Learning in later life and the U3A movement in NorwayPaper to the Fifth Nordic Conference on Adult Learning, Reykjavik 5-6th March 2013

Sigvart TøsseDepartment of Adult Learning and Councelling, NTNU, Norway

AbstractThe paper deals with a rather new area within adult education, learning in later life, and describes the development of the Universities of the Third Age and its implementation in Norway. In the first part the policy responses to the ageing society is briefly discussed. The second theme is the rationale for older people’s participation with a focus on the demographic changes, theories on ageing and the wider benefits of learning for elderly. In the third part the question is which science should education of the elderly fall within, the gerontological sciences or adult education? The paper suggests that an interdisciplinary approach to the study of later life learning is needed rather than constructing a new discipline as some have argued. This approach must have a basis in both educational gerontology and adult education and should endeavour to develop a broader conceptual framework for longlife learning.

The final part of the paper deals with the Universities of the Third Age (U3A) which since the 1970s have become an international movement. U3A is here taken as a prime example of a great cultural and educational activity in which older people continue their own self-directed lifelong learning. Based on a mapping of the Norwegian U3As and similar senior learning institutions or associations the paper presents the first results of a research project on the implementation and the development of senior learning associations in Norway. The study demonstrates that more than 80 U3As have been established. They are found all over the country and meet a wide range of the elderly’s demand within the fields of education, culture, health, learning travels and learning of ICT.

Learning in later life becoming a field of practice, research, and policyResearch interests in later life learning as well as special provisions for older learners are a recent phenomenon within adult education from the latest 40-50 years. It can be dated back to educational programmes in USA for retired persons from the 1960s and the University for the Third Age movement in Europe from the 1970s. Simultaneously new perspective on older age emerged which further stimulated practice and research. A pioneer to be mentioned is the American researcher in adult education and educational gerontology Howard McClusky which portrayed older learners as proactive learners. In a report to the White House Conference on ageing in 1971 he presented a rationale for learning in later life based on four important needs; coping, expressive, contributive and influence (Bissland, 2011; Merriam, Caffarella & Baumgartner, 2007). These ideas were also put into practice by his contribution to the first graduate programme on the topic of educational gerontology (Bissland, 2011).

From the 1990s a number of policy response to ageing also appeared. On the global scale one of the first was the United Nations Principles for Older People adopted in 1991 by the UN General Assembly. These principles focused on independence, participation, care, self-

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fulfilment and dignity. To promote these principles the UN declared 1999 as the international year of older people. On the Second United Nations World Assembly on Ageing held in Madrid In 2002 the World Health Organization worked out an International Plan of Action on Ageing. Defining older people as those aged 60 + this plan was based on the concept of ‘active ageing’ as a way of enhancing quality of life. The WHO focus was on health, security and participation – the last also meaning opportunities and support to participate in lifelong learning for both men and women as they grow older (Withnall, 2010).

The concern of later life learning was also highlighted by EU in its publication Adult learning: It is never too late to learn (2007) and the subsequent Action plan on adult learning (2007). A result is a range of transnational Grundtvig-funded projects that focus on various aspects of later life learning (EU, 2010). Finally we may mention that 2012 was the European Year for Active Ageing and Solidarity between Generations.

Although a considerable policy focus on older learning older people’s access to learning opportunities has never been genuinely seen as a focus for educational investments, the British adult educator and researcher Alexandra Withnall (2010) says. Funding of education is extremely skewed distributed among age groups as illustrated by Schuller and Watson (2009:10): For every 55 pounds spent on learning in England

- 47 pounds goes to the 18-24 groups.- 6 pounds goes to 25-49 groups. - 1 pound to the 50-74 groups, and - 29 pence to the 75+ groups.

This distribution is probably not very different from what may be found in other countries. The social justice model and the latter end of lifelong learning spectrum has received little more attention than lip service, Withnall claim, and in the case of England, lifelong learning as a cradle–to—grave entitlement “appears to have been largely abandoned” (Withnall (2010:101). What is needed, Swindell (2012) argues, is the active promotion of learning in later life based on what we know about successful ageing as well as the implication of the demographic and social development. This will be briefly discussed below under the heading of the rationale for older people’s participation in learning. Three main points are considered; the new demographic and social characteristics of the society, life span theories and research and finely research on the wider benefits of learning.

The rationale for older people’s participation in lifelong learningFirst some words on the concepts usedOldElderly and old as concepts are a social construction. A common critic of policy and arrangements for so-called elderly or older people is that they tend to be looked upon as an undifferentiated category rather than being regarded as individuals. All research and experiences show that differences between people increases with age. In that way older learning makes less sense than child or adult learning.

A simple way of defining old is by way of age. However, in surveys, research on participation in working life and statistical data older learners can be defined as persons above the age of 45, 50, 55 or 60. Policy documents as for instance Australian Government: Later Life Learning (2010) is directed towards people 50 years or more which implies that the focus is on the work able older, not the retired. Statistics and surveys on persons’ learning and participation 65 years or older are often missing. In the data from the EU (Eurostat) for

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instance the highest age level is 55-64. Figures show great variations between Sweden on the top with 60 % of this age group engaged in formal or informal learning to Hungary at the bottom with 5 % (EU, 2008, here referred from Australian Government: Later Life Learning (2010: 14).

Third AgeThe Third Age is a rather recent phenomenon after the Second World War. In the years from the 1950s a combination of compulsory retirement, pensions and increased longevity made possible that a majority of older people in western industrialized countries spent many healthy, active and potentially self-developing years in retirement from paid work (Swindell & Thompson, 1995). With the introduction of the universities of the Third Age, the Third Age concept have been widely spread and used. This is also a social construction within a life span structure, but not clearly related to age. Instead of chronological age the pioneers of the U3A movement like Laslett and Swindell rather define Third Age as the stage of life when individuals are no longer tied to the responsibilities of regular employment and/or raising a family (Hebestreit, 2006).

Fourth ageEven the fourth age has been introduced. Usually it designates the life period after 75 (McNair, 2009), or as some will prefer, after having passed 80, to indicate a period of noticeable frailty and dependence on social and health service. In that meaning fourth age learning may point to the area of education and care in residential and nursing homes (Findsen and Formosa, 2011).

The demographic changesIn almost all countries in the world there is an upward tendency towards a ‘greying’ of the population. An increasing larger percentage of the population is above the statutory retirement age. Within the European Union it is estimated that around 2020 the total population will consist of three equal large groups; one third will be retired, one third will be of working age, and one third will be the young people who have yet to enter the workforce (Field, 2012).

