Scientisation & UniversalizationIn the hands of NGO's and within the "universalizing discourse" of environmentalism IKhas become further reified & gained a more positive image. Once, however, IK is slottedinto the Western scientific paradigm it is diffrcult to know where to draw the boundarybetween IK and "science". Changing the boundaries is often sufficient to re-definesomething as "science", as what defines it is to a considerable extent determined by whopractices it, and in what institutional context the practices are taking place. The danger ofturning local knowledge into global knowledge is at the empirical level , all IK is relativeand parochial, no two societies perceive or act upon the environment in the same ways.Science by comparison, is a system of knowledge in rapid flux that seeks universal ratherthan local understanding. It is precisely the local embeddedness of IK that has made itsuccessful.Its oolitical naivetvThe "neo-indigenistas" undermine their own arguments because while championing IK theyinsist on a dichotomy between western and indigenous knowledge and they fail to recognizethe link between knowledge and power

The appropriate response for those generally interested in preserving knowledge systems andin particular indigenous knowledge might lie in attempting to reorientate and reverse statepolicies and market forces to permit members of threatened populations to determine their

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own future and auempq thus to facilitate in situ preservation of IK. In situ preservationcannot succeed withoutindigenous populations gaining control over the use of the lands in which they dwell and theresources on which they rely. Those who are seen to possess knowledge must also possessthe right to decide on how to save it and who shall use it.

The mechanics of in situ conservation of IK are little understood, and will perhaps posesignificant political and ethical dilemmas. Such an objection cannot, however, be an excusefor side-lining what appears to be in the best interest of those most threatened.

'Neo-indigenistas" must begin to grapple with such problems if they are to make theirprogfturrme and their epistemic foundations more acceptable to the populations whoseknowledge they wish to highlight and appropriate for the common good.

A beginning in this direction would be to recognize the multiplicity of logics and practicesthat underlie the creation and maintenance of different knowledge systems within aknowledge network. By building on new views of science (see Pickering1992) that insist on"multiplicity, patchiness and heterogeneity of the space inTvhich scientists work" and gobeyond rationalism and reductive representation (See.{grfwal 1995), neo-indigenistas areoffered the prospect of developing new epistemic foundations for addressing and buildingbridges between knowledge within a network. The network is constituted by multiple actors,who possess resources and form relations through their interacting. Each actor investsresources of different kinds and amounts, including financial, social, cultural and symboliccapital, which are valued differently depending on the project. It is important that each actorunderstands the knowledge-related processes that are at play within a project, especially theconstruction of knowledge, the athibution of meaning, the exercise of power, and theemergence of synergy or subjectst(Umans 1998)

A1.4 Chinese Leaders Paradigms or WorldviewsMost forestry policies are developed by decision makers or from senior leaders' ideas, whohave ignored or rarely considered local farmers' knowledge, practices or suggestions.Traditional Han-Chinese leadership was based on order and totality, placed in a hierarchy ofcosmic order and encapsulated within Confucianism. With the birth ofNew China the natureof the leadership model essentially remained the same. As a result, almost by default Chinasleaders within government departments still follow the Confucian model. They are worriedthat if they are not seen to be leading from the front they will lose their jobs. There are fewmodels or policy directives to encourage them to adopt more participatory roles, howeversuccessful the participatory projects under their control.

A1.5 Participation and social engineeringBoth neo-Manrists & early modernizers argued for a thoroughgoing transformation ofeconomic social and political structures, where individuals were no longer fettered byfaditional ways of thinking and relating to one another. Dwing the 1960's & 1970's bothWestern & Chinese development model had one characteristic in common, their agreement

t Subjects are multiple actors who together have the capacity to bring forward a project



about the necessity and legitimacy of a major social engineering crusade to transformtraditional cultures to facilitate the fransition to a new era. Although today both of thesemodels have come under major criticism elements of social engineering still remain whichdelegitimise alternative knowledge systems and disenfranchise local communities.

The totalitarian ideology of Confucianism, adhered to by the state throughout all the Chinesedynasties, called for a policy of nonviolent assimilation of non-Han peoples, through theimposition of Flan-Chinese values. These Confucian iy'eas run conslpfently throughout thehistory of indigenous ethnic relations in China (Iffi lgSg,IkFrer 1989). With the arrivalof communism in China, the policy of assimilationUid not changie. The Han-Chinese unitedas a vanguard in the socialist transformation of society, a position which "scientifically''underpinned their hegemonic pretensions in a process leading to the homogenization ofsociety in China.From this perspective China's indigenous minority people are regarded as "backward" and"uncivilized'. They are expected to replace their traditional cultural values and practices(and the knowledge systems which inform them) with the more "rational, scientific,cognitive systems & advanced culture" of the national society. In this context there are veryreal dangers that participation becomes the l/est tool in a major social engineering crusadeto "stabilize" and transfofm fiaditional cultqfes to facilitate the ultimate inevitable tansitionto a new era (Yong tcVg Zhen 1981 UowVO lgg4) There are dangers that stability will besecured at the expense ofbiodiversity (and the local knowledge systems that support it)

