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The Slums of Neo-Colonization:The Urban Form of Sub-Saharan Africa
ENV4960: Global Environmental ChallengesJason NielsenSpring 2015
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
I. Introduction…………………………………………………….. 2
II. Literature Review………………………………………………. 4
III. Analysis of History and Policy in Sub-Saharan Africa………… 7
a. Neoliberalism……………………………………………….. 7
b. Land Rights (Pre-Colonial)………………………………… 8
c. Colonialism……………………………………………......... 10
d. Land Rights (Post-Colonial)…………………………………12
e. The Impacts of the World Bank and the IMF’s
Structural Adjustment Plans…………………………………13
f. Case Studies on Urbanization and Population Migration……14
i. Lagos, Nigeria………………………………………..14
ii. Kibera, Nairobi, Kenya………………………………17
IV. Sustainable Solutions and Suggestions….……………………….20
a. Dar es Salaam peri-urban farming communities…………….22
b. German Liberalism…………………………………………..24
c. Author’s Suggestions and Recommendations……………….26
V. Conclusion………………………………………………………. 28
VI. Work Cited……………………………………………………….30
Figures
Page
I. Figure 1: Growth of Lagos………………………………………….. 15
II. Figure 2: Map of Kibera Slums, Nairobi, Kenya…………………… 19
III. Figure 3: Diamond Diagram of Development……………………… 21
IV. Figure 4: Diamond Diagram of Living Conditions………………… 21
1
Abstract
Informal settlements have become a global issue. Nowhere on Earth is that more evident as Sub-Saharan Africa. Informal settlements in Sub-Saharan Africa have formed due to several circumstances. The two major events being colonization and the structural adjustment plans of the neoliberal guided International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. These informal settlements have two main characteristics, high population density and lack of basic infrastructure. Where there is abject poverty in most informal areas, there are some examples of sustainable practices and glimmers of hope. Through debt relief, economic expansion, and creative innovation the next century in Africa may find a way out of this desperate form of urbanization.
Key Terms: Sub-Saharan Africa, Urbanization, Informal Settlements, Neoliberalism, Migration, World Bank, IMF,
2
Introduction
In 2014 it was reported that for the first time in history more than half of the world’s
population are urban dwellers; 54% is the estimated percentage as of 2014. That percentage is
predicted to increase to 66% by 2050. The World Bank’s 2011 estimate’s state that 90% of
urban growth was occurring in developing countries. This is the equivalent of adding 70 million
new urban residents each year. In two of the world’s poorest regions (South Asia and Sub-
Saharan Africa), the urban population is expected to double over the next two decades
(UnHabitat, 2014).
As of 2013, a quarter of the world’s urban population lives in informal settlements, also
known as “slums.” The estimated population of people living in slums in the developing world
is 863 million. Almost three times the population of the United States. Africa is an area in the
world where these numbers are highest. As of 2013, 61.7% of Africa’s urban population lives in
these informal settlements (ibid). The reasons behind these numbers are complex and diverse.
In Africa, despite the history of colonization, the practice of communal land rights have
been a traditional practice lasting, in some countries, to this day. Much of these public lands are
in constant onslaught from local, national, and international interests with the desire to remove
those with communal/customary land rights and develop the land for industry or large
agribusiness farms (Chimhowu, 2006). This desire of privatization is a common symptom of
the modern day globalized economy. Globalized free trade has had harsh effects on many
countries in Africa (Davis, 2006). One of these effects are the formation of these informal
settlements. This paper will explain and discuss how this change in the global economic practice
of neoliberalism has directly impacted the urbanized structure throughout Africa.
3
As a means to study these policies, there will be an examination of individual case studies
on several African cities. In the city of Lagos, Nigeria, the lasting effects of the slave trade,
colonization, military dictatorships, and monetary banking loan adjustments, have produced
“push and pull” migratory patterns. These have effectively created one of the world’s newest
megacities and an environmentally hazardous informal settlement structure. The study of the
Kibera informal settlements in Nairobi, Kenya will be used to determine how governmental
policy can create different urban structures. The study of the peri-urban structure of Dar es
Salaam, Tanzania will provide a contrary view of informal settlements. It will provide the
argument that slums are not necessarily the “end result” of rapid urbanization and that
transformations may still be possible in some of the world’s most desperate places (Kombe,
2005).
For centuries, the developed world has coveted Africa as a source of untapped resources
and economic stimulation. There have been maps drawn, governments developed, and entire
urban areas created as a means to extract and use natural and human resources. The recent
history of Africa has a foot in tragedy and one in possibility, and the world is pushing and
pulling it in every direction. This paper is a study in how the “global north’ has forced Africa
onto a path that is not their choosing. One goal of this study is to create a dialog on what should
be the world’s response to historically substandard ethical behavior by the industrialized global
North. There will be analysis of the suggestions for the adaptation of “best practices” to solve
these countries major economic, social, and environmental challenges. Another goal is to add
content to the conversation, with original thoughts on changes in policy and attitudes toward this
untapped source of human creativity and potential.