Currently Japan has the highest percentage of older in the world with 22 % of its population being over 65. However, with the exception of Japan and Georgia, the world’s 25 ‘oldest’ countries are all in Europe. German and Italy, on the top, have 20 % of their population aged over 65 (Withnall, 2012). Sweden comes close with 19 % (SCB, 2012) while 15 % in Norway are more than 65 years.

Life expectancy has increased. In the Nordic countries average life was in 2010 77-80 years for men and 83-84 years for women. Significantly the number of people 80 years or more is expected to increase. By 2040 these elder will amount to 8 per cent of the population compared to the current 4-5 per cent (Nordisk statistisk årbok, 2011). Those in the oldest age range comprise now everywhere the fastest growing sector in the total population (Swindell, 2012). Statistical projections suggest that the number of people 80+ will across the globe increase 233 % between 2008 and 2040! (Withnall, 2012).

The demographic changes produce an economic challenge to the society since a larger part of the population is outside the productive workforce. Moreover these elderly will call for their state retirement pension and a number will be in need of health service and public care. The situation in the Nordic countries is such that people more than 65 years constitute 29 per cent

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of the workforce population between 20 and 64. By 2030 this share will reach approximately to 42 per cent. A challenge - which may as well be seen as a possible contribution to society and the individual wellbeing - is that the contemporary elder are more educated than previous generations (See data from Sweden in Eriksson, 2005; Wenestam, 2005).

Successful ageing and life span theory and researchIn pre-modernity there was scarcely any conception of old age as a separate phase of life. Life was short and could metaphorical be conceived as a circle in which the end of life had no other meaning than open a passage for a new life. Later on, in modern time (1600-1800), the curve was a better metaphor with childhood and the youth years as a stage of growth and development, adulthood a kind of consolidation and the older age was the descending part of the curve towards deterioration With modern time the idea of steady progress was introduced and life could be illustrated as a line towards continuing development (Alheit, 2005).

Quite late in this modern thinking of progress – in fact after the Second World War - ideas about the productive and successful ageing till the end of life began to emerge. The concept successful ageing has been attributed to Havighurst (1961) and have since the 1960s been central to gerontology and later to research on later life learning. Havighurst (1961) related successful to how people managed to add life to the years and get satisfaction from life.

Another term, productive ageing, being in use since the 1970s, relates especially to questions of how older adults can be encouraged to continue to make both economic and social contributions to society in mutually beneficial ways (Withnall, 2012). Bass and Caro (2001, referred to in Withnall, 2012) identified four forms of productive ageing; employment, volunteering, assistance with caregiving and career-related education and training. Obviously the use of the term is stimulated by the demographic trends, and has been criticized for having a rooting in capitalist principles. However, one may also turn its meaning into the inclusion of what Birren (2001, cited in Withnall, 2012:655) calls “the transfer of productive ideas, information, and results of experience across generations”. In this way, older people become creators of knowledge and wisdom rather than being perceived as passive consumers. This idea, observes Withnall (2012), is gaining currency worldwide in intergenerational programmes and practices.

Theories on ageingOne of the first theories of ageing, disengagement theory proposed by Cumming and Henry in 1961, views ageing as a natural and inevitable process of withdrawal from social roles and involvements. The theory claim there is a natural tendency in retirement from work and family life toward contemplation and a need for solitude. Successful ageing is according to this theory to live in harmony and peace with the accomplished life, prepare one’s self for the rest of life towards death and leaving room for the next generation to take over.

This theory is contradicted by the activity theory. Havighurst (1961) for instance, argued that remaining active and engaged in familiar activities and social roles were the main keys to achieving successful ageing. Also older people have their developmental tasks, Havighurst claimed. These are mainly linked to adjustment to the declining health and physical strength, retirement, death of spouse or family members and to cope with the changing circumstances of life. Successful ageing is a result of how these tasks are solved. Activity, whether psychical or intellectual, is preferable to inactivity because it facilitates well-being on multiple levels;

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particularly being beneficial for good health and in maintaining mental functions. Activity theory also point to the importance of developing new interests, hobbies, roles and relationships to replace those that are diminished or lost in the course of life.

A third perspective on successful and productive ageing falls within continuity theory of ageing as articulated by R. Atchley (1983, referred to by Hebestreit, 2006, Atchley, 1989). According to this theory basic personality, attitudes, and behaviors remain constant or at least show considerable consistency, throughout the life span, despite significant changes in for instance health and social circumstances. People make selective investments of time and energy, and their identities are shaped by what they do and how they do things. Those who age most successfully are, according to continuity theory, those who carry forward the habits, preferences, lifestyle and relationships from the earlier life into their later life.

Activity theory as well as continuity theory will emphasize that what one becomes in late life is a product of personal choice. They have both gained considerable support from studies on ageing. Longitudinal research supports continuity theory as they have shown that psychosocial and social characteristics are stable across the lifespan. Disengagement theory, on the other hand, have less empirical support and seems to be more outdated (Silverstein and Parker, 2002).

Life span theoriesAnother approach to the study of successful ageing is to take the perspectives of life span theories. A number of such theories are characterized by seeing life span following distinct phases or stages of development. Among the most well-known is Erik. H. Erikson’s psycho-social life span theory in which life is separated into eight phases (Erikson, 1980). Every phase has its own developmental task and psycho-social crisis which has to be successfully resolved if a positive and harmonious development in the next stage of life should occur. Erikson’s eight phases ended with mature adulthood. Towards the end of his life, however, Erikson together with his wife Joan constructed a ninth stage, gerotranscendence, for the latest phase of life (Erikson, 1997), i.e. the phase reaching into what we have above referred to as the fourth age. The word transcendence was originally use by Maslow when he revised his hierarchy of needs and suggested transcendence as a natural extension of self-actualization. For Maslow transcendence was a result of accumulated wisdom and experience and pointed to how people could move beyond time, culture, self, and others (McCarty and Bockweg, 2012). Calling the latest phase of life Gerotranscendence Joan Erikson indicated that this state of transcendence was something to be achieved for older people. It required a stage where people were set free from the daily care and oriented themselves towards finding inner peace and satisfaction. It could also mean a tendency towards spirituality and going beyond the here and now and the rational and material world. She described gerotranscendence as a phase of withdrawal in which life could be “relived in retrospect” (Erikson, 1997:127-28). In this way she adopted the theory of disengagement. But gerotranscendence also implied activity as it could even mean, Joan Erikson described, “a regaining of lost skills, including play, activity, joy and song, and, above all, a major leap above and beyond the fear of death”.

