Food and Emotion

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Food and emotion

Laura Canetti a, Eytan Bachar b, Elliot M. Berry a,*

a Department of Human Nutrition and Metabolism, Hebrew University / Hadassah Medical School, Jerusalem 91120, Israelb Department of Psychiatry, Hadassah University Hospital, Jerusalem 91120, Israel

Received 10 December 2001; accepted 4 March 2002

Abstract

The relationship between eating and emotion has always interested researchers of human behavior. This relationship

varies according to the particular characteristics of the individual and according to the specific emotional state. We

consider findings on the reciprocal interactions between, on the one hand, emotions and food intake, and, on the other,

the psychological and emotional consequences of losing weight and dieting. Theories on the relationship between

emotions and eating behaviors have their origin in the literature on obesity. The psychosomatic theory of obesity

proposes that eating may reduce anxiety, and that the obese overeat in order to reduce discomfort. The internal/external

theory of obesity hypothesizes that overweight people do not recognize physiological cues of hunger or satiety because

of faulty learning. It thus predicts that normal weight people will alter (either increase or decrease) their eating whenstressed, while obese people will eat regardless of their physiological state. The restraint hypothesis postulates that

people who chronically restrict their food intake overeat in the presence of disinhibitors such as the perception of

having overeaten, alcohol or stress. These theories are examined in the light of present research and their implications

on eating disorders are presented.

# 2002 Elsevier Science B.V. All rights reserved.

Keywords: Eating behavior; Eating disorders; Emotion; Obesity

In their eating behavior, human beings are very

much affected by their emotions: food choices,

quantity and frequency of meals are all dependenton many variables not necessarily related to their

physiological needs. The increasing prevalence of

eating disorders and obesity in Western societies

has raised many questions about the role that

emotions play in the etiology of these problems.

That these changes have occurred in a relatively

short time frame suggests that environmental and

psychological, rather than metabolic or genetic,

causes are responsible.Although eating behavior has been studied in

animals from a biological viewpoint, we will focus

on human studies as the purpose of this article is to

present eating behavior from a psychological

viewpoint. It is widely accepted that the eating

behavior in humans, changes according to changes

in their emotional arousal (anxiety, anger, joy,

depression, sadness and other emotions). How-

ever, it is not possible to make a general statement

about these relationships since the relation be-* Corresponding author. Fax: '/972-2-643-1105

E-mail address: [email protected] (E.M. Berry).

Behavioural Processes 60 (2002) 157/164

www.elsevier.com/locate/behavproc

0376-6357/02/$ - see front matter # 2002 Elsevier Science B.V. All rights reserved.

PII: S 0 3 7 6 - 6 3 5 7 ( 0 2 ) 0 0 0 8 2 - 7
mailto:[email protected]:[email protected]


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tween eating and emotion differs according to the

particular characteristics of the individual and

according to the specific emotional state. This

paper will look first at the influence of emotionson eating behavior, then the influence of emotion

on dieting and finally will discuss different theories

dealing with the relationship between eating beha-

vior and emotions and their implications for eating

disorders.

1. The influence of emotions on eating behavior

Emotions differ in their antecedent conditions,

physiological correlates, frequency of occurrenceand duration (Scherer et al., 1986). The associa-

tions between a particular emotion and eating

behavior should be stronger if this emotion occurs

more frequently in eating contexts than other

emotions (Macht and Simons, 2000). Early re-

search paid little attention to the differential

effects of different emotions. More recently a

number of studies have compared various emo-

tions, but research on their differential role

characteristics is still sparse. Mehrabian (1980)

inv

estigated the relationship between differentemotions and amount of food intake. He found

that higher food consumption was reported during

boredom, depression and fatigue and lower food

intake was reported during fear, tension and pain.

Lyman (1982) showed a greater tendency to

consume healthy foods during positive emotions

and a greater tendency to consume junk food

during negative emotions. Patel and Schlundt

(2001) found that meals eaten in positive and

negative moods were significantly larger than

meals eaten in a neutral mood and that positive

mood has a stronger impact than negative moodson food intake. Macht (1999) studied the differ-

ential impact of anger, fear, sadness and joy.

