Digitally Signed by: Content manager’s Name

DN : CN = Weabmaster’s name

O= University of Nigeria, Nsukka

OU = Innovation Centre

ORJI ANN N.

Faculty of Social Sciences

Department of Public Administration and

Local Government

Good Leadership and Governance in Nigeria: A Comparison

of Military Rule and Civil Rule (1985 – 2007)

Anazor, Emmanuel C.

PG/M.Sc/06/41998

2

GOOD LEADERSHIP AND GOVERNANCE IN NIGERIA: A COMPARISON OF MILITARY RULE

AND CIVIL RULE (1985-2007)

BY

ANAZOR, EMMANUEL C. PG/M.Sc./06/41998

DEPARTMENT OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION AND LOCAL GOVERNMENT

UNIVERSITY OF NIGERIA, NSUKKA

SUPERVISOR: DR. B.A. AMUJIRI

3

MAY, 2011

4

GOOD LEADERSHIP AND EFFECTIVE GOVERNANCE IN

NIGERIA: A COMPARISON OF MILITARY RULE

AND CIVIL RULE (1985-2007)

BY

ANAZOR, EMMANUEL C.

PG/M.Sc./06/41998

A PROJECT SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE

REQUIREMENT FOR THE AWARD OF THE DEGREE OF MASTERS

OF SCIENCE (M.Sc.) IN PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION AND LOCAL

GOVERNMENT TO THE SCHOOL OF POST GRADUATE STUDIES,

UNIVERSITY OF NIGERIA, NSUKKA

MAY, 2011

i

TITLE PAGE

GOOD LEADERSHIP AND EFFECTIVE GOVERNANCE IN NIGERIA: A COMPARISON

OF MILITARY RULE AND CIVIL RULE (1985-2007)

BY

ANAZOR, EMMANUEL C.

PG/M.Sc./06/41998

DEPARTMENT OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

AND LOCAL GOVERNMENT

UNIVERSITY OF NIGERIA, NSUKKA

ii

CERTIFICATION

This is to certify that Anazor, Emmanuel C., a post graduate student of the Department

of Public Administration and Local Government, University of Nigeria, Nsukka and whose

Registration Number is PG/M.Sc./06/41998; has satisfactorily completed the requirements for

the award of Master of Science Degree (M.Sc.) in Public Administration (Human Resources

Management).

______________________ ____________________ Dr. B. A. Amujiri Prof. Fab. Onah Supervisor HOD, PALG

______________________ ____________________

Prof. E. O. Ezeani External Examiner

Dean of Faculty

iii

DEDICATION

This work is dedicated to the blessed memory of my Beloved

Mother Mrs. Anazor, Paulina.

iv

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

I am highly indebted to my Supervisor Dr. B.A. Amujiri, for his tireless efforts,

care, understanding, simplicity and humility in handling this herculean task of

supervising this work; kudos to you my dear able lecturer.

I must not fail to acknowledge the Head of the Department - Prof. Fab. Onah

and all the lecturers and staff of the Department of Public Administration and Local

Government, thank you all for your hardwork.

I wish also to appreciate all the staff of Nnamdi Azikiwe University Library for

their material support throughout course of this project work.

I must not fail to appreciate the love, care and encouragement of my Father -

Dr. Edwin L.O. Anazor, siblings, friends, and well-wishers, may God bless you all

abundantly.

v

ABSTRACT

Nigeria is one of the ‘Third World’ or underdeveloped countries that have made serious

development in the most recent past as developing; but she is perhaps one of the countries

especially in West Africa whose leadership and governance have been bedeviled with

tremendous political quagmire. Many African scholars believed and blamed the Whitemen for

African predicaments. In Nigeria, such conceptions as imperialism, colonialism and

neocolonialism have always been seen as some of the answers to the causes of African

underdevelopment; be it political, socio-cultural, economic, religious, scientific and

technological problems. The works of many African nationalists have given credence to these

burning issues like our own Zik of Africa, Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, Julius Nyerere of

Tanzania, Tom Mboya, Senghor, M. Okpala, and others. Example, Walter Rodney – “How

Europe Underdeveloped Africa” and Chinua Achebe – “The Trouble with Nigeria”. However

this study compared and contrasted as well as examined critically the military rule and civilian

rule in Nigeria government and politics and also suggested some solutions for effective

leadership and good governance in Nigeria. The researcher raised six questions backed up

with three formulated hypotheses: what are the problems of leadership and governance in

Nigeria? What are their causes? What are the negative contributions of imperialism,

colonialism, and neo-colonialism to leadership and governance in Nigeria? What are the

contributions of the military rule in Nigeria? What are the consequences of ineffective

leadership and bad governance? What are the panacea to these problems of leadership and

governance in Nigeria? The primary instrument of data collection was the interview method.

175 people were duly interviewed from the six geo-political zones of Nigeria including FCT

Abuja. The three hypothesis formulated serve as a guide to the work. They were accepted or

rejected base on the analysis of the data generated; using descriptive or content analysis.

Majority views and minority views were recorded and most times more than a single person

shared the same opinion in various issues. Some findings are made in this work they include:

that bad leadership and ineffective governance impede development; that the negative

influence of colonialism, imperialism, and neocolonialism militate against development in

Nigeria; the military rule militate against development in Nigeria. Some recommendations

made include: decolonization, transparency and accountability, radical but non-violent

revolution, and the pursuit of true freedom by dismantling of Whiteman’s throne through

consciencism and popular participation.

vi

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Title Page - - - - - - - - - - i

Approval Page - - - - - - - - - ii

Dedication - - - - - - - - - - iii

Acknowledgement - - - - - - - - - iv

Abstract - - - - - - - - - - v

Table of Contents - - - - - - - - - vi

CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION - - - - - - 1

1.1 Background to the Problem - - - - - - 1

1.2 Statement of the Problem - - - - - - 7

1.3 Objective of the Study - - - - - - - 9

1.4 Significance of the Study - - - - - - - 10

1.5 Scope and Limitations of the Study - - - - - 12

CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW AND METHODOLOGY - - 14

2.1 Literature Review - - - - - - - - 14

2.1.1 An Overview of the African Continent Particularly Nigeria - - 14

2.1.2 An Overview of Politics and Government in Africa Particularly Nigeria 22

2.1.3 An overview of the Emergence of Military Administration in Nigeria - 33

2.1.4 An Overview of the Civilian rule in Nigeria - - - - 39

2.1.5 An Overview of the Structure and Functions of the Nigerian Military

Government - - - - - - - - - 44

2.1.6 The Summary of Literature Review - - - - - 46

2.1.7 Gap in Literature Review - - - - - - - 52

2.2 Hypotheses - - - - - - - - - 54

2.3 Operationalization of Key Concepts in the Hypothesis - - - 54

2.4. Methodology - - - - - - - - - 58

2.4.1 Typology of Study - - - - - - - - 58

vii

2.4.2 Population of the Study - - - - - - - 61

2.4.3 Sample and Sampling Procedure - - - - - - 61

2.4.4 Method of Data Collection - - - - - - - 64

2.4.5 Reliability and Validity of Instruments of Data Collection - - 65

2.4.6 Method of Data Analysis - - - - - - - 67

2.5 Theoretical Framework - - - - - - - 68

CHAPTER THREE: BACKGROUND INFORMATION ON THE STUDY AREA 77

3.1 Introductory Background - - - - - - - 77

3.2 The Origin and Development of the Military In Nigeria - - 80

3.3 The Traditional Role of the Military in Nigeria - - - 81

3.4 The Historical Background of Civilian Government in Nigeria - 83

3.5 The Nature of Civilian Government in Nigeria - - - - 86

3.6 Historical Background of Military Government In Nigeria - - 89

3.7 The Nature of Military Government in Nigeria - - - - 93

CHAPTER FOUR: DATA PRESENTATION, ANALYSIS, AND FINDINGS 97

4.1 Data Presentation and Analysis - - - - - - 97

4.2 Findings and Discussions - - - - - - - 121

CHAPTER FIVE: SUMMARY, CONCLUSION, AND RECOMMENDATIONS 127

5.1 Summary - - - - - - - - - 127

5.2 Conclusion - - - - - - - - - 130

5.3 Recommendations - - - - - - - - 131

BIBLIOGRAPHY

1

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.1 BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY

According to Anazor (2003:1) the advanced countries of the world like Britain,

U.S.A., France, Germany, Japan, Italy, et cetera, have one prominent big advantage

over the developing countries or under developed world in that they operate a stable

system of government administration and development. And the reason is that they

have settled the problematic issues of leadership and governance for development.

In the developing countries like Africa for example Nigeria, all-round

development is very difficult because the government of Nigeria is created on a weak

and unstable political system. Even at 50 years of Independence; Nigeria needs to

tackle seriously and urgently too the problem of bad leadership and governance. The

above will ensure that development in all spheres of human endeavours can be

galvanished for justice, peace, unity, equity, love, progress and total change of

transformation from dictatorship of the military government to democratic government

of the civil rule.

Asogwa and Omemma (2001:335) defined political system as a system of

government and non-governmental institutions exercising definite political functions. It

embraces the state parties, trade unions, the church, and other bodies pursuing

political aims. For Chaturvedi (2006:243) political system broadly, is the political

arrangements of a society embracing all factors influencing collective decisions. The

political system thus includes processes of recruitment and socialization, parties,

voters and social movements which are not a formal part of government. According to

2

Chaturvedi (2006; 243) defined the political system a “that system of interactions in

any society through which binding or authoritative allocations are made and

implemented”. There are three essential parts of political system. These are (i)

allocation of values by means of policies, (ii) allocations of authoritative, and (iii)

authoritative allocations are binding on the society as a whole.

Undoubtedly, our country Nigeria is a land of rich and variegated cultural

heritage. Hence there are no less than 250 identifiable tribes or ethnic groups in

Nigeria with over 400 dialects, each with distinct traditions and culture, which they up-

hold in high esteem. These facts pose very serious challenges for the free and eay

access to every scheme of development affairs of the nation.

But people have witnessed many problems; ranging from the ethnicity or

tribalism, nepotism to sectionalism, favourtism, maladministration, foreign domination,

untrue patriotism, civil war, bribery and corruption, subjection and suppression,

human trafficking and child abuse, and political unrest in such places like Kotangora,

Tafawa Belewa in Bauchi, Kano, Kaduna, Maiduguri and recently in Jos Plateau State;

as well as the issues of kidnapping all over the country and militancy in the Niger

Delta. These have filtered into the entire social fabric and everything is turned upside

down into politics of poverty and poverty of politics in the midst of plenty in both

natural and material and human endowments.

Odimegwu et al. (2007:157-160) posited that, “in Nigeria democratic context,

serious efforts have not been paid to the development of moral dimension of citizens.

They described the activities of the Nigerian politicians in the new democratic process

simply as a ‘Game without Rules’. They made extensive observations concerning the

3

abuses of then rulers of the country and preferred to cal them rulers instead of leaders

just to show that they did not live up to the moral responsibility and trust reposed on

them by the people. They only qualify a rulers and not as leaders. Leadership is an

absence of moral characters in the said officials of the people, applying the concept of

leadership to them, is like putting a square peg in a round hole”.

The research for stable, lasting and efficient system of government for Nigeria

started long ago before Nigeria, attained independence from Britain. In fact,

experiment with different forms of internal, external political associations was an ever

present feature of Nigeria’s colonial history. The period of apparent inaction in this

direction corresponded with the time of the world wars and intervening period of the

great depression (1914-1945).

“…from 1900, there were two protectorates – the northern

and southern protectorates of Nigeria which was

amalgamated in 1914. At the end of the Second World War

in 1945, five rapidly succeeding approaches to government

came with Arthurs Richard’s Constitution (1946), McPharson’s

Constitution of (1951), Lyttilton or Federal Nigeria

COnstiuttion of (1954), and Independence Constiuttion of

(1960); (Duru, 1998).

Duru therefore observed that political changes is a healthy manifestation of

growth and in any case is not new in Nigeria. What has been new in Nigeria is post-

independence political change. There have been frequent interventions of the Armed

Forces in the form of coup d’etat. And as much as those might have been justified to

a large extent, they have actually tended to be disruptive of programmes of planning

and development.

4

These unfortunate situations have escalated beyond control or to the point of

no return. Our leaders (military or civil) are skeptical, careless, unconcern and have

given deaf ears to the plights of the poor masses. They are corrupt, insensitive,

selfish, ignorant and lack good philosophical orientation that will give them

enablement to marry principles with practice. Therefore, the researcher’s survey of

Nigeria’s democratic experiments on leadership and governance vis-à-vis the military

rule and civilian rule; are limited to the periods from her political independence till

date.

However, it is necessary to be aware of past mistakes, and the awareness of

past mistakes breed avoidance of incursions that may amount to the intensification of

magnitude of these mistakes. What are these mistakes, one may rightly be tempted to

ask? They are among others, multifarious forms of constant greediness, human

degradations earlier mention oppressions, suppressions, subjugation, fraud, bribery

and corruption the bane of good leadership and effective government in Nigeria.

We have to recall that the constitutional conference of 1958 was historically

significant because it sets the data for Nigeria’s independence on October 1, 1960.

Many decisions were ten on revenue allocation, creation of new regions and boundary

adjustments. Also lists of fundamental rights were enshrined in the constitution to

prevent arbitrary use of power by government or agents. And this constitution that

became operational in October 1, 1960, was abruptly suspended in 1966 following a

coup d’etat which terminated the First Republic or Civilian Rule.

In fact, the military incursion and cession of power is an aberration in the

government and political terrain of the country. The military is meant to protect life

5

and property and secure the territorial integrity of the state. But unfortunately instead,

there have been series of wars like Nigeria Biafra Civil War, coups and counter coups

with lost of many lives and properties. The examples of the Nigeria politic instability

include Aguyi Ironsi’s administration that came on board but was toppled by Gowon

who rules from 1966 to 1975. Gowon’s administration was toppled by the leadership

of Murtala Mohammed who sent up a constitution drafting committee in 1975.

This committee planned the 1979 constitution that ushered in the Second

Republic, giving Nigeria an Executive Presidential System of government based on

liberal democracy. Its principle and practice were enshrined in the construction. The

second republic was sacked in 1983 by the General Muhammed Buhari and Idiagbon

coup d’etat of December 30, 1983. General Buhari emerged as the new Head of State

in January, 1984. He was soon overthrown by General Ibrahim Babangida in August,

1985.

Anoje-Eke (2006: 8-10) stated that “Babangida called himself military president

during his 8 years tenure. He made several promises to hand over power but did not

fulfill any of them. During his rule, the nation was virtually ruined in terms of

widespread graft and corruption a well as economic down-turn never before

experienced. The Naira was 20 times less than its original value, effectively destroyed

and reduced to mere pieces of paper ironically called bank notes. He was however

forced to “step aide” in august, 1993; following his surprise annulment of June 12

elections, adjudged both nationally and internationally, as the most credible in Nigeria

Political history. A puppet government known a Interior National Government (ING)

was put in place in August that year with Ernest Shonekan as the Head of State….

6

This lame-duck government was soon shoved away by Gen. Abacha in November

1993…. Abacha would have succeeded in making himself life President. But for the

widely acclaimed divine intervention which abruptly terminated his life in June, 1998;

under mysterious circumstances”.

Subsequently, according to Anoje-Eke (2007:10) “Gen. Abdulsalam Abubakar,

soon succeeded him and immediately put in place a political process that led to a

democratically elected Government in May, 1999; with Rtd. General Olusegun

Obasanjo emerging as the second executive president of Nigeria. It is pertinent to

point out here that the crisis that followed the annulment of June 12 elections nearly

brought about disintegration of Nigeria. The Yoruba’s believed strongly that Gen.

Babangida scuttled their presidency in the person of Chief M.K.O. Abiola. Accordingly,

they resolved firmly to secede from Nigeria. This resolution expressed itself in inciting

political utterances and activities of National Democratic Coalition (NADECO).

At the end of the tunnel, Prof. Jibrin Aminu came to the rescue and broke the

impasse. He brokered a temporary consensus. The delegates later agreed in principle

that presidency should be rotated between the North and the South. But is modality

was left for the future consideration by the conference of the National Assembly. The

above situations have shown therefore the state of the country. And the fact remains

that leadership and government in Nigeria is posed with challenges. These threats

need urgent attention because it hinders all-round development of our country.

7

1.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

Truly, the Bible says “man that is born of a woman is of few days and full of

troubles. He blossoms for a moment like a flower and withers. And as a shadow of a

passing cloud he quickly disappears” (Job, 14:1-2).

In a nutshell, Ogban-Iyan and Kerlinger cited in Biereenu-Nnabugwu (2006;30-

31) stated, “an academic problem exists when no adequate descriptive and/or

explanatory and/or interpretative and/or predictive solution of a puzzle exists while

problem statement means a statement indicating the variables of interest which the

research intends to investigate or has investigated”.

Accordingly, Achebe (1983:1) stated, “the trouble with Nigeria is simply and

squarely a failure of leadership. There is nothing basically wrong with the Nigeria land

or climate or water or air or anything else. The Nigerian problem is the unwillingness

or inability of its leaders to rise to the responsibility to the challenge of personal

example and service settlement which are the hallmarks of true leadership”.

In the words of Eze (2001:16-17) “in the early days of colonial rule before the

amalgamation, I was made to know that the British did not allow the Northerners to

mix freely Southern counterpart, for fear they might tap the wisdom of their southern

counterparts. The British were busy sowing the seed of discord in the minds of the

young northerners pitching them against their southern neighbors. This resulted in

having a separate quarters in the North called (Sabon Gari) which means home of

visitors or non-indigenes. As soon as we were amalgamated in 1914, we inherited

suspicion of each other, as part of our national character, which today is a barrier to

8

our cooperate existence as a nation…. The seed the British planted in our minds in the

pre-independence day has germinated”.

Hence, Chikendu (2005:16-19) posited that, “…a great rivalry development

between the southern and northern administrates…. It is clear that the al

amalgamation of northern and southern Nigeria was done as an expedient policy in

the economic interest of Britain. It was not a bad policy in itself but was badly

conceived and negatively implemented to the detriment of Nigeria’s political, social

and economic development. Had it been conceived with the right intention and

implemented accordingly, Nigeria’s subsequent political instability and socio-economic

problems could have been avoided”.

In fact, the nature of society and political, social, economic and cultural

development of a nation are the reflections of the characteristics of its leadership and

governance like in Nigeria. Undoubtedly, it has been a general belief that bad

leadership and ineffective governance have been the bane of Nigeria’s under

development not minding the effects of imperialism, colonialism and neo-colonialism in

Nigeria.

However, the bone of contention remains in reality the hue and cry of

inefficiency, ineffectiveness, fraud, nepotism, bribery and corruption, cognitive melo-

drama or problems in organizational behaviour; maladministration in public sector

organizations, religions and ethnic crises, tribalism, sectionalism, social injustice and

general indiscipline etc.

The questions that this study tends to address therefore are among others the

following:

9

(1) What are the causes of bad leadership and ineffective governance in Nigeria?

(2) What are the negative contributions of military rule and civilian rule in Nigeria?

(3) What are the consequences of bad leadership and ineffective government on

Nigeria people and society?

(4) What are the panacea to those problems of leadership and governance in

Nigeria?

1.3 OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY

Research is simply the process of arriving at dependable solution to problems.

For Nnabugwu (2006:16) having a purpose is a veritable feature of a good research

process. In this sense a good research process is purpose-driven and result-oriented.

Broadly speaking, purpose could be either basic or applied. This explains why in the

words of Obasi (1993:83) process was seen a “a discourse of verbal characterization

which is designed to give the reader a mental image of the attributes or operations

taking place overtime to achieve a definite affect” the import is that, research process

is not only interrelated, but that it is directed towards a goal or goals.

Truly, leadership and governance problems in Nigeria government and politics

predate independence and have persisted unabated even after independence till date

(Nigeria at 50 years). This portrays Nigeria leaders as incapable of leading. Thus,

there have been accusations and counter accusations between the military and civilian

politic elites on who to blame or hold responsible for the leadership and governance

problems in Nigeria. The problems swing from the civilian rule to the military rule and

10

vice versa. These were not only their making but also the colonial negative legacies

and/or neo-colonialism.

Indeed, bad leadership and ineffective governance have enormously

contributed to the underdevelopment of Nigeria. The abuse of democratic principles

and practices in Nigeria politics and government as demonstrated by our rulers, have

necessitated the critical and objective examination of the concept of leadership and

governance vis-à-vis the military rule and civil rule in order to x-ray the historical

antecedents aggravating this antithetical phenomenon of problems, the causes, the

consequences and to proffer or suggest some possible solutions to bad leadership and

ineffective government in Nigeria.

Therefore, the main objectives of this study will include among other things the

following:

(1) To examine and identify the problems militating against good leadership and

effective governance in Nigeria;

(2) To identify the causes of bad leadership and ineffective governance in Nigeria;

(3) To compare and identify the negative contributions of civil rule and military rule

in Nigeria politics and government;

(4) To find solutions to these problems or make recommendations on the way

forward.

1.4 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY

“Over the years systematic investigations or research into political phenomena

have helped to illuminate political issues and puzzles. For instance, in his work, how

11

Europe Underdeveloped Africa, Rodney (1972) showed great concern for the

contemporary Africa’s situation and delved into the past in order to shed light on how

the present circumstances came into being and what it holds for Africa’s future. It is

very important to note that his findings underlined the fact, that certain solutions

hinge on correct historical evaluation of reality”.