It is, however, the Swedish researcher in gerontology Lars Tornstam (2005a, 2005b) who have elaborated and presented a theory of gerotranscendence. Tornstam views development in later life as a natural progression towards maturation and wisdom which lead to satisfaction and harmony. In Tornstam’s theory of gerotranscendence older age represents a qualitatively different developmental stage characterized by a transformation to a new and wiser way of

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seeing life and the whole world. He strongly believes in the possibilities of successful and positive ageing which he equate with ‘spiritual’ ageing and leading to a phase of wisdom. In this phase of gerotranscendence the individual becomes selective in activities chosen and will undertake more solitary but personal meaningful pursuits.

A more recent theory that also emphasis the positive aspects of later life is suggested by G. D. Cohen (2005). He presents a four-stage account of psychological development of the mature adult. Cohen describes life to be fuelled with an ‘inner push” and argues that retirement can in many ways represent a liberation phase, a time to experiment, innovate and skirt round convention to explore new paths to creativity. Learning, in whatever form, plays an important role in this (Withnall, 2012).

According to a study by Huang (2006) the educational ideas of the British U3As do partly fit into these theories (Huang, 2006). But although fascinating and popular for a time it is a question whether life span theories are helpful in understanding later life learning and give a rationale for public intervention , especially since some of them are more normatively than empirically consolidated. The overall ageing of the population as well as a number of complex social and economic trends, John Field (2012) reminds us, are now tending to erode the boundaries between age related life stages. This forces social scientists to rethink previous ideas about the life course and life span theories. The point to be briefly discussed here is how new perspectives on later life learning as well as research on older people’s life gives a better foundation for policy and education directed towards the elderly.

Perspectives and research on learning in later lifeIn order to get inside how people experience and give meaning to their life researcher use the narrative and phenomenological approach. The narrative or biographical way seems to be a better way of describing and understanding life development then through observation from the outside (Clark and Rossiter, 2009). The narrative approach can also be seen as an alternative to the life stages theories. Based on different studies we briefly discuss what learning means for older people, why do they participate and what are the benefits of learning from the perspective of the individual as well as from a social point of view.

What learning means in the context of older people’s lifeWhat is characteristic in studies of older learners is the wide range of meanings learning have for them, a variety of perceptions of what it means to learn and develop as well as multiple ways of learning. This corresponds to the fact that as we grow we also become more different. An observation from studies is also that people change perspectives on learning as they grow older and see learning in later life as different from their learning experiences at earlier stages of life. Much of this change can probably be explained by the fact that previous learning was undertaken out of necessity or even was compulsory. In later life learning becomes more personal and reflective and more closely associated to the maintenance of health and well-being. Moreover it seems to have an important role in generally supporting people in dealing with aspects of growing older. For many learning also acquires new importance of being connected to society, meet people and make new friends and thus compensate for loss of spouse, relatives and social network. Underlying these views are probably increasingly concern of maintaining one’s mental and cognitive functions, self-esteem and social contacts (Withnall, 2010). Some informants in a British study agreed on the phrase “indulgent learning” to illustrate their learning on later life (Witnall, 2010:46). This differed from the compulsory learning undertaken earlier in life in which there was little sense of individual

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choice and control. Changes occurring in later life as release from responsibility of caring and work, time to pursue own interest and so on also changed their perception of learning and the way they involved themselves in new learning activities. In conclusion, older learning means a changing perspective on learning.

Why do elderly participate in organized learning activities?A number of studies convincingly explain participation in learning activities as a combined result of intellectual and social factors. Some studies find the social aspects of learning as the primary reason for participating (Bunyan & Jordan, 2005). But in a study of Withnall (2010) the main reasons “clustered around definite intentions to learn, to ensure the maintenance of an active mind and to broaden their horizon, with more social reasons appearing to be secondary. However, ‘enjoyment’ featured in almost half of the participants’ responses” (Withnall, 2010:64). What is interesting to notice in this English study is that the elderly saw learning along a continuum as part of their ongoing identity as lifelong learners. Learning then was very important, for some “absolutely vital” and without which they “couldn’t envisage life” (Withnall, 2010:87). This study supports the theory of continuation which also has been found in studies of U3A. Many of participants in U3A firmly believe that higher education implies maintaining and improving cognitive functioning, and many express this as a motive for their engagement in U3A (Mehrotra, 2003:Villar & Celdrán, 2012).

Generally motives vary considerably in terms of provision and personal preferences. From studies of people’s biographies Jarvis (1994) has constructed a typology of responses to potential learning experiences based on the relationship between biography and experiences. One group is the ‘sages’ who claim there is still much to learn and are eager to continue. Another group is the ‘doers’ who additionally engage in a wide range of activities including sport and travelling. A third group is described as ‘anomics’ as they did not learn from their experiences because of the disjuncture between their biography and their experiences. Finally Jarvis found a number of ‘harmony seekers’ who had achieved peace of mind and sought to create a harmonious and secure environment for themselves rather than engage in new learning.

More recently Kidahashi and Manheimer (2009) have developed a typology of what positive older life is based along two axes; one represent the degree to which one is oriented towards engagement with formally acknowledged work of some kind, the other the degree to which one prefer to explore new directions and seek a new meaning to life. Some will shift from one model to another as they grow older, but five lifestyles could be identified:

1. Traditional Golden Years denotes a lifestyle in which leisure is highly valued.2. Neo-Golden Years, by contrast, points to an emphasis on searching for meaning in life

and pursuing self-development, for instance through involvement in learning or spiritual activities. This lifestyle is probably well represented by persons who join the U3As in their third age.

3. The Portfolio Life aims at a good balance in investment of time and energy in diverse activities; paid work, travel, volunteering, family care etc.

4. The Second Career orientation includes possibilities of turning a former hobby into an income occupation, starting a new business or take on type of work that the individual believes offers significant benefit to society.

5. The Extension of Midlife Career describes persons who want to extend midlife work activity for as long as possible.

The research behind this typology is based on American data and it remains to see through further research whether these lifestyles will be found among retired person in other countries.