4
Literature Review
Trying to formulate a common cause for the state of the African urban and rural structure
is complex and as diverse as the ethnic groups throughout the continent. The opinions and
research on the subject are just as varied. Africa has a unique history compared to many other
regions of the globe. Some of the obvious challenges throughout the continent are mostly caused
by the geological, geographical, and ecological characteristic of the continent. However, there
are a host of other scenarios that have established the social structure of Africa. As there is no
one root cause for the entirety of the continent, the literature researched is mostly divided into
regional challenges and philosophy of policies.
Some have cause to believe that the overall size of Africa could be a determining
characteristic in the challenges of societal arrangement. In his article “The Political Demography
of Conflict in Modern Africa”, Elliott Green (2012) describes his theory of how conflict in
Africa (specifically in Sudan and the Democratic Republic of Congo) can be traced to the
expansive nature of the continent, combined with low population density, and the lasting effects
of colonialism. His major argument describes how the effects of low population density mixed
with large areas of land created a system of communal land rights. The communal land rights
system is initiated by three components, particularly the lack of private property, scarcity of
labor (creating high labor costs), and high levels of rural to rural migration (Elliott, 2012). All
these components, according to Elliott (2012), are at root of the so-called “Sons of Soil” conflicts
throughout these areas.
Another focus of this paper will be on the informal settlements, or slums. For this topic
there are also many possible causes and policies that have contributed to their formation and
continuation. In explaining the history of the Kibera informal settlements in Nairobi, Kenya,
5
Emmanuel Mutisya et al (2011), describe a combination of governmental policy and planning,
and rapid urbanization to be the root contributor to it and other slum areas throughout Nairobi.
As stated in the article, Understanding the Grassroots Dynamics of Slums in Nairobi: The
Dilemma of Kibera Informal Settlements, by Mutisya et al, (2011), “Kenya’s annual informal
settlements growth rate of 5% is the highest in the world and it is likely to double in the next 30
years.” This is a major problem that will not cease without major policy change throughout the
country and the region.
Some can contribute the formation of informal settlements back to European colonialism.
Mike Davis, (2006), describes extreme forms of exclusionary policy by British colonies, where
native population were not allowed to reside in the urban areas, as there was a fear of
“detribalization.” Essentially, these settlements were, in some cases, a means of segregation,
with the apartheid in South Africa being the extreme example of this practice (Davis, 2006).
They formed outside the city structure to keep the natives out, but provide a work force for the
colonial elites.
There is, however, a strong correlation between population migration, urbanization, and
the formation of informal settlements with neo-liberal political/economic policy. This paper will
focus on the philosophy of neo-liberalism and the polices of this philosophy. By reviewing the
philosophy of Michael Foucault as interpreted by Thomas Lemke, it provides a basis for
analyzing the actions of governments and financial institution on the developing world,
specifically Africa. One guiding thought by Foucault on the subject of neo-liberalism (Aka the
Chicago School’s economic approach), is how this philosophical perspective essentially
dissolves the boundary between the difference of the economy and the social. In simplistic
terms, the idea is that there is no difference; everything has a market value (Lemke, 2001).
6
Using this philosophical point of view, this paper will analyze the actions of international
monetary organizations in relation to loaning practices to third world and developing countries.
For this section of the paper the intention is to provide information that challenges and supports
the use of these loaning practices. Much of the critique over the actions of these organizations,
specifically the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank, are in regards to the
Structural Adjustment Programs, implemented in the 1980s. These programs had the effect of
destroying developing country’s middle-class and plunging them into abject poverty (Davis,
2006). However, other arguments exist in regard to the World Bank’s policies. Oliver C.
Campbell White would describe the failures of the IMF and World Bank as being created by the
countries themselves, caused by some of the less than desirable practices of corrupt governments
(Campbell White, 1999).
Finally, there is desire to analyze and evaluate the best practices that are underway to
create and promote sustainability throughout the continent of Africa. Some of these actions
come from the desire to reestablish a connection to one’s rural past. As in the case of the peri-
urban and urban farm development throughout the city of Dar Es Salaam, Tanzania, rural-urban
migrants will move to certain areas of the city to grow crops as they once did when they work
the land (Ross Owens, 2010). It is also a way to transition from a rural life into an urban one,
where families and friends will take others under their wing and teach them how to work and
acquire land in the per-urban areas of Dar es Salaam (Kombe, 2006).
Analysis of History and Policy in Sub-Saharan Africa
Neoliberal Philosophy
7
The main guiding theory for this paper is that neoliberal economic practices are a major
cause for the urban structure, especially the rapid formation of informal settlements, of many
major Sub-Saharan cities. There is also the correlation that neoliberalism is global colonialism.
However, in many ways the policies created from this economic theory are even more cruel,
exclusionary, and socially destructive.
Neoliberalism is a confusing term, as it creates many assumptions about the political/
philosophical nature of its use. The term itself creates the assumption that it is a reformed or
new version of liberalism. However, the difference lies in whether it is describing classic or
modern liberalism. Classic liberalism is the practice of a “laissez faire” or a hands-off approach
toward the economy by the state. However, modern liberalism is much more inclined to allow
the state to interfere with the economy as a means to protect the people from inequality that can
be a symptom of an unhindered market (Thorsen et al, 2006). In the United States it could be
stated that our political system is made up of these two different philosophies of liberalism.