A1.6 The value of local knowledge & the importance of socio-cultural contextsThe ethno-centric nature of Han-Chinese value system, is also reflected in leaders attitudesto indigenous knowledge, practices and local socio-cultural contexts. When trialing policiesoften very unrepresentative sites are chosen with little attempt to contextualise policies ordiscuss them with local people. Either local knowledge is overlooked or seen as valuelessand little attempt is made to consider "intercultural reciprocation" or synergf betweenknowledge systems.There is for example, an insistence that Yunnans minority people need "ecological &conservation education", while ignoring the "anthropogenic landscapes", "linguisticecologies", auspicious, sacred & Dragon Forests Holy Hills, & Plant Worship customs thathave moulded the/andscape over centuries, and resulte d in one y'f the most bytrutiful, , /prod;rctive & sty'tainable mountain regionsTi/n the world (SalMet al 2000, ildm ryCS ZObta2061b Muhlhtfusler 1,996, Chun Ly'rtnn\&, Yilan Zhou200l, Liu Aizhong et al 1999, LongChunLin & Chen Sdnyangl99/Pei 1993)

A1.7 Best PracticeBest practice in pro-poor participatory forestry policy making is predicated on knowledgeequlty, synergy and reciprocity between knowledge systems (formal & indigenous), ITconceptual frameworks, aMuctive learning, adaptive forest management systems, ethno-forestryparadigms, politicpl commitment, normativgfihxrformity agdlocalself-r/determinatio,ry{See Yarrrte! 1598, Umans l998,la{6ow 1993, Ry[6r 1997,Xt61998,Holling eM 1978,W€hqd'1986, Kendrick 2000, Patel er al nd, Bateso4l4Tg & 1988,Srrtdt 200l, Wiir/rnt 1997, Seeland2O0l) Y


Yunnan Environmental ProgrammeJohn Studley, Li Chun, Lai Qingkur

More effort is required in addressing indigenous knowledge and practice during the policymaking process. The Earth Summit agreements state that "indigenous knowledge ofconservation and sustainable forest management should be respected and 'used' indeveloping forestry programmes" (and policies) (Keating 1993). Unfortunately "used" israther an ambiguous term and as a result mainsteam forestry has mostly learned about theneeds, knowledge and vernacular practices of indigenous people and not from them. Thebasis for learning has been mostly "simple" ex situ and exfiactive rather than epistemic, andinterpreted on the basis of mainstream/orestry paradigms and/or a dichotomy of indigenousand scientific knowledge (See Agrqfl 1995).

Many of those considering the integration of IK & formal forestry have failed to go beyondthe reductive representations that views science "as relative to culture or intepsts" and IT^jrl.T"stf/tn scientific experimentation & professional practice (K"he/62,

\ZKum2000, Pic[E{ng 1992). v

ions that views science "as relative to cultwe or interests" and

Few attempts are being made to learn from alternative forestry paradigms or address thesynergy within a network of equitable forestry paradigms. There are dangers that IK wi[ bedisemb/ded from its normative contey'and "integrafion- like "participation",and'/o-managCment" will represent another/ranny rather thandparadigm shift (Sy'NallCsdy 1999Heek6 1999 Cooke 1998 Cooke &Vothari 2001 Hilrydrd et al 1998, Sterk'6g 2001) Althoughthere is a post-Rio tajectory of forestry that recognizes the importance of IK while itcontinues to be predicated on a mainstream/ indigenous dichotomy it will fail to safeguard IKor the disadvantaged.

To ensure "goodness of fit" between policy and peripheral peoples there is a need:-a) to recognize the multiplicity of logics and practices that underlie knowledge systems(mainstream & indigenous forestry)b) to examine Foresty IK on the basis of an IT conceptual system (web-)ike, non- /hierarchical, multilineal, hyper textual, decentred & contextual (I*andq7{ lggz,YailA 1998))c) to bridge the constructed chasm between mainstream & indigenous forestryd) to learn from the realities of indigenous conservation and forest sustainabilitye) to reinvent forestry , in ways similar to the more radic al strea/sof environmentaleducation as it seeks to address issues of sustainability (Steltidg 2001)f) to learn from indigenous knowledge and its metatheoretical framework (i.e. paradigm)on the basis of its epistemic cognition

APPENDD( 2IMPACT ON pOO& WOMEN & MTNORITIES(The poor are dealt with under each forest policy)

The impact of forest policy on the poor, on rural women and the minorities should not beunderestimated, because they are often the most vulnerable, and dependent uponthe forest for their subsistence livelihoods. New policies that remove "common land" orcustomary rights are likely to impact these three sub-groups in ways not experienced by thosewho are part of the socialist market economy.