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As generally emphasized by Illeris (2007) a driving power is needed in order to successfully pursue learning. In her study Withnall (2010) also found that older learners themselves strongly agreed that people who engaged in any form of learning post-work exhibit certain positive personality traits such as having determination, guts, and courage as well as possessed an alert mind. What was noted in this study was that many reported that even if they initially had joined classes or courses for social or other reasons, their enjoyment of learning had become paramount and resulted in discovery of new hidden personality traits. One informant likened learning to “ripples on a pond” to illustrate how its effects spread out to and permeated all other areas of her life (Withnall, 2010:50). It is, however, a question of more research whether it is the personal trait that help people to be committed learners or it is the experiences of learning itself that stimulate further learning and impact positively on the psychological and mental benefits - provided that learning provision match the interests and needs of the learner (Hammond, 2004, referred to in Withnall, 2010:51).

The wider benefits of learningIn many countries active ageing as a way of promoting the health and well-being of the ageing population has been one of the main rationale for supporting learning and education for elderly. The vital role of learning in later life has accordingly, especially in England, been acknowledged in a number of policy documents from the Department of education and Department of Health. Education and leisure activities are here seen as important factors in helping to prevent illness in later life (Withnall, 2010). Much research also point to high correlation between education and health although decisive links and the causal factors are hard to detect.

The positive benefits of learning become also well documented in studies where people are asked themselves about the outcomes of participation. In a study by Dench and Regan (2000): 80 % of a sample aged 50 to 71 years reported a range of positive spin-offs, from improving personal coping skills to greater social involvement. Studies of learning in U3As show that the participants evaluate their experiences in very positive terms. Personal growth and satisfaction is frequently mentioned. In some studies increased knowledge or discovering new things are ranked as the main personal outcome. Moreover their personal wellbeing had improved (Alfagaeme, 2007). Other studies indicate that satisfaction, enjoyment and the mere the joy of learning for its own sake are key aspects for older students. But also increased feeling of usefulness is important (Scala, 1996 referred to in Bunyan & Jordan, 2005; Villar et.al., 2010; Kim & Merriam, 2004). Reinforced self-efficacy is another reported benefit (Mehrotra, 2003). In addition to satisfaction and personal growth participation in U3A seems to have stimulated in expansion of social networks and been helpful in gaining more social supports programmes.

It might be argued that contesting stereotypes concerning the elderly’s capabilities, be it cultural, group or personal stereotypes, should be addressed and counteracted in higher education. A study of participation in university programme for older adults in four countries (Spain, Mexico, Chile and Cuba) tried to find out whether participation effected such stereotypes. It concluded that participation significantly improved positive self-perception of ageing as well as group stereotypes and enhanced emotional balance (Fernández-Ballesteros et. al., 2013).

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Disciplinary orientationAs Findsen (2005) reminds us ageing has physiological, social, cultural and physical dimensions and aspects, and theories of ageing have, accordingly, been developed from many disciplinary perspectives. Older age has traditionally been studies within the disciplines of geriatrics – the clinical care of older people – or gerontology which is built on three fundamental specializations; biogerontology, psychogerontology and social gerontology. The last term, social gerontology, concerns ageing in a social context. It has traditionally been the medical, psychological, institutional and political preoccupations that have marked and shaped gerontological studies of ageing and older adults (Lemieux and Martinez, 2000).

Since the 1970s a new specialization, Educational gerontology, has been added. The Journal, Educational gerontology, was launched in the US in 1976. With the later formation of the Association for Educational gerontology in England the term achieved a kind of ‘official’ status. Defined in the first number of the journal by D.A. Peterson educational gerontology was the study and practice of instructional endeavours for and about aged and ageing individuals.

Another conceptual version was presented by F. Glendenning who suggested the term gerontological education to describe the teaching of gerontology (1985, referred to in Lemieux and Martinez, 2000). Lemieux and Martinez (2000) proposed yet another term, gerantogogy, to describe a competential model of continuing education for older adults. By competential they meant education that is designed to improve the physical, psychological, and social wellbeing of older people. Based on psychological self-actualisation theory they saw the purpose of later life learning to be “reactualising knowledge already acquired” (Lemieux and Martinez (2000:489).

Even the term geragogy has been suggested. M. T. John (1988, referred to in Findsen & Formosa, 2011) called it a theory for teaching the elderly. His approach, however, was distinctively a top-down one with the teachers as being responsible for meeting the needs of the elderly. D. Battersby (1987, referred to in Findsen & Formosa, 2011) on the other hand used geragogy as a radical vision for a collective and negotiated enterprise amongst older adults. This new term, he argued, had become necessary to add a new focus within adult education and to supplement Knowles’ slogan from pedagogy to andragogy with another one, now from andragogy to geragogy.

Within the discipline of gerontology we may identify a traditional gerontology based on positivistic scientific orthodoxy and a more critical version considering elderly whose action is part of a socio-political context (Moody referred to in Lemieux & Martinez, 2000). To go beyond the rampant psychologism that accompanied much of the theorizing within both gerontology and andragogy M. Formosa (2002) formed a set of principles for the practice of critical gerogogy. This concept implied a critical and reflective stance of education which should embrace all segments of older person and have an approach towards transformation, empowerment and liberation (Findsen and Formosa, 2011).

With a number of established concepts as well as suggestions for new ones the question rise which science should education of the elderly fall within. Lemieux & Martinez (2000) suggest a new hybrid science called gerontology resulting from a combination of educational gerontology and education of ageing. Another way forward, suggests Withnall (2000), is to move away from gerontological approaches in order to rethink the relationship between lifelong learning and learning in later years. The lifelong learning strategy and policy was

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promising, but after closer examination has become little more than empty rhetoric. What is more important now, she thinks, is to think in terms of longlife learning, “that would encompass a whole range of economic, democratic, personal and other concerns throughout the life course whilst highlighting the enormous impact of demographic trends both now and in the future” (Withnall, 2012:661).

With the emerging acknowledgement of learning as fundamental of successful and productive ageing an interdisciplinary approach to the study of later life learning seems needed. A construction of a new discipline, as suggested by Lemieux and Martinez (2000) is not necessary, rather to build on and make the most of the knowledge base within adult education and gerontology. A point in case to stimulate such a development (probably a normative foundation?) is to further outline the rationale for later life learning briefly discussed in this paper. Another point, or a perspective for studies, is for instance the trend that transitions from work to retirement has for many become more long drawn out as people choose to withdraw gradually from employment (McNair, 2009). As pointed to by Hodkinson, et.al (2008) retirement must be seen as a process and a lengthy transitional event implying a series of changes over time. Accordingly, learning in later life may be seen as a process of ‘becoming’, both formal and informal. The question to be addressed should then be ‘what life will I retire to?’ rather than ‘what work and life will I retire from?’ (Withnall, 2010:117). This way of seeing means that life planning and continuing personal development are at the core of later life learning.