This study is therefore very useful or important in so many ways. It will help to

increase our knowledge of how things are, why things are the way they are and how

they might be changed or solved. It will so help to influence positively the actual

political behaviours of our present and future leaders; to condemn or support existing

institutions, to justify the politic system or persuade their follow citizens to change it.

For Biereenu-Nnabugwu (2006:11) “it is useful in the systematic identification,

description, explanation, interpretation, prediction and prescription of solutions to the

puzzles confronting political scientists and the polity. This takes to the relationship

between causal explanation and political inquiry”.

Accordingly, the work is also significant for its critical examination and analytical

approach to the issues of leadership and governance problems, and pointing out the

way forward in Nigeria. The work will also be useful to the legislative arm of

government or policy formulators, and implementers at the federal, state and local

government in order to enable them adopt more pragmatic strategies for good

leadership style or political system and effective governance in Nigeria.

The work will also throw more light into the nature and pattern of bad

leadership style or weak political system enunciated from pre-colonial to the colonial

and to post-colonial days in Nigeria. This study add indeed and in theory significantly,

12

fill the vacuum or gap of knowledge and add to body of literatures, existing on the

elimination of the problems of leadership and governance in Nigeria. The work will

also serve as a resource base for further research in this subject of discourse in the

future in Nigeria.

1.5 SCOPE AND LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY

The scope of this work is simply concerned or limited to the study of the

problems of leadership and governance in Nigeria. This study is also intended to

investigate or examine critically and ascertain those things that constitute the

leadership and governance problems, their causes, their consequences and those

possible panaceas as it pertains to the Nigerian government and politics.

The above will help in no small measure in tackling the problem of

underdevelopment that was created by bad leadership and ineffective governance in

Nigeria. And in maintaining this scope, the researcher may as time and space permit,

address such issues as inefficiency and ineffectiveness as the part of our leaders

because lack of good use or the application of the principles and practices of

democracy, can and have caused many problems in Nigeria.

Most importantly, the study has been articulated to cover all the states, local

governments and the citizens of the federation as well as a vast number of pertinent

issues affecting the society, the citizens and the leaders. It will systematically

identifies, describes, explains, interprets, predicts and prescribes solutions to the

subject matter under study.

13

On another note, any research would naturally have one or two limitations and

this particular research is not without one or two limitations. The first is inadequacy

materials or inability to have access to enough data necessary to support the work.

The second issue was lack of due cooperation and support generally and especially by

some political elites, former leaders and government office holders, to help boast the

quality of the work. We would have also embarked on extensive tour of various states

of the federation and their local governments in ascertaining the leadership style

operational in the area; but logistics constraints made it very difficult to break through

and achieve greater success.

However, with God all things are possible. With faith, hope and love, we were

able to succeed to reasonable extent. We were assisted by the people of goodwill.

14

CHAPTER TWO

LITERATURE REVIEW AND METHODOLOGY

2.1 LITERATURE REVIEW

This chapter therefore concerns with the review of the various Literatures on

the study. It is organized and intended to cover, and to be carried under the following

sub-headings:

2.1.1 An Overview of the African Continent Particularly Nigeria

2.1.2 An Overview of Politics and Government in Africa Particularly Nigeria

2.1.3 An Overview of the Military Rule in Nigeria

2.1.4 An Overview of the Civil Rule in Nigeria

2.1.5 An Overview of the Structure and Functions of the Nigerian Military Government

2.1.6 The Summary of Literature Review

2.1.7 The Gap in Literature Review

2.3.1 AN OVERVIEW OF THE AFRICAN CONTINENT PARTICULARLY

NIGERIA

Iroegbu (1994) espoused that Africa has to be understood as the geo-political

and socio-cultural entity englobed, by the continent of Africa: North, South, West, East

and Central Regions with independent nations with diverse ethnic grouping and each

struggling for survival. For him, others include the old Afro-Islamic Egypt, Sub-Sahara

black Central as well as white South Africa. Equally included are the historically

African-Originated Afro-American and Afro-Asian peoples whose roots are African.

Though they live no longer in the Africa continent, yet they are tied by history and

15

origins to Africa. They are part and parcel of the Africa reality (cf. Iroegbu P. 1994,

Enwsdomization and Africa Philosophy).

According to Chukwu (2007:9-10), “Africa (Afraka) is an Amharic (Ethiopia) word

which when translated means “Land of the Sun”, or a sunny zone (Land of the rising

sun). In their Language the Greek had called this part of the world Afrike, while on

their part the Romans adventurers described it in the Latin Language as Africa. The

English explorers and invaders used Africa in their description of the continent

probably in imitation of the Roman adventurers who had earlier colonized them and

imposed certain cultural traits including Africa.

Generally, Afraka, Afrike and Africa convey the meaning: “Land of the rising sun”.

It is, therefore, not surprising argues one writer, that the first human civilization was

cradled here in Africa.

Emekaekwue, (2003) explained and stated inter alia that “the Egyptians

(Africans) were early observers of the heavens; and of course, that the first human

civilization was cradled here in Africa (Egypt). And I wonder why up till date; Africa is

still categorized among the third world countries, under developed or developing

world.

Emekaekwue (2003) continued: “Undoubtedly, Africa is a continent bedeviled

with many threatening development challenges, social ills and vices despite the

superfluous endowments and rich resources by God. Africa is seriously suffering from

many contagious diseases and cankerworms which have permeated deeply into the

fabrics of her various systems. The nitty-gritty is that these problems affect

development and moral rectitude in every nook and cranny in Nigeria.

16

Thus, according to Anazor (2008), these problems perhaps range from lack of

proper self identity or crisis to a democratic leadership crisis, inferiority complex, greed

and avarice, selfishness, disordered priority and value Orientations, insecurity of life,

and property, wars, kidnapping and assassination if diverse magnitude, costly

education at all levels, unemployment, bribery and corruption in high and low cadres,

Ostentation and flamboyancy, Sexual immorality, unfaithfulness, disobedience and

egoism, economic and political quagmire, bad leadership and ineffective governance,

lack of fear of God, and the outright denial of omniscient, omnipresent or omnipotent

God - by same hoodlums..

According to Ki-Lerbo-Spivak cited in Ogunnowo (2008:13), Africa is a Roman

name for what the Greeks called “Libya”, itself perhaps a Latinization of the name of

the Berber tribe Aourigha (pronounced “Afarika”). It is derived from two Phoenician

terms either referring to cornor fruit (Pharika), meaning land of corn or fruit. Also, the

name comes from a Phoenician root faraqa, meaning separation or diaspora; a similar

root is apparently found in some African languages such as Bambara. It is drawn from

the Latin adjective aprica (sunny) of the Greek aprike (free from cold). It might even

stem from Sanskrit and Hindi in which the root Apara or Africa denotes that which, in

geographical terms, comes “after” to the westin which case Africa is the weste

continent. It is the name of a Yemenite chief named Africus who invaded North Africa

in the second millennium B.C.E. and founded a town called Afrikyah or it springs from

“Afer” who was a grandson of Abraham and a companion of Hercules Ki-Zerbo Spivak.

For Chukwu, (2007:10) Africanization refers to the process whereby Africans

replaced expatriates in positions of authorities in the public and private sectors in

17

colonial Africa. Hitherto, foreigners had held executive positions of authorities in the

civil service, the church, commerce, the banks and the educational system. In a large

measure, the reason often adduced for the marginalization of Africans was based on

alleged inferior educational system. The real reason on the other, was the racial

discrimination against the black race otherwise known the colour bar.

However, we have to note that following many years of protests and diplomatic

moves by Africans especially the elites or the nationalists, they began to gradually take

up important managerial positions in the afore-mentioned sectors and sub-sectors of

the society. Indeed, the fact remains that, until after World War II when there

occurred real devolution of authority the earlier period had seen a concentration of

power in the hands of non-Africans in Nigeria, for example. But, from this time

onward, Africans began to take up managerial positions in relatively large numbers.

This was when the nationalist movement was getting more intensified.

To buttress the points, Chukwu (2007:25) asserted that Garveyism is the

philosophy of Marcus Garvey, a Jamaican Negro, who worked so hard to stimulate

interest in the study of African history and culture. His own was a militant cultural

nationalism as embodied in the “Negro Renaissance”. As he tried to put it, “as at the

time the Europeans were still apes, Africans had achieved a wonderful civilization on

the banks of the (River) Nile”. These are, as Garvey articulated them:

i. Africa is the homeland of all Negroes;

ii. If Europeans wanted peace, they should pack up their bags and baggage out of

Africa (Garvey was referring to European occupation of Africa during the

colonial period) and;

18

iii. All Negroes from the different parts of the World must return to Africa to

establish “a country and government absolutely their own”.

Sources gathered so far sequel to the above has shown that he founded the

Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA) and established the Black Star Line,

a shipping company, designed to carry Negroes back to Africa. This was aimed at

securing political independence.

According to Chukwu, (2007:47) there was another movement known as Zikism

for the emancipation of the blacks in Africa most especially the Nigerians. Zikis was a

name after the Africa’s foremost nationalist of the twentieth century. Azikiwe, Nnamdi,

it means also the philosophy, according to Akweke Abyssinia Nwafor Orizu cited in

Chukwu O. (2007:47) which means African (redemption) from European colonial

bondage. “…the liberation of Africa from social wreckage, political servitude and

economic impotency; it must also mean extricating Africa from ideological confusion,

psychological immaturity, spiritual complacency, and mental stagnation…”.

The above philosophy rekindled and triggered the zeal for the formation of a

militant group called the Zikist Movement by a group of young Nigerians in 1946.

Filled with honest and righteous indignation, the Zikists demanded that Nigeria be

granted independence on October 1, 1960. Despite the fact of the Berlin West African

Conference of November 1884 through January 1885, was held at the instance of the

German Chancellor, Otto Von Bismark, which laid claims over vast areas of tropical

Africa including Nigeria with series of treaties concluded by H.M. Stanley.

Asiegbu and Azeadi (2000:90) stated that the indigenous people(s) of Nigeria

had many political system and institutions which enabled them to rule themselves

19

effectively. Each ethnic group had its own political system and institutions before the

colonial rule. There were also similarities and differences. And in Nigeria, before 1912,

there were two Protectorates – the Protectorate of the Southern Nigeria, excluding

Lagos and the Protectorate of Northern Nigeria. Each Protectorate was run as a

separate political entity until 1914 when Lord Lugard amalgamated the Northern and

Southern Protectorates to form the present Nigeria.

This amalgamation brought in colonialism, imperialism, bribery ad corruption,

selfishness, servitude, exploitation, marginalization and many difficult challenges to

the smooth administration of the country, Nigeria. And in line with these, Chikendu

(2005:19) posited: “The 1914 amalgamation was not a bad policy in itself but was

badly conceived and negatively implemented to the detriment of Nigeria’s political,

social and economic development. Had it been conceived with the right intention and

implemented accordingly, Nigeria’s subsequent political instability and socio-economic

problems could have been avoided”.

Anoje-Eke (2007), “Since attaining political independence in 1960; Nigeria has

continued to strive towards meaningful and sustainable national development. Her

quest in this regard, it would appear, has not yielded the desired dividends to the

extent that she still enjoys a comfortable seat among the comity of third world

nations. Our backwardness as a nation may not have been much to do with our

historical antecedents or lack of the necessary factor resources for national

development. It may neither be a direct function of our multi-ethnic structure nor

religious plurality. Rather, it is entirely and convincingly a function of political

leadership”.

20

Chikendu (2005:76) therefore stated implicitly that many people both within

and outside the country correctly think that all the problems confronting Nigeria today

are reducible and traceable to one single causative factor – political leadership. The

bye-product of this which include widespread corruption, instability, poverty, economic

down-turn, tribal rivalries, painlessness, lawlessness, misplacement of priorities,

hunger, low level of literacy rate etc; have become obstinate fact of our national life

that refuse to quit. And we gathered indeed that prior 1999 that to say, the Obasanjo

administration, the country in every respect presented an excellent example of a failed

nation due to a failed political leadership to present the dividends of democratic

governance.

According to Nworgu cited in Anoje-Eke (2007:xii), ineffective political

leadership is the major problem with Nigeria; from every segment of our national life,

civil service, police, the soldiers, national assembly, tertiary institutions, banking, oil

industry, the home, the church, etc. He was quick to acknowledge also the fact that

under the PDP government led by Chief Obasanjo as the President, the country has

witnessed significant positive changes in virtually all sectors of our national life.

Furthermore, Nworgu was also apt to state that Chief Obasanjo was depicted

as and accorded the ranking of a famous world political leader comparable to the likes

of “Winston Churchill of Great Britain, Charles de Gaulhe of India, Mao Tse Tung of

China, Nelson Mandela of South Africa, Julius Nyerere of Tanzania and Jomo Kenyatta

of Kenya”. Would most people agree with this assessment of Obasanjo’s performance

as the nation’s political leader for nearly eight years?

21

Anoje-Eke (2007) says: “You are entitled to your opinion”. And for Nworgu,

what is of critical importance in matters of assessment if I would suggest, is not just

exercising an opinion but how informed or educated such opinion is. The truth

however is that although our conditions may have become a lot better than what was

the situation in 1999 when Obasanjo administration came on board, the national

picture is still a gloomy one!

Obviously, the above automatically ignites some fundamental questions: how

can and by what manner of person can Nigeria be bailed out of or extricated from this

gloomy condition? And through what system or process should such manner of person

emerge? And should operates within what system or ambience”

Truly, the answers are not far-fetched, they are what we knew already which

have been invoke; good leadership and effective governance and affective standard of

life; through genuine election process devoid of malpractices and injustice; and within

the ambience or system of democracy and rule of law.

Ugowuenyi (1995:xvi) said: “Although she attained political independence in

1960, Nigeria is yet to find her feet in respect of national development of the country.

She has since independence launched over four National Development Plans. While

some of the project in the plans was successfully carried out, others have failed

because of imperfections in the system such as political instability, poor

administration, shortage of resources, social maladies; and to crown it all, there has

not been a real sense of commitment to the programmes and projects.

Chikendu (2005:76-77) posited thus: “Today Nigeria is numbered among the

poorest nations in the world in spite of her abundant natural wealth. Economically, the

22

country has plummeted from its high pedestal of a strong and promising economy to

the abyss of poverty. Socially, Nigeria is a by-word for graft, corruption, indiscipline,

inefficiency, insecurity, and all other imaginable social ills”.

In addition, according to Chikendu (2005:76-77), the military so misruled the

country that her citizens have lost faith in the possibility of the country ever regaining

her national composure. There are incessant calls for a sovereign national conference

to re-determine the basis of association of the various ethnic groups that make up the

country. Some have even called for dissolution of the country or for a confederation.

All these are evidence of people’s disenchantment with the state of affairs in Nigeria.

With this state of affairs such questions as the minority questions or issue, revenue

allocation, state creation, religious riots, kidnapping and assassination, etc, have

continued persistently to loom large as critical problems facing the nation, Nigeria.

2.3.2 AN OVERVIEW OF POLITICS AND GOVERNMENT IN AFRICA

PARTICULARLY NIGERIA

In understanding contemporary African politics, one has to critically look at

Africa as a continent with a lot and vast political and almost everything. It possesses

so much and diverse resources, very good, strong and intelligent people as well as

favourable weather and climate among other things; yet still underdeveloped.

Ogunnowo (2008) asserted one aspect which is infamous with Africa is the

never ending train of disappointment to her sparsely and some densely populated

countries. Pre-colonialism was bad in Africa, colonialism was horrible and post

independence has a fairy tale of mess all over Africa with never ending feuds, hunger,

23

poor economies, confused politics, culture, poor engagement with the rest of powerful

continents and countries, unfair trade practices, racism among others. Yet, in the

familiar fashion African leaders just want to pretend all is well. How many dictators do

we have in Africa? How many potential dictators do we have in leadership in Africa

today?

Farer (1999) cited in Farouk (2008:3), said: “This fact underscores the focus

and emphasis of institutions and organizations like the United Nations Organization

(UNO) and its key components and agencies such as the UNDP and African Union (AU)

through the New Economic Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) and Peer

Review Mechanism (APRM) on the centrality of the need to achieve democracy, good

governance and development as the key components of post colonial-peace building

strategies and as the major objectives of the human family and to particularly prevent

the resurgence of conflicts in these crisis ridden countries.

Implicitly, in a nutshell, the contemporary Africa looks to be still on the road to

nowhere! Despite the fact that Africa is well endowed and has everything, its

leadership is the greatest failures. Many African countries like Nigeria is bedeviled with

ineffective leadership and bad governance whether in or during or at the military or

civilian regime or rule. This is indeed largely to blame for the failure which is evident

across Africa and not forgetting the negative legacies leftover by the imperialists and

colonial masters.

And truly, Anazor (2010) is apt to ask these interesting questions accordingly.

Who will tell the many myopic and corrupt leaders found in the African continent that

their leadership like elsewhere experiences diminishing returns with time? Who will

24

whisper some wisdom to the ears of most of them that they got past their useful

leadership life time, long time ago like in Nigerian? Who will even inform the many

African aspiring leaders and others in leadership that they lack the wit and well-withal

to grow beyond what they have already had and dispensed or administered, which is

even beyond the withiest dreams for most of them, due to their myopic, tribalism,

nepotism, obnoxious traditions, confusion and hubris? Who will advise young people

that most of the African leaders are not examples worth listening to, leave alone,

following or copying?

In fact, Anazor (2010) observed that Africa especially Nigeria is still at

crossroads. It has been noted that the energy and fuel crises affecting the global

economy vests so much advantage to many African countries economies particularly

Nigerian who have the propensity to feed the globe. Yet it won’t be surprising that

Africa (Nigeria) is unlikely to exploit her potential to gain from the silver lining

provided by the presently existing global challenges, which favour her in a big way.

Instead it is likely to be another chapter of Africa’s failure in all its ramifications,

disease and hunger, war, kidnapping and assassination, dictatorial misguided policies

and nepotism, tribalism or ethnicity or sectionism and of course general

underdevelopment of its countries like Nigeria..

In his fascinating glimpses into contemporary African politics and government,

Ogunnowo (2008) stated that the causes of Africa’s lack of development have always

evoked heated emotional debates. On one hand are those who portray Africa as a

victim of powerful external forces and conspiracies as a group that may be described

as “externalists”. On the other hand are those who believe that the causes of Africa’s

25

crises lie mostly within African in the nature of government (governance) or how

Africa runs its own affairs (leadership). This group may be described as the

internalists.

Accordingly, the externalists like most African leaders, scholars and intellectual

radicals believe that Africa’s woes are due to external factors such as the lingering

effects of western colonialism and imperialism, the pernicious effect of the slave trade,

racist conspiracy plots, exploitation by avaricious multinational corporations, an unjust

international economic system, inadequate flows of foreign aid, the neo-liberal policies

of the World Bank, IMF, and deteriorating terms of trade.

In examining Africa’s crises for example Nigeria, George Ayittey (2005) cited in

Ogunnowo (2008) attributed most of Africa’s woes to western colonialism, and

imperialism. He posited that “The west harmed Africa’s indigenous technological

development in a number of ways”, Africa’s collapsing infrastructure (roads, railways,

and utilities is due to the “shallowness of Western institutions”, “the lopsided nature of

colonial acculturation” and “the moral contradictions of western political tutelage”. In

fact, “the political decay is partly a consequence of colonial institutions without cultural

roots in Africa”.

For him therefore, the self congratulatory western assertions of contributing to

Africa’s current growing tendencies for modernization are shallow; “the west has

contributed far less to Africa than Africa has contributed to the industrial civilization of

the West”. Decay in law enforcement and mismanagement of funds can be traced to

Western colonialism too. “The pervasive atmosphere in much of the land is one of rust

and dust, stagnation and decay, especially within those institutions which were

26

originally bequeathed by the West, signal the slow death of an alien civilization” and

Africa’s rebellion “against westernization masquerading as modernity”. Western

institutions are doomed “to grind, to a standstill in Africa” or decay.

Naturally, according to Ogunowo (2008), African leaders like in Nigeria would

deny any responsibility and blame everybody else except themselves for the mess in

Africa. Many of these Leaders also subscribed to and espoused similar views ascribing

the causes of Africa’s crises to external factors. In fact, since independence in the

sixties, almost every African malaise was alleged to have been caused by the

operation or conspiracy of extrinsic agents. This externalist doctrine totally absolved

the leadership by the black, of any responsibility for the mess in Africa. The leadership

was above reproach and could never be faulted.

According to Abayomi (2008:49), “President Mobutu even blamed corruption on

European colonialism. Ask who introduced corruption into Zaire, he retorted:

“European businessmen were the ones who said, “I sell you this thing for $1.000, but

$200 will be for your (Swiss Bank) account”.

Sequel to the above, the New Economic Partnership for African Development

(NEPAD) echoes this orthodoxy when it claims that Africa’s impoverishment has been

accentuated by the legacy of colonialism and other historical legacies such as the Cold

War and the unjust international economic system. Colonialism subverted the

“traditional structures, institutions and values, “creating an economy” subservient to

the economic and political needs of the imperial powers”.

According to NEPAD, colonialism retarded the development of an

entrepreneurial and middle class with managerial capability. At independence, Africa

27

inherited a “weak capitalist class” which explains the “weak accumulation process,

weak states and dysfunctional economies”. In fact, the more recent reasons for

Africa’s dire condition like in Nigeria include among others its continued

marginalization from globalization process and/or post-colonialism.

According to Ogunnowo (2008:51-52) frankly, this “colonialism and

imperialism” card has been so overplayed that it has lost its relevance and credence.