A2.l Mnority Peoples



The interdependencies between minority people and forestry is being much more widelyrecognized as is the coyelation between ethnicy'iversity & biodiversity, the importance oflinguisticlcologies, ay'dthe place of indigengds knowledge in development practice (HePikm q/at ZOOO M?ft 1998 & 2001, Mutil6usler 1996), but this realisation is taking placeagainst a backdrop of ethnic & linguistic erosion (Blench 2001)

There should be concern at the erosion of ethnic diversity: it is strongly linked to socialcoherence, and to a value system that makes possible effective management of naturalresources. Moreover, there is a strong correlation between the maintenance of ethnicdiversity and the conservation of biodiversity, as well as a reservoir of indigenous knowledgeabout the environment which remains largely untapped. Ideas about the rights of ethnicminorities, especially in relation to conffol over natural resources remain hazy andundeveloped and it is in the interest of powerful majorities that this should be the case.

Ethnicity develops as the signature of a distinct culture evolves and this is reflected as muchin dress as in natural resources management or social structure. For a group to cohere it musthave powerful internal mechanisms to maintain and develop ethnic boundary markers.However, these also enforce social rules and are usually the channel for collective action,such as agriculture and public works. Such mechanisms are at their weakest on the peripheryof dominant cultures. It is therefore no surprise that poverty and social fragmentation are attheir worst there. These provide powerful arguments for maintaining the high levels of socialcapital that minority culture implies.Donors, though are often uncomfortable with ethnic diversity because it challenges thehomogenisations of economics. Reducing populations to household income levels,nutritional status or infant mortality allows administrators to make resource allocations alongneat and defensible lines. Minority populations have an inconvenient variety of maritalpa.tterns and social structures that make uniform solutions diffrcult to apply. Planning toencompass diversity requires much more extensive background information and awillingness to essay more risky strategies. It is precisely those features of ethnic identity thatmake possible the accumulation of social capial which in turn allows communities tomanage resources coherently. If we act to reduce the impact of global culture and supportlocal institutions of any type, we also support the structures that reduce dependency onoutside assistance

Ethnic minorities, particularly those, who have lived in the uplands of Yunnan for manygenerations characterised by a highly autonomous subsistence system, are beingeconomically & ethnically marginalised in the fansition to the socialist market economyand by globalization. This is due, in part to the incomparability of vernacular institutions anddifficulties in adapting to external institutional change. Some factors, including governmentpolicy, market stimuli and development interventions, have already dramatically affectedminority societies and the process of change

The indigenous people of Yunnan have lived in harmony with their environment for manygenerations. They have developed a range of methods for managing natural resources basedon their own distinctive perceptions and sophisticated local knowledge, and a greaterunderstanding of their systems could aid the formulation and implementation of government

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pliy'ies and the establishment of new social arrangements for sustainable development (Xulffsl

Biodiversity is conventionally interpreted as diversity in genetics, population, species and theecosystem. In Yunnan, the plant and animal kingdom are well represented. There are about14,000 flowering plant species (half of those in China), about 767 birdspecies (667o), and248 mammal species (56Vr). About half of the endangered species in China are protected in76 separate natural reserves comprising 4% of the total land area of Yunnan Province.Vegetation types range from tropical rainforest, through broadleaf forests to alpine bushesand meadows. Biodiversity is a property of the natural ecosystem, but it is a product of aninteraction between social and bio-physical and indigenous knowledge and cultural diversity.

a 2.2 Gender & Forest PolicyCurrent concepts of gender and development start from the premise that in order to addresswomen's developmental concerns and needs, development assistance must take into accountboth men's and women's roles, their respective responsibilities within the community andtheir relationship to each other. Gender roles, relations and equilibrium in China areinfluenced at a national scale by orthodox discourses on gender relations (See Thaker 1998Li Dongli 2000) and at a rural traditional level by major external change (such as the marketeconomy, environmental change or newpolicies (Voutas 2001)

a 2.2.1 Roles & RelationsAn analysis of Chinese policy towards women, and the shifts and changes in the issues thatare perceived as women's issues, shows that the crux of the problem has remained thecontradiction between women's reproductive roles and their participation in wage labour.While the Chinese Communist Party has constantly expressed support for female liberation,this support has been conditional on women's specific interest not conflicting with the overallinterests of the Party. The persistence of "feudal" values about women imply that economicliberation, though an important necessity for female liberation, is not sufficient in itself.

China's case demonstrates that gender relations remain an aspect most resistant to change.The rigid sexual division of labour upon which gender relations is built is not only hard tochange, but is tenaciously maintained despite changes in economic circumstances. In Chinaone of the most fimdamental beliefs remains:that of women's natural role as mothers andproviders of the emotional and nurturance needs of their families. As shown, although thestatus of women in China has changed enormously, this automatic assumption continues toreceive tacit support from the govemment. Their domestic responsibilities and theirreproductive roles are seen as aspects which make women different from men, a biologicaldifference which is seen as imbuing them with unaturaln characteristics.