Subjects reported experiencing higher levels of

hunger during anger and joy than during fear

and sadness. They also reported that during anger

there was an increase of impulsive eating (fast,

irregular and careless eating directed at any food

type available), and that during joy there was an

increase of hedonic eating (the tendency to eat

because of the pleasant taste of the food or

because the consumed food is thought to be

healthy). Thus, Machts study showed stronger

influences of anger and joy on eating than of

sadness and fear. This author suggests that angerand joy have a greater influence because these

emotions are in general, more frequently experi-

enced than sadness and fear.

2. The influence of weight loss and dieting on

emotion

The classic work by Keys et al. (1950) showed

that weight loss, even in normal weight men, may

lead to physiologic and psychological moodchanges, some of which were quite similar to those

found in anorectic subjects. The famous experi-

ment, which was carried out on conscientious

objectors, showed that problems, which are con-

sidered to be characteristic of females with eating

disorders, might also occur in males after con-

siderable weight loss (mean 26%). The men

complained of apathy, depression, irritability and

moodiness; they also became preoccupied with

food in thoughts and conversation. They collected

recipes, became angry at food wastage and wouldtoy with their meals, sometimes taking up to 2 h to

complete them. Thus, weight loss per se (whether

in the obese or those of normal weight) may be the

common trigger, which in certain predisposed

individuals precipitates an abnormal response to

food and body weight.

Significant weight loss may also be accompanied

by persistent physical and behavioral symptoms.

These include mood changes and depression, cold

intolerance, hair loss, and carotenemia and idea-

tion similar to that found in patients with anorexia

nervosa, accompanied by issues of control, regi-mentation, compulsive exercising, and preoccupa-

tion with food and body image, even though the

subjects may still be obese. Ironically an obese

subject who goes from (say) 130/100 kg may have

behavioral and physiological changes similar to

those in an anorexic one at 30 kg weight (Berry,

1999).

Male patients who developed eating disorders

after gastroplasty or bilio-pancreatic by-pass sur-

gery, afford another example of the relationship

L. Canetti et al. / Behavioural Processes 60 (2002) 157/164158


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between dieting and mood changes. Bonne et al.

(1996) described two morbidly obese young men

who, following gastric surgery and weight losses of

over 80 kg, became anorexic with intakes of lessthan 500 kcal/d and required psychiatric hospita-

lization. At the other extreme are weight-restored

anorexic patients who still have problems of size

over-estimation with different sensory mod-

alities*/visual, tactile and oral (Berry et al.,

1995). Over 30 years ago Glucksman and Hirsch

(1969) showed, using a distorting lens, that dieting

may lead to a change in body image. Both weight

loss and maintenance were associated with over-

estimation of neutral and personal shapes.

The National Weight Control Registry(NWCR) in the USA has sought to characterize

successful dieters who have maintained an average

weight loss of 13 kg for at least 5 years. While

these subjects in some studies showed no different

eating disorder pathology from normal obese

subjects (Klem et al., 1997), other work from the

same group noted among 784 subjects that 14%

had worse thoughts about food and 20% about

weight, than before their dieting (Klem et al.,

1998). However, it remains a moot point whether

it is possible to extrapolate from these ratherunique successful subjects (c5% of dieters) to the

majority of unsuccessful yo-yo dieters.

3. Theories relating emotions and eating behaviors

The assumption that affect and eating are

related has its origins in the literature on obesity.

Thus, earlier theories explained overeating in

obese individuals, while more recent theories aim

at explaining eating behavior in a normal weight

population. The following section looks at bothtypes of theory.

3.1. Psychosomatic theories of obesity

3.1.1. The Kaplan and Kaplan psychosomatic

theory of obesity

Kaplan and Kaplan (1957) proposed that obese

people overeat when anxious and eating reduces

this anxiety. The mechanism by which eating

reduces anxiety is not completely understood but

may involve differential effects of protein and

carbohydrate intakes affecting the synthesis of

brain neurotransmitters, in particular serotonin.