Even Africa’s children don’t buy it. Chernoh Bab, President of the Children’s Forum

asserted that: “Africa’s socio-economic problems are a direct repercussion of

incompetent and corrupt political leaders who usurped political office via the gun.

“Some blame colonialism for Africa’s plight while others blame the continent’s harsh

climate conditions. I think the reason is the kind of political systems we have had over

the past decades”.

In addition, at the United Nations Children’s Summit held in May 2002 in New

York, youngsters from Africa ripped into their leaders for failing to improve their

education and health. “You get loans that will be paid in 20 to 30 years and we have

nothing to pay them with, because when you get the money, you embezzle it, you eat

it”, said 12-year-old-Joseph from Uganda.

On another note, the internalists school of thought maintains strongly that

while it is true that Western colonialism and imperialism did harm Africa like Nigeria

and continues to do so, Africa’s condition has been made immeasurably worse by such

internal factors as misguided leadership, misgovernance, systemic corruption, capital

flight, economic mismanagement, declining investment, collapsed infrastructure,

28

decayed institutions, senseless civil wars, political tyranny, flagrant violations of

human rights, and military vandalism.

At a Press Conference in London in April, 2000, Kofi Annam in “Glimpses in the

Contemporary Africa Politics (2008:52), lambasted African leaders who he says, have

subverted democracy and lined their pockets with public funds, although he stopped

short of naming names”.

At the Organization of African Unity (OAU) Summit in Lome in July 2000, the

former U.N. Secretary-General, Kofi, Annan, lashed out at African Leaders by telling

them that they are to be blamed for the continent’s problems. Thus: “Instead of being

exploited for the benefit of the people, Africa’s mineral resources have been so

mismanaged and plundered that they are now the source of our misery”.

Also, in Accra Kofi Annam disclosed in a Joy FM Radio station interview that:

“Africa is the region giving him the biggest headache as the Security Council spends

60 to 70% of its time on Africa. He admitted sadly that the conflicts on the continent

embarrasses and pains him as an African”.

For Akobeng Eric, in a letter to the Free Press (29 March – 11 April, 1996) said:

“A big obstacle to economic growth in Africa is the tendency to put all blame, failures

and shortcomings on outside forces. Progress might have been achieved if we had

always tried first to remove the mote in our own eyes”.

According to Boudiaf cited in Ogunnowo (2008:53) “A larger segment of the

population has, I am afraid, lost confidence in the capacity of the leadership to provide

jobs, housing, healthcare and its ability to combat corruption”.

29

In Markudi, Benue State in Nigeria, Simon Agbo lamented: “I heard we have

new government. It makes no difference to me. Here we have no light (electricity), we

have no water, there is no road, we have no school. The government does nothing for

us”.

According to one UN estimate in Nigeria in 1991 alone, “Nigeria’s past rulers

stole or misused £220 billion ($396 billion) – that is as much as all the western aid

given to Africa in almost for decades. The looting of Africa’s most populous country

amounted to a sum equivalent to 300 years of British aid for the continent”.

Ogunowo (2008:56) posited thus:“Ask these leaders to develop their countries

and they will develop their pockets. Ask them to seek foreign investment and they will

seek a foreign country to invest their booty. Ask them to cut bloated state

bureaucracies or government spending and they will set up a “Ministry of Good

Governance (Tanzania). Ask them to curb corruption and they will set up an “Anti-

corruption commission” with no teeth and then suck the commissioner if he gets too

close to the fat cats (Kenya). Ask them to establish democracy and they will empanel

a coterie of fawning sycophants to write the electoral rules, hold fraudulent elections

with opposition leaders wither disqualified or in jail, and return themselves to power

(Nigeria, Ivory Coast, Rwanda). Ask them to reduce state in the economy and place

more reliance on the private sector and they will create a Ministry of Private

Enterprises (Ghana). Ask them to private inefficient state-owned enterprises and they

will sell them off at fire-sale prices to their cronies (Nigeria)”.

It therefore implies that the slave trade, western colonialism, imperialism and

external factors have nothing to do with the naked plunder and wrong choices made

30

by bad Africa leaders. The World Bank has nothing to do with monumental leadership

failure in Africa. The IMF, which most African leaders relish vilifying, has nothing to do

with petro (gasoline) shortages in Nigeria. Nor do western agriculture subsidies have

anything to do with why African government, can’t supply reliable electricity and safe

drinking water to their people. The slave trade has nothing to do with Nigeria turning

itself into the scam capital of the world.

Furthermore, Ogunowo (2008) is poised forcefully to ask these fundamental

questions: “How many likely dictators is Africa busy breeding in leadership roles

currently? So what is wrong with Africa? Is it the colour, genes or does it have

anything to do with colonialism, tribalism, sun, desert, resources, poor literacy and

education levels, oceans, skewed trade, trade covenants or what is it? Something is

wrong in Africa but if Africa has anything to go by, it is well endowed, but its

leadership is one of the greatest failures. He argues that there is nothing wrong with

African State rather, Africa political actors should be largely blamed for failure which is

evident across Africa most especially Nigeria.

While Akobeng in a letter to the Free Press (29 March – 11 April, 1996) said: “A

big obstacle to economic growth in Africa is the tendency to put all blame, failures and

shortcomings on outside forces. Progress might have been achieved if we had always

tried first to remove the mote in our own eyes”.

In fact, Ogunnowo (2008:54) stated that, “Government” as an institution that

cares about its people and attends to their needs has ceased to exist in many African

countries. What exists is a “Vampire State”, where the government has been hijacked

by a phalanx of unrepentant bandits and crooks, who use the machinery of the state

31

to enrich themselves, their cronies and tribesmen, while excluding everyone else (the

politics of exclusion) like in Nigeria.

Farouk (2008:4) stated, “To gap for example in Africa (Nigeria), the need to

have firm commitment through various declarations by sub regional groups and the

African Union through programs such as the New Economic Partnership for Africa’s

Development, (NEPAD). Such declarations and guidelines which are intended to draw

commitment of members in promoting democracy and its core values of justice,

honesty, transparency, accountability, participatory government and probity in public

life in my view are important if the much needed synergy to align the realization of the

objectives of the citizenry between democracy, good governance and economic

prosperity”.

Farouk further noted that one of the key objectives of the United Nations

Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) strategy is the apparent unprecedented

consensus outlining the desire for a common vision of peace, security, development

and poverty eradication as well as securing human rights, good governance as central

components of democracy. The human person especially in the context of

contemporary reality places much premium on the relationship that cut to ordinary

exist between democracy, economic development on one hand and prosperity on the

other. There is the common belief that once democratic rule is achieved, the next

thing to follow is economic prosperity of the citizens. This has been the expectation of

millions of Nigerians since the advent of the current democratic dispensation in 1999.

Moreover, according to Farouk’s pre-convocation lecture of this distinguished

citadel of learning, the University of Nigeria, as part of the events marking the 37th

32

Convocation Ceremony on a very vexed and current issue of Democracy and Good

Governance is the major challenge of the Nigeria nation-state; said: “Let me confess

that I am greatly humbled by such an invitation especially at this critical threshold of

entrenching the culture and virtues of democracy and good governance throughout

the African continent and Nigeria in particular, I believe that there can be no better

time to preach the gospel of good governance as an integral component of democracy

than now, given the checkered history of the evolution of the modern Nigeria nation

especially from 1999 to date, when yet another attempt at democratic governance

began.

The hallmark of this write-up, therefore, is to delve into a comparative study of

the Military Rule and Civil Rule in Nigeria; by X-raying their similarities and

dissimilarities, their contributions to the problems of ineffective leadership and bad

governance which hinders the all-round or holistic development of the country,

Nigeria. Thereby proffering some suggestions as parts of panacea to remedy the

situation or bring the problem to the barest minimum.

Above all, today, according to Aliogo, (2009:41), the Nigerian political

institutions are: 8,540 Elected Councilors, 774 Local Government Councils, 1,205 State

House of Assemblies, 360 House of Representatives, 109 Senators, 36 Governors and

5 Service Chiefs. The Current Nigeria Army Spokesman – Cornel Chukwu Emeka,

Comptroller Gen. of Prison is Kayode Olusola Ogundipe, CG of Custom Dr. Bernard-

Shaw Nwadialo, the Current NAFDAC Boss is Dr. Paul Orhii and Muhammed Sanusi

Barkindo the NNPC Group Managing Director.

33

34

2.3.3 AN OVERVIEW OF THE EMERGENCE OF MILITARY ADMINISTRATION

IN NIGERIA

Asiegbu and Ezeadi (2000:134) stated that the military worldwide is a

professional class whose main occupation is to protect the territorial integrity,

independence and security of a country. The military shall protect the country from

both internal and external invasions. The military therefore, is not cut or trained to

rule the people. Politics is for politicians. In Nigeria however, the military was

politicized and the army boys and men went into politics in Khaki uniform to rule

Nigeria. Nobody knows for now when military rule will end in Nigeria. Military rule is

dictatorship, illegal, anachronistic and/or an aberration.

Ogunnowo (2008:81) said: “With the advent of independence in the late 50’s

and early 60’s euphoria and new hopes swept through Africa as nation after nation

attained self government. There were new dreams and expectations as the colonial

masters packed their bags and handed over the instruments of power to the

indigenous peoples. To most Africans this was the end of a long freedom struggle in

which so many had suffered. It was the end of slavery, human degradation and

exploitation.

Sequel to the above, we gathered vividly that those dreams were soon

shattered as government after government fell victim to the coup d’etat across the

continent most especially in Nigeria. The new military rulers accused the civilian

government of everything from corruption and incompetence to mismanagement of

the national economy. And experience has shown that the military governments are

not better than civilians when it comes to running governments democratically.

35

Dine (2007:1) stated, “our leaders of tomorrow, the youth, are asking soul-

searching questions of whether there are real salutary values attached to the world

leadership, which they see is assuming pluralistic notions, causing a lot of confusion,

alienation and demoralization in this socio-religious and political world of ours. Power

struggle and resistant movement tend to be on low ebb everywhere. Morals are at an

all-time low ebb. Moral standards are almost non-existent because the concept of an

Omnipotent God who guides the affairs of man is replaced by the “omnipotent party

ideologies”, and political hegemony which are the making of mortals create a

distortion of the concept of democratic leadership. In the midst of these circumstances

occasioned by the wrong “buttoning up” of the gown of leadership, our generation is

facing an equally serious problem: a democratic leadership crisis.

Ted W. Engstrom in Dine (2007:2) taking on the crisis of leadership, says

“these crises and many others stem first from a lack of positive, constructive, dynamic

and creative leadership.

In some cases, “the continued,

…no leadership is being exercised at all, such crisis of our time

reflects a flight from the fundamental virtues and values which

have made nations great. These values are hammered out

slowly through the centuries with great pain and sacrifice by

strong and effective leaders. Many great civilizations down

through the ages have abandoned these precepts. Those

civilizations are known to us now only in so far as

archaeologists can piece together their history by examining

their ruins.

36

Furthermore, Engstrom laments on the abandonment of the virtues and values

of leadership while Karl Jaspers makes an ominous announcement for us today for

people’s conceptions about leadership and some leaders’ readiness to take flight from

their responsibilities. His announcement has a negative overtone and goes further to

show the crisis of leadership.

The power of leadership appears to be declining everywhere.

More and more of the men we see coming to the top seem to

be merely drifting; the result is helplessness in a collective

leadership that hides from the public.

Hence, Dine (2007:2) said: “in the face of these facts, which are not absolute,

the negation and tragedies presented by the idea of pseudo-leadership in the world

today deserve serious attention. It cannot be doubted that the progress or

retrogression, the rise and fall of any people, in religious or secular realms, is

determined by the moral quality of dedicated leaders and the strong sense of real

leadership a services.

Undoubtedly, Nigeria was granted political independence by Great Britain on

the 1st of October 1960. This was a function of the constitutional conference held in

London in 1956. It was attended by foremost Nigerian politicians including Dr. Nnamdi

Azikiwe, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, and Sir Ahmadu Bello. Alhaji Abubakar Tafawa

Balewa was elected the first and only Prime Minister of Nigeria, while Dr. Nnamdi

Azikiwe became its first and only ceremonial President. Barely 6 years after

independence, political turmoil, erupted in the Western Region with attendant

37

destruction of lives and properties. The unrest triggered a military coup and the

subsequent military take-over of government in 1966.

Anoje-Eke (2007:5) stated that the aftermath of that coup was pogrom

organized by top military brass from the North against the Easterners. Many military

officers and citizens from the East were massacred in cold blood. Many Easterners

mainly Igbos was forced to return home. The mayhem came to a head in the second

military coup, during which the then Head of State, Major General Aguiyi Ironsi and

many other military officers from the East were assassinated. Meanwhile, the

massacre of Easterners in the North continued unabated.

The Military administration rather than solve the contemporary political and

socio-economic problems, they continued to aggravate and to drive the country into

further suffering and turmoil. Instead of the elected civilians, the government was

controlled by the Military. The process by which a group of military takes control of

government is called a coup d’etat – this is a French term which means an overthrow

of the state. Some coup d’etats, were quite violent. In the process of taking control,

the soldier’s involved killed members of the civilian government, sometimes the coup

d’etats were non-violent. In these cases, the military simply surrounded the

presidential palace and the civilian government surrendered peacefully.

Ekwebalam and Ezeadi (1991) cited in Trinitas Newspaper, January (2000:4)

posited that nothing is wrong in Nigeria’s or Africa’s population; but blamed Africa’s

woes and poverty on poor leadership, slave trade, colonialism and neo-colonialism.

Political scientists like Anyaele (1994:99); Asiegbu and Ezeadi (2000) and public

administrators have said that there are a few reasons for the military intervention in

38

politics and government of the country. They are among others the following: (1)

Weak political system (2) Underdeveloped economic systems (3) unhealthy political

environment (4) High profile of corruption.

(1) Weak Political System: African governments for instance in Nigeria, inherited

a weak political system from the colonial era. Consequently, the first African

government’s even Nigeria did not have the capacity to government effectively.

Military leaders afraid that their countries would fall-apart politically decided

that they could do a better job of governing, but they are far from the reality. It

was all failures because of poor leadership. The so-called or self-acclaimed

politicians could not produce a dynamic leader(s) to tackle the economic crisis

generated by the economic mismanagement.

(2) Underdeveloped Economic Systems: Given the underdeveloped economic

systems they inherited from the colonialists and imperialists, many African

governments especially in Nigeria were unable to meet the social and economic

needs of their countries. This situation often led to a crisis of legitimacy. This is,

the citizens became disillusioned-fed-up-with governments that could not

provide basic social and economic services, such as jobs, education, and

adequate health care system delivery. Military coup leaders often justify their

power on the grounds that the prior civilian government had been unable to

meet these basic needs.

(3) Unhealthy Political Environment: The political environment of the early

post-colonial years gave rise to ethnic tensions that at times became severe as

to threaten the political system. The military claimed a right to intervene and

39

take power in order to stop ethnic and regional rivalries from developing into a

civil war. However, the contrary was the case, eventually Civil War broke-up

because instead of quenching the already ignited fire, the military worsened the

whole situation by adding fuel to bad situation. We are still today harvesting the

fruits of the colonial legacies and the consequences of the Nigeria-Biafra War

that last up to three years (1967-1970).

(4) High Profile Bribery and Corruption: During this era, bribery and corruption

featured prominently. Widespread corruption was practiced among government

officials because of their ineffectiveness, vaulting or inordinate ambition,

selfishness, egoism, and flamboyant lifestyle. They often used their positions of

authority to extort, exploit money illegally from people to benefit themselves

and members of their families. Hence, the military coup leaders often used the

pretext to justify their taking over power by coercive or violent force.

(5) Electoral Malpractices For Instance; the Rigging of 1983 General

Elections: widespread rigging of the elections of 1983 created general

disillusionment with civilian rule.

(6) Lack of Accountability: Accountability and honesty were lacking which made

the leaders to embezzle public funds for personal uses.

(7) Inability of the Legislature to Control the Executive: At the federal and

state, it was noticeable and even widespread that some legislators were

corrupt. They took bribes in terms of ‘lobbying’ before passing bills into law.

Also, often times, annual appropriation bills were passed if the ‘honourable

members’ receive bonuses before the final reading of the bills. This corruption

40

transcended all the parties and affiliate agents. Even some judges took brides

before passing judgments. Justice therefore became a commodity or an article

to be bought with or sold to the highest bidder having his way. The poor could

not get justice from some of the counts. During the electoral petitions for

instance, the court judges had field days giving various judgments. Many of the

judges were retired between 1984 and 1986.

Ogunnowo et al. (2008:91) posited that, “this is quite a list of weaknesses in

the post-independence governments in Africa especially Nigeria. Indeed, so fed up

were the citizens of some countries, that they actually welcomed the early military

coups. However, military regimes are not democratic in deed; one of the first things

that military governments do is dissolve the legislative branch of government,

enactment of Decrees and Edicts. Be that as it may, one has to note that military

governments in Africa most especially in Nigeria were no more successful than the

civilian governments in addressing the political, social and economic issues, which

provided the environment in which the coup d’etat took place.

2.3.4 AN OVERVIEW OF THE CIVILIAN RULE IN NIGERIA

According to Chaturvedi (2006:49), this refers simply as the administration of

the State by State machinery or government known as the civilian regime. The civilian

government is synonymous with civility. This word “civility” was very often used by the

sixteenth century political writers who denoted by this term those who lived by the

civil order and government. It has been treated as a virtue of behaviour and conduct,

41

in social interaction among people, giving due regard to one another’s sensibilities and

sensations.

Ugowenyi, (1995:199) stated that the civilian rule is the opposite of the military

government. Government usually consists of three parts – administrative or executive,

legislative and judiciary. The legislative (political body) is concerned with formulation

of policy and law; the judiciary (court) of law is concerned with the interpretation of

law; and the administrative (executive branch of government) deals with the detailed

application of policy, control, and direction of the state or public affairs.

Both Barber and Adebayo cited in Ugonwenyi (1995:199) agreed that the

foundation of public administration is efficiency. Barber says that efficiency ‘is the

axiom number one in the value scale of administration’. Adebayo contends that, ‘the

keynote in the study of public administration is the emphasis on the concept of

efficiency’. The term, efficiency refers to ‘the degree of competence by which desired

results are achieved’. Efficiency requires that goals should be achieved with minimum

waste of resources or least expenditure of manpower material”.

Officially, according to Aliego (2009), Nigeria is a federal constitutional republic

comprising thirty-six states and one Federal Capital Territory. In fact, according to

Adomi et al. cited in Today’s Current Affairs, stated that, “Politics of Nigeria take place

in a framework of a federal presidential representative democratic republic, whereby

the President of Nigeria is (e.g Umaru Musa Yar’Adua) is both head of state and head

of government, and of a pluriform multiparty system. However, the various arms of

government are: the Executive, Legislature and Judiciary arm. Executive power is

exercised by the government. Legislative power is vested in both the government and

42

the two chambers of the Legislature, the House of Representatives, and the Senate.

Nigerian Senate is the Upper Chamber of the Legislative House while the House of

Representative is the Lower House; together they make up the law-making body in

Nigeria called the National Assembly.

The Senate is presided by the President of the Senate. It has 109 members,

elected for a four year term in 108-seat constituencies (corresponding to the country’s

36 states) and one seat in a single-seat constituency (the Federal Capital, Abuja). The

House of Representatives is presided by the speaker of the House of Representatives.

Whereas the highest judiciary arm of government in Nigeria in the form of a court is

the supreme court of Nigeria. It is presided by the Chief Justice of Nigeria and thirteen

associated justices, appointed by the President of Nigeria on the recommendation of

the National Judicial Council and subject to confirmation by the Senate.

Furthermore, as already said earlier, there are 36 States and Abuja Federal

Capital Territory in Nigeria. Each state is further divided into Local Government Areas

(LGAs). There are also 774 LGAs in Nigeria with 8810 wards.

Civilian government derived its powers and had operated within the ambit of

the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria; especially the 1979 constitution of

the Federation. Example, the Chapter II No.13, p.150 of the 1979 constitution of the

Federal Republic of Nigeria, stated that “it shall be the duty and responsibility of all

organs of government, and of all authorities and persons, exercising legislative,

executive or judicial powers to conform to, observe and apply the provisions of this

chapter of this constitution.

43

The No.14, stated that, “The Federal Republic of Nigeria shall be a state based

on the principles of democracy and social justice. Secondly, that sovereignty belongs

to the people of Nigeria from whom government through this constitution derives all

its powers and authority; the security and welfare of the people shall be the primary

purpose of government; the participation of the people in their government shall be

ensured in accordance with the provisions of the constitution etc.

To x-ray vividly what the civilian government has done so far Tunde cited in

Odoziobodo (2003:96) said: “No doubt! History is today judging them. The evidence

or rather the exhibit upon which they are judged is the prevailing economic, social and

political situations in the country. Such questions as: how well have they managed the

affairs of this nation? How good is the standard of living of the masses? How far have

they harnessed the abundant human and material resources of this nation? etc, are

thought provoking”.

Furthermore, he said, “If I were a judge and I am asked to pass a sentence on

these people, I will definitely condemn them to life imprisonment for they have all

committed serious crimes against this nation. the overall verdict drawing from what

we have been discussing is that things are not in order in this country. This means

that they have so far not managed the affairs of this country well. As for the standard

of living, people are living below standard. People are unable to eke out their living.

Most of the essential things of life are not provided for the people. There are no

water, no shelter, no food, no electricity, etc.