Neoliberalism is in essence a reform on classic liberalism. This economic theory and
practice has a strong emphasis on a free market economy with little or no government influence.
The only real need for the state that is required for this philosophy is a structure for control. In a
true neoliberal economic society there is no facet that is not integrated into the free market
system. From energy, utilities, water, to schools and medical facilities; they are all a part of the
free market system (ibid). In the analysis by the philosopher, Michael Foucault, on different
forms of liberalism, he compares and contrasts ordo-liberalism and neoliberalism as taught at
the Chicago School. Ordo-liberalism (German liberalism) and US neoliberal thought both are
similar in their thoughts on the states involvement in the economy. Both oppose state
intervention and influence over the economic realm. However, where Ordo-liberals have a
8
philosophy of a “social market economy” that would support the state, especially in the realm of
social programs (housing, education, healthcare, unemployment). The US neoliberal philosophy
considers these social programs as part of the economy. Neoliberal practice considers the entire
social structure to be under the umbrella of the economy (Lemke, 1997). This is the
predominant form of economic liberalism practiced today.
In Africa, neoliberal policy has been a life altering force. Through the structural
adjustments of the IMF and World Bank, many African countries were given no other option
than to defund their social programs, privatize land and other natural resources, and devalue
currency to meet global market levels (Briggs et al, 2000). The impacts of these policies will be
discussed in more detail in the following sections.
Communal Land Rights (Pre-Colonial)
Pre-colonial Africa was predominately a rural existence for a majority of the population
in Sub-Saharan Africa. The issues that formed the social structure throughout much of this area
of the continent can be grouped into several distinct categories: Geography, Climate, Tribal, the
continental Slave Trade, and population. However, an overlooked characteristic of the continent
is its overall size. With the enormous expanse of land and low population density, this created
two features within the African economic and agricultural sectors. First, due to low population
density there was a very low labor pool. Secondly, there was plenty of land to go around,
making it essentially worthless. These two traits help create the communal land rights system
(Elliott, 2012).
Communal land rights worked as a means for subsistence living. With land essentially
given to individuals from tribal leaders and then generally handed down to the next male in the
lineage. This usually being a son, however, cousins and nephews would suffice if no other male
9
heir were available. To whomever the land is passed down to, it was not owned in the sense that
it has monetary value; it is essentially a gift from God and then the tribal leader. There is a
saying used frequently that states, the “land belongs to a vast family of which many are dead,
few are living and countless numbers are still unborn.” However, there were many that created
underground land markets to sell this land (Chimhowu et al, 2006).
The agricultural use of this land was unlike many advanced forms of agriculture. For
instance, the plough did not reach Africa till much later in their history and the wheel was not
used in similar fashions as many other more advanced civilizations. This disadvantage made it
an impossibility to utilize animal labor (Acharya, 1981). The use of land was void of modern
forms of agriculture as there was no use or need of crop rotation techniques. Once the soil in an
area had been exhausted of nutrients, the farmer would migrate to fertile land elsewhere (Elliott,
2012). This practice was common due to the large expanses of land. There was an abundance of
land in pre-colonial times, which helped to reduce conflict from outsiders immigrating into other
tribal territory and farming the land. There was plenty of land to go around. However, as
population numbers grew this would eventually create conflict in many areas throughout the
continent (ibid).
Colonialism
As can be imagined, colonialism was an unproductive time for the people of Africa, in
the sense of social and economic development. The general intention of any imperial colonist is
to control and assimilate the native people and their land, which is used for colony’s economic
gain. Each separate country had their own philosophy of colonial rule, however, each had no
intention to treat the native Africans as equals. As stated by L. Gonchorov (1963), a colonist
“monopoly has two basic functions: on the one hand, it exploits the colonies; on the other hand,
10
it maintains and develops the political enslavement necessary for its own existence.” Many of
the European colonial imperialists decided on Indirect Rule structure for the governance of the
colonies. This practice was considered an economically viable way of running a country. It was
also theorized that there would less conflict using tribal leaders instead of foreign administrators.
The British form consisted of using local tribal chiefs as the ruling entity of an area, answering
only to the colonial governor. Whereas the French policy was to use the tribal chiefs as more of
a “mouthpiece” of the French ruling administration. (Crowder, 1964). However, both
philosophies were concerned with control and assimilation of the native people.
The colonists realized this land had little value, due to quality and quantity, therefore, it
was left in a communal or customary land rights system. Communal agricultural land was in
many cases left unattended due to colonial policies to cease agricultural production. This created
a surplus of labor, which was used to supply workers for the colonial industries (Acharya, 1981).
This era was the beginning of segregation of natives into rural areas, as a means to limit
“detribalization” and maintain a semi-passive labor force (Davis, 2006), (Elliott, 2012). Plus the
use of “indirect rule” also had the effect of creating a native elite class (Crowder, 1964).