Learning factors are also probably involved, e.g.an earlier association of pleasurable, non-anxious

situations with feeding. However, these authors

felt that the anxiety-reducing effects of eating

cannot be solely explained on the basis of learned

habits. They hypothesized that there is some

degree of physiological incompatibility between

the act of eating and intense fear or anxiety and

that while eating, these emotions are temporarily

diminished. Obese individuals are unable to dis-

tinguish between hunger and anxiety because they

learnt to eat in response to anxiety as well as inresponse to hunger. Thus, eating in order to reduce

anxiety may lead to compulsive overeating and

obesity.

3.1.2. Bruchs theory

Bruch (1973) connected overeating to faulty

hunger awareness. This theory proposes that the

experience of hunger is not innate but learning is

necessary for its organization into recognizable

patterns. In the case of obese people something

had gone wrong in the experiential and interper-sonal process surrounding the satisfaction of

nutritional and other bodily needs. Incorrect and

confusing early experiences had interfered with

their ability to recognize hunger and satiation.

These early experiences had also interfered with

the ability to differentiate hunger (the urge to eat),

from other signals of discomfort that have nothing

to do with food deprivation like emotional tension

states aroused by a great variety of conflicts and

problems. Such individuals do not recognize when

they are hungry or satiated, nor do they differ-

entiate need for food from other uncomfortablesensations and feelings. They require signals com-

ing from outside to know when to eat and how

much; since their own inner awareness has not

been programmed correctly (Bruch, 1973). Thus,

according to this theory, a person will overeat in

response to emotional tension and uncomforta-

ble sensations and feelings. Both Kaplan and

Kaplan and Bruchs theories reach the same

prediction: that obese individuals will overeat in

response to uncomfortable emotional states.

L. Canetti et al. / Behavioural Processes 60 (2002) 157/164 159


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When summarizing her lifetime work in the

field, Bruch (1985) who is considered a leading

figure in the psychoanalytic thinking about anor-

exia and bulimia, pointed to self psychology as thetheory which conceptualizes best her approach.

Self psychology views food (its consumption in

bulimia and its avoidance in anorexia) as the main

stabilizing factor of dysphoric emotions and self

esteem (Bachar et al., 1999).

3.2. Schachters internal/external theory of

obesity

This theory (Schachter et al., 1968; Schachter,

1971) makes somewhat different predictions fromthe theories described above. Here the physiologi-

cal concomitants of fear and anxiety would lead

normal weight people to suppress their consump-

tion, but would not affect obese peoples con-

sumption due to their insensitivity to internal cues.

Like Bruch (1973), he hypothesized that the

recognition of a set of physiological cues, including

gastric contractions, as hunger was a learned

phenomenon and that normal weight people had

learned to label appropriately gastric contractions

as hunger, whereas ov

erweight people had not.Because gastric contractions decrease during

stress, normal weight individuals will decrease

their eating when stressed but such a decrease

would have no effect on the eating of the obese. As

a consequence of poor understanding of internal

physiological cues, obese people will rely much

more on external cues both to initiate and stop

eating.

While psychosomatic theories predict that obese

people will increase their eating when they are

stressed in order to reduce anxiety, Schachters

theory predicts that normal weight people mayeither decrease or increase their eating when

stressed, while obese people will not decrease it.

A first study performed by Schachter et al. (1968)

confirmed this prediction. They found that for

normal weight subjects, stress decreased eating

among those who were hungry and had no effect

on those who were not hungry, while overweight

subjects ate the same amount of food irrespective

of their physiological state. However, later re-

search did not replicate these previous findings

(Lowe and Fisher, 1983; Pine, 1985; Reznick and

Balch, 1977; Ruderman, 1983; Slochower et al.,

1981) and only one study (McKenna, 1972)

confirmed Schachters prediction but for palatablefood only.

The question of whether emotions do influence

eating behavior has been thoroughly studied in the

obese population. These studies findings are

closer to psychosomatic theories than to Schach-

ters theory but they also shed light on the

complexity of the eating behavior in obese people.