Ogbemudia cited in Odoziobodo (2003:97) submitted that, “How people

manage to survive is by the special grace of God. As for the material resources of this

44

nation, they have been squandered and mismanaged so much so that Nigeria has

become a beggar nation. As for the human resources, people are under used while

others die off doing nothing because nothing is provided for them to do even after

graduating from the University. The situation compels the youths to become armed

robbers in the bargain. The youths are helpless because they have no future”.

Moreover, “Ogbemudia”, Tunder called”, “if the above facts are anything to go

by as I think they are, it all means that the older generations of Nigerians are the

people who are the cause of our problems today. They are the people who have

ruined this country by their actions. They are the people who passed on all these

negative tendencies of life to their children. They have perpetuated the country with

all the nuances of bribery and corruption. They have extolled the principles of

ethnicism, tribalism, favouritism and nepotism. They are the people who have

enthroned mediocrity in the affairs of Nigerians based on favouritism while relegating

excellence to the background.

In fact, Tunde cited in Odoziobodo (2003:98) continued, “They are the people

who are nairamaniacs, placing all the emphasis of their lives on money and what

money can buy. They are selfish people who have squandered all the wealth of the

country. Most of them are millionaires, some billionaires mostly at the expense of the

greater majority. They have money and can afford to buy whatever money can buy.

Some have such money that generations can neither exhaust in life, yet they are still

acquiring more. They have only acquired such outrageous wealth just because they

were opportune to be in public positions of authority. They are today happy because

others are suffering. And apart from money they have connections. They are either in

45

power or know those of their counterparts in authority. They can get anything done in

this country with influence as it fancies them. TheY have mastered all the rubrics of

bribery and corruption.

2.3.5 AN OVERVIEW OF THE STRUCTURE AND FUNCTIONS OF THE

NIGERIAN MILITARY GOVERNMENT

According to Nwankwo (2002:265-268), the structure and functions of the

Nigerian military government are:

(1) The Head of State and Commander-in-Chief of the Nigeria Armed Forces.

(2) The Armed Forces Ruling Council (AFRC) or Supreme Military Council (SMC)

(3) National Council of State

(4) National Executive Council

(5) State Governors

(6) State Executive Councils

Hence, it is worthy of note that, under the military rule the Executive and

Legislature powers are vested in the Federal Military Government which is made up of

the Head of State, the Armed Forces Ruling Council (AFRC), the National Council of

State and the Federal Executive Council. In the military regime the Executive and the

Legislative power are usually fused together.

(1) Head of State and His Functions: He is the Commander-in-Chief of the

Armed Forces of Nigeria; he appoints members of the Armed Forces Ruling

Councils (AFRC) or the former Supreme Military Council (SMC); he presides

over the deliberations of the AFRC; he summons all meetings of AFRC; he sees

46

to the maintenance of law and order throughout the Federation; he signs all

decrees before they can become law; he appoints and dismiss judges and high

government officials or civil servants on the advice of the Judicial Advisory

Committee; he welcomes visiting Heads of States, High Commissioners and

Ambassadors; he appoints Ministers and Ambassadors of the Federation.

(2) The Armed Forces Ruling Council (AFRC) or Supreme Military Council

(SMC): The AFRC or SMC consists structurally of all the Heads of Nigeria

Armed Forces. The Commander-in-Chief, Chief of Army Staff, Chief of General

Staff, Chief of Defence Staff, Head of the Air Forces, Deputy Chief of Naval

Staff, Inspector General of Police and his Deputy and few other high Military

Officers. Their main functions are: the approval of annual budget for the

federation; promulgation of decrees, formulation of policies; maintenance of

law, order, and security throughout the country.

(3) The National Council of States: The National Council of States consists

mainly of all the State Governors and the leading members of the Armed

Forces. They deliberate on matters of prerogative of mercy and who to grant

state pardon.

(4) The Federal or National Executive Council: The Federal Executive Council

of the Military Leadership (i.e. the Head of State, the Head of Nigerian Air

Force); the Inspector General of Police and his Deputy; and Civilian Appointed

Commissioners or Ministers. The civilians are appointed by Head of State, and

they hold office at his pleasure. They have no popular political base. The

federal Executive Council deliberates on those subjects delegated to it by the

47

AFRC or SMC. In a sense it constitutes the Federal Cabinet Executive decisions

and policies on the national level.

(5) The State Governors in Nigerian Military Rule: The State Governors are

the appointees of the Head of State. They are members of the National Council

of the State, the second highest policy making body in Nigeria. In this sense,

they are national officers, owing no accountability to the people of their states.

On the other hand, the State Governors act as linkages between their states

and the Federal Government. They transmit to the central government the

peculiar problems and the needs of their states.

(6) The State Executive Council: The State Executive Council is the main

Legislative and Executive organs in the state. The members are appointed by

and owe allegiance to the State Governors. With the state governors, they

formulate policies on subjects which are within the state competence.

2.3.6 THE SUMMARY OF LITERATURE REVIEW

The Federal Republic of Nigeria is composed of 36 States, and a Capital

Territory, with an elected President and other government officials. It operates usually

the Federal Presidential System of Government with three distinct but complementary

arms namely the executive, the legislature, and the judiciary, each acting as a check

balance on the other two.

The history has it that long before the creation of the entity called Nigeria, the

various peoples that existed independently then, had established their own indigenous

systems of administration. There were recognized political entities such as the Benin

48

Empire, Kanem Bornu Empire, Sokoto Caliphate, Oyo Empire, to mention a few. The

Empires and Kingdoms had established contact with one another and with other

peoples, through trading activities.

According to Aliogo (2009:3), “Earlier in the 19th century, the British had

conquered the different parts of the present Nigeria at different times, and established

control and authority over them. These area were grouped into Protectorates namely

Lagos, Niger Coast (also known as Oil River protectorates), and the Northern

Protectorate. For ease of administration and control, the Northern Protectorate and

the Southern Protectorate (made up of Lagos and Niger Coast) were amalgamated in

1914 by the British. Thus come into existence the country presently known as

Nigeria”.

However, as time went on, the British colonial rule, with its attendant alienation

and subjugation of the indigenous people, resulted in agitation for self-government.

The history of Nigeria was therefore dominated by ‘struggle for freedom between

1922 and 1959. Notable, Nigerians like Sir Herbert Macaulay, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe,

Chief Sir Ahmadu Bello, Chief Anthony Enahoro, to mention but a few, are known as

the founders and fathers of Nigerian Nationalism.

Hence, given the struggle, the British gave some concessions to Nigerians.

These considerations brought about series of constitutions such as the 1922 Clifford

Constitution, the Richard’s Constitution of 1946, the Macpherson Constitution of 1951,

and the Lyttleton Constitution of 1954. With these constitutions, Nigerians were

allowed limited contributions in the affairs of their own land. There was continued

quest and clamour for total emancipation and independence from colonial rule with its

49

negative effects: social suffering by the masses, and discrimination especially in the

areas of employment, education, health, creational facilities, unjust and high taxation,

etc.

Eventually, on 1st October 1960, Nigeria got her independence. Barely six years

after, this civilian government, was overthrown in a military coup. This automatically

marked the starting point as well as succession of military government in the nation’s

political history. The first military intervention in Nigeria took place on January 15,

1966. The military regime continued till 1979 when the then Head of State, General

Olusegun Obasanjo handed over power to the civilian government of President Shehu

Shagari.

The Second Republic of President Shehu Shagari’s administration adopted

Presidential system of government with an Executive President as the Head of the

Federal Government. The administration was in power until 1985 when it was

overthrown in a coup and the military once again came into governance.

We gathered that, on New Year’s Eve 1983, army officers led by Major General

Muhammed Buhari overthrew the Shagari government in a bloodless coup. Buhari’s

government did this on account of mismanagement, corruption and electoral

malpractice of the former regime of Shagari. But in no distant time, the administration

of Buhari also lost credibility and degenerated due to rigid or inflexible economic

programme and repressive policies such as a sweeping campaign against

“indiscipline”, a prohibition on certain political discussion and debate especially on the

future outcome, lack of the freedom of the press, and detention of journalists and

other critics of government who dared.

50

Sequel to the above, in August 1985, Major General Ibrahim Babangida

overthrew the Buhari’s government. Babangida revisited and rescinded these

unpopular or unwelcomed Decrees and Edicts of Buhari and initiated a public debate

of the state of the economy, and gained people’s support. At this period, Nigeria was

able to achieve a measure of economic recovery especially through the World Bank.

But due to immorality and lack of integrity on the part of the military, ineffective

leadership and bad governance reared their ugly heads. Babangida hitherto promised

that the military would hand over power to a democratically elected civilian

government by October 1, 1990.

To justify the nitty-gritty of the debate over the proper structure and ideology

for a new democratic system, dominated the news media for the year. A residue of

popular disgust with the massive political corruption, violence, and fraud under

Nigeria’s Second Republic (1979-1983) was evident, and discussion centered on how

to avoid these pitfalls and problems in future. Hence, Babangida approved a new

constitution for the change of government in beginning of 1989; this ushered in only

meager changes to the 1979 constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigerian.

At the end of it all, the Federal Legislative elections were held in July 1992, with

the SDP winning a majority in both houses of the Legislation. While the presidential

elections which were delayed finally held in June 1993, then annulled by the Military

when initial election results indicated that the SDP candidate and wealthy publisher,

Moshood N. K. Abiola had won by a large majority. And Babangida dishonestly

transferred power to an interim government which lasted only for three months before

Sani Abacha, the powerful secretary of defense, overthrew it and assumed the

51

controversial throne of power. Among the Abacha’s first autocratic and dictatorial acts

was the termination of all political activities; with its severe attendant strikes at every

quarter especially the Nigeria Labour Congress.

Many individuals, corporate organizations and political pressure groups such as

the Campaign for Democracy also stepped up protests against Abacha. In May 1994,

the government announced plans for political reform and held elections for the local

governments and initiated another constitutional conference. And in October 1995

lifted the ban on political activity; promised a change to civilian administration in 1998.

He later allowed only five parties to function including; the United Nigeria Congress

Party (UNCP), National Center Party of Nigeria (NCPN), Grassroot Democratic

Movement (GDM) and Democratic Party of Nigeria (DPN).

The government of Abacha dubiously committed many atrocities; the most

notorious example was the murder of Ken Saro-Wiwa and eight other activists and

critics on November 1995. His government also imprisoned many people, the most

prominent among his victims were the former president Olusegun Obasanjo, former

vice president Shehu Musa Yar’Adua (who died in prison in December 1997), and the

1993 presidential-elect, Moshood Abiola, many journalists, etc. Whereas Nobel

Laureate Wole Soyinka, voluntarily fled into exile and so many citizens were

discomforted and silenced with bullet.

To cap it up, Nigeria was suspended from the British Commonwealth of Nations

due to exaggerated cases of execution, imprisonments of opponents and other

violations of human rights at the international political arena. At this juncture, and

following a constitutional commission drafted and it presented in 1995, Abacha

52

promised to implement it and to return the country to civilian rule on presidential

elections in October 1998. Unfortunately, in June 1998 Abacha died suddenly and

surprisingly and divinely of heart attack.

Obviously, people waited anxiously for the release of Abiola from prison to

assume his rightful position, as Major General Abdulsalam Abubakar succeeded

Abacha as president and he pledged to return Nigeria to civilian rule after holding a

free and fair democratic election. However, the most unfortunate, and controversial

also suddenly and surprisingly happened that was Abiola’s death.

Abubakar’s government could had quenched the ignited fire of the past regimes

unmasked Nigerians so much money, promoted the establishment of political parties

and freed political prisoners arrested by Abacha, including former president Olusegun

Obasanjo; held Legislative and Presidential elections in February and March 1999, and

Obasanjo was elected as the president of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

Finally, the military administration handed over power to Nigeria’s new civilian

government in May 29, 1999 and the country adopted a new constitutions. Executive

governors were sworn in the 36 states of the Federation. The Commonwealth of

Nations also lifted its suspension of Nigeria’s membership to coincide with the

resumption of civil rule. The Obasanjo’s civilian government was not much different so

to say from the military government; he is unfit for this sort of democratic

dispensation. This is because barely a month in office, sent troops of armed soldiers

into War in Odi in Bayelsa State to fight unarmed and poor citizens, and massacring

them. While for some people, his administration had preformed creditably and

excellently too for upholding democratically elected government till date.

53

However, for some others, the eight years of Obasanjo’s administration, proved

a great disappointment. Some citizens of Nigeria were apt to say with something of a

shock that as a president, he retrained very much a military dictator to the heart,

insensitive to the deep cravings of the people. He was not a democrat really. Many

were forced to say that under his leaderships, the institutions of democracy were not

strengthened; the few existing ones were weakened, and furiously pursued narrow

partisan and political advantage. There was malicious disvirgining and side-lining of

judicial institutions and rule of law to suit the ever famished coach of Otta farm.

On another note, the country is still undergoing a learning process and will

continue to strive to nurture democracy and all its institutions to full development. The

nation has come to accept that civilian democracy is the form of government that can

guarantee full participation by the entire citizenry, ensure good governance, rapid

progress and socio-economic and political stability.

2.1.7 GAP IN LITERATURE REVIEW

It is worthy to note that there have been many efforts given by different

writers, scholars, intellectuals and individuals on Leadership and Governance in

Nigeria. Scholars have equally written extensively on the comparison of the Military

Rule and Civil Rule’. These people have been able to give us some problems militating

against leadership and governance in Nigeria; they have been able to identify the

causes of bad leadership and governance; they have been able to note that

colonialism, imperialism and neocolonialism impede true democracy and de element;

as well as the influence of the military rule.

54

In any case, and to the best of my knowledge, they have not been enabled to

ascertain thoroughly level of mishaps or the extent to which these factors have

impeded or militated against true democracy and development in Nigeria. They have

al deliberated, described and continued to theorize without pragmatic touch and

lasting solutions to these problems of study. Hence, we still perceive loopholes or

vacuum on our way to effective leadership and good governance. Therefore, the

investigation is poised intently, to provide pragmatic panacea to these problems as his

own contribution to the already existing inadequate materials or literatures to the

study.

For example, ever now and then we usually blame Nigeria problem of

underdevelopment and/or development on bad leadership and ineffective governance;

leaving behind bad fellowership. Whenever we do this, there will always be a

widespread gap on our critical analysis and evaluation of existing literatures. The

important question is for instance; is corruption a blessing in the fellowership?

Obviously no! In fact, corruption is everywhere but it is worse in the leadership. Take

the case of the Nigeria policemen that have made bribery and corruption almost a way

of life for themselves in Nigeria. It is not the top leadership that is taking the bribe and

at the same time giving bribe on every kilometer of Nigeria roads, in police stations or

in the business centres. We all are involved or contaminated. None of us is free from

the blame. If corruption is to be eliminated or totally done away with, as it must be,

while the topmost leadership keeps its hands clean of corruption, the middle classes,

the public officers, like the police an custom as well as the ordinary citizens at homes

and in the streets and the market places; must flee from corruption. Where corruption

55

persists among them, then the over al aim of government will not be achieved. Thus,

underdevelopment will continue to lay its ugly head and proper development will be

utile and every effort becomes null and void. If something is not done urgently and

now like a revolutionary measure, development will continue to be frustrated by this

hydra headed evil of corruption; which is also the major cause of bad leadership and

ineffective governance in Nigeria.

2.4 HYPOTHESES

The following hypotheses are formulated for the purpose of this study. Thus:

(1) Bad leadership and ineffective governance impede development in Nigeria;

(2) The negative contributions of imperialism and neo-colonialism to leadership and

governance still hunt development in Nigeria;

(3) The Military Rule affected adversely development in Nigeria.

2.5 OPERATIONALIZATION OF KEY CONCEPTS IN THE HYPOTHESIS

• Leadership

Leadership is referred to as the ability to lead and guide and influence others

for the achievement of certain objectives. It is the capacity in a person or a group of

individuals to inspire confidence, guide and govern followers. It is also an art, process

of influencing others so that they will strike willingly and enthusiastically towards the

attainment of group goals.

56

• Governance

This is referred to as that process by which decisions are made and

implemented. It is also perceived here as the exercise of political authority and the use

of institutional or public resources to manage society’s or community’s problems and

affairs. The use of institutions, structures, structures of authority, and even

collaboration to allocate, coordinate and control resources. In fact, governance is

about affecting the lives of people positively which can be political, economic and

social life. Good governance involves participation, rule of law, transparency,

responsiveness, consensual orientation, equity, effectiveness, efficiency and

accountability.

Governance here refers to the manner in which power is exercised in the

management of a country’s economic and social resources for development. It is a

complex mechanism, process, relationships and institutions through which citizens and

groups articulate their interest exercise their legal rights, meet their obligations and

mediate their differences. It is therefore a politic process by which authority is

exercised, in the management of the country’s resources for the benefit of the people,

their well being and happiness.

• Development

This simply refers to the care and promotion of the citizen’s welfare, maximum

production, storage and distribution of goods and services to the people. It also

involves positive change or transformation in the living standard of the people for

greater satisfaction of needs, freedom and happiness of the members of the society.

In fact, it goes beyond the gradual manifestation of positive changes or qualitative

57

improvement in the economic, industrial, political, social, cultural, religious, scientific,

technological and administrative life of a country such as Nigeria.

Here also, development is regarded as a multifaceted concept which connotes,

just as it is a many sided process. It could be seen in terms of individual and a group

or society. It implies individually as increased skill and capability, greater freedom,

creativity, self-discipline, responsibility and material well being. While at the groups

level, development is a complex issue which involves through aspects economic, social

and political transformation and so many other societal values.

• Military Rule

This simply refers to the military government. This is referred to that

government by the soldiers or men and women in khaki or armed forces. It is highly

professional organ of the state; disciplined and supposed to carry out constitutionally

defined responsibilities, which usually include defending the territorial integrity of a

nation as against external aggression. But are seen exercising executive, legislative

and judicial authority in the state.

In other words, a military regime formed by seizing state power by force in a

military coups; and thereby ruling illegally by decrees and edicts and without election.

It is usually characterized by suspension and modification of the constitution,

dictatorial form of government, highly centralized system of government, absence of

all forms of opposition, fusion of the legislative and executive arms of government,

use of coercion in the implementation of policies, closure of the country’s borders,

imposition of dusk to dawn curfew.

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• Civil Rule

This is referred to as the opposite of the military rule. It simply and ordinarily

here refers to the civilian government; that is to say, the rule or government by the

ordinary citizens themselves rather than the armed forces or the police force or the

other para-military groups or agencies.

• Colonialism

Colonialism is the act of one political state exerting its power over a weaker

nation, and proceeding to control the resources and population of that nation. This is

also referred to as the system of colonial, imperial rule imposed on a people of a

country like Nigerians that were independent by another foreign country or power

usually by the use brute force by the colonizers/colonialists. The colonialists usually

imposed their type of government, religion, laws, culture, socioeconomic life and so

on, on the colonized people. The colonized people are massively exploited usually by

the colonial masters through taxation, forced labour, subjugation, suppression of the

popular will of the people of the colony. In fact, colonialism simply refers to the rule of

West Africa like Nigeria by such Western Nations like Britain, France, Germany, Japan,

U.S.A. and Portugal. In response to the call made during the Berlin Conference of

1884/85 to partition and conquer Africa and other poor nations of the world.

• Imperialism

Imperialism is referred to a that phase of capitalist development in which

Western European capitalist countries like Japan, U.S.A. established political,

economic, military, hegemony over other parts of the world which were initially at a

lower level and therefore could not resist domination. In fact, imperialism was in effect

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the capitalist system, which for many years embraced the whole world – one part

being the exploiters and the other exploited, one part being dominated and the other

acting as overlords, one part making policy and the other being dependent like our

country Nigeria and other West African countries.

Hence, it is derogatorily used and implied a belief in the policy of extending a

country’s power and influence in the world through diplomacy, subtlety, or military

force, and especially by acquiring colonies like in Nigeria.

• Neocolonialism

This describes a formal juridical independence accompanied by a defacto

domination and exploitation by foreign nationals, together with the retention of many

vestiges of traditional colonial administration, e.g. narrow economic specialization,

cultural and educational inferiority, bureaucracy, policy, army, etc. it describes also a

situation in which an independent country suffers from and resents intervention and

control by a foreign government and its nationals, but not necessarily as a result of a

previous colonial relationship.

2.4 METHODOLOGY

2.4.1 TYPOLOGY OF STUDY

The type of research study here is rooted in the method-based classification;

that is, the comparative survey research. This is usually historical and descriptive in

nature. It states general view, examines as well as makes descriptions. Oguonu and

Anugwom (2006:8) opined that, “In this sense, one may make distinctions between a

historical research and a descriptive research. While the historical research seeks a

60

deeper historical explanation of a given phenomenon, the descriptive research seeks

to describe the phenomenon at a particular point in time especially the current

period”.

Secondly, the researcher may also apply the purpose-based classification for

example, the evaluation research. According to Oguonu and Anugwom (2006:10),

“This type of research seeks to make a judgment about the importance or value of a

given social phenomenon. It also seeks to ascertain the extent to which a given social

programme or phenomenon meets the expectations behind its establishment. For

them also, they said: basically, the evaluation study which passes judgment on the

value, benefit or utility of a given social phenomenon or programme is often very

important in terms of generating modifications and remediations where necessary. In

other words, the outcome of an evaluation study may form the basis of changes or

redesign of a given programme in order to achieve more effectiveness”.

Also, she said, “the use of sample survey in conjunction with other methods of

assessing research is on the increase. This form of survey can be defined as the

assessment of process and or consequences of deliberate and planed interventions”.

While according to Edward Suchman, (1972:53-54), three elements must be

present for an evaluation to take place: an objective or goal which is considered

desirable or has some positive value; a planned programme of deliberate intervention,

which if one hypothesizes is capable of achieving the desired goal; a method of

determining the degree to which desired objective is attained as a result of the

planned programmes.