The persistent sexual division of labor.r and the failure to alleviate the domestic burden ofwomen has merely resulted in the addition of new roles on top of women's previous roles,rather than a redefinition of male and female roles, resulting in the exhausting double burdenfaced by women. The government's limited efforts towards dealing with the specific demandsfaced by women justifies the charge made by feminists that the policies of socialist statestowards women are constantly subordinated to the productivist goals of these states. An


Yunnan Environmental ProgrammeJohn Studley, Li Chuq Lai Qingkui

analysis of the continuing forms of female subordination, and the way in which socialistpolicy itself condones male-female inequality, is postponed Everytime the issue emerges, anew orthodoxy is constructed rather than attempting a fundarnental restructuring of genderrelations. This constant displacing of the women's question is often hidden by the formalequality that women have acquired, and behind the accession of women to previouslyunconventional occupa.tions (Molyneux 1981 b: 36).

The Communist Parly, especially in the rural areas of China, first confronted feudal ideasabout women in China as a heterodo*y, challenging Confucian orthodory with its discourseof female equality. In the Chinese case it is interesting to note that the Party recognises theimportance of ideological change, in fact it positively emphasises it, but it refirses to touchcertain aspects of gender relations. These are the sexual division of labour and theconsequent belief that women are naturally suitable for certain tasks. That is why themobilisation of women for tasks which are a natural extension of their familial roles is nocontradiction. The discourse of the Party becomes a new discursive alignment of oldelements.

This is not an attempt at a deliberate policy by the Parly. The Chinese case demonstrates thatalthough the "wider limits" of the discourse on women are extende4 certain elements remainbehind. This also allows us to form an alternative hypothesis to that of Stacey (1983) whoargues that the Party as such is patriarchal. Further, if we see discourse on gender aspremised on those areas which the Party does not see as real contadictions, we can alsounderstand women's owr support and participation in the ranks of the Communist Parly.They not only actively propagated the Party line but also believed in it. Like the Party, theywere convinced that the contadictions between their gender-specific interests would bedetrimental to the goal of national and class liberation. It is this aspect of Chinese policy onwomen that allows us to say that the new orthodoxy on gender relations is a curious mix ofpatriarchy and socialism, where the tensions between women's productive and reproductiveroles remain unresolved. It also shows us the importance and power of discourse and the rolethat discor.rse plays in the mystification of the material subordination of women.

Another significant aspect of socialist rhetoric on gender relations is the_pfqtggSloni5!discourse within which state support for female equality is couched. Women are constantlyidentified as those who need to be "protectedu, on par with children. Women's rights areenshrined in the constitution as a gift of the Party rather than as something won by womenthrough struggle and because women deserve to be equal. This discourse of protectionismhas been visible ever since the women's question first appeared as a necessary part of acharter of social reform. The stalwarts of the early reform movement are all men, with theexcepion of a fewtoken women. In the socialist phase of the revolution, those women whoemerged as leaders were automatically assigned to female tasks, which were seen assecondary to the overall goals of the revolution. This protectionist discourse of the Party isalso what made it suppress the more radical and independent discourses which emergedwithin the women's movement during the period of the May Fourth movement of 1919. TheParty cannot afford to allow competing discourses, which link questions of femalesubordination to intra-family relations and pose the problem as a contradiction between theinterests of men and women. This would undermine the Party's legitimacy as the arbitator of

Foresky Policy Analysis Page 36

Yunnan Environmental ProgrammeJohn Studley, Li ChurL Lai Qingkui

social relations.

The structural subordination of the ACWF, as a mass organisation is a natural consequenceof this protectionist bias. This protective strategy serves a double firnction, for it also ensruesthat women who do act in their own interests outside the avenues provided for ilrem, aresuccessfully marginalised and discredited as divisive. The need for an independent women'sorganisation is removed if the Party constantly proclaims to support and protect the interestsof women. Whenever this protectionism offered by the state and its organisations fails, theParty blames feudal ideology rather than examining the limitations and drawbacks of its ownstrategies and policies. Feudal ideology, in other words, becomes a convenient scapegoat forthe tensions that emerge when the gender interests of women come into conflict with statepolicy.

Because of the Party's compromises atvarious levels, and the way women are defined asdependents, power relations between the sexes have changed very little over time. At thematerial level, women remain unequal to men in all areas of social life. At the level ofdiscourse, this inequality is hidden behind an ideology of equality. Any analysis which seeksto examine the "position of women in Chin4 then, has to start with debunking this myth ofequaltty which is maintained by orthodory. The ideology of equality through stateprotectionism ensures that the emergence of an independent women's organisation which willconsistently champion women's rights is an uphill task.