A review of the field (Ganley, 1989) concluded that

in massively obese subjects seeking treatment,

emotional eating appears to be very common.

Most studies reported a strong relationship be-tween eating and negative emotions or stressful life

events. The emotional eating occurs episodically

and not on a regular basis; it is done secretively, is

associated with different emotions in different

individuals and is characterized by the use of

high-calorie or high carbohydrate food (Ganley,

1989). Emotional eating has been found to be most

frequent when people are alone, when the meal is a

supper or a snack, and when the meal is eaten at

home compared to away from home (Baumeister

et al., 1994). Emotional eating is prev

alent acrossthe various social classes and the sexes. Studies

consistently report that emotional eating is most

often precipitated by negative emotions such as

anger, depression, boredom, anxiety and loneliness

and often bears an episodic relationship to stress-

ful periods of life (Ganley, 1989).

The impact of positive mood on food intake has

not been as well studied as that of negative moods.

Studies that have looked at such relationships

yield conflicting results: Schmitz (1996) and Davis

et al. (1985) did not find any correlation between

food intake and positive moods. HoweverSchlundt et al. (1988) found that positive mood

was related to overeating in social situations. A

recent study (Patel and Schlundt, 2001) showed

that food intake is larger for both positive and

negative moods compared to a neutral mood.

These authors propose that mood effects, whether

positive or negative, both involve a disinhibition of

eating control. They also suggest that positive

mood may increase food intake via an associative

learning mechanism where happiness has been



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associated with eating more food. These findings

can be also in line with Bruchs hypothesis that

obese individuals do not differentiate need for

food from emotional tension states*/in this casethe tension being a pleasant one.

All studies reviewed were performed on obese

populations and most of them found significant

differences between the obese subjects and the

normal weight control groups or significant

weight-dependent correlations in the area of emo-

tional eating. The conclusion that obese people

engage in significantly more emotional eating

compared to non-obese seems quite robust, and

provides support to the psychosomatic theories.

However, this conclusion has been criticized byAllison and Heshka (1993), who claim that per-

haps obese persons report more emotional eating

than the non-obese because they are complying

with a social role.

3.3. The restraint hypothesis

Investigators in the field observed that obese

people are almost always trying to restrain their

food intake. Thus, the question concerning eating

patterns of obese people should be rephrased tothe role of dieting in obese as well as normal

weight individuals. The restraint hypothesis was

originally developed by Herman and Mack (1975)

and further elaborated by Herman and Polivy

(1980). According to these researchers the balance

between the desire for food and the effort to resist

that desire affects eating behaviors, and restraint is

the cognitive effort to resist that desire. Restrained

eaters constantly worry about what they eat and

chronically restrict their food intake in order to

avoid becoming fat. At the other end are the

unrestrained eaters who eat freely and do notworry about their food intake or its consequences.

These authors also postulated a disinhibition

hypothesis: according to which, self control of

restrained eaters may be temporarily released by

disrupting events or disinhibitors which include

specific cognitions (the perception of having

overeaten), alcohol or strong emotional states

(such as anxiety and depression).

A review of the literature (Ruderman, 1986)

concluded that this hypothesis has been empiri-

cally confirmed. Most attention has focused on the

assumption that the perception of having over-

eaten disinhibits restrained eaters. This has been

manipulated by having subjects eat a pre-loadbefore a taste test. Overall, studies show that the

perception of having eaten a high calorie pre-load

leads to overeating in chronically restrained eaters,

who tend to think in a rigid, all-or-nothing

fashion. The influence of alcohol has also been

studied but results are not clear. The effects of

emotional states on the consumption of restrained

and unrestrained eaters have been examined. Her-

man and Polivy (1984) have hypothesized that

strong emotions make demands on restrained

eaters energies, thereby temporarily decreasingtheir motivation to diet and allowing them to

overeat. Although the restraint hypothesis predicts

that any strong emotion would disinhibit the

restrained eaters, research has focused principally

on the effects of anxiety and depression on eating

(Ruderman, 1986). In their first study Herman and

Polivy (1975) found, as expected, that unrestrained

eaters ate significantly less in the high than in the

low anxiety condition. However, restrained eaters

ate slightly, but not significantly, more in the high

than in the low anxiety condition. Poliv

y andHerman (1976) found among clinically depressed

patients, that unrestrained eaters reported a sig-

nificant weight loss and restrained eaters a sig-

nificant weight gain after the onset of depression.