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Moreover, the basic difference between formative and summative evaluation is

the fact that formative evaluation places great emphasis on feedback to an action

program until the possibility of shifting course on the basis of results, while summative

evaluation focuses on assessment at a given point in time. Both are recommendation

oriented to future. For instance, they could stipulate whether a programme should

continue or not, contracted or expanded. Summative evaluation will be more likely to

have recommendations oriented to the future. In contrast the design of formative

evaluation survey would call for data collection at several points in time and will not

easily permit a tightly controlled experiment aiming to measure the precise effect of

an intervention”.

Evaluation could be short-termed or long-termed. A short-term evaluation

focuses on the impact of the intervention on the immediate targeted population. That

is the immediate behavioural changes on the participants of the intervention

programme. While the long-term evaluation is concern with the long range goals of

the intervention programme (Ibid).

According to Obi (2007:71), “the implications of the above include the fact that

time horizons of evaluation have obvious implications for design. Even though, the

short-term evaluation runs the risk of being too narrow in scope and goals, it presents

fewer problems for design. There are many other intricacies of evaluation research

which cannot be treated in just a small topic or short discussion; such as this, but

suffice it to state that evaluation problems range from fundamental problems of

design politics and ethics”.

62

63

2.5.2 POPULATION OF THE STUDY

Obi (2000:72) defined population as the total set of items a research wants to

analyze. It may be group of people, houses, records, cars, etc. The specific nature of

population depends on the scope of the investigation. If one is studying voters

behavior in a presidential election, the population is all those who registered to vote.

In the same manner, a population is based on officials records make the records the

population, in this case, the research has to decide how the records are to be used”.

For Obi (2000), a population can be finite or infinite depending upon whether

the sampling units are finite or infinite. Finite, denotes a countable number of

sampling units, where as infinite population, means an endless number of sampling

units. And as we already know that this study is concerned with the Nigeria Politics

and Government; that is, the problems and prospects of Leadership and Governance

in Nigeria: the comparison of Military and Civil Rule in Nigeria.

Therefore, our target population is made up of 750 peoples basically from the

six geo-political zones of the 36 States plus the FCT Abuja and 774 Local Government

Areas in Nigeria. Also, two include among members of our targeted population are

government and non-government officials of both high and low echelon; during the

the military and civilian regime especially in the most recent past in Nigeria. However,

due to the large number of people involved, there is exigent need to employ sampling

technique which cannot be overemphasized.

2.5.3 SAMPLE AND SAMPLING PROCEDURE

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Oluikpe (2004:112) opined, “Since it is not practically possible to get

information from all the persons or items comprising the population, research

procedure requires an ample representation of the population as adequate for

gathering data. This section of the study or proposal describes the method used in

getting the representative sample and number which is representative of the sample”.

The type of sampling technique used here, is precisely non-probability sampling

technique called purposive sampling. According to Obi (2000:76), “Purposive sampling

which is sometimes called judgment sampling, concerns the subjective selection of the

sampling units which to her appears to represent the population”.

While Nworgu (1991:340) stated, Samples are used in studies that involve large

population. Purposive sampling method is adopted to adequately manipulate the

enormous population and reduce the errors arising from the calculations of large

number and to reduce exorbitant cost of producing questionnaires to cover the

population.

Obviously, in determining the sample size of the study from the population of

750 people that were considered relatively very enormous, Odo (2001:26) posited that

sample size is “a process of selecting a proportion of the population considered

adequate to represent all the existing characteristics with the target population. This is

for the purpose of generalizing the findings from the sample itself.

Therefore, in this study that involves large population, purposive sampling are

applied to minimize or entirely reduce the errors from calculation of large numbers; a

well as the cost of data collection to cover the target population. Hence, the

65

investigator used Yaro (2002:28)) formula to ensure effectiveness in the coverage of

the population.

n = 2

)(eNI

N

+

Where n = Sample size

N = Population size

e = Level of significance of error allowable

I = Constant

The investigator has chosen five percent (5%) as level of significance or margin

of allowable error. The translation of the formula has been stated here below:

N = 750

e = 5 i.e. 0.05

n = 2

)(eNI

N

+

n = )05.005.0(7501

750

x+

n = 0025.07501

750

x+

n = 5.11

750

+

n = 5.2

750

n = 300

In addition to the above, also, the researcher adopted stratified random

sampling technique to draw the number of different categories of peoples required for

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the investigation; and every member has equal chance of selection. From the total of

750 peoples targeted as our population, 300 were selected for this study especially

government and non-government officials from the six geopolitical zones in Nigeria

including FCT Abuja.

2.5.4 METHOD OF DATA COLLECTION

Oluikpe (2004:112) stated that, “The instrument adopted in getting information

from the sample population is adequately described. The description should include,

among other things, the specific feature of the instrument”.

In fact, any meaningful research can never be conducted without having certain

ways through which data is collected. Hence, for the purpose of collecting data for this

research work, the investigation intends to adopt the survey instrument of data

generation which are indispensable in the sourcing of primary data. Examples:

interview, questionnaire, observation and content analysis. Others include: the review

of related written literatures to the study areas, journals, magazines, periodicals,

newspapers, etc; examination of the previous research work; other publications like

books, statistical formulation, from the government quarters, the lecture notes or

materials, seminar and workshop papers relevant to the work were used during the

course of the research.

According to Biereenu-Nnabugwu (2008.223), “As a method or technique of

gathering data, interview involves a face-to-face, verbal and non-verbal

communication between the investigator and his or her sample/population. Interview

instrument gives the researcher (interviewer) an opportunity to administer, elicit and

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record information from and possibly about the respondent (interviewee). Interview

instrument enables an interviewer have deeper knowledge about issue(s) of concern

through verbal and non-verbal responses gathered from the interview through face-to-

face interaction or by telephone or both. It is often considered a very appropriate

instrument for gathering data on people’s knowledge, values, preferences, attitudes,

beliefs and life experience. The four types of interview are: single or individual

interview, group interview, structured interview”.

For Biereenu-Nnabugwu (2008:246) stated “as the name clearly suggests,

observation is systematic and careful observation or conscious awareness; is a

situation based in any case, it is also a classic and in some ways, a straightforward

way of collecting data on human behavior. Observation technique involves “watching

people, events, situations or phenomena and obtaining firsthand information relative

to particular aspects of such people, event, situations or phenomena”.

“On the exact utility of observation, McQueen and Krussen (2003:205) pointed

out that observation is used both in qualitatively and quantitatively research “to

establish what actually happens in various settings, to generate hypotheses and

theories to illuminate findings or examine situations more closely and to evaluate the

impact of interventions. And the primary aim of systematic observation is the

achievement of the purpose of a particular research. Secondly, the process of

observation is logical, ordered and systematic perception and description of the

subject”

2.5.5 RELIABILITY AND VALIDITY OF INSTRUMENTS OF DATA COLLECTION

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According to Obi (2000:54), “Measurement of reliability arises only when an

indicator consistently assign the value to some events. For example, if a researcher

measures the effectiveness of an organization twice or more times and arrives at the

same answer, then the indicator used is regarded as reliable. Furthermore, the

reliability of the indicator is increased if two different researchers used the same

methods and techniques and arrived at the same value/conclusion.

For Obi (2000:55), the reliability of an indicator can be threatened by either

subjectivity or lack of precision. A subjective indicator is a measure that relies on the

judgment of the measure or the researcher. An appraisal that requires the supervisor

to assess the performance of his subordinator is a subjective measure of performance.

However, the problem of measurement validity arises because of the unreliability of

social sciences indicators. Measurements of validity ask the following question: Is one

measuring what one thinks is being measured? For example, does mileage measure

distance? That is to ask: Does the indicator measure the concept?

According to Obi (200:55-56), the three type of validity are: Content Validity,

Empirical Validity and Construct Validity. The type envisaged to be used in this study is

mainly, structural-functionalism and content validity which deals with the face validity

of an indicator. An indicator has face validity if it is accepted as a valid measure of the

concept it is designed to measure. For example, a researcher intends to measure the

concept democracy by a questionnaire consisting of ten statements or questions. After

making up the questionnaire, the researcher might consult a number of Specialists. If

there is consensus among the Specialists, the researcher will presumably content that

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the questionnaire (indicator of democracy) poses face validity and that consequently,

it measures democracy.

In this study, three experts in the Faculty of Social Sciences from the University

of Nigeria, Nsukka validated the interview questions. The aim scope, research

questions and hypotheses were submitted with an initial outline of the interview

questions to those experts for face validation. And those experts were requested to

examine the itemized questions for clarity and to know actually whether they are

suitable. They were thoroughly scrutinized; instructions and suggestions useful for the

study were also given. The investigator accepted the suggestions and carried out the

instructions as were directed.

2.5.6 METHOD OF DATA ANALYSIS

“Data section is where the researcher presents the information collected with

the appropriate analytical tools already specified and adopted above in this study

under methodology. Of course, the data collected will be analyzed using descriptive or

simply content analysis and interview for the purpose of clarity and vividness.

According to Biereenu-Nnabugwu (2006:253), stated thus: “As the name

suggests, content analysis is essentially a factor or an extension of documentary and

observation instruments of data generation. It focuses at the thorough examination of

documents in order to generate information for inference based on the canons of

scientific research. Reflecting on this, White (1983:241) points out that content

analysis enables a political inquirer “to scrutinize the content of a document in order to

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understand its underlying structure, ideas and concepts and to quantify the message it

relates”.

For Kerlinger (1973:525) sees content analysis as a method of studying and

analyzing communications in a systematic, objective and quantitative manner to

measure variables …(and) to determine the relative emphasis or frequency of various

communication phenomenon: propaganda, trends, styles, changes in content,

readability.

In a nutshell, content analysis is an observation instrument of data generation

and analysis which scientifically examines a communication document in order to

determine the relative emphasis and make genuine inference. Therefore, we can

easily observe that content analysis is relevant on a number of accounts, for example:

(i) Analysis of Materials: Materials or objects which are used/produced on

request constitute the sources or items for effective test. Here, the core of

newspaper editorials, magazine articles, speeches of public figures can be

content analyzed in order to measure specific values such as ethnicity, religious

consciousness or even ethical standards.

(ii) Analysis of Logical Process: Content analysis can also be used to ascertain

the logical status of a thinking process as well as its interest and inclination. For

instance, it can be used to content analyze interest in education, culture,

foreign affairs etc for public office seekers and holders.

2.6 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

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Oxford Advanced English Dictionary, defined theory as a set of reasoned ideas

intended to explain facts/events. It is the statement of principle on which a subject is

based. The term theory comes from the Greek word “Theoria” which means a will

focused on mental outlook or opinion taken at something with the view of

understanding it in a state of contemplation or reasoning.

Generally, in a contemporarily derivative, many different scholars have

attributed the concept of theory as that entires or whole teaching on a subject, its

historical concepts, meaning, analyses, values assessment, proposal of goals,

intentions or objectives, policies and principles (a set of logical interrelated

assumptions). For Ujo (2008:87) “in social sciences usage, a theory is a logically self

consistent model or framework for describing the behaviour of a related set of

phenomena. A theory can also, be described as a systematic and formalized

expression of all previous observations that are predictive, logical and testable”.

Maclean (1972) wrote that “theory can be thought of as our understanding of

the way things work”. For Infante et al. (1990), “A theory is an attempt to explain a

phenomenon a symbolic representation of the reality. It is an explanation of a kind of

deconstruction of a puzzle or an unscrambling of a confusing concept.

Okunna, (2002:5) stated, “In the scientific definition, verifiability and reliability

readily serve as guards against fraud and bias. Theory to these authors is “a set of

systematically related generalizations suggesting new observations, for empirical

testing”. It is also necessary to mention according to Ujo (2008:87) according to Ujo

(200:87) that all theories are tentative and serve as a basis of further research. A

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theory which is accepted today as a basis of research may be rejected over a period of

time if it is no longer capable of performing its function.

No doubt a worthy option or approach to a proper understanding of theoretical

framework is to first come to terms with the meaning of theory. To Kerlinger (1973:9),

for instance, a theory is “a set of interrelated constructs (concepts), definitions and

proposition that present a systematic view of phenomena by specifying relations

among variables, with the purpose of explaining and predicting the phenomena”. The

import of this is that theory embodies knowledge in a specific subject such that every

theory is by and large a source of knowledge in a specific area or variants of it.

Coker (1934:3) cited in Biereenu-Nnabugwu (2006:83) avers that political

theory exists whenever “we study political government and its forms and activities, not

simply as facts to be described and compared, or judged in reference to their

immediate and temporary effects but as facts to be understood and appraised in

relation to the constant needs, desires and opinion of man”. The implication of this is

that political theory enables us to understand, explain, appraise and predict political

phenomena; and to relate them to human needs, desires and opinions.

According to LDCE (1995:558-56) cited in Biereenu-Nnabugwu (2006:84) what

exactly is theoretical framework? In everyday use, framework connotes “the main

supporting parts of a building, vehicles or object or a set of facts, ideas etc from which

more complicated ideas are developed, or on which decisions are made” (LDCE,

1995:558-561). For Obasi (1999:43) a major feature of political inquiry on theoretical

framework and even conceptual frame of reference is often seen as “a device or

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schemes for adopting or applying the assumptions, postulations and principles of a

theory…a way of describing, analyzing, interpreting and predicting phenomena’.

Biereenu-Nnabugwu (2010:84) stated, “theoretical framework necessarily flows

logically from what has been done previously in the problem area, and in particular it

discusses the relationships among the variables that are deemed to be integral to the

dynamics of the situation being investigated. In this way, theoretical framework

clarifies the frame of reference on what the study relies. Accordingly, Dionco-Adetayo

(2003:28) points out that developing a theoretical framework “helps the researcher to

formulate his postulations and test certain relationships of variables so as to improve

understanding on a particular situation contributing to the body of knowledge”.

According to Obi (2000:40), “This is a section that establishes the theoretical

framework from and within which the research is to be conducted. Existing theories

that form the background of the study is cited under this section”.

Hence, according to Biereenu-Nnabugwu (2010:84-85), stated thus: “As

highlighted earlier, theoretical or conceptual framework refers to the use or application

of a specific theory (set of theories) or conceptual frames on a particular subject in

order to provide main conceptual support guide in the explanation and analysis of

otherwise complicated research work. The central idea here is to integrate them into

overall pattern”.

A number of theoretical explanations have been adduced for the study. In this

work, the investigator uses the structural functionalism. What informed this decision is

that the work of identification of these problems, collection and analysis of necessary

data and preferring suggestions for improvement or finding lasting solutions or factors

74

for mitigating those problems; have to do with the appraisal or the assessment of the

performance of various structures of government or political system and institutions in

Nigeria; precisely the military in Nigeria politics and government, vis-à-vis the civilian

government.

In other words, functionalism presupposes a system that exists in the form of

structures for function cannot be performed in a vacuum. Though, this has been

criticized by many analysts for its rigidity and inflexibility in the sense that it is

conservative in nature and not change oriented and dynamic. The theory also divorced

norms and behavioural patterns from structures yet the peculiarities in the

identification of the problems of various government institutions especially in Nigeria.

The theory seems to emphasize structures and based on this premise it is considered

as an approach be more appropriate form this study.

According to Asogwa and Omemma (2001:415-416) stated that, “Structural –

functional or structural – functionalism is a mode of theorizing in political science

(developed from functionalism in social anthropology) in which societies or smaller

units such as communities or organizations, are conceptualized as systems and the

attempt is then made to explain particular features of their social structure in terms of

their contribution – i.e., the function they fulfill-in maintaining the system as a viable

entity”.

For Asogwa and Omemma (2001), the Structural – Functional theory treats

social action from the standpoint of unintended as well as intended consequences. A

major problem this theory faces is that of specifying precise criteria for the viability of

social systems, whether in the sense of their “survival” or of their “efficiency”.

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Structural functional theory has also been criticized by exponents of conflict theory for

its neglect of the part played by coercion in organizing social activities and preserving

social stability (See A.R. Radchiffe-Brown, Structure and Function in Primitive Society,

1952 in Asogwa and Omemma 2001:416).

Obasi (2005:429) stated that, “Structural-Functional Analysis, is very effective

means for the study and understanding of social systems and other related

phenomena, embodying but more than the sum total of structuralism and

functionalism whose modern foundations were prepared by American Sociologist,

Talcott Parsons and Robert Merton etc. Structural functionalism is essentially consisted

in viewing society (structures), which behave (function) in a coordinated and

interdependent manner to achieve the objectives intended for them by society, these

being the only means by which equilibrium and peace can be maintained within it”.

For Igwe (2005), Structural – Functional Approach can be applied in the

analysis of any society, irrespective of its ideology, race, history, geography, ruling

class, demographic content, and so on. It is taken by many to be a successful rival to

the class analysis of society, and by Marxists as a deliberate attempt to diminish the

former’s assumed all-embracing significance. Social system includes various

institutions, forms and values, and even groups and individuals, may in various ways

be considered as the structural components; that the essence of society and social life

is the purposeful interrelationships or functioning of these different elements of the

society, and that such interrelationships serve to establish the purport and promote

the stable evolution of the social system.

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Furthermore, Structuralism is a fundamental prerequisite for functionalism, and

component of the structural-functional analysis, concerned with the systematic and

empirical examination of the internal arrangements or structures of phenomena, and

the nature of the relationships or contradictions of such parts, which knowledge would

form the basis of any generalizations, concerning the integrity.

To buttress the points, the perception of phenomena in structural terms has

some obvious analytical merits. First, it compels, ab. initio, a descriptive examination

of the forms of the inner organization of the object, the identification of essential

attributes or parts, the nature of their interconnectedness, interrelationships, and the

laws and principles governing the process. This permits predictability of the object’s

failure behaviour and the correct determination of its place in the wider environment.

To the extent that the social and natural sciences, as well as the humanistic and other

disciplines, may apply structuralism; to the research into aspects of their problems, to

that degree may, structuralism constitute for them a common methodological

language promoting mutual understanding. The synthetic reconstruction of the parts

of a structure, made possible by its prior analysis, can become the means of

identifying systematic problems and the means of also rectifying them.

What informed my decision for the above, is that performance and evaluation

to ascertain the negative or positive contributions of the military or civilian political

actors, public servants or other governmental offices, cannot be done in a vacuum but

within the confirms of system or structure of government. Nigeria operates under

three tier structures of government namely: the Federal, the State and the Local

Government. In the local government system for example, the structural functionalism

and content analysis could be readily applied. Those departments or structures of local

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government include among others the following: the health and medical services and

sanitation department; the personnel management department; the department of

education and social development or community development; the department of

agriculture and natural resources; the department of finance, supplies and planning,

research and statistics; the department of works, housing, land, and survey, all geared

or anchored towards development at the grassroot level.

The federal system of government in Nigeria (federalism) simply refers to that

government in which governmental powers that exists in the country are shared

between a central government that represent the whole country and the government

of component regions or states so that each government is legally and constitutionally

independent and autonomous. There are also three arms or organs of government

namely: the executive, legislature and the judiciary.

According to Mbanefo and Ike (1998:18-19) the executive organ of government

is the second arm of government. The Executive here means all the agencies and

officials which are concerned with the execution of the will of the state. In Nigeria for

example the President uses various agencies to run the administration of the Nation at

Federal, State and Local Government levels. The Executive arm of the government is

responsible for the implementation, execution or enforcement of laws, policies and

directives made and given by the legislative arm of the government. The functions of

the executives are as follows: the executive applies the law of the series of decrees

under the military rule which is enforced by the judiciary; uphold and protects the

constitution of Federal Republic in the democratic government; execution and the

maintenance of the federation and carry out Government policies.

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The Legislative arm of the government is the National Assembly which consists

of 360 House of Representative members and 109 Senators (3 from each state and 1

from FCT). It has the power to make laws for peace, order and good governance of

the federation; has power to legislate on any matter in the concurrent and exclusive

list; has power to approve the budget of the government; confirms the president’s

nominees into political posts; has power to remove the president or vice president on

grounds of misconduct or ill health; has the power to approve or disapprove state of

emergency in any part of Nigeria so proclaimed by the president; has the power to

investigate any public office and serve as watchdog to both the Executive and the

Judiciary arms of the Government.

The Judiciary is the arm of government given the powers to interpret laws and

apply it to individual cases. The test of excellence of any government is in the hands

of an efficient judiciary. Usually this power is exercised through the courts, which have

been conferred with the authority to determine the facts, interpret and apply the law

to individual cases. It functions includes: interpreting the law; interpreting the

constitution; checking the excesses of the executive and the legislature in their

respective duties in line with what the constitution says and settling disputes or cases

between the executive, the legislature and individuals. The Judiciary is made up of

different types of courts with different judicial offices attached to them. In Nigeria for

example, there are several courts which are responsible for different judicial maters.

These courts may be courts of criminal, civil, limited, unlimited, first instance

jurisdiction or of appeal. The hierarchy of courts within the Nigerian Judicial system

constitutes the following: the Supreme Court, the Court of Appeal, the Federal or State

79

High Court/Sharia Court of Appeal, the Magistrate Court and the Customary/Area

Court.