Even after colonial rule began to collapse throughout the continent the vacating countries
still used several tactics to remain in control of social and economic structures in these countries.
Some of these tactics used included, but were not exclusive to:
Preventing the restructuring of the new states by means of maintaining the main source
of currency in the economy
Establishing and maintaining strong political ties through political appointments
Maintaining strategic control by the installation of military bases in the new states
Using outdated legislation with the intention of stifling new forms of democracy
11
(Goncharov,1963)
The main goal of these intrusions is similar to colonizing these countries out right. This
goal is to use these countries for their cheap resources and labor. There is an additional
intention of creating indebtedness in these new African states (through the issuing of
questionable loans), which can deliver benefits of economic control, and in many cases,
privatization of resources (ibid). These practices are not too different from neoliberal economic
policies in the 1970s, 80s and 90s.
A common practice by many former European colonist countries was to offer and
provide loans to the new African states, with multitudes of loop-holes, high interest rates, and an
unwanted dependence on the former ruling country. With the shifting land rights market, it is
only a matter of time till the land is available on the open market and sold to those with the most
assets. Even with the possibility that the land be given to tribal and family members, in many
cases it will eventually be sold to the wealthy conglomerate of corporate farmers, that have the
means and knowledge to grab the land from these members of the rural poor (Chimhowu et al,
2006).
Land Rights (post-colonial)
During the time of colonialism in Africa some the rules and practices of communal land
rights changed to a system referred to as “customary’ land rights. While many European
colonies concluded that changing the structure of land rights to private property made little
sense, they did determine that the lands should be given boundaries and strict tribal ownership.
This would essentially hinder migration from one area to another. However, there was
permission given by colonial governments for some land use in foreign tribal land (Elliott,
2012).
12
Since colonial independence, depending on the area, there have been different practices
in relation to land rights. Whereas there is still a high percentage of land that is considered to
still be part of the tribal “customary system”, there are high incidents of land acquisition through
legal and illegal land markets. Depending on philosophy and intention there are some that feel
this is good for Africa, and those that feel the privatization of land will affect the rural poor
negatively.
The view by those in favor of privatization of land tends to describe many different
scenarios that will affect the individual and the state. The view by Feder, G., & Noronha, R. ,
(1987) (researchers from the World Bank), is that customary land tenure creates an uncertainty
in the individual farmer, which negates productivity. This lack of productivity is from,
according to Feder et al, a lack of access to low interest credit lines. The lack of credit is impart
due to the lack of a legal land title, which is a requirement in many of these types of loans
(Feder et al, 1987).
The opposing view is that by nationalizing land it will inevitably be in the favor of the
wealthy farmer. This essentially will inspire land grabs from the poor subsistence farmer who
does not have the same knowledge and access. This acquisition of land forces the migration of
the subsistence to land elsewhere or to look toward urban areas for employment (Chimhowu et
al, 2006).
These practices are already occurring and in many cases have caused intra-tribal and
country conflicts. As described by Elliott, (2012), this scenario is occurring, making it difficult
for labor migrants to find land due the increase in population and increase in nationalized land.
These migrants are encroaching into land in other countries creating what some are calling “sons
of the soil” conflicts. These are becoming quite prevalent in Sudan and the Democratic
13
Republic of Congo. Plus where there are no other possibilities these rural migrants enter into
the urban structure, generally into informal settlements (Davis, 2006).
The Impacts of The World Bank, International Monetary Fund (IMF),
and Structural Adjustment Policies (SAP)
In the mid-1970s, the IMF and World Bank, with the policies designed by the US and
UK, started enacting economic restrictions on many Third World countries, called “structural
adjustment plans (SAP).” The restrictions were part of loan packages form the IMF and World
Bank. These loan packages required many countries to reevaluate and defund their social
programs, devalue their currency to be in line with global economies, and focus their attention
on the privatization of country assets. This destroyed many necessary social programs in third
world countries, as they had to tackle the enormous debt payments that were forced upon them.
For example, due to structural adjustment plans, the country of Uganda spends twelve times
more on debt relief than on health care (Davis, 2006).
These programs made it easier for international corporations to privatize and control
anything from basic services to a countries major resource exports. This is an effective tool for
the globalized economy and is a means for pushing countries into the global arena whether they
want to participate or not. From a neoliberal perspective this is right in line with a properly
functioning economy (ibid).
Part of these SAP measures was a restructuring of the social landscape. Rich and middle
class income earners were suddenly finding themselves in poverty. All the tools that were used
by the Global North countries on their journey through industrialization, development, and
prosperity were forced out of the hands of these third world countries. The only solution given
14
was to sell their resources to the global north; those resources being natural environmental
resources and the lives of the people in these countries (Ibid).
The impacts of SAP can be assessed through the following case studies. Whereas SAPs
are not the only cause of rapid urbanization and the expansion of slums, SAP’s role in
exacerbating their uninhibited growth will be established. Furthermore, where economists and
politicians are willing to explain the formation of slums as a temporary consequence of
globalization, the point of this paper is to establish that they permanence is inevitable without
massive policy transformation.