Ruderman (1986) reaches the conclusion that

negative affective states generally increase the

consumption of restrained eaters, but their impact

on unrestrained eaters is unclear: negative affect

diminished consumption in the Herman and

Polivy study (1975), marginally reduced it in the

Baucom and Aiken study (1981) and did not

significantly affect it in the Ruderman study(1985). A more recent study (Schotte et al., 1990)

on negative affects induced by viewing frightening

films, replicated the finding that they trigger

overeating in restrained subjects. Again, in unrest-

rained eaters, such negative affect did not signifi-

cantly affect food intake. More recently, research

in the field also examined affects other than

anxiety and depression and reached similar results:

Cools et al. (1992) showed that exposure to a

segment from an amusing comedy film disinhib-



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ited eating in restrained eaters. Sheppard-Sawyer

et al. (2000) tested whether film-induced sadness*/

a state characterized by high negative valence, but

low arousal*/enhanced food intake in restrainedeaters. They found that exposure to sad film

segments significantly reduced food intake in

unrestrained eaters, but only increased it non-

significantly in restrained eaters. The authors

hypothesized that restrained participants may not

exhibit disinhibited eating when exposed to mood

changes that did not threaten their self-esteem.

4. Eating disorders

Although psychosomatic theories and the re-

straint hypothesis were related to observations of

eating behavior in obese people, these theories may

also explain behavior of subjects with eating

disorders. The restraint hypothesis has been theo-

retically applied (Polivy and Herman, 1985), and

empirically tested (Cooper and Bowskill, 1986;

Davis et al., 1988) in these disorders. According to

the restraint hypothesis, chronic dieters restrain

their food intake until a disinhibitor causes a

temporary break in the diet regimen with ov

er-eating. The disinhibitors might be the forced

consumption of high caloric food, the intake of

alcohol or experiencing tension states such as

anxiety and depression. Bulimic patients and

bulimic anorexics will binge eat, thus it may be

that the cause of such bingeing is restraint in the

intake of food prior to the development of the

disorder. This assumption concerning the devel-

opment of binge eating is confirmed by the

observation that in most cases, bulimia develops

several months after the onset of dieting (Boskind-

Lodahl, 1976; Boskind-Lodahl and Sirlin, 1977;Garfinkel et al., 1980; Pyle et al., 1981), and by the

fact that bulimics often have binge episodes after

negative emotional states. For example, bulimics

report more negative mood in the hour prior to a

binge episode, compared with their moods prior to

consuming a snack or meal (Davis et al., 1988). In

another study, bulimic patients were significantly

more depressed, anxious, lonely and bored in the 3

h before a binge episode, compared with baseline

ratings of the 3 h after the episode (Cooper and

Bowskill, 1986). The observation that patients

with bulimia nervosa almost always report that

tension precipitates bulimic episodes, is also in line

with the psychosomatic theories of obesity pre-dicting that overeating reduces tension states.

5. Conclusions

Emotions do influence eating behavior in hu-

man beings. Negative emotions have been thor-

oughly studied and it is well established that they

increase food consumption. Positive emotions also

increase food intake but this is less conclusive. It

seems that frequent emotions such as joy andanger have a greater impact on food intake

compared to less frequent ones. The above con-

clusions are valid for normal weight as well as

overweight people. However, the influence of

emotions on eating behavior is stronger in obese

people than in the non-obese, and it is stronger in

people on diets than in non-dieters. The conclusion

that obese people engage in significantly more

emotional eating than the non-obese has been

confirmed empirically and is in line with the

psychosomatic theories of obesity. Dieters arealso more prone to emotional eating as proposed

by the restraint theory. Binge eating in bulimic

subjects might be understood as the undesired

outcome of restrained eating.

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Food and Emotion

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