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CHAPTER THREE

BACKGROUND INFORMATION ON THE AREA OF STUDY

Obviously, Nigeria’s political leadership is posed with many challenges and

difficulties to democratic governance in both, during the military and civil rule, this

chapter therefore, whishes to delve into and presents vividly the background

information on the study area; that is, effective leadership and good governance: a

comparison of military rule and civil rule particularly (1985-2007); under the following

sub-headings:

(1) Introductory Background

(2) The Origin and Development of the Military in Nigeria

(3) The Traditional Role of the Military in Nigeria

(4) The Historical Background of Civilian Government in Nigeria

(5) The Nature of Civilian Government in Nigeria

(6) Historical Background of Military Government in Nigeria

(7) The Nature of Military Government in Nigeria

3.8 INTRODUCTORY BACKGROUND

According to Akubue (2010:57), Nigeria is no doubt different nations stewed

together by Britain. Nigerian is a creation of Britain for British convenience. In 1914,

the imperial authorities in Great Britain issued a license that gave legality to the

amalgamation of the protectorates of the North and South of Nigeria. In what looked

like a marriage ceremony, the British officers in Nigeria designated the north as ‘a well

groomed youth’ and the south as ‘a lady of means’. The high-point of that memorable

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historical bond was her majesty’s imperial fiat that gave allowance to the well

groomed youth to enter into permanent coalition with the voluptuous southern lady of

means.

This is principally the glitch with Nigeria as a nation. Nigeria was thus, a

creation of Britain expediency and assess to raw materials. Growth and opulence of

the fatherland, truly speaking, was far removed from the mental mind of regal Britain

when she wielded the incongruent peoples of Nigeria together as one entity.

The Nigerian civil state inasmuch as or as far as participatory and true

democratic governance is concerned, has been fundamentally affected by two

historical phenomena, colonial and military rule vis-à-vis civil rule. Whereas colonial

rule ended about 50 years ago as at attainment of independence, military rule as a

post-colonial instrument of conquest does not seem to have a perceivable abatement.

This is in spite of the return to another civil rule since 1999. Indeed, the military

conquest has reemerged in the involvement of ex-military rulers in politics. The study

presents the dilemma of a post-colonial sate coping with contradictory factors of

development and democracy.

It may on a fact reaction sound too farfetched to draw a symmetry or

comparative study between colonial rule and military rule vis-à-vis the civilian rule.

Such a reaction is understandably even if not justifiable, this is because there are

some common ingredients of colonial and military rules as well as civil rules. For

example, Britain, which colonized Nigeria, administered the country like a conquered

territory making Nigerians, British subjects without concealing its perceived feeling of

superiority. It was a feeling that grew from and nurtured in, the misconception of

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Africans as bearded monsters and men whose heads do grow beneath their shoulders.

The indigenous military conquerors are not more charitable. The civil society is held in

contempt. It is derisively and pejoratively perceived as being made up of bloody

civilian. In both instances, there is an elemental sense of paternalism erected on a

spectrum of master/servant relationship.

The truth is that Nigeria has been stamped with two unforgettable experiences.

The irony though, is that while the nation has in a way survived British colonial rule,

the same cannot be said of military rule. Military rule is a contemporary phenomenon

which remains destructive of the essence of the Nigerian nation. In the Nigerian polity,

the fear of military intervention remains the beginning of wisdom. This is in spite of

return to civil rule in 1999.

It was the 1983 elections that ushered in the military once again into our

political system. The elections that started on August 6, 1983 witnessed large scale

rigging that sparked off violent rioting, arson, hooliganism, looting, etc, especially in

Ondo and Oyo states reminiscent of the 1965 Western Regional election episode. The

NPN much touted landslide victory was replaced with ‘Military – Slide’ coup d’etat on

December 31, 1983.

Truly, Nigeria got her independence in October, 1960. Officially named the

Federal Republic of Nigeria, in 1963; is a federal constitutional republic comprising

thirty-six states and one Federal Capital Territory. The country is located in West

Africa and shares land borders with the Republic of Benin in the west, Chad and

Cameroon in the east, and Niger in the north. Its coast lies on the Gulf of Guinea, part

of the Atlantic Ocean, in the south. The capital city is Abuja.

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Today, the people of Nigeria have an extensive history, and archaeological

evidence which ranges from possibilities to impossibilities. It shows that human

habitation of the area dates back to at least 9000 BC. The Benue-Cross River area is

thought to be the original homeland of the Bantu migrants who spread across most of

central and southern Africa in waves between the 1st millennium BC and the 2nd

millennium AD. Moreover, Nigeria is the most populous country in Africa and the eight

most populous countries in the world with a population of over 140 million. The

country is listed among the “Next Eleven” economies and is one of the fastest growing

in the world with the International Monetary Fund projecting growth of 9% in 2008.

3.9 THE ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE MILITARY IN NIGERIA

The Armed Forces are largely a part of the past vestiges of colonial bureaucracy

in Nigeria. It was raised both for imperial defence and internal security. Thus, like

most other institutions in this country, the Nigerian military is an inherited force. It

evolved from the early colonial paramilitary units established to strengthen Britain’s

sovereignty and protect her economic interest in colonial Nigeria.

In fact, looking at the history of the emergence and development of the military

in Nigeria is like looking at the history of colonialism in Nigeria. This is not surprising,

since the military was a critical element in the success of colonialism in Nigeria.

Therefore, tracing the origin means going to the roots of the process of British

colonization.

Unlike Nigerian Army, the emergence and development of the other two

constituents of the Nigerian military set up, that is, the Navy and the Airforce are

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closely tied to the era of indigenous control of the Nigerian government. The Nigerian

Nay as formed in 1964 by an Act of Parliament while the Nigerian Airforce as

established in 1964 also by an Act of Parliament. Both the Navy and the Airforce are

organized in the form of three administrative commands. The Navy has the Western,

Eastern and Flotilla commands while the Airforce also has three command structures

according to specialization – logistics, training and tactical commands.

Like the Army, if not more so, these other two arms of the military have

witnessed a phenomenal increase in size and sophistication. In fact in term of size,

unlike army which has witnesses a reduction in its size since 1970, the Navy and the

Air Force have been witnessing increase in their sizes. This is because before now,

their sizes have been far below the security needs of the country. Similarly, they have

increased their levels of sophisticated warships the country. Similarly, they have

increased their level of sophisticated warships some of which are equipped with the

most modern weapons (including missiles).

For Ofuebe (1999:291 and 294), “The Nigerian Airforce has also graduated

from the early way years when all she had were a few helicopters to the situation

today where her stock included sophisticated fighter planes such as the Soviet MIG

21s; the German Alpha jets, and the Anglo-French Jaguar jets. The military in Nigeria

has indeed come a long way since independence.

3.10 THE TRADITIONAL ROLE OF THE MILITARY IN NIGERIA

In this world full of distrust, conspiracy and cold war, only very few nations are

without Armed Forces. In the international political arena, a nation is respected or

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feared by other nations not necessarily because of its economic, political and social

development but because of the strength, power or capacity of its Armed Forces. In

some parts of Africa, Latin America and Europe, soldiers play a very important part in

the political administration of their countries. The armies are created to perform the

traditional roles of protecting the territorial integrity of the nation in both land, sea and

air.

The concept of civilian control of the military was an integral aspect of the

traditional military. The military was expected to take orders from political heads.

Thus, the civilians could invite the military to give advice on a number of issues

especially those pertaining to defence; beyond that, the military had no internal role.

Internal security was normally taken care of by the Police.

Accordingly, the roles of the military in Nigeria are enshrined in the 1979

constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria stated among others: that the

federation shall subject to any act of the National Assembly made in that behalf,

establish, equip and maintain as army for the purpose of: Defending Nigeria from

external aggression; Maintaining its territorial integrity and securing its borders from

violation on land; Suppressing insurrection and acting in aid of civil authorities to

restore order when called upon to do so by the President; Performing such other

functions as may be prescribed by an act of the National Assembly.

Apart from the constitutional provisions, military establishments in most

developing countries are seen as symbols of national sovereignty and of political

independence. Other roles of the military are generally regarded as secondary or what

is referred to as the ‘stand-by function’. For instance, the army could be invited or

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called upon to perform some functions especially when there is any disaster, they are

mounted at strategic positions or they could be used in decongesting the nation’s

ports or reducing the tempo of wars as was the case during the Vietnam war whereby

the American government asked or dispatched the soldiers to stop the war.

Furthermore, the military governments in new state have usually been regarded

as interim measures. They bridge the political gap between a period of generally

unstable civilian rule, and a future period of stable government by civilians. Thus, that

the military has become a relevant mechanism in the political administration is no

more debatable. This, undoubtedly, was at the back of the mind of Mao Tse Tung, the

great Chinese leader of blessed memory, who stated that power grows out of the

barrel of the gun.

3.11 THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF CIVILIAN GOVERNMENT IN

NIGERIA

The history of civilian government in Nigeria can today, be divided into four

periods, namely, the Dominion Era (1960-1963), the First Republic (1963-1966), the

Second Republic (1979-1983) and the Third Republic (1999 till date).

(1) Dominion Era (1960-1963):

This period is regarded as the Dominion Era in Nigeria. Nigeria gained her

independence from Britain in October, 1960, after a protracted struggle by Nigerian

nationalists. Nigeria then became a royalist, a federalist and a full member of the

Commonwealth (Ojo, 1987). The Nigerian Independence Act declares that with effect

from October 1, 1960, the colony and protectorate of Nigeria should form part of Her

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Majesty’s Dominion under the name ‘Nigeria’. This was not a violation of the newly

won independence as some erroneously thought at that time. The truth is that the

Queen (that is, Elizabeth the Second) exercised her sovereignty and jurisdiction

before independence on the advice of British Colonial Government in Nigeria, but

after independe4nce, she did so on the advice of the Nigerian government. Dr.

Nnamdi Azikiwe became the first Indigenous Governor-General of Nigeria in 1960. He

exercised both legislative and executive authority on behalf of Her Royal Majesty.

(2) The First Republic (1963-1966):

On October 1, 1963, Nigeria abolished the Crown and declared herself a

Republic. By this act, the Queen ceased to be the Queen of Nigeria. Dr. Nnamdi

Azikiwe became the first President of Nigeria. He performed his constitutional

functions no longer in the Queen’s name but now as the President of the Nigerian

State. The system of government was still the Westminster model (that is

parliamentary). The military coup of January 15, 1966 which brought Major General

Aguiyi Ironsi to power terminated the First Republic.

(3) The Second Republic (1979-1983):

Because of his firm belief, that the Army should stick to soldiering, and return

the nation to a democratically elected civilian government. General Olusegun

Obasanjo (Military Head of State, 1976-1979) formerly handed over power to Alhaji

Shehu Shagari s the duly elected President on October 1, 1979. According to Kalu Oji

(1982), the tasks ahead of the new President were national integration, economic

self-reliance, peace, unity and stability, prosperity, along with citizenship enrichment

through the Nigerian Ethical Revolution.

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Unfortunately, President Shagari could not really achieve those noble

objectives. His administration was characterized by bribery, corruption and

favouritism. Added to these was the battered economy caused by inept leadership,

poor planning and unprecedented official corruption. The last straw that broke the

camel’s back was the presidential election that gave him a return ticket in 1983. The

election was massively rigged. In short, by December 1983, his administration had

created conducive atmosphere for massive revolt. It was to forestall a possible social

crisis and total collapse of the economy that the military struck once again on

December 31, 1983.

Since that time (1983) attempts and promises to return Nigeria to civil rule

have failed to yield dividends. The last attempt was in 1993. The presidential election

of 1993 which was conducted under the watchful eyes of the local and international

observers and generally declared to be free and fair but was annulled on June 23,

1993 by the Babangida administration. The result of June 12 presidential elections,

believed to have won by Bashorun Moshood K.O. Abiola. On August 27; General

Babangida ‘steps aside’ under pressure and is replaced first by Ernest Shonekan’s

interim national government. On November 17, 1993: General Sani Abacha replaced

Shonekan’s interim government.

On June 23, 1994, Moshood Abiola was arrested, detained and imprisoned; that

was the imprisonment of true democrat and he died suddenly on July 7, 1998.

However in February 27, 1999 Obasanjo won the presidential elections over Falae.

The civilian government was then inaugurated which marked the beginning of new

dawn of democratic government of civilian regime.

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3.12 THE NATURE OF CIVILIAN GOVERNMENT IN NIGERIA

According to Ojo (1973), the government of a state is composed of all the

people elected or appointed and the agencies which have official responsibility of

making laws, giving approval to rules of conduct, applying the laws to individual cases

and seeing that the people follow the approved rules of conduct. It also sees to the

settlement of disputes which may occur between two or more private individuals or

organizations and the officials of the agencies of government. If those people are

civilians, then the government in question is a civilian government.

There are several elements of components in a civilian government. The first is

a Constitution. A democratic civilian government is established by a constitution. A

Constitution is a body of fundamental laws which governs the organization of

government, its institutions, its basic goals and beliefs as well as the relationship of

the individuals to the state. Aristotle has said much about Constitution. Briefly, he

distinguishes between rule by passion and rule by reason. Rule by passion, which he

rejects is rule by men of desire and passion, while rule by reason, which he upholds, is

rule by laws or constitution. For him, a state will enjoy good government if it is ruled

by laws. A constitution may be written (example Nigeria during the First and Second

Republics) or unwritten (example Britain). It may be Unitary (that is national or central

government) or Federal (that is one which allows for the distribution of powers

between the central government and other levels of government).

The second important feature of a democratic civilian government is the

existence of organs of government. The organs of government refer to the number of

divisions into which governmental power can be made. In most of the modern

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democratic governments, the powers of government are divided into three namely:

the legislative, the executive and the judiciary. The legislative function of government

is performed by the legislature or parliament constituted for that purpose. It is the

arm of government which makes the laws. The executive organ is responsible for

enforcing the laws made by the legislature. The president assisted by the Ministers

and his advisers perform this function in a Presidential government, while in a Cabinet

system of government, the function is performed by the Ministers. The judiciary is the

arm of government that interprets and applies the laws. When citizens disobey the law

they are punished according to the tenor of the law. According to the theory of

separation of powers, legislative, executive and judicial powers must not only be

separated, they must also be exercised by different persons. In other words, these

powers must be entrusted to three separate bodies of persons or agencies mutually

independent on one another. However, the principle of checks and balances ensures

that the three arms check and balance one another.

The third important component in a democratic civilian government is the “Rule

of Law”. The rule of law simply means the reign, supremacy or predominance of law

as distinct from mere arbitrariness. The rule of law is, therefore, a negation of

arbitrary power, that is, power exercised with utter disregard to the law. A

government that exercises its authority not in accordance with the laws of the state is

the government of men rather than that of law. In an ideal situation, a civilian

government exercises its authority in accordance with the already established laws of

the state. One key principle of the rule of law is that the fundamental rights of the

citizens must be guaranteed and preserved from arbitrary interference.

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The fourth characteristics of a democratic civilian government are the existence

of political parties. Since politics is a contest among human groups, the need for

political parties to contest or compete for positions cannot be overstressed. Political

parties are different from other forms of groups or associations (such as pressure

groups) in their peculiar purpose and methods. While these other groups are

concerned with influencing public policies, political parties are autonomous organized

groups that make nominations and contest elections in the hope of eventually gaining

and exercising control of the personnel and policies of government. Members of a

political party are united by a common interest or ideology and engage in power tussle

with the aim of controlling the machinery of government and public policies. There are

basically three types of party system. The first is one-party system of government.

This system allows for the existence of one and only one party within a given state.

The second is the two-party system. This allows for only two parties. At every election,

the party that has the substantial lead over the other by winning the largest votes cast

forms the government, while the losing party constitutes the opposition. The third

type is the multi-party system. This is a system in which three or more parties are

allowed to contest elections. Since a single party rarely wins majority of the votes in

such a system, the nation’s cabinet are usually composed of coalitions of several

parties rather than the representatives of one single party. Since independence, with

the exception of 1992/93 aborted elections, Nigeria has been practicing a multi-party

system of government. There maybe three or more parties coming together to form

the government. All types of political parties mentioned have their own advantages

and disadvantages.

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The fifth feature of democratic civilian government in Nigeria is the bicameral

nature of the Federal parliament. A bicameral parliament is a parliament consisting of

two houses, namely: the House of Senate (the Upper House) and the House of

Representatives (the Lower House). The Federal Parliament is the arm of government

vested with the power to legislate for the Federal Republic of Nigeria. The law-making

process of the parliament is quite elaborate. Whenever a new law is to be

promulgated, it is first introduced to the parliament in the form of a bill. A bill becomes

a law after it has gone through strict scrutiny in the two houses and has finally been

approved by the President. On the state level, bills are deliberated upon on the floor

of the House of Assembly subject to the final approval of the Governor before

becoming a law.

Finally, the mode of removal of a democratically elected civilian government is

by peaceful means of periodic election. If the government fails to perform, it will be

voted out of office in subsequent elections (Umozurike, U.O., 1997:51-52).

3.13 HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF MILITARY GOVERNMENT IN NIGERIA

According to Oyovbaire et al (1991), military government, as distinct from

civilian government, is a system or form of government in which the power to govern

derives not from the procedures of election and representation, but from the

imposition of a superior force on the country by the Armed Forces.

Nigeria has experienced five periods of military rule since her independence in

1960. These periods are: 1966-1975; 1975-1979; 1983-1985; 1985-1993 and 1993-

1997. Each period of military rule was a result of serious problems which faced the

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government of the period before the succeeding one. Each period was also

characterized by specific institutions and structures of government, and by varying

degrees of performance. We shall briefly examine these periods.

(1) 1966 – 1975:

Nigeria became Independent in 1960 and between that year and 1966; she was

under a civilian government. This government as bedeviled with many problem

ranging from massive corruption, political unrest, weak political leadership, ethnic and

regional unrest, ethic and regional rivalry, inflation, to a gross decline in the nation’s

economy. As a result of these problems Nigerians became dissatisfied with civilian

government. On January 15, 1966, the army staged a coup and took over power from

the civilians. This was the genesis of military rule in Nigeria. For Nwolise (1988), “The

collapse of the First Republic ended the practice of the Westminister model, and put

Nigeria under 13 years of military rule”.

When Armed Forces took over government, all institutions of civilian

government were proscribed. The head of the Armed Forces Major-General Aguiyi

Ironsi became the leader and Supreme Commander of the Federal Government. He

ruled in the capacity of Head of State between January and July 1966. The regions

were headed by military Governors. The Northern Region was headed by Major

Hassan Katsina, the Western Region by Colonel Francis Fajuyi, the Eastern Region by

Colonel C.O. Ojukwu and the Midwestern Region b Major David Ejor. The work of the

Federal Government was carried out by two bodies, namely: the Supreme Military

Council (SMC) and the National Executive Council. Each region also had an executive

council.

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The Ironsi administration did not last long. It was sacked in a counter-coup on

July 29, 1966 under the leadership of Colonel Yakubu Gowon (who later became a

General). General Ironsi and several other army officers and men largely of Igbo origin

were killed. Gowon ruled between 1966 and 1975. The key events of the period were

the political crisis occasioned by the killing of Ironsi and hundreds of innocent people

in 1966, the creation of twelve states on May 27, 1967 out of the former four regions,

the secession attempt by Biafra under the leadership of Colonel Ojukwu, and the civil

war which lasted between July 6, 1967 and January 15, 1970.

Regarding the structure of government during Gowon’s administration, there

were two main organs, namely, the Supreme Military Council (SMC) and the National

Executive Council (NEC) at the Federal level. Both legislative and executive

responsibilities were fused together, while at the state level the Governors combined

both legislative and executive responsibilities, assisted by civilian commissioners. The

Federal Government ruled by Decrees, while state government ruled by Edicts.

(2) 1975 – 1979:

As a result of escalating inflation, alleged corruption by some military

Governors and public servants, unfulfilled promises by the Gowon administration for

example the creation of new states and the return to civil rule by 1976, the Gowon

administration became unpopular. On July 29, 1975, a group of soldiers took over the

government of the country. The new military leader was General Murtala Mohammed.

Unfortunately, Mohammed’s regime was short-lived. He was assassinated on February

13, 1976 by Lt. Col. B.S. Dimka; six months after coming to power. However, the

attempt was unsuccessful. Mohammed was succeeded by General Olusegun Obasanjo

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who promised to return the country to an elected civilian government. The promise

was actually fulfilled.

The structure of government during the period (1975-1979) remained virtually

the same as in the first period, except that military Governors were excluded from

membership of the Supreme Military Council.

(3) 1983 – 1985

The military bounced back to the seat of government with the overthrow of

Shagari’s government on December 31, 1983. General Mohammadu Buhari became

the fifth Military Head of State. Weak leadership, massive corruption, battered

economy, massive rigging during the 1983 elections which brought Shagari back to

power on a second term, were some of the factors that necessitated the military take-

over of 1983. The structure of government was similar to that of the preceding period.

In a counter-coup on August 27, 1985, Buhari’s government was toppled by

another group of soldiers under the leadership of General Ibrahim Babangida. Among

other reasons, the stem posture or measures of the Buhari/Idiagbon administration

warranted the counter-coup.

(4) 1985 – 1997

Due to pressures from all angles, Babangida was forced to “step aside” (to

borrow his own words) for an interim leader in 1993, in the hope that an elected

government would soon take over the reins of government. Consequently, Chief

Ernest Shonekan was sworn in as the Chairman of the Interim National Government.

On November 18, 1993, General Sani Abacha, in a grand style, set aside Shonekan

and assumed the leadership position of the nation.