Yet another discussion is whether chronological age is a useful concept to the understanding of the impact older people’s gender, ethnicity, health status, cognitive abilities, socio-economic circumstances etc. have on society. The idea of the Third Age have been referred to as an age-related period, a time of active leisure and personal fulfillment and distinct from other stages. Maybe it should be perceived more as a status to be achieved through personal choice and as such have a wide age range. Some researchers as Withnall (2012) tries to eschew any mention of age by studying people who are ‘post-work’ and prefer generally to refer to older people as those aged 50 and over. She points to that older people are highly diverse and that ideas about age and growing old vary between cultures and indeed, within some cultures.

Universities of the third age (U3A) as idea and movementOne of the success histories in the work for the continuing learning for elderly and retired persons is the Universities of the Third Age. It started as an idea in France in 1972. The background was a legislation passed by the French government in 1968 which made the universities responsible for the provision of lifelong learning. In the summer 1972 Pierre Vella coordinated at the University of Toulouse a summer programme of lectures, guided tours and other cultural activities for retired people. The participants were so enthusiastic that Vella was ‘forced’ to launch new series of lectures for retirees (Formosa, 2012). This was the start of a permanent UTA (the French and original acronym) in Toulouse, and in the following years the idea spread rapidly to other universities in France, a number of universities in Europe as well as Quebec in Canada (Swindell, 2012). In 1980 the Union French University of the Third Age was founded. Indeed, the idea became in the following years an international movement.

Vella (1997) formulated four objectives for the UTA:

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1) Contribute to raise the level of physical, mental, social health and the quality of life of older people.

2) Realize a permanent educational programme for older people.3) Realize gerontological research programmes.4) Realizing initial and permanent education programmes in gerontology

In the beginning the UTA in Toulouse focused on gerontological subjects but in the subsequent years subject content became mainly in the humanities and arts. The dominant view of the French UTA union was that the label university should mean high academic standard and that the UTAs must be directly linked to established universities. The French UTA had legislation on their side and could build on an academic accept that education for older adults was part of the universities’ responsibility. This implied that the French U3A model operated through a top-down approach and upheld the French academic maxim of ‘teachers lecture, students listen’ (Formosa, 2012). However, as the movement spread out great variations occurred, and a number of the UTAs were formed by cooperation between a university and a governmental or municipal department or wholly established and funded by local governments (Huang, 2006).

When the British educators, gerontologists and university researcher took up the idea, it underwent a substantial change compared to the original French model. The first U3A (as the British renamed it to distinguish it from the French UTA) in Britain was established in Cambridge, in 1981, and quickly replicated in other cities and towns. In contrast to the French model the British version built on the principle of reciprocity and self-help and took a sturdy independence and anti-authoritarian stance. One of the co-founders, Peter Laslett, declared in accordance with a Freirean philosophy that the objectives of the British U3A should be to “create an institution for those purposes where there is no distinction between those who teach and those who learn” (Laslett, 1981, quoted in Formosa, 2012:4). The activity, said Laslett, should be as much as possible voluntary, freely offered by members of the University. Hence, programme directors rejected the idea of pre-packaged courses for more or less passive digestion. It is our view, another co-founder declared (Midwinter, 2003, quoted in Formosa, 2012:5) “that Third Agers should be liberated to organize their own affairs and invent their own destiny … (U3As) are all about older persons being the creators, not the recipients, of a service”.

In fact, we can as Formosa (2012) has pointed to see some resemblance between the British U3A ideas and Illich’s visions of Deschooling Society in which institutionalized education is described as oppressive and ineffectual and undermines people’s confidence and capacity to solve their problems. Illich (1971) argued for more fluid and flexible forms of learning and foresaw a technological development that could provide for easy access to learning resources and thus facilitate the sharing of knowledge and transfer of skills - which is just at the core of the British U3A model. According to the co-founder Midwinter, the term university in this model is used in the medieval sense of fellow students joined together in the selfless pursuit of knowledge and truth for its own sake (Formosa, 2012:5). In contrast to the French model the British U3As rejects, as Laslett had advocated, any “attempt to set a university-wide standard, or any assimilation with university standards elsewhere” (Laslett, 1989, cited in Huang, 2006:840). Most importantly the U3A groups are autonomous entities, self-financing and self-managing. Following the philosophy of the pioneer Laslett the U3As should neither have nor apply for any funding from local or central government and universities. The main source of funding, therefore, comes from the annual membership fees (Huang, 2006).

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The Third Age Trust is the national representative body for the U3As in the UK. The Trust describes U3As as self-help, self-managed lifelong learning co-operatives for older people no longer in full time work, providing opportunities for their members to share learning experiences in a wide range of interest groups and to pursue learning not for qualifications, but for fun (www.u3a.org.uk). Participation has been steadily increasing (Withnall, 2010) and the Trust has now registered 870 U3As and close to 300.000 members sharing learning experiences.

From these two models the U3A developed into a worldwide movement. U3As are now present in more than 60 countries. They may now be loosely defined as socio-cultural centers. A large number of them are members of the International Association of Universities of the Third Age (IAUTA), an umbrella organization for U3As all over the world. It holds an international congress every second year and is managed by a governing board of members from 13 different countries (Withnall, 2012). The U3A movement is thus marked by an extensive increase of centers. Now China is in the front. In 2008 China has established 40.000 U3As with over 4,3 million members.

In the contemporary international development from the 1990s and onwards Formosa (2012) has identified four models.

1. The culturally-hybrid model includes both the Francophone and British elements. These U3A are normally affiliated with a university, use university resources but rely heavily on local self-governing groups which themselves decide activity and content and combine lectures by invited experts and interest-group sessions under the guidance of members and self-directed studies.

2. U3A as part of a traditional university is another model which exists in the French-speaking Canada. These, for instance the U3A in Montreal, offers Bachelor of Arts degree programme for the third age population (Lemieux, 1995).

3. Another version is identified in South America which like the French model has an institutional link to a host university, but in contrast to the French origin have a strong concern for the deprived and vulnerable groups of the older population.