Migration and Urbanization Case Studies
Lagos, Nigeria
Lagos is one the world’s new megacities. It grew from a population of 252,000 in 1952
to 10.4 million by 2010 (Ajibade et al, 2014). See Figure 1 for history of growth. Its growth
has been heavily influenced by location and colonial policies. Before colonization it was a
simple fishing community, and was considered as the most “insalubrious” city in West Africa,
due to its swampy landscape and poor to non-existing sewer systems (Gandy, 2005). Lagos has
endured many struggles with population growth and migration. During the slave trade years
there was an outward migration. During the time of colonialism, there was focus on some
infrastructure throughout the city, mostly on the building of streets, ports, railways, houses, and
schools. This created a pull migration back toward the city. The British administration did not
have the budget to create the infrastructure for this migration. This created a bifurcated city, one
part for the colonists and another for the natives. Major planning and infrastructure was for the
use of British colonists and governmental elites. Even to this day the wealthy and Government
officials live in these colonial built areas (Ajibade et al, 2014), (Gandy, 2005). Plus the
15
convoluted nature of the governmental committees, the distrust of natives toward the ruling
British colonists, and the distaste of the colonists for the critique of their inefficiency created a
gridlock throughout the city. This gridlock inhibited any progress in infrastructure reform in
Lagos (Gandy, 2005).
Figure 1: Growth in Lagos, Nigeria by M. Tyler, Source, Gandy 2005
Other political unrest has affected the urban landscape for Lagos. After a civil war in
1967, there was funding to rebuild which created another wave of inward migration. However,
funding ended and oil prices collapsed causing the urban reconstruction to end. After a series of
dictatorships and military ruled governments, Lagos was no better off. Neoliberal reform was
introduced to the country in 1986 when adopting the structural adjustment plan of the IMF and
World Bank. The SAP conditions required civil service reform, privatization of state industries,
cutbacks in social services, and increased urban unemployment. These hardships left millions of
16
people poorer with no access to education, health care, and livable housing. This has obviously
left Lagos no closer to solving the housing problem for the urban poor (ibid).
Today Lagos is considered a city of vast opportunity with an unofficial moto of “Go Get
Rich” (Draper, 2015). However, it is a city of vast inequality and informal settlements. Much
of these settlements located in some the most environmentally hazardous areas in the city.
There is simply too many people migrating to the area and a lack of political and financial will
to create the infrastructure for them. There were policies taken up to solve these issues, such as
the UN-backed Master Plan for Metropolitan Lagos (1980–2000), which called for the creation
of one million housing units for low-income citizens. However, by the year 2000 only 10 % of
these housing needs were met and during the same time Lagos had quadrupled in size (Ajibade
et al, 2014). Since 1985, the city has experienced massive deteriation of public services. Much
of the street lighting has fallen into disrepair, road systems are highly congested, there are no
longer regular waste collection services, violent crime is an everyday feature of life in Lagos,
and common civic centers and cinemas have disappeared. The lack of a functioning sewer
system has created many issues with sickness and disease from polluted water. During heavy
rain, over half of the city’s dwellings have to contend with flooding that leaves houses in knee
deep water. The average city income was around a dollar a day (Gandy, 2005).
However, since 2005 there have been changes made in Lagos. This has occurred due to
the success of two democratically elected governors in the Lagos state. Bola Tinubu (a former
accountant) was elected in 1999 and his success in office led to the election of his successor
Babatunde Fashola. Both governors first established legitimacy by bringing fiscal responsibility
to the Lagos government. This has led to the implementation of many successful urban renewal
plans. Through responsible governance there is a renewed international interest in Lagos and the
17
possibility of better days to come (Draper, 2015), (Olawepo, 2010). The progress of Lagos will
be discussed in the Sustainable Solutions of this paper.
Kibera, Nairobi, Kenya
Kenya’s independence in 1963 was marked with good fortune. For the first ten years,
Kenya had a growing economy of 6.6%. This was due to a strong global economy, high
commodity prices that favored Kenyan exports, and significant foreign exchange reserves. This
prosperity was evident by the enrollment rates of all levels of education, plus life expectancy
rates increased from 44 years of age in 1963, to 69 years of age by 1980. However, the 1980s
were the opposite of this prosperity (Rono, 2002).
The downturn began in the late 1970s with the increase in oil prices. Other challenges
were caused by fluctuating prices on exports, low levels of technology, drought and famine, high
population due to entering a new stage of the demographic transition, high rates of urbanization
(immigration), increasing debt, poverty, and disease. Kenya responded to these hardships like
many other African countries, by implementing structural adjust plans of the IMF and the World
bank (ibid).
As with other countries the same effects were felt in Kenya as well. The primary effects
were inflation due to devaluation of currency, and stresses upon the poor, due the cuts for social
programs and increased unemployment. The IMF has stated that the reasons the SAPs have not
had the desired effect is due to foot dragging and inefficieny in the Kenyan government. Kenya
has countered that claim by stating that expectation of the IMF and World Bank are too harsh
and that these adjustments cannot be done overnight (Rono, 2002). The increase in poverty,
unemployment, and immigration all added to the expansion of the informal settlements
throughout Nairobi (ibid), (Mutisya et al, 2011).