While orthodoxry and its contents can be examined tluough the way the state presents itsposition on the woman's question, we also need to find a way of assessing what women makeof these representations of themselves, and how they represent themselves in alternativeways. Women throughout different perids have responded to the demands made on them indifferent ways. While many have accepted the demands uncritically, others, as exemplifiedby Ding Ling, have tended to look critically at their position in society. The post-Mao years,with the loosening of conhol at various levels, further demonstrate that the state does nothave a monopoly on the production of a discourse on women. Though it attempts to constructan orthodory, in p'ractice, several discourses coexist.

This heterodoxy, in the Chinese case, contains different discourses, some seek a return to aposition that existed before the CPC came to power and are echoes of conservative ideasabout women; others seek radically to question all elements of a traditional and socialistorthodoxy. While the former justify and support discrimination against women by seeking toconhact the limits of change that have occurred, the latter seek to widen the limits ofdiscourse.

Snands of heterodoxy can also be spotted in different places. Within the Women'sFederation, for example, there has been a growing acceptance of the existence of femalesubordination rather than pretending that the problems of women have all been taken care of.Although the ACWF is structurally limited in its propagation of female equality, it hashighlighted and criticised incidents ofblatant discrimination against women. Independentwomen's voices have also been heard through university student groups such as theGuangdong University students who have started a journal specially devotes to publicising

Foresty Policy Analysis Page37


cases of discrimination against women. Some of the more critical women writers are alsopart of this more independent critique of gender relations. a few women's studiesprogrammes have also been set up in universities (Shen Zhr 1987).

In the final analysis, discrimination against women can be eradicated only if what is takenfor granted about male-female relations is questioned; not by a revival of an earlierconception of male-female relations, as is happening in China today, but by a radicalquestioning of their relation. It is this apparent fit of women's natural roles with theirobjective circumstances that seems to provide a motif of continuity within the changingdiscourse on Chinese women.

Under conditions of social equilibrium, a ity clearly defines roles separated bygender and roles which are shared ( al 1995). The pattern of roles generally forms asustainable livelihood strategy glven the resource factors of the local area. Given the role ofrural & minority women in Yunnan they have developed a close and direct relationship withthe forest not only, for gathering forest products, but in terms of vernacular forestmanagemglt and tee planting. Firewood, pine needles (for livestock bedding), mushrooms,herbs, grls (for weaving), and bamboo are all collected from the forest (He Chong Hua inHe P{y'n 2000)However with major external changes, the equilibrium in gender roles is broken and can beregarded as dysfunctional. Often this dysfuntionality reduces the ability of women tocontinue to play fully productive and safely reproductive roles in society. For instance, whatis commonly observed in China is an increasing feminisation of agriculture (also old menand children). Also in fragile environments where water, fodder, fuel, and arable land areunder threat, it is women who suffer more than men from this degradation. More hours arespent collecting water and firewood or attending to fields that produce less and less. Whenfood is insufficient, it is usually the adult females who reduce their nutritional intake infavour of other family members. As a result of the extra work required to meet basic needsand reduced diet womens heatth tends to suffer (Voutas 2001)

a 2.3 Forest PolicyIt is important to consider the impact of key forest policies against a backdrop of genderdiscourses and social equilibrium, however time only allowed the consultants the opportunityto visit I key informant the YWF, and so no full analysis could be made. Further research isrequired. Although adequate data is not yet available on the impact of specific forest policieson rural women a general overview is known of their view of forest degradation and theirresponse to it Rural women are very concerned about environmental degradation, the lack offirewood, the lack of grazing, the lack of forest cover, the loss of water, they do provide themajority of the labour force for planting and they are involved in vernacular forestmanagement (He Chong Hua 2000)

A2.3.1 Convemion Policy (Steep farmland to forestland)This policy appears to offer an "opportumty for awareness raising and economic activity"Poor women, especially in the NE (wittr high populations & limited land per capita) are lesswilling to convert that women in the west or northwest. Women cannot afford to buy even



economic fees, and forthe programme to succeed they must be provided free. Many womenfeel the compensation is too low, and there is concem among poor women (with limitedland) about the terrrination of compensation. Women are allowed (under direction formYFB) to plant walnut and cherry ffWF)

a 2.3.2 Other PoliciesRwal women appear to support the YFB policies on NFPP, RRP, Forest Tourism &Mountain Closure.

a 2.3.3 Eco-TourismRural women are quite keen on ecotourism and have established a tea garden for tourists inLichang, abamboo garden in Hualing & village gardens in Yi Xi (YWF)

a 2.3.4 The River Reforestation ProjectIn NW Yunnanrwhere women had been travelling up to 4hn for water, within 5 years ofthe establishryfnt of forest, underground streams and ponds began to form in the forest(Anon US ptttbassy 2000)