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According to Asiegbu, N.D. and Ezeadi, S.O. (2000:142), the sudden death of

General Sani Abacha, paved the way for General Abdusalami Abubakar to become the

next military ruler. In a short period, he willingly put in place a new transition

programme. Political parties were allowed to be formed and function. General

Abubakar returned the country to democracy and civil rule and terminated military rule

and dictatorship on May 29, 1999. He handed over government to the People’s

Democratic Party (PDP) led by retired General Olusegun Obasanjo who ruled Nigeria

from 1976 to 1979. This is indeed a mixture of military and civil rule because a soldier

is always a soldier irrespective of the fact that he has dropped his khaki uniform, and

has taken on the Agbada; does not automatically change him totally.

In fact, the history of military government in Nigeria is the history of coups and

counter-coups. Judging from the number of coups Nigeria has had, one is tempted to

think that Nigerians have accepted military intervention in politics as something

normal (Umozurike, U.O., 1997:53-54).

3.14 THE NATURE OF MILITARY GOVERNMENT IN NIGERIA

Military government is government by Armed Forces. A military regime is often

described as a corrective regime. As a matter of fact, military government is in Nigeria

today as a corrective force for the enthronement of moral ideals which were virtually

trodden under foot by civilian rulers. This is the reason it is sometimes described as

“government by emergency”. Indeed, many Nigerians have perceived the military as

an interim political administration. The Armed Forces themselves have justified their

role in the same way. But from what has been said about the history of military

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government in Nigeria, it is clear that the military in government has not lived up to

this expectation.

What really obtains in Nigeria is military oligarchy. This system creates a

situation whereby the military class exercises independent political control by the use

of force, threatened or actual. On assuming power, the military immediately

suppresses political activity, suspends part or all of the Constitution and resorts to rule

by decrees and edicts. The military also dissolves the separation of powers and the

three arms of government and fuses the three arms together. As time goes on, the

regime will begin to see the need for mass political base. It achieves this either by

making use of its own personnel and subjecting them to a thorough supervision, or

through a system of alliances with civilians (Uduigwomen, 1992). The alliance between

military personnel and civilians in government is known as “diarchy”. This trend can be

noticed in the present military rule in Nigeria under the leadership of General Sani

Abacha.

According to Aguwa (1987), military regimes are dictatorial in nature in the

sense that they tend to be arbitrary in the curtailment of individual rights. They are

undemocratic in the sense that they are not elected by the people. Rather, they

assume power through the barrel of the gun. Military government is so centralized

that other tiers of government lose their constitutional authority in a supposedly

federal system.

According to Ozumba (1997:55) in a military regime, the military itself is the

predominant law-maker. The law-making authority is vested in and almost exclusively

exercised by the Federal Military Government and State Military Government. At the

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state level Decree 32 of 1975 and Decree 1 of 1984 confer on the Military Governor of

a State the power to make laws by means of Edicts which are to be signed by him.

This implies that the Military Governor of a state does not only have the power to

determine what laws are to be made for the state but does in fact make it by signing

them.

At the Federal level, the two Decrees in question confer on the Armed Forces

Ruling Council (now Provisional Ruling Council) the sole responsibility for making laws

for Nigeria. The Decrees, it must be mentioned, also provide for the jurisdiction with

which the Federal and State governments can legislate. There is the ‘Exclusive

Legislative List’ which includes subjects over which the Federal Government has

exclusive jurisdiction to legislate. There is also the ‘Concurrent Legislative List’ which

both the Federal and State governments have jurisdiction to legislate.

It can, however, be argued according to Ozumba (1997) that this classification

does not really exist, considering the provision of the Decrees that:”The Federal

Government shall have power to make laws for the peace, order and good

government of Nigeria or any part thereof with respect to any matter whatsoever”.

For Uduigwomen (1992) cited in Ozumba (1997) the implication of this is that the

Federal Military Government can enter areas of residual powers constitutionally

reserved for the states. Apart from that, states are supposed to obtain the consent of

the Federal Military Government; hence their freedom to even legislate on matters in

the concurrent list is curtailed. If there arises a conflict between an Edict of a state

government and a Decree of the Federal Military Government, the Edict is rendered

null and void.

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In conclusion, Ozumba (1997:55) opined that, no matter the manner in which

the military may ascent to power, and no matter its achievement, military government

is considered unconstitutional. It follows, according to Sirra (1987) that, most military

incursions into the political areas are felonies until they are legitimized, but no matter

the legitimacy acquired, they remain traditionally abhorred, and in countries with

stable political systems, such as Britain, the United States of America and Japan,

military rule is seen as an aberration with criminal undertones. However, in countries

with less stable political systems, people have been known to either invite the military

to take over government or to welcome the advent of military rule. This is evident in

the political behaviour of no less than three-fourths of independent African states

where the military have played a direct political role at one time or another. For me,

this is typical of Nigeria.

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CHAPTER FOUR

DATA PRESENTATION, ANALYSIS, AND FINDINGS

This chapter deals with the presentation and analysis of data and findings and

discussions of findings. The research would be analyzed using interview method. The

main aim is to resolve the research questions and thereby proving or disproving the

hypothetical statements to be true or false from the results of the respondents. The

result made concerning the study particularly those problems militating against or

impeding the all round or holistic development; especially, within the framework of

democratic government of the Federal Republic of Nigeria are not far-fetched and will

also be discussed.

4.1 DATA PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS

According to Biereenu-Nnabugwu (2006:274), “The word presentation comes

from the verb, to present, meaning to show, or offer information about something in a

particular way. In everyday use, presentation refers to the act of showing someone

something so that it can be checked or considered. In research terminology, data

presentation is an effort in data analysis, which refers to the use of texts (that is

words and discussions), tables, graphs, pictorials, and statistics as proofs or evidence

in support of a given pattern of relationship between variables.

Biereenu-Nnabugwu (2006:274) opined thus: “In research writing it is possible

to present and analyze data using a variety of ways. Here, we have identified five

basic tools. Also called models or methods of data presentation and analysis, the tools

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are: Textual, Tabular, Graphic, Pictorial, and Statistic. Here our concern is on textual

or descriptive analysis.

As used here, Biereenu-Nnabugwu (2006:295) opined that, “text refers to the

written part or aspect of data presentation as opposed to forms such as tables and

graphs. In data presentation, textual method entails the discussion and analysis of

data. Here the data presenter is involved in a number of interrelated activities.

Alongside Uzoagulu (1998), the major issues of textual method of data presentation

are organizing, classifying, sorting, arranging. To these, we may also add discussing.

Chaturvedi (2006:170-171) opined thus: “Leadership is a necessary phenomena

in the political field. It is the capacity in a person or in a group of persons to inspire

confidence and thereby, regard for himself, or themselves to guide and govern the

followers. Every political activity does need a leader, without which it may not be

effective or workable, though of course, leadership is also determined by situations

and circumstance. The leader at one time, may not be a leader at another time.

Without a leader every group is a ‘crowd’ – each one of the member going his own

way; while a leader is one who shows the way and caries them all together behind

him….Leadership may be defined as an instrumentality provided by a leader or a

group of leaders by which all other elements of national power geography, economy,

population, technology, ideology and morale can be mobilized and used most

purposefully and effectively for the achievement of the goals of a nation in a given

context. Leadership is so much essential for the strength or progress of a nation.

Leadership can be of different types – military, political, diplomatic, social, economic,

and so on”.

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According to Saura cited in Eze et al. (2003:86) “Corruption is an anti-thesis of

development in Nigeria. It is a “vital matter’ in the development of African societies,

i.e. of being an issue of great concern for life. It is synonymous with evil, dishonesty,

pollution, depravity, vice, laziness, degradation, dissolution, or immorality. All these

nuance of corruption refer to severe negative approach to life (anti-life). Corruption is

the greatest act of violence to human being. It is disorientation in being and its

alienation from its essential destiny. It distorts the human perspective and replaces it

with a disperspective, which in act violates the social and personal purpose of

existence.

Ukpong gave a contextual definition of corruption in relation to Nigeria as

follows: there have been many case of graft, misuse of public funds, looting of public

treasury, embezzlement, rigging of election, inflation of contracts, over invoicing,

favouritism, deprivation of people’s rights, illegal acquisition of property, false

declaration of assets, frauds, pervasion of justice, evasion of taxes, mediocrity, god

fatherism, coup and counter coup etc.

Achebe (183:1) opined thus: “The trouble with Nigeria is simply and squarely a

failure of leadership”. With such strong words, the literally legend, our own Chinua

Achebe summed up the Nigerian case and as well presented the only panacea to the

troubled nation. When he made that declaration over two decades ago in the 2nd

Republic of Nigeria’s chequered political experimentation, the Nigeria state was still a

paradise compared to the state of the subsequent history of the country especially

regarding leadership.

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Umeano (1993:76) also stated: “The present military administration adopted

the economic policy known as the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) in July,

1986 with the following objectives:

(a) To lay a basis and achieve a sustained growth of the economy;

(b) To curb inflation and ensure that whatever growth achieved is non-inflationary;

(c) To ensure fiscal balance and a viable balance of payment situation;

(d) To diversify the productive base of the economy in order to reduce our

independence on the oil sector and imports;

(e) To increase efficiency of public sector operations by inter-alia, privatizing and

commercializing public sector investments;

(f) To intensify and encourage the growth of the private sector of the economy.

(g) To achieve a realistic and stable exchange rate for the naira.

However, oral interview was conducted and responses were gotten from the

various categories of offices of high and low echelon; in both government and non-

governmental bodies or organizations, from the six geo-political zones that make up

the 36 states in Nigeria. That is to say, 175 persons and 25 persons each accordingly

from those six geo-political zones in Nigeria. This helped the researcher’s findings to

be reliable. The content analysis and findings will be based on the information

generated from the responses of the respondents in the field work and from the

literature reviewed in this research.

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INTERVIEW WITH SOME TOP GOVERNMENT AND NON-GOVERNMENT

OFFICIALS IN THE SIX GEO-POLITICAL ZONES IN NIGERIA INCLUDING FCT

ABUJA; NAMES WITHHELD

The Researcher

Good day Sir/Madam.

The Respondents

Good day, how are you?

The Researcher

I am fine. Please, I humbly wish to conduct a very important interview with you

bothering on Nigeria’s development problems. Is it possible?

The Respondents

Sure, you are welcome.

The Researcher

Sir/Madam, could you please assess the civilian regime especially Obasanjo’s 8

years in office from 1999-2007?

The Respondents

We must not fail to agree vehemently that the Obasanjo’s administration is a

mixture of military rule and civil rule. This is because a soldier never dies. A soldier is

always a soldier no matter what come may or whatever situation. He is original

Nigerian Khaki man dressed yet another attire in Agbada. It is simply just a chance of

type of clothing and voice but not the change of in-built ability, character and action

purposefully.

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In the very words of Asiegbu and Ezeadi (2000:142), “the sudden death of

General Sani Abacha, paved the way for General Abdulsalami Abubakar tobecome the

next military ruler. But surprisingly, in a short period, he willingly put in place a new

transition programme. Political parties were to be formed and function. General

Abubakar returned the country to democracy and civil rule and terminated the military

rule and dictatorship on May 29, 1999. He handed over government to the People’s

Democratic Party (PDP) led by retired General OlusegunObasanjo who formerly ruled

Nigeria from 1976-1979.

Admittedly, we generally believe that the birds of the same feather flock

together. Likewise, it became obvious that Obasanjo had something too contrary to

anti-corruption crusade when Nigerians clamoured for probing of Ibrahim Babangida

for the many mindless lootings of our collective treasury, subjugation of Nigerians to

house dogs and other atrocities. Obasanjo only did promoted him to head one of

Nigeria’s University. This inevitably made IBB a role model to the many young Nigerian

students who were already vulnerable to the winds of cultism, gangsterism, organized

fraud and other forms of criminality instigated by IBB’s military government; an

indication that Obasanjo and IBB wanted to train so many thieves, and crime

perpetrators who would continue when they become tired.

The Researcher

Sir/Madam, do you believe that bad leadership and ineffective governance

militate against development in Nigeria?

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The Respondents

Undoubtedly, we could observe easily that the major problems of development

in Nigeria are not only bad leadership and ineffective governance. But some others

include: revenue allocation formulae, minority issues, ethnic rivalry, state creation,

religious fanaticism and intolerance, politic leadership, north and south rivalry, uneven

development of both infrastructural and educational, bribery and corruption.

The Researcher

Sir/Madam, are you trying to say that bad leadership and ineffective

governance are the major cause of Nigeria development problem?

The Respondents

Yes, we believed from every indication that bad leadership and ineffective

governance were the major problems militating against development in Nigeria. There

was nothing wrong with the separation of powers as entrenched in the 1979 and 1989

constitution. Here in our country, politics is said to be dirty because what existed was

politics of poverty and poverty of politics. The government was not able to fulfill the

legitimate expectations of our people. There were allegations of graft and misuse of

public funds. There were complaints of ostentatious living and flamboyancy, flagrant

abuse of office and depreciation of people’s rights.

The Researcher

Sir/Madam, what do you think were then the causes of bad leadership and

ineffective governance in Nigeria?

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The Respondents

We were able to observe that a number of factors, have been categorized as

the major causes of bad leadership and ineffective governance in Nigeria. Hence,

corruption is the bane of leadership and governance in Nigeria. The build-up of

corruption tendencies among Nigerians are poor leadership qualities, lust for power,

materialism and greed, old colleague/kindred pressure, poverty, poor parental ethos,

lack of patriotism, ignorance and ungodliness. In fact, as long a Nigerians and indeed

African leaders continue to pay lip service to fighting corruption, without purging

themselves first of the menace of corruption will continue to live with us.

Truly, corruption has become part of our culture which has also permeated our

bone marrow. It is today a cankerworm that had eaten deep into the fabric of this

nation. we are painfully aware a expressly reported in our national dailies, of such

allegations of corrupt practices, such as; missing N2.8 billion, N53 million missing from

the funds of the Nigerian External Telecommunication Limited; N22 million stolen by

the Clerks and messengers at the Central Bank of Nigeria; N50 million disappearing

from the Nigerian National Supply Company and so on.

Other good examples of corruption charges include a supported by Ezirim

Nwagwu cited in Uzuegbunam (2009:7-8), the corruption charged against the former

governor of River State – Alameisiva Diepreye, the $180 billion Hatt-Burton scam; the

National ID Card Looting; the $16 billion power contract scam; the N300 million

Ministry of Health scam; the N1.7 billion Universal Basic Education Commission scam;

the N250 million Ekiti State Re-run election bribery scandal; the N5.6 billion Rural

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Electrification scam; the Governors’ Harvard Lectures scandal, the N850 million

National Electricity Regularity Commission scam.

Furthermore Sanyaolu in Daily Sun (Wednesday September 29, 2010:37)

reported that, “Nigeria would have become a great nation, but corruption has been

dragging us back. Church leaders should be bold and courageous to speak against this

social ill. Many have abandoned governance to amassing of wealth and devising

various strategies to secure power in 2011. Many government officials and party

members were seen dashing out huge amount of money and other material benefits

to secure power or to be reelected or returned back to office in just concluded

elections.

In addition, we observed from the report given by Bamidele in (Daily Sun,

Wednesday September 29, 2010:43) on how; the former chairman of the Economic

and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), Malam Nuhu Ribadu revisited the June 12,

1993 presidential election and described its annulment as a robbery, asserting that

“the annulment of the polls won by the late Bashorun M.K.O Abiola amounted to

politic corruption”.

The Researcher

Sir/Madam, what do you think are the consequences or effects of bad

leadership and ineffective governance in Nigeria?

The Respondents

From all indications, we have not only strongly believed and agreed but have

also accepted that corruption was the main cause of bad leadership and ineffective

governance in Nigeria.

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In fact, Obasanjo’s civilian government was not so different from the military

government. Just barely a month in office, Obasanjo sent troops of armed soldiers into

war in Odi in Bayelsa State to fight unarmed and poor citizens. In that expedition, the

soldiers killed so many people who never showed any form of opposition and even if

they did, did not deserve such vulturous massacring in a democratic dispensation.

Hence, this present the picture of the president as bad apparatus for true democratic

governance because of his in-depth of corrosiveness of probity and military fulguration

which made him too thirsty for blood; hence, resulting to the denial of people’s

fundamental human right.

The eight years of Obasanjo’s administration proved a great disappointment.

The institutions of democracy were not strengthened under his regime; rather, the

existing ones were weakened, and he was furiously pursing narrow partisan and

political selfishness or greediness. There was malicious disvirgining of judicial

institutions and rule of law to suit the ever famished coach of Otta farm. Insecurity of

lives and properties were heightened, much mayhem were projected and they took

over; ruthless religious bigotry, insensitive bloodletting, continua assassinations, and

incessant robberies and strikes, rioting and squabbles. Life was described as cheap,

brutish and in a primitive state.

Undoubtedly, since 1999, OBASANJO’S years in office were plagued by sporadic

outbursts of communal violence, clashes between religious and ethnic groups; often

spawned by local political disputes and/or religious fanaticism have killed thousands.

Subsequently, in April 2003, Obasanjo was returned to power through what was

termed reelection, winning with a wide margin. But international observers criticized

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the election for widespread incidence of electoral malpractices. In 2006, Obasanjo and

his cohorts attempted to amend Nigeria’s constitution to suit his vaulting ambition to

prolong his term in office; but was a total failure.

In all his anti-crusade programmes, all his Economic and Financial Crime

Commission, Independent Corrupt Practices Commission, Code of Conduct

Commission, Public Complaint Commission, and the rest were only able to escalate

corruption in the country. These voices are only in papers and not in actuality as

evidence. And at the end of his second tenure in office, having failed to amend the

Nigeria’s constitution to suit his whims and caprices, he handpicked successor, Umaru

Musa Yar’Adua, who won in a landslide with about 70 percent of the vote; in the

presidential elections in April 2007. The International Observers described it a flawed

and opposition parties charged fraud.

The Researcher

Sir/Madam, would you say that Nigeria has failed in terms of development?

The Respondents

This is because any programme or policy of government devoid of human face

is bound to fail. Public participation improves the quality of policy decisions and also

promotes transparency: policy formation should involve societal interest groups

through public hearings using standing consultative bodies (such as, where

appropriate, tripartite meetings of government representatives with those of organized

labour and business associations). Good governance requires, formalized interaction

between State and Society.

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The Researcher

Sir/Madam, could you please mention and assess those policies and

programmes initiated and implemented by the civilian regime from 1999-2007; and

how has it affected the lives of the masses?

The Respondents

Nigerian economy was not the best of it, though stability existed to some

extent, but there were no rapid development. Thus, even specific programs

supposedly targeted at ameliorating poverty in the continent, such as Poverty

Alleviation Programme (PAP) and National Poverty Eradication Programme (NAPEP), in

Nigeria and anti-graft agencies such as Economic and Financial Crimes Commission

(EFCC) and Independent Corrupt Practices Commission (ICPC) also in Nigeria

specifically created to fight corruption have been plagued by corruption. For instance,

it was because of the inability of these programs to make any tangible impact on the

level of poverty in Nigeria in spite of huge sums of public funds expended on them

that necessitated calls for investigation into the activities of the programs. They are

not only complete failures but conduit pipes to siphon public funds by political office

holders and state officials. This they did.

Truly, we noticed through observation that the only empirical means of judging

the efficiency and effectiveness of any government policy or programme remains its

efficacy in solving the needs and problems of the citizenry. It is on this score that the

reduction of poverty which is a fundamental problem facing African peoples must be

the benchmark on which to assess the efficiency or even relevance of government

policy or programme in the continent particularly Nigeria. But as already noted and a

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would be further demonstrated shortly, poverty in Africa, particularly within its sub-

Sahara region, would appear to be increasing in diametrical proportion with the

emergence of every new government, or the enunciation of new poverty alleviation

policies and programs in the continent including Nigeria.

Thus, a special report by the CNN in the second quarter of 2009 shows that

currently over one billion people out of the six billion world population go to bed every

night without food; and that more than half of this figure is from Africa. This is in spite

of several policies and programmes specifically expended at reducing poverty in many

African states gulping billions of tax payers’ money.

For instance, Nigerian Human Development Report (2000/2001) which

reviewed the country’s development indices in the last decade concluded that in spite

of specific policies and programmes by pat governments including Poverty Alleviation

Programme (PAP) and the National Poverty Eradication Programme (NAPEP) of

Obasanjo regime (1999-2007) in which billions of public fund was sunk, the poverty

situation ha rather worsened as the population of the poor has continued to soar. The

report specifically observed that whereas in 1998 it was estimated that 48.5 percent of

Nigeria’s population live below poverty line, the figure increased to about 70 percent

(i.e. about 70 million) in 2003 (cited in Olurode, 2005:124-125). Indeed, as Olurode

(2005) put it, the policy objective of generating employment and poverty reduction (in

Nigeria) would best be described as a failure to date.

Hence, out of the 50 peoples interviewed by the researcher on the hypothesis

one, 35 respondents which represent (70%) were of the view that the existing

problems of Nigeria Government and politics especially as regards development, were

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greatly caused by bad leadership and ineffective governance. Therefore, based on the

observations of the researcher and the responses accruing from the respondents, we

hereto adopt and confirm our first hypothesis which states that, “Bad Leadership and

Ineffective Governance impede development in Nigeria” to be true, acceptable and

reliable.

The Researcher

Sir/Madam, do you think that the contributions of colonialism, imperialism, and

neocolonialism hinder development in Nigeria?

The Respondents

Obviously, there is no doubt, from all indications that poverty and

powerlessness, inferiority complex caused by impoverishment, deprivation,

exploitation, suppression, subjugation, repression that accrued from the above. The

consequences are the tremendous concentration of economic and political powers in

the hand of few hands and a sharp division between the classes of the haves and

have nots. Hence, the impoverishment and underdevelopment of the Third World is a

combination of both the external and western forces and the internal forces of existing

local regimes and oligarchy. Three vehicles and consequently three dimensions of

impoverishment and underdevelopment of the Third World from which liberation is

needful can be clearly and neatly delineated; these are; colonialism, imperialisms and

racism.