18
Informal settlements have been part of Nairobi’s history even before colonialization.
However, with similar policies of indirect rule, segregation of natives from colonists added to
these unplanned areas. Informal settlements grew out of the migration of natives to Nairobi in
search of employment opportunities. These areas were historically unplanned for, ignored by
colonists, and then eventually deemed illegal by Kenyan governments (Mutisya et al, 2001).
Nairobi’s population has grown steadily, from 11,500 inhabitants in 1906 to 3.1 million
people in 2009. More than half the city’s population lives in informal settlements and slums
occupying less than 1% of Nairobi’s area and less than 5% in residential area. More than 34%
of Kenya’s total population lives in urban areas, and of this, more than 71% is confined in
informal settlements. Kenya’s annual informal settlements growth rate of 5%, is the highest in
the world and it is likely to double in the next 30 years if positive intervention measures are not
put in place. With a rapid growth rate of 4% the population was predicted to reach 5 million this
year and 8 million by 2025. Unfortunately, this growth has not been planned for on a socio-
economic or environmental level (Mutisya et al, 2011).
The Kibera slums are the largest in Africa and also some of the largest in the world. At
an estimated 900,000 people, this informal settlement has been in existence since 1912. It
started as a settlement for Nairobi soldiers returning from World War I. These settlements were
allowed to grow by colonists. In 1963, the government of the newly independent Kenya
deemed informal settlements illegal, however, they allowed them to remain and to grow. In
1965 the Kibera slums had a population of around 6,000 people. They have been allowed to
grow to almost one million. Until recently there has been no formal plan to address these issues.
, all without any formal planning. It is comprised of 14 villages, with the smallest having a
population of 25,000 and the largest around 130,000. The living conditions are what would be
19
expected as the Kenyan government does not officially recognize slums as being legal
communities. There is no running water or sewage drainage, no utilities, and no publically
offered education services (ibid).
Figure 2: Kiberia Slum, Google Earth
This neglect has a direct effect on quality of life even in some of the world’s most
desperate places. In their World Bank sponsored study, “A tale of two cities: A multi-
dimensional portrait of poverty and living conditions in the slums of Dakar and Nairobi”
comparing the living conditions between the slums of Nairobi, Kenya and Dakar, Senegal,
Sumila Gulyani et al, demonstrate how Kenya’s neglect affects the lives of these slum dwellers.
Through the use of random surveys they were able to demonstrate the differences in a
Development Diamond Diagram.
Even though the slum residents of Nairobi have higher education, employment, and
compensation than those in Dakar, the living conditions are vastly inferior. The informal
settlements in Dakar have higher rates of planned infrastructure, including: home ownership
(74% Dakar to 8% Nairobi), piped water, permanent building materials, basic utilizes, phone
20
and internet services, and sewage and toilets. Plus there is a greater feeling of overall safety in
the slums of Dakar. See Figures 3 and 4 for results.
The conclusion being that acknowledging the issue of slums and planning for them have
a noticeable effect, more so than economic and educational access. In Senegal the government
has policies in place to provide basic services to their slum communities, where Kenya has
historically ignored their existence. This adds to the argument that education and employment
are not always the most important aspects in increasing the quality of life for a community
(Gulyani et al, 2014).
Sustainable Solutions and Suggestions
Informal settlements and slums seem to be some of the least sustainable communities
globally. However, the argument could be made that with governmental support a form of
sustainability could be achieved. Sustainability by definition is living within a person’s needs
without consuming more than what would be needed for future generations. Obviously, slums
are generally absent of most life necessities, however, they are also ripe for individuals with a
creative ingenuity and the ability to see beyond what fate has dealt them. In quoting Bob Dylan,
“When you’ve got nothing you’ve got nothing to lose”, meaning someone in desperate
circumstances can take large risks in creating solutions to big problems.
In the development of sustainably solutions for the issue of informal settlements, in
relation to population migration and the lack of urbanization, this creative spirit and ingenuity is
required. As an example of sustainable thought and action in this desperate environment, the
city of Dar es Salaam has created unique ways of transforming their existence.
21
Figure 3:Living Conditions Diamond, Gulyani 2014
22
Dar es Salaam, Tanzania
In the case of Dar es Salaam there are some possible suggestions for accommodating the
population explosion and transforming the informal settlements into an “unplanned”
infrastructure. However, these suggestions by no means are solutions to the informal settlement
problems throughout the planet, but meant as a path for the area of Dar es Salaam itself.
Possibly other slum settlements throughout Africa may consider similar plans, however, every
country’s governments have different motives and goals. As has been seen with Nairobi, some
governments are more apt to ignore this problem instead of creating possibilities of change.
Tanzania has some of the highest percentages of its population living in informal
settlements. Between 50% and 80% of its urban population live in informal settlements. In Dar
es Salaam, over 70% of the estimated 2.4 million inhabitants live in such settlements
(population numbers from 2000). 50% of the residential urban housing stock is comprised of
informal housing. Overall housing density in Dar es Salaam has been growing persistently. In
1985 there were 40 informal settlements and as of 2003 over 150 were in existence (Kombe,
2005).