APPENDD( 3 TEE LOGGTNG BAN (BACKGROUND)The forests of Southwest China were among the most extensive areas of forest cover in thewhole of China, and included the forests of SE Tibet AR, Western Sichuan, NorthernYunnan, SW Gansu & SE Qinghai. In 1950 this area was designated as China's "secondtimber production base" and following the establishment (in 1956) of large-scale timberprocessing enterprises indiscriminate felling became common in the most accessible area(Richardson 1990, Li 1993). The bulk of the destruction was not caused by populationpressure, or "criminal elements", or local farmers, and it did not mostly occur "40 years ago"to fuel backyard steel furnaces of Chairman Mao's ill fated "Great Leap Forward" assuggested by Pearce (1999). It was mostly caused by "planned" commercial timber exfractionbased on govenrment quotas (Smil 1984, Wnkler 1998a). The forests of SW China havenever been officially managed on a sustainable basis, and the majority lack a managementplan or any form of monitoring (Richardson 1990). Timber was not only required for China'sbooming economy, but it became the most important source of cash revenue for localadministrations, enabling them to fund education, health & infrastructure. State Forestenterprises were sometimes required to harvest timber quotas, that were as much as 3 timesthe sustainable yield, at a price that was below production costs (Winkler 1998a). Tocompensate for this even more timber was felled and sold on the "free market". As a result insome areas annual felling was four times the sustainable yield. Some of the most disquietingreports came from Sichuan & Yunnan Provinces. Although Yunnan still ranks fourth inChina in terms of total timber resources, in relative terms the provinces deforestation waseven more extensive than in Sichuan, and its loss of forest land was one of the highest inChina. Clear felling began in Zhaotong Lijiang & Diqin in the 1950's and by the 1980's theforest cover in Zhaotong (mostly hardwood) had fallen from 507o (1950's) to 8% (1980's), inLijiang by mid 1998 up to24m cubic metes had been felled and in Diqin 800,00 cubicmetres a year were being felled.

Deforestation in the most accessible parts of this vast forest area did begin in the 1950's (e.g.



Aba Prefecture in Sichuan), and Sichuan did lose one tenth of its growing stock (or 1.24mha) during the Great Leap Forward (1958-61), but this was mostly in Eastern Sichuan.Deforestation accelerated in the late 1960's on the southern and eastern periphery of theforest which supplied 84% of provincial demand.

The destruction from the 1980's onward of the forests within the main Yangpe catchmentappears to have been parallelled by environmental & climatic change leading to the almostannual occrurence of flooding & snow disasters (on the Qinghai-Tibetan Plateau) (Smil1984, Studley 1999, WangHongchang nd). These changes included decreasedevapotranspiration, increased albedo, and a reduction in moisture flow and water retainingcapacity. They led to drought, desertification, erosion, debris flow & floods (Tacke 1981,Yang 1986, Richardson 1990 Winkler 1998a, WangHongchang nd). The increased albedohas been linked with the exacerbation of snow disasters and the floods have led to degradedhydro-electric and inigation systems and increasing loss of life and damage (Winkler 1998b)

During the summer of 1998, China (as well as India & Bangladesh) experienced severefloods affecting many of Asia's largest rivers. The Yangtze experienced the worst floodingsince 1954, claiming more than 3,650 lives and causing more than USD 30 billion ofdamage. Although most of the flooding occurred in the Chinese lowlands it also occurred onthe Tibetan plateau. In Tibet A& the Yarlang Tsangpo @ramaputra), the Kyi-Chu and otherrivers rose to record levels resulting in the loss of at least 53 people and 4000 head oflivestock (mostly Yak).More than 40 counties were affected and most of TAR's roads weredamaged. Flood frequency has been increasing in both Tibet and SW China. During the QingDynasty (1644-1911) the Yangtze flooded every decade, and between192l-1949 thefrequency rose to once every six years. In the 1980's the frequency rose to a large flood everytwo years. In the 1990's the situation got worse with floods in 1994, 1995,1996 and 1998.

The Chinese govemment first officially recognised a causal link between deforestation andenvironmental destruction after the floods of l98l and 1983 (Richardson 1990), andmeasures were implemented in some areas. Chinese forest researchers have for many yearsbeen developing pragmatic eco-friendly silvicultrnal and harvesting guidelines (eg Yang1986, 1987). All these measures, however well-intentioned have rarely been translated intobest practice on the gfound. Best practice has always had to compete with the doctrine of"social market forces", which has treated trees as a free good and lacks the feedbackprocesses of the conventional market economies (Zhang 1998). After nearly four decades oftimber mining, the floods caused the government to consider in more detail both loggingpractices and reforestation in the headwaters of many of Asia's largest rivers.