4. Finally, we have the Chinese U3As which make use of older revered teachers who are paid a stipend as well as younger volunteers to teach different subjects and manage courses and activities. A characteristics for the Chinese U3A is also that they adopt a holistic perspective towards learning and emphasize the development of citizenship, cultural consolidation, philosophical reflection and bodily harmony (Formosa, 2012)

However, a number of U3As around the world do not fit any of these models. A specific model of its own is a result of the e-learning revolution. Data from different countries show as a rapid adoption of internet among the elderly included use of social media and e-mail as an important way of maintain contact with friends, families and colleagues (Swindell, 2012). U3Aonline was set up in 1998 and coordinated by tutors located in Britain, Australia and New Zealand (http://www.u3aonline.org.au). The British federation of the U3As also coordinates a number of courses. The Virtual University of the Third Age, launched in 2009 and run by volunteers in UK, is another example of internet learning directed towards older people (http://vu3a.org).

Other types of institutions in North AmericaThe U3A did never get the same rooting in USA as in Europe. The reason is that the interests in later life learning appeared early from the 1950s and stimulated to a proliferation of

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educational programmes, i.e. years before the European U3As became known. Among the first was the Institute for Retired Professionals at the New York School for Social research in New York City, founded in 1962. This was an initiative from retirees (mainly ex-school teachers) which assumed new roles as volunteer teachers, coordinators or student in a kind of ‘do-it-yourself university’ (Withnall, 2012). This spread to the establishment of a number of Lifelong Learning Institutes of which we now find approximately 400 across the USA and Canada.

Another expansion came with the founding of the first Elderhostel in 1975. This was inspired by the established Youth Hostels organizations and the idea was to offer educational travels and learning holidays on the university campuses. In the 1980s the idea of Elderhostels was exported to Europe and in the beginning of 2000 these has spread to more than 100 countries. Indeed, Elderhostels inc. became the largest educational travel organization in the world. But with travelling as the main activity Elderhostels changed name to Road Scholar (Road Scholar, 2012).

Besides these two large enterprises different kinds of senior centers have emerged. They are mainly run by volunteers and partly community-based or in cooperation with universities and colleges. More recently a number of so-called Osher Institutes of Lifelong Learning are established, funded by the Osher Foundation. They provide non-for-credit learning programmes for people over 50 at university and college campuses (Withnall, 2012).

Another example is the University of Pittsburgh’s intergenerational engineering learning program. This involves retired engineers mentoring students in day-to-day engineering practice. The mentors relearn basic engineering as they introduce the concepts to first-year engineering students. The programme is specifically targeted towards helping female, African-American and foreign students adapt to the US culture as they pursue their engineering careers (Philipson & Ogg, 2010).

Although specific models can be identified diversity is may be a better characteristic of the contemporary global U3A movement which now can be seen as part of a broader provision of educational, cultural and social activities for older people. A large number is inspired by the idea of U3A, but can be different kind of centers, associations and self-directed groups of people which neither have nor need an affiliation with a university. The Norwegian case, it will be shown, is an example of this diversity in development. Besides the U3A movement it should be mentioned some intergenerational learning programmes from the late 1970s and onwards which link older with younger learners. One example is the NUGRAN programme at the University of Valencia. It began in 1999 and currently involves 1.000 students. Here older students enroll as university students and share instruction, research, facilities and resources with younger students (Newman & Hatton-Yeo, 2008).

U3A in Nordic countriesSwedenThe first U3A in Sweden became established in Uppsala in 1979. It was supported by the Folkeuniversitetet (the People’s University). Folkeuniversitetet is an association of five foundations: the extra-mural departments attached to the Universities of Stockholm, Uppsala, Göteborg, Lund and Umeå and offers a wide range of adult education. The Uppsala U3A and the later ones have links to the university. But there is no formal connection to ‘ordinary’ universities.

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The purpose of the first U3A in Uppsala was to arrange study activities for the members and maintain contact with similar organizations within and outside Sweden. Membership steadily increased and passed 1.000 in 1994 and has now about 2.000 members. Totally there are now 30 U3As (also called senior or pensioner universities) organized by or in cooperation with Folkuniversitetet (www.folkuniversitetet.se). A majority requires a minimum age for memberships varying from 55 to 65, but 1/5 of them do not specify age. In Uppsala U3A the mean age is around 75 which indicate at large number of fourth age (75+) learners. The women, as elsewhere, constitute the majority; Uppsala U3A has for instance more than twice as many female members as male. A main activity in the Swedish U3As is studying together in study circles on a great range of themes. This means that the Swedish U3As work according to the culturally-hybrid model mentioned above and its activities are very similar to the ordinary Folkbildning. Learning in U3A is self-directed and organized and managed by an elected board or by the board and the members in cooperation (Conference AIUTA, 2010).

FinlandFinland entered the U3A movement rather late, but it soon got a strong foothold. In Finland all U3As had its origin at the universities and is connected to them. The first one was founded in 1985 in Jyväskylä as a co-operative venture between the Summer University of Jyväskylä and the Departments of Health Sciences and Psychology of the University (http://kesayo.jyu.fi/ikaantyvienyliopisto/en). Soon a similar program was launched at the University of Helsinki and other universities followed the example. A national advisory board was established in 1989. Two years later the Finnish Ministry of Education ratified the U3A activities as part of open university operation in Finland (European Network Bulletin, 1998). In the beginning of 2000 U3As were functioning at nine universities. In addition these university programs had ‘satellite’ centers in 24 communities. They are typical of the ‘cultural-hybrid’ model incorporating the French practice of operating from the universities sites, while utilizing the English curriculum and activity design from the interests of the older learner themselves (Yenerall, 2003).

As elsewhere the U3A in Finland embark upon a wide range of activities, but the structure feature mainly three educational components: 1) formal lecture series, 2) study or discussion groups, and 3) research groups which arrange seminars carrying out research by the U3A students themselves (Yenerall, 2003). What seems to be more specific of the Finnish U3As compared to the Norwegian and Swedish ones is that they have no age requirements for involvement in its programs and in a sense is meeting points for many age groups. The vast majority is, however, 60+, and even a 102 years old student has been recorded! The impression from a sample study of 347 U3A participants is that these older student are “rather serious about their studies” (Yenerall, 2005:714). This is illustrated by the answers to the reasons for their continuing with educational experiences. The dominant reasons were to learn more and to gain a general education while the reason “to socialize” got the lowest rank.