The view of informal settlements, globally, is generally negative and viewed by most
policy makers as being a temporary phenomenon. The hope for many governments is that this is
a transitional pattern, a necessary hardship on a country or city’s journey to economic stability.
For this reason many slum settlements are ignored or in some extreme circumstances
demolished. In Dar es Salaam, there is a contrary view. Their view of the informal
development throughout the peri-urban sector of city, is one of necessity. Where there is still no
plan to handle the extreme migration and population numbers, and no true infrastructure to
23
speak of, the informal settlement structure is quite possibly the only answer, currently, to
provide housing and a sense of community (ibid).
The government of Dar es Salaam has been behind on most fronts in dealing and
providing infrastructure for the incoming rural to urban immigrants. Even when plans have
been made and approved, there are still complications in the implementation. Either the plan
was too small in scale, underfunded, stalled due to unforeseen complications, or all three at
once. Even providing basic resources as water and sewage have been underfunded and unable
to provide access to the rapid urbanization of the city (ibid).
Where the government has had success is allowing the land to remain in customary or
more accurately quasi-customary land tenure and allowed the tribal/community leaders to
control its use, sell, purchase, and development. As reported in the article by Kombe, (2005),
“Access to land is through mechanisms regulated by social institutions at community level,
which often involve a buyer, seller, local leaders and a broker. The latter is normally a reknown
settler. He facilitates negotiations between sellers and buyers. Like in most other informal
settlements, local leaders, including ten cell leaders and ruling party leaders, are also playing an
active role authenticating land transactions and signing land transfer or selling agreement forms.
Boundaries of properties are marked by hedges, paths or physical fixtures” (ibid).
The general function of certain informal settlement communities is the raising of poultry
with the intent to sell eggs in the city. The practice of many forms of urban farming is prevalent
and a main source of income for many of the residence. Some of the main crops consist of:
okra, amaranth, pumpkins, sweet potatoes, bananas, cassava, and pineapple. Many of these
plots have water wells located on them. One important function of these area is the benefit to
others migrating into the area. They are usually related to a host that will mentor them in the
24
local norms, urban structure, farming, and facilitate the land acquisition process. These areas
unfortunately are not without problems as they attrach middle class and wealthy developers that
are looking to purchase these inexpensive plots (ibid).
This is just one example of some practices that are occurring in the Dar es Salaam peri-
urban area and offer possiblilties to informal settlement structure. However, there is the desire
to see how a city could possibly set the foundation for real purposeful change and remove the
citizens from the bonds of slum life.
German Liberalism
One flaw of neoliberal thought is the belief that the market and the state are separate
entities, meaning that economic prosperity will inherently bring social prosperity. The belief
that the economy will eventually reach and sustain the entire population is a fabrication of
reality. The only true provable outcome of neoliberal policies in that of inequality.
The only sustainable success of neoliberal policy is when it is used to fund the state and
provide the services to its citizens. This is the ordo-liberal view as discussed by Lemeke,
essentially the German economic philosophy. This is of course a step toward socialism, yet, this
is a proven successful means of maintaining a more sustainable and, generally, content
population.
There of course is the need for a country to be economically strong and be somewhat
corruption free for these ideals to work. As is being witnessed today in Lagos, Nigeria, as the
last two governors have begun to change a once corrupt and dangerous region into a modern
city. It may still be a neoliberal ideology, however, funding the reform of the infrastructure and
social programs can be the building blocks of a better future for Lagos. Today in Lagos there is
25
a feeling of transformation in urban renewal plans and increased focus on transportation. Some
of the plans that in the works are:
Private partnership initiatives to develop an Urban Renewal and Mega City
Program in a twenty year rolling plan
Urban Renewal and drainage channelization/Canal silting Project
Urban beautification and Road maintenance/development Program
Parallel Light Railway system construction and Road Expansion Program
Development and Reactivation of Inland Water Ways and Ferry services
Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) and Urban Mass Transportation Partnership
Pedestrian Safety and Foot bridge Development initiatives
World Bank, and local Commercial Bank Funded Bus Programs
(Olawepo, 2010)
These measures seem to have the indication of providing access to Lagos for all citizens.
By using waterways, upgrading buses and buslines, repairing roads, and providing safe and
efficient paths for foot traffic the government is helping build a more sustainable city. They are
also funding these plans through private and public funding, through the inclusion of the World
Bank, local commercial banks, NGOs, and local and state governments. There is a feel that this
is an example of an ordo-liberal economic system, instead of strict neoliberalism (ibid).
Of course, Lagos is not like other African cities. Not all have these possibilities. Nigeria
does have access to vast oil reserves and Lagos’ location adjacent to oceanic waterways makes
them a viable trade partner for much of the world. Other area are not as blessed.