(i) Colonialism and Neocolonialism: The first vehicle of underdevelopment is

the political dimensions of impoverishment. Walter Rodney’s How Europe

Underdeveloped Africa (and by inference, of the entire Third World including

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Nigeria) is directly resultant from, and perpetuated by the past negative and

fundamentally destructive experience of European colonialism. By taking over

political power, Europe took over all that Africa had and thus, impoverished her.

He shows that colonialism does not end with the fiat of independence, but that

after the leasing of the western colonial masters, neo-colonialism takes over.

The Third World today is still under this kind of local or internal colonialism –

the seizing of power and political domination by the local powerful few.

(ii) Imperialism: This second vehicle of underdevelopment is the economic

dimension of impoverishment. The present state of affairs in the world market

and international politics illustrates the issue at stake here. This is a commercial

politics whereby Europe and America constitute themselves into an exclusive

circle of economic control and determinism to ensure that the wealth of the

Third World is transferred to the developed world.

Secondly, One cannot discuss imperialism that is devoid of the issue of

European Slave Trade as a Basic Factor in African Underdevelopment. According to

Toure (1962) cited in Rodney (1972:10) stated thus: “The relation between the

degree of distribution of peoples of Africa and the length and nature of the

exploitation they had to endure is evident. Africa remains marked by the crimes of

slave-traders: up to now, her potentialities are restricted by under-population”.

For Rodney (1972:108), “To discuss trade between Africans and Europeans in

the four centuries before colonial rule is virtually to discuss slave trade. Strictly

speaking, the African only become a slave when he reached a society where he

worked as a slave. Before that, he is acceptable as free man and then a captive.

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Nevertheless, it is acceptable to talk about the trade in slaves to refer to the shipment

of captives from Africa to various other parts of the world where they were to live and

work as the property of European. The title of this section is deliberately chosen to call

attention to the fact that the shipments were all by Europeans to markets controlled

by Europeans, and this was in the interest of European capitalism and nothing else.”

Charles West cited in Ozumba (1997:217) rightly observed, in this perspective,

that these international structures lay the tune to which the poor nations dance.

According to him, “…the society is determined economically by world markets and

local oligarchs. Thus undermining any controlling and valuing affluence tradition might

have…”. He maintains that the international commercial system lends support to the

existing local regimes in the Third World countries which in turn act as a vehicle for

suppressing all democratic aspirations and endeavours. The consequence of this

situation, according to him, is the creation of a new kind of imperialism within the local

commercial relationships of the nations, and the perpetuation of the injustice of these

regimes in the exploitation and misery of the masses. Imperialism creates and

maintains that form of human existence characterized by “the survival of the fittest”

from which a kind of selfishness and dehumanizing pursuit of wealth ensues.

(iii) Racism and Slave Trade: This third vehicle of underdevelopment is the

socio-psychological dimension of impoverishment. In the exclusive and more

specific sense of the term, “Racism” describes conditions akin to those of the

black Africans in former apartheid South Africa, Angola, and Mozambique. This

is a situation in which a particular group of people have or accept a false

substandard, in fact, sub-human image of ethnic group. This false mentality

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and psychological stereotyping eventually determine the actual socio-political

and economic relationships that exist in such a situation. This situation

indubitably characterizes almost all third world countries in one form or the

other.

Ozumba (12997:217), stated: “Racism, in a more inclusive sense, includes

tribalism, ethnicism, nepotism, classism, and so on. When possession of or access to

political and economic power and privileges become the prerogative and exclusive

reserve of the basis of their ethnic group identification and cleavages and at the

expense of unity and equity, proficiency, competence and efficiency, impoverishment

and underdevelopment are perpetuated. Today, we should begin to talk more of how

Africans are under-developing Africa themselves than how Europe underdeveloped

Africa; Nigeria is not an exception.

However, it must be admitted that Nigeria and Africa share lots of colonial and

imperialists legacies, prime among them are balkanization, irredentism, integration of

Nigerian and African economies into the international capitalism. Ethnicity and

ethnocentrism, classicism and ethnicity, class and class struggle, economic and

cultural imperialism are the common banes of colonial legacies of Nigeria and Africa.

In fact, this Nigerian political independence and what some call ‘paper’

independence, which I quality as “mouth” independence landed African nations into

capitalism which they were not qualified for or prepared to embrace, this development

of capitalism broke up ethnic compartments, this change of baton of leadership did

not show any qualitative difference because it was not anchored on the bastion of

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knowledge, wisdom and morality. The change did not touch the nature of the

repressive apparatus of the occident; rather it was a change in the formal status.

In the real sense, the post colonial state supposed to be stated free from

external intervention or a sovereign state that will be able to make decision and map

out programmes of actions beneficial for their progress and development. This was

the bedrock of nationalism during colonial era but far from being the case we are

indirectly being manipulated by the Westerners. This is a new form of colonialism

known as neocolonialism. These negative legacies have given way to bad leadership

and ineffective governance for holistic transformation of underdevelopment to

development in Nigeria.

Hence, out of the 50 persons interviewed by the researcher on the hypothesis

two 36 respondents which represent (72%) were of the view that the existing

problems of Nigeria Government and politics especially a regards development, were

greatly influenced by the negative contributions of colonialism, neocolonialism and

imperialism to leadership and governance hinder development in Nigeria. Therefore,

based on the observation of the researcher and the responses elicited from the

various categories of respondents, we here to adopt, and confirm our second

hypothesis which states that, “The Negative Contributions of Colonialism, Imperialism

and Neocolonialism to Leadership and Governance hinder Development in Nigeria”, to

be true, acceptable and reliable.

The Researcher:

Sir/Madam, could you please assess the Military Regimes in Nigeria from 1985

to 1997?

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The Respondents:

We have to state categorically here, rather than bordering ourselves about the

legitimacy of the military in politics, we focus instead on the performance of the

military regimes in Africa generally and Nigeria specifically, by evaluating their capacity

to generate engineer and administer development which is one of the most important

problem confronting African government.

In line with this, the fifth military coup came on December 31, 1983. In this

coup, the government of President Shehu Shagari was overthrown by General

Mohammadu Buhari and his Deputy Tunde Idiagbon who ruled from 1983 to 1985.

The military government of General Muhammadu Buhara that overthrew the civilian

regime; was also overthrown in the bloodless coup on 27th August, 1985 by General

Ibrahim Babangida. On assumption of office, Babangida declared his regime to be

transparent (open door policy). But surprisingly, began to rule Nigeria using sticks and

carrots from 1985 to 1993. He embarked on several programs, first he abolished the

Supreme Military Council (SMC), and renamed it the Armed Forces Ruling Council

(AFRC), which he presided. He also assumed the title “the President and Commander-

in-Chief of Armed Forces of Nigeria”.

Because of the enormity of economic and political realities then, he threw open

the debate on the best political arrangement for Nigeria. He threw open the debate of

obtaining loan from International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank, open to

Nigerians. In the first debate, sever people ranging from the academia, politic

commentators and social critics contributed in the debate. At the end of the day,

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Babangida’s regime legislated on 2 parties, having pruned down 13 political

associations to two.

Secondly, the debate on IMF loan was totally rejected by Nigerians due to its

harsh conditionalities. In spite of the rejection, Babangida regime went ahead to

introduce the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) which was alternative to

obtaining loan from the IMF. The regime called it home grown measure.

A follow-up to the SAP include the trade liberalization, liberalization in banking

sector, which however lead to increase in number of banks in the country. From

Commercial Bank, Mortgage, Community and Peoples Bank, the regime taught it will

stimulate the economy. Between 1987/88, first attempt was made at democratizing

the polity. National Electoral Commission (NECO) was established under the

chairmanship of Professor Eme Awah. Awah’s regime was short-lived. He died a year

later. In 1988, Prof. Humphrey Nwosu, took over and spearheaded the affairs of NECO

to the election of 1993.

From 1988-1992, attempt was made to install civilian regime through the

activities of the two political parties, SDP (Social Democratic Party) and NRC (National

Republican Convention). It was the two parties that produced Chief Miko O. Abiola and

Bashon Tofa. The election of 1993 June 12th, was in process when the military

annulled it.

The remarkable event in the Babangida’s regime was the following: the regime

introduced liberalization in Banking sector, import liberalization, export promotion and

import substitution policies, structural adjustment programme (1986-1992).

Directorate for Food, Roads and Rural Infrastructures (DFRRI) and National

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Directorate of Employment (NDE). On the political sphere, the regime introduced

novel political experiment called option format for election. Although there was no

official handover in 1993, Babangida regime exemplified laudable programmes and

bold initiatives.

On the dark side of the regime, distress in the banking sector was rampant,

advance fee fraud (419), and sub-cultural behavior of any kind loomed large in the

regime. Having annulled the presidential election and handed over to Ernest

Shonakan, he stepped aside in August 26th, 1993. The regime that succeeded him, last

only 82 days. On the 17th November, 1993, General Sani Abacha assumed the

leadership of the country. Abacha regime can be remembered by the following

programmes. The wife established (FEAP) Family Economic Advancement Programme,

and Women Empowerment Programme (WEP). Abacha instituted several probes of

against the regime of Babangida under Dr. Pius Okigbo.

Politically, Abacha introduced free party structure which he intended to use for

the return to civil rule 1998. Incidentally, the free parties adopted him as their

presidential candidates. To address the political impasse caused by the annulment of

June 12th Election and the incarceration of Abiola, a constitutional conference was

instituted in June 1994 and it lasted to June 1996. It was the constitutional conference

that provided the platform for the return to civil rule.

In 1998, June 7 Abacha died mysteriously. Part of the achievements of Abacha

regime was microeconomic stability, stability in the exchange rate of naira to the

major currencies of the world. But on a sad note, the regime launched man-hunt of

the opposition such as, the NADECO (National Democratic Coalition) Ogoni Right

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Activists, the ASUU, several influential Nigerians, like Gani Fawenmi Beko Renisonie

Kuti, Wole Soyinka, Alfred Rewane and host of others. On two occasions, several

categories of people were framed in a coup plot, which later become a hoax. The

crisis generated by his regime with its obnoxious and harsh policies that led to capital

flight. The death of Abacha led to the reduction in the political temperature in Nigeria

in 1998.

On June 8th, General Abdulsalami Abubakar took over and the only task he

performed very well was to provide a platform to prepare Nigeria back to civil rule; of

which he did.

The Researcher

Sir/Madam, did you say that the military government has performed well?

The Respondents

No, in fact that was not what we meant. The military has performed badly. The

military regime is an aberration and therefore unacceptable in the political terrain of

the country, Nigeria.

The Researcher

Sir/Madam, what do you think are the impact of President IBB’s economic

policy known as the “Structural Adjustment Program (SAP)” in July 1986, on average

Nigerian?

The Respondents

Obviously, the above economic policy has been implemented with vigour and

determination but when one critically and seriously looked at the performance of the

economy over the past years and compares it with the objectives of SAP, the result is

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to say the least, disappointing. This is because of the persistence of major problems

which have so far defied solutions. Umeano (1993:77) reported that, “These problems

are listed by the Secretary for finance in his 1993 budget statement as follows: the

slow and unsteady growth of the economy; the near paralysis of the rear sector (i.e.

agriculture and manufacturing). The depreciating and unstable naira exchange rates,

high and unstable interest rate, an unsustainable fiscal deficit profile, low level of

industrialization and high rate of unemployment. While the only boom aggravated

corruption, SAP compounded it. All these are indicators of underdevelopment and/or

backwardness.

The Researcher

Sir/Madam, could you please compare and contrast the military and civilian rule

in Nigeria, stating your preferred one?

The Respondents

We must not fail to point out that Nigeria is an African giant groping in the dark

between military dictatorship and civilian maladministration. In fact, both are type of

government in Nigeria that is full of gross corruption and selfishness, where few

persons embezzle public funds; where all sorts of frauds are the order of the day; in

all the various arms and levels of government. These frauds are committed by the

same people who pose to be champions of anticorruption crusade. What a double

standard of life. Both governments are hypocritical.

Audu reported in Daily Sun, Wednesday, September 29 (2010:19) thus: “in

fact, Babangida’s pro-zoning campaign is escapist. He should not be allowed to run

from the real issues that Nigerians should rightly interrogate: “who killed Dele Giwa?

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Why did he annul the June 12, 1993 election? What happened to the $12.4 billion Gulf

War Oil Windfall? Was the executed General Mamman Vatsa really involved in a coup

or he was framed up?”

Sources gathered have shown that unemployment and low level

industrialization were at very high rate during the military regime; social services

appear to be worst hit; no enough pipe-borne water, no regular electricity supply, no

good roads, and housing appear to be mere dreams in spite of the policy of

privatization and commercialization. Educational sector has virtually collapsed.

To buttress the point briefly therefore, our observation and experience have

shown that both civilian and military rules lay claim to being democratic, we can

rightly posit that military rule is undemocratic. And even if civilian rule could be

regarded as democratic, democracy is not good leadership and/or effective

governance per se. democracy is a good instrument or mechanism or vehicle for good

leadership and effective governance to solve the problem of underdevelopment and

proper development in Nigeria.

Hence, out of the 50 people interviewed by the researcher on hypothesis three,

38 respondents which represent (76%) were of the view that the existing problems of

Nigeria government and politics especially as regards development, were heightened

enormously by the military regime. For these persons instead of the military salvaging

our political instability and underdevelopment, they worsened the whole situation.

Therefore, based on the observations of the researcher and the responses elicited

from the respondents, we here to adopt and confirm our third hypothesis which states

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that, “the Military Rule militate against development in Nigeria Government and

Politics”; to be true, acceptable and reliable.

The Researcher

Sir/Madam, I thank you very much and may God bless you richly in Jesus

name, Amen.

The Respondents

May God grant you journey mercies in Jesus name, Amen. Goodbye.

The Researcher

Remain blessed.

4.2 RESEARCHER’S FINDINGS AND DISCUSSIONS

(1) Corruption has been seen as the major cause of bad leadership and

ineffective governance.

The issue of developing our nation to the standard of the Western world will

continue to be a mirage. The hope and trust of the poor masses placed on their

leaders to help redeem them from shackles of ignorance, poverty, injustice, and

corruption, have been dashed to the wall through embezzlement of public funds,

greed or selfishness, and inflation of contracts without proper implementation of the

national policies for the betterment of the whole people and for development.

(2) Abject poverty, hunger, and disease have been the major

consequences of corruption in Nigeria.

The evidence is clear and obvious. In Nigeria, the poor get poorer and the rich

get richer every day from the nation’s purse. The craze for perpetuation on seat and

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political fraud from the grass root government to the federal level is a cankerworm

now eating deep into the fabrics of our country. These frauds are committed by the

same people who pose to be champions of anti-corruption crusade. What a double

standard!

(3) Unemployment abounds

The researcher discovered unemployment abounds everywhere to the

detriment of our youths who are supposed to be major category of work or labour

force; due to bad leadership and ineffective governance. Unemployed youths and

many graduates in thousands are idly roaming our streets, but the government is not

perturbed rather they use our money to jump around the world as a respite; instead,

of building industries for mass production of goods and services to people. Hence,

crime rate became high daily.

(4) Inadequate or lack of basic amenities and infrastructures

Another problem of bad leadership and ineffective governance is drastic fall or

short supply of social services delivery and educational collapse due to negligence.

Pipe-borne water, regular electricity supply, good roads, and housing appear to be

mere dreams in spite of the policy of privatization and commercialization.

(5) The researcher discovered that the military rule is undemocratic and a

such is an aberration

Even if civilian government could be regarded as democratic, democracy is not

good governance and/or effective leadership; democracy is a good instrument or

mechanism for good leadership and effective governance. The military should stay

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away from politics and face their professional calling of peacekeeping, security of life

and property and allow the civilian government to be concentrated.

(6) The researcher discovered that the military government lacked

transparency, truthfulness, and accountability

They employed Decrees and Edicts to rule as against the application of laws

and bye-laws and other fundamental human rights. During the military regimes, the

citizens are harshly ruled with the principle of obey the last order or command. Hence,

was characterized by dictatorship and subjugation or suppression like that obtainable

during colonial and imperial era.

(7) The researcher also discovered that neocolonial legacies characterize

both civil and military regimes in form of dependency in the

externalists or westerners; even after independent. Our country Nigeria

is still been controlled in economic, social, political and cultural dimension.

Hence, our people have lost confidence in themselves and in their leaders; and

integrity is nowhere to be found and inferiority complex ensured.

(8) The research discovered that Nigeria is not a great country to reckon

with; rather, she is among the so-called West African suffering from

many problems of development due to bad leadership and

governance. For example, Achebe (1998:11), “Nigeria is not a great country.

It is one of the most corrupt, insensitive, ineffective places under the sun. it is

one of the most expensive countries and one of those that give least value for

money. It is dirty, callous, noisy, ostentatious, dishonest and vulgar. In short, it

is among the most unpleasant places on earth!”.

128

129

For example, look at our collapsing public utilities, our inefficient and wasteful

parastatals and state-owned companies. If you want electricity; you buy your own

generator, if you want water; you sink your own borehole, if you want to travel; you

set up your own airline. One day soon, you will have to build your own post office to

send your letters.

(9) The researcher discovered that the reasons why people supposed to

seek mandate in the state are for the maintenance of peace, and

establishment or extension of social justice among the citizens. We

noticed that these two parts are clearly interrelated. They are in fact two sides

of the same coin. Hence, it is immensely worthy of not that without peace no

meaningful social programme can be undertaken; without justice, social order

is constantly threatened. No wonder why the failure of virtually all the policies

and programmes initiated during the two regimes administration.

(10) The researcher discovered that the effects of colonialism are:

economic exploitation and underdevelopment of the colonies; cultural

and religious imperialism; hence, we were encouraged to abandoned our

culture and religion in preference to that of the colonialists; political domination

and subjugation example lack of adequate representation of the people in the

legislative and executive councils; the introduction of western system of

education, and the unification of the different scattered tribes into a single

entity called a state of Nigeria.

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(11) The researcher discovered that the driving force behind European

imperialism in Africa (Nigeria) was economic exploitation,

colonialization and subjugation of the indigenous population to

economic ruin and servitude. Whereas the most outstanding impact o

colonialism on our indigenous politics and government was obvious dislocation

of the native politic institutions and process. Also, the Europeans introduced

indirect rule or imposed leaders on the people. Greater majority of the people

were alienated and excluded from the political process especially the educated

ones. On the social front, imperialism and colonialism disfigured our social

values and planted alien values all aimed at giving the impression that our own

indigenous values were inferior.

(12) The researcher discovered that Nigeria is a country in West Africa that

was underdeveloped by Europe and America through colonialism,

irredentism, balkanization, neocolonialism, imperialism and lately

globalization.

(13) The investigator discovered that tribalism or ethnicity as effect of bad

leadership and ineffective governance in Nigeria is a creature of the

colonial and post-colonial order or legacies.

(14) The investigator discovered according to OGIRISI (2003, 44-45) that

Nigeria, sociologically, passed through horrendous historical

experiences of de-Africanization pari passu the rest of the continental

states – colonization, decolonization, neo-colonization, imposition of socio-

cultural, economic, imperialist structure with the world’s capitalism,

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internationalism and that the development of al the 53 countries on the African

continent is hamstrung with the new world relationships; that is dependency

syndrome or phenomenon.

(15) The researcher discovered that Nigeria can never achieve a stable

democratic policy especially in terms of good leadership and effective

governance in the midst of dishonesty and corruption as well as

unaccountability and irresponsibility. This is because good governance

underpins and promotes development – socio-economic and politic dividends of

true democracy.

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CHAPTER FIVE

SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

5.1 SUMMARY

The World Bank (1989) cited in Nnadozie (2004:163) posited that, “Underlying

the litany of Africa’s development problem is a crisis of governance. By ‘governance’ is

meant the exercise of political power to manage a nation’s affairs”.

For Orji in the Daily Sun, Tuesday, July 31, (2007, P.23) Governance is about

affecting lives positively. Anyone who is entrusted with that responsibility is expected

to put smiles on people’s faces. It is service-oriented and it is only appropriate that

people are served well.

The society is made up of people who perform different duties. These groups of

people make up leaders and followers. And leadership here involves motivating and

directing other towards the accomplishment of the desired goal of the group or

organization. A leader usually exerts influences over other people in a way that

enhances productivity and satisfaction of the subordinates. A leader is dynamic and

achievement-oriented and motivates his subordinates by exemplary behaviour and

hardwork.

In fact, leadership means the act of leading and it has been conceived by

different people that the success or failure of any organization or group is highly

dependent on the leader. If the leader is strong or possess good leadership qualities

the organization will prosper but if handled by a poor or weak leader it is bound to

crumble.

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Today, the biggest problem confronting Nigeria is toad leadership and

governance. The big question is; what are the causes of ineffective leadership and bad

governance in spite of the fact that we have tested both military and civil government

and have never arrived at true democracy. Hence, the main objective is to examine,

compare, and contrast, the military rule and civilian rule. These would have enabled

us to ascertain the causes, the effects, and the possible remedies to the problem as

well as to know the type suitable for development of the country, Nigeria.

Odimegwu (2006) cited in Odimegwu, Ezeani and Aghimelu (2006:290) stated:

“The trouble with Nigeria is clearly and squarely a failure of leadership”. With such

strong words, the Literary Legend, our own Chinua Achebe summed up the Nigerian

case and as well presented the only panacea to the troubled nation