DenmarkSurprisingly U3A has not grown to a movement in Denmark. The only U3A registered by the European Network Learning in later life (LiLLI) is Akademie for den tredje Aldern (the Academy for the Third Age), Frederiksberg in Copenhagen. It was founded in 1987 by a group of eager to learn retirees who would like to “live an active and engaged life and sharing experiences with others who also have terminated working life” (http://www.a3a-akademiet.dk, my translation). Consequently the academy recruited members who had passed the age of 60 and were no longer employed. The Academy is a self-ruling association with no

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bonds to university. The members choose an administrative board, have equal right to decide on the annual general meeting and organize themselves in study groups. These groups meet in daytime in each other homes or meet in a village hall to common meetings and seminars (http://www.a3a-akademiet.dk).

U3A in NorwayIn Norway the first U3A was established in Oslo in 1982. The idea of U3A spread to the neighboring municipalities and gradually to a number of towns and densely populated areas. In 2003 approximately 40 U3As were founded. Half of them were part of the provision from Folkeuniversitetet (the Folk University) or at least cooperated with this adult education association which had previously some experiences with education at senior centers. These U3As agreed in 1985 on statutory articles of association which became models for later U3As (Blicher & Solberg, 2003). They continued to flourish and by now there are more than 80 institutions. With the exception of the northernmost county Finnmark they exist all over the country. 32 U3As are located in Oslo or in the neighboring counties (Akershus, Østfold and Vestfold). Another center is Bergen and the surrounding county Hordaland on the west coast. Here we find 17 U3As, mainly as a result of good organizational work of Folkeuniversitetet. These U3As have created network cooperation and met yearly to discuss common matters (http://www.senioruniversitetet.no). In the rest of the remaining counties do we find 1-6 U3As.

Only a few of have links to universities or colleges because a majority has been established in towns and communities where there are no institutions of higher education. More importantly is the link to Folkeuniversitetet. The advantage of this cooperation is that courses organized by Folkeuniversitet can have state subsidies according to the Norwegian Law on adult education. Moreover the law also gives study associations free access to use public educational or assembly rooms. In some places U3As collaborate with public libraries and use the facilities of the library. Many U3As are also otherwise supported by the communities and coordinate their activities with the municipal cultural affairs.

In two cases – besides the first one in Oslo - the U3A have a direct link to university. Both in Trondheim and Tromsø the Senior University started with a so-called Saturday University. In Trondheim it was an initiative in 1980 by the university professionals in order to reach out to a general public through popular science lectures. 6 of the lectures from the first year were also published. Later on the Saturday University was substituted by a broader effort to make Trondheim as a Town of Knowledge (“Kunnskapsbyen”). When a specific Senior University was constituted in 2004 it became part of Kunnskapsbyen and cooperated as well with Trondheim Library and the Joint Association of Pensioners. Also in Tromsø the Saturday University was phased out in 2011 after 11 years of lecturing to bring the University out to the common people. The enthusiasts needed a break after a long voluntary contribution, they said, but already from 2002 this Saturday activity had more or less been undertaken by the Senior University of Tromsø. The U3A in Tromsø followed the same tradition of popular science lectures, but now every Wednesday at a café in the town center.

A majority of the U3As in Norway identify themselves with the international U3A movement and the ideas we have referred to above. But they have adopted a variety of names. Most common (59) is Pensioner University, Senior University or University for the elderly (Pensjonistuniversitet, Senioruniversitet eller Eldreuniversitet), with, for some, U3A added to the name. Some (18) prefer the concept academy and call themselves Pensioner Academy or

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Elder Academy (Pensjonistakademiet eller Eldreakademiet) and one is Academy for Lifelong Learning (Akademiet for livslang læring). Some others use the name Senior or Elder Forum, Senior Center or Senior Ring which point to the U3As as a social meeting place of sharing education and cultural experiences.

These different names reflect that not all identify themselves with university traditions and standards or think the university name is a good symbol to recruit members. Maybe the university concept frightens away some people from participating, someone asked at the national U3A conference in 2012 (www.u3a.no). All U3As therefore emphasis that membership is independent of previous education and professional background. As one U3A (the Academy of Lifelong Learning in Grenland) says; university is used in the original meaning as a fellowship of persons who desires intellectual growth and excitant, and not an elite school of the selected. But they also follow the example of the first Senior University in Oslo that emphasized lectures of “seriousity and quality”. The last national conference agreed on the university concept as the foundation of the U3As and that they “always must go for quality” (www.u3a.no). Some explicitly state that they set the standards high and do their best to hire well-informed, profiled and top qualified lectures. It is an exception from this common agreement that one U3A on the countryside declare that they will make as much as possible use of local resource persons who are affiliated to the region.

U3A and the other names in use signal that the target group is the elderly who have become pensioners and are retired from paid work. Normally participants should be 60 years or older. Some statutes say 55 plus, Tromsø U3A even 45 plus. Some few evade any age limit and invite all that are no longer employed, or welcome everyone without saying anything about age.

The U3A in Norway are usually organized as voluntary associations with a membership fee. They are independent and self-governing associations with a democratic elected executive committee. Subscription is low, NOK 200-500 (25-65 Euros), but as a rule an admission ticket to the meeting is demanded to pay for refreshments. Lectures and other meetings are usually open for the general public, but non-members have to pay a larger admission ticket. In that way they are self-financing, but many are publicly and/or privately supported.

A basic great idea behind the U3As, as formulated by the first one in Oslo, is that old or retired people have a lot of unused resources and they have ideas and desires to develop themselves. Moreover the spokesmen and enthusiasts firmly believe that being active, engaged in learning, being together and build social networks are the most important factors for having a good life. Moreover they see the U3A work as a mean to stimulate brain activity, counteract intellectual deterioration and too early ageing as well as contribute to empowerment, strengthening of identity and self-efficacy (National conference 2012; folder from U3A in Molde, 2013, see www.u3a.no). The normative statesmen’s of the wider benefits of learning as discussed above seems to be a driving force and stimulation for the voluntary work of the leaders as well a motivation factor for participants. The statements and data so far support the wide range of motives and reasons for participating in lifelong learning in older ages which has been found in international research (Formosa, 2000; Alfageme, 2007; Slowey, 2008; Withnall, 2010; Findsen & Formosa, 2011; Formosa, 2012).