26
Author’s Suggestions and Recommendations
Through the research of this topic there are issues that have gained more clarity in Sub-
Saharan Africa. With the focus of the paper being primarily based on policy and its effects on
the population and urban structure of cities in Africa, the recommendations will also be focused
on these topics. There are no doubt multitudes of issues in Africa, from HIV, gender inequality,
and food and water scarcity, to war and other conflicts. Whereas all of these issues exist in every
area researched throughout this paper, the purpose of this paper was to research the cause and the
underlying philosophy that has created and exacerbated these issues. Those causes were
historically, colonialism, neoliberal economic reforms, and the expansion of informal
settlements.
Whereas colonialism no longer exists, there is the argument that could be made that the
neoliberal economic structure has more than taken over that role in many African countries.
When Kenya’s budget has planned for 20 to 30% of spending on debt payments to the World
Bank and IMF, there is obviously control being placed on that country (Mutisya et al, 2011).
That control has condemned millions of people into a life of slumdom and desolation.
This is where change must take place.
This change has taken place in one major way and that is through debt forgiveness
programs from the global banks. Through the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries Initiative (HIPC)
the steps have been provided to receive debt relief and once all criteria are met full debt relief.
Some of the steps include: be eligible to borrow from the World Bank and IMF, have an
unsustainably large amount of debt, have a track record of sound reform policies through the
IMF and World Bank, and have developed a Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP). Once
these steps have been made the country in question will be evaluated by the executive boards of
27
the IMF and World Bank. If approved debt relief will begin. There is a second process to
receive full debt forgiveness, however one of those steps includes implementing programs that
are supported be loans from the IMF and World Bank (imf.org, 2015) However, as reported in
his Huffingtion Post article, “Does Debt Forgiveness Work? Ask Africa,” Marcelo Giugale
suggests that it has shown improvements in those countries that have participated (over 30 in the
last 10 years). The signs of improvement have been: following and providing transparency in the
countries budgets and spending, following the PRSPs of those countries, and providing some
social benefits for those countries poor (Giugale, 2014).
Where debt relief has been successful, this paper suggests that more should be done in aid
to these countries. Upon analysis of this research material there are some recommendation to be
provided.
There is a problem in the global north of claiming ignorance to global south issues. This
may be due to many circumstances, media bias, lack of education, of simply not caring.
However, ignorance can not be an exceptable excuse. When one group of people has benefited
from the suffering of another there is a need to make amends. The proposal of this paper is to
create a global fund with the intention of providing infrastructure development throughout these
countries that have been most effected by the US backed neoliberal agenda. Whereas this
proposal may be unpopular amongst corporate interest, the suggestion is to not penalize the
corporations. For one, they would lobby against it and it would never reach the officials it needs
to. The suggestion here, is to create a program that provides educational understanding along
with a global fee on products that are resourced or manufactured in any global south country that
meet certain conditions. The conditions may be for countries with a certain level of GDP,
Poverty percentage, and/ or a low level Human Developmental Index Value. The fee will be
28
placed into a fund for each individual country. The stipulation for these countries to receive
these funds is similar to the IMFs HIPC criteria. Some of the main points would be that the
country has a record of a transparent democratic government, implementation of social
programs, and a plan to help build infrastructure and provide resources for slums dwellers. The
fund will be controlled through a UN approved NGO.
The second suggestion is for international cooperation in infrastructural development, for
countries with informal settlements. The idea is for a “doctor’s without borders” group for
community, regional, and city planners and developers. This program will be pro bono work for
countries that do not have the means to create new community plans for their cities, villages,
regions, etc. It could also extend into the academic arena and be part of international colleges
and university’s geography and planning programs. The philosophy of the program will be in
line with smart growth principles. The overall goal will be to find sustainable solutions to
informal settlements and their needs. With the ultimate goal of transforming these areas into
sustainable and livable communities.
Conclusions
Sub-Saharan Africa has experienced the worst of humanity. Through oppressive
imperialist colonist and oppressive financial institutions, this area of the world has expended vast
amounts of natural and human capital. However, with Africa entering into the 21st century as
one of the fastest growing regions of the world it will be imperative to create urban areas that are
sustainable and prosperous.
The conclusions made from this paper are that there is not a clear-cut cause or solution to
the challenges in Africa. Where the natural geography and climate of this continent provide
large challenges, the lasting effects of colonization and structural adjustment have compounded
29
this. Where privatization of land and population growth have sent millions to the urban centers
searching for a living, the unfortunate reality of the slums have awaited the majority of
immigrants. Governments and international organization must unite to find solutions for these
challenges. The time for looking the other way and ignorance are over.
Through the ever expanding make-shift shacks there are glimmers of hope. The urban
farms and poultry production in Dar es Salaam prove that there is a will to provide an improved
existence for communities and future generations of Tanzanians. International monetary lenders
have shown mercy while providing motivation for the self-improvement of cities and countries.
Without the burden of debt many of these countries are proving that their city can be prosperous.
Lagos is on the verge of becoming a world-class city and region of international markets and
trade. The vision of a few elected officials and the practice of fiscal responsibility have paid
dividends in one of the more inhospitable areas of Africa.
The hope for Africa through this paper is to find a way to become a light for
sustainability. Creating sustainability in the true sense, by finding a balance between the
economic growth, the environment, and for Africa most importantly, the social structure of the
continent.
30
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