In mid-August 1998 the State Council recognized that the Yangtze river floods were relatedto soil erosion in the upper reaches and it urged all governments to protect their forests.Sichuan province responded by a)introducing a felling ban from I September 1998, in the"West Sichuan Forest Area", comprising 4.5m ha in 54 counties b) closing 9m ha of grazingland to facilitate reforestation c) abandoning for log floating channels at the Ertan powerstation. In late August 1998 the State Council further urged 51 key forestry enterprises in theupper Yangtze and Yellow rivers to stop loggrng. In late August Yunnan Province announceda felling ban along its section of the Yanglze and in December Tibet AR ordered all sawmills



in SE Tibet (Chamdo and Nyangtri Prefectures) to cease operations (Winkler 1998b). Almostimmediately after the felling ban was introduced timber prices in the Beijing wood marketrose by 20'30o/o and the authorities were expecting a shorffall of 45m cubic metres (out of atotal requirement of 100m cubic mefres) by 2000 (Anol 1998a)

APPENDD( 4 FOREST POLICYA4.0 Policy'6Engine'a number of forestry policy "engines" were identified (in the literature) that appeared toaddress poverly &Jor the environment including :-. Foresty Policies issued by the Ministry of Forestry, The State Forestry Bureau &

State Council. The Great Westem Development Sfrategy. China's Agenda 21 (Chapter 14 Conservation & Sustainable use ofNR). lOth 5-year plan for Forestry. 10th 5-year plan for Forestry fiunnan). l0th S-year plan for YEPB (Yunnan). The Forest }.aw (1994,4198,10/98)' Regulations,laws, and action plans from YFB

Among the policy engines, the 10th 5-year forestry plan (Yunnan ) included the most keypolicies (identified in3.2), although many engines included a number of policies.

In terms of the impact of the policy engines, there was little comment from key informants orthe literature, with the exception of the Great Western Development Strategy and the ForestLaw

A 4.1 History of Forest Policy in Yunnan (trends)History of Forest Policies in YunnanTimber Production ( I 950- I 978)Reforestation (1980-)"Three Forest" Land Tenure determination (1982-1985)Nature Reserves Established ( 1982-)Wildlife Conservation ( I 982-)Eco-Forestry 0992-)Wasteland auctions ( I 989- I 998)Rural Energy Developme nt (1992 -)Great Rivers Watershed (1992-)SociaUAgro Forestry ( 1 994-)Forest Management classifi cation ( I 996-)Forest Properties Development (1996-)Natural Forest Protection (1997-)Loggrng Ban (ratified Dec 1998)Steep Land Conversion (1999)

4,4.2 Key Forest Policies

Foresty Policy Analysis Page 4l


A4,2.1 The Afforestatation PlanAn afforestation component is included in the conversion of steep farmland to forest landplan, the Natural Forest Protection Project and the River Reforestation Project10th 5-vear Forestrv Plan (Yunnan)During the lOth S-year plan the aim is to plant 156,600 ha close 1.45m ha of mountain andair sow 498,500 ha.CritioueMost afforestation in Yunnan at present focuses on monocultures of commercial species andoften includes forest hygrene (the removal of low quality tees & shrubs). Both thesepractices often exacerbates erosion and encourages disease susceptibility (Yunnan has aproblem with Tomicus piniperda). From the perspective of biodiversity, erosion prevention,& community forestry they would be advised to focus on multi-storey mixed forest (ProfZhao pers comm 2ll8l0l). Air seeding is by no means a proven technology in terms of theestablishment of viable tree plantations (Foster 1999). It is the very antithesis of communityforestry and is unlikely to engender any local feeling of "ownership" or responsibility.

A 4.2.2 Natural Forest Protection PlanBackeroundIn Dec 2000 the State Council announced a huge and unique plan for protecting naturalforests, the Natural Forest Protection Plan ("Tianbao"), The historic roots for this plango back to the 1970's, but the issues were dramatically brought to the public attention,during the very heavy floods in 1998. a number of provinces, including Sichuan & Yunnan,introduced logglng ban, which were ratified by central government in Dec 1998 (See Studley1999a&D.In the two years following the Chinese government invested ten billion RMB inNFPP and related activities. Some of the funds were used to provide newjobs (eg as forestguards & tree planters ) and some for compensation to local governments (ldallee 2000), butthe main focus was on forest protection, and increase.Cunently 66 counties (610/o) & 6 major watersheds in Yunnan are included inthe NFPPprogftrmme. Their major remit is. to protect natural forest (and its biodiversity & wildlife). (see afforestation) to esablish plantations by planting, mountain closure & air

seeding. to increase forest cover (Hu & Lu pers cornm 1618/01)lfth S-year Foresty Plan (Yunnan)YFB plans to protect a further ll.977m ha of natural forest.CritioueConcems have been expressed, however, due to the lack of any specific operating regulationsfor forest care/marngemen! and its failure to address the subsistence needs of the poor(Anon US $6bassy 2000, Lai pers comm 2ll8l0l)