If we look at the statutes and the activities these motives and reasons are clustered around four factors (source: U3As websites in www.u3a.no and www.semnioruniversitetet.no ):

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1). All U3A stress the importance of the acquisition, sharing and dissemination of knowledge. The purpose of U3A, many maintain, is to stimulate to further learning, jointly or individually (self-learning), and give an opportunity to study subjects and topics of special interest. Formal qualifications are no goal, and exam is rejected. Nevertheless, says the Senior University in Tromsø, the education offered is meant to an addition to one’s total qualification. The majority of the U3As therefore have a number of study groups, organized as study circles, courses or seminars, and this self-education supplements the education by invited lecturers.

2). The meaning of the knowledge acquisitions and learning is often described in terms of personal development. Older people have obviously a need for further development and growth and to successfully solve the developmental task as outlined by the life span theorists. But the activities in the U3As are also highly oriented towards the society; aiming to stimulate the participants’ social involvement, keep them informed and up to date of “the society we are part of” (Sarsborg Pensjonistakademi). Retirees still want to contribute to society. A primary interest is to contribute to a “better society for the older generation” (Pensjonistuniversitetet i Bodø). One U3A (Ålesund) has concretely engaged itself in project work for adapting housing for elderly. Some also want to take on work to the benefit of other groups or the community, for instance share out scholarships for young people and sponsor local history research.

3). It has been a characteristic in the Nordic tradition of popular education – at least in past times – that educational and cultural refinement is inseparable parts of the learning enterprise. In the U3As cultural experiences have a prominent place. A majority organizes learning travels and excursions at home or abroad just like the American Elderhostels. Some also stimulate to self-activity and have for instance established theater groups, pay visits to museums and concert halls or have dance on the programme. One U3A (Lørenskog pensjonistuniversitet) proudly claim they are the largest cultural association in the district and that their mission is to contribute to a cultural rich local community.

4). Finally the social aspect is of vital importance. Almost everyone introduce the U3A as a social meeting place or forum, and undoubtedly the need for contact and fellowship with others is both a pronounced motive for participation as well as a benefit of doing so. A coffee break and refreshment seems to be an obligatory part of lecturing or study activities and is often included in the subscription or admission ticket.

In conclusion it is however difficult to define the Norwegian U3As within one of the models outlined above. They are surely a kind of cultural-hybrid institutions and close to the British model since they are independent and self-ruling associations of which only few have links to universities. Diversity is probably the best characteristic. This diversity becomes even more outstanding when we take into account that many of them are not really U3As, at least in the French meaning, but are pensioner associations for and of the members. As such they are not distinctively different from other types of educational, cultural, and social provisions for elderly in Norway. Three types having some similarities with the U3As should be mentioned. One is the residential or non-residential living and/or service centers for elderly which are either operated by the community or voluntary associations. These elderly centers have a wider range of activities from care and health prevention courses for the most needed to provision of studies, lectures and learning travels for the vital and healthy elder. In addition they the centers give service and guidance to the elderly and usually also have a café or assembly rooms for social meetings.

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Another type is a result of a national cultural campaign called The Cultural Walking Stick (Den kulturelle spaserstokken). The name parallels a similar public initiative directed toward children and called The Cultural School Rucksack (Den kulturelle skolesekken). The cultural initiative towards elderly started in Trondheim in 2002 and became a national project in 2006. The idea is to bring professional art and culture out to the elderly where they are and to establish cooperation between the sectors of culture and the sectors of welfare and social work.

A third initiative is the development of Senior Net Norway (Seniornett Norge), founded in 1997, with the aim of helping people above the age of 55 to cope with the information society (www.seniornett.no). The association has spread all over the country and in 2012 Senior Net had 126 local clubs with 7.000 members. The main activity is to help the elderly to master the information and communication technology either by professional help or by peer learning. A special Senior Surf day has been introduced and up to 2010 more than 75.000 seniors had got their first introduction to internet on these days (Wikipedia.org). In 2012 the Adult Education Association in Norway (VOFO) awarded the popular education price to Senior Net Norway.

ConclusionThis paper has discussed learning in later life from different perspectives. One is the policy responses to ageing. Another is the rationale for older people’s participation in lifelong learning in terms of demographic changes, theories on ageing and the wider individual and social benefits of enhancing successful and productive ageing. A third perspective concerns the development of educational gerontology and adult education. The paper has referred to suggestions to construct a new discipline, geragogy, that could have the later life of people as its distinctively area and find its scientific place besides pedagogy and andragogy. More fruitful, the author of this paper argue, is to develop an interdisciplinary approach to the study of later life learning. This should build on the research achievements within educational gerontology and adult education and be open to develop a broader conceptual framework for what Withnall call longlife learning “within which to explore different aspects of later life learning in different countries and the dynamics involved over time” (Withnall, 2012:662).

A second part of the paper concerns the development of the Universities of the Third Age and how the idea of U3A has been implemented in Norway. This part presents the preliminary results of a study in progress of U3As in Norway. Some descriptive data on the development and characteristics of the U3A are presented, but further research and critical analysis remains. Three topics are of special interest; elitism, gender and in what way U3A meet the need of generative older people.

All studies which have available data on membership or participation indicate that U3A is overwhelmingly middle class (Anderson, 2008).This has undoubtedly something to do with the content and focus of provision. Jarvis (referred to in Heberstreit, 2006) have a point when he characterizes U3As as a re-emergence of liberal adult education. What we know about U3As in some countries is that they largely have attracted middle class (Formosa, 2012). Are the U3A in Norway strongly elitist and to what degree is participation middle class biased?

All the studies referred to in this paper report – if they take gender into account – a majority of female participants. It is suggested that men and women have different reasons and motives for participating (Bunyan & Jordan, 2005) but why is it so?

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If we agree with the active ageing paradigm we may discuss how the U3As meet the needs of what the Spanish researchers Villar and Celdrán (2012) call the generative older people. Generativity, as presented by Erikson (1980), is the issue people encounter when they have successfully overcome the crisis of identity and intimacy in adolescence and young adulthood. The developmental task associated to generativity implies the preservation and enhancement of social contexts in which they participate and the society as a whole. Primarily connected to middle adulthood generatitvity seems also to be of increasing relevance in older age which Erikson himself (1986 referred to in Villar and Celdrán, 2012) hinted to by coining the concept of grand-generativity. Generative older people are they who are still active and eager to put into practice what they learn. Do the U3A with an emphasis on a liberal education content meet assumed needs to find significant new roles, enhancing their social participation in the community, in the family or in the area of volunteering? Are intergenerational programmes desirable?

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Websites with information of the Norwegian U3As:http://www.senioruniversitetet.nohttp://www.u3a.no

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