A 4.2.3 River Reforestation ProjectBackmoundThis project (which is managed by the afforestation division) began in 1989 as the "YangfzeShelter Forest Projecf', and comprised?Tl counties in I I provinces, and by 2000 hadplanted over 6m ha of forest. Subsequently the project has expanded to include other rivers.The project is reported to draw on a social forestry approach and to use participatory methods



The 10th S-year plan (Yunnan)YFB plans to plant 167,000 ha, air sow 194,000 ha and add 670,000 ha by tree "breeding",along the Mekong, Pearl & Honghe RiversCntiqueCunently provision is made in this project both for mixed forest and for mixed cropping (i.eagro-forestry) which addressed both the environment and the poor. It is reported in ZhaotongPrefecture that as a result of the proJecL underground water, ponds and streams haveappeared in the newly created forest, and women no longer have to walk 4lan to fetch water.There are, however other reports ofvery low survival rates, of sites being completely clearedprior to planting (which would make the sites even more susceptible to erosion) and littlesubsequent management (Anon US Embassy 2000 Foster 1999)

L 4.2.4 'Wasteland' (or commotr land) AuctionsBackg:oundThe wasteland auction programme in not a new policy, but it is still refened to in theliterature and in interviews (It does not appear in the lfth S-year plan). In 1994, in order toincrease efficiency in using the land resource and to promote afforestation, the YunnanGovernment introduced the system of auctioning offhilVmountain "waste land" Localfarmers were given a preference, but if they opted out, the auction was opened to outsiders.Unless the area sold through auction was afforested within hilo years, the user right iscancelled.Between 1993-1996 the Government auctioned user rights to approximately 60 000 ha ofhilVmountain waste land for the value of 42.5 million Yuan RBM (USD 5.2 million). Theaverage price per hectare was 708 Yuan RBM (USD 86). Approximately 90 % was bought bylocal farmers, and l0 o/oby outside interests including local and foreign businessmen,enterprises and government agencies. By end of 1998, 52o/o of the auctioned are had beenafforested. The proceeds from the auctions have been allocated to social activities.10th 5-year Forestry Plan (Yunnan)No goalsCritiqueAuctioning of wasteland has proved to be a rather controversial scheme. It was devised inorder to ensure that individual gaining access to land have the interest and ability to make thenecessary investments in restoring the vegetative The experience has yielded mixed results.Auctions were apparently a workable means of land distribution in areas such as centralYunnan, where the economy is developed and commercial fansactions are commonplace. Inareas, where people have little exposure to market economy, the auction system may havebenefited mainly the wealthy or otherwise well-placed individuals, who were able to takeadvantage of the new opportunities. The poorer farmers had limited resources to participatein the auction, and their disadvantage was increased by the fact that the auction area hadoften been common grazing land, which they lost access to.As with "common land", government officials' and indigenous farmers'perceptions ofwasteland are very different. The government usually define wasteland or "common"(following John Iocke 1690) on the basis of vegetative cover, and intensity of productive use(usually economic & not subsistence). For the indigenous people , what the governmentterms "wasteland" is productive land for grazing. The practice of buming uplands in parts ofYunnan, is a very important measure for maintaining "wasteland" as common properly for



raising cattle. This is co**E{iy practised among the Hani people in the early stages of theswidden-fallow cycle (Xu ffanchu 1995)CommentThe practice of auctioning wasteland, especially cornmon land resonates with theappropriation of the conrmons (as res nullius2) in the UK3 & USA (as capitalist expansion)as the colonial construct of terylnullius, and in India (as Social Forestry or Joint-ForestManagement) (See Hildyard dt al 1998, Merchant 1989, 1995 ,1996, Goldie 1997, Travis2000,Iocke 1690 section 36). Where possible there is a need to try to find ways ofenhancing biodiversity and forest conservation without thro&ning the subsistence base

APPENDIX 5 KEY INFORMANTSThe following27 key informantsYFB ( Wang Dexiang, Chen Ronggui, Qi Kang, ZhangJia Xiang,-\4s.Zagllend@g, Sun RuiLin, He Zhllin, Lu Shixin, Tian Reichun, Huang Jincheng, Ma Xngwen, Ms Zhu Jun, MsGao Lidin Ms Che Lihua) 14 (5)YASS/IRE (Prof Zhao Junchen, Ms Xuan Yi) 2 (l)FCCDP @rof He Peikun) 1KIB (Prof Long Chun Lin) ITNC (8sssifts) 1CBIK @r Xu Jianchu) IYNRI (Prof He Slao Ying , Prof Wang Deqiang, Prof Ru Hailing, Prof Gong Jiang, +1 )6YWF (Ms Li Yuan Fen) 127 men 8, women 3 nationalities

2 Thu p-p"rty of no man

3 UK's yeornen farmers becarne extincq largely as a reult of the "acb of enclosure" ard 4propriation ofcommon lurd by "capital Farmen' (See Price 1803, Rog€rs 1866, Lavoleye 1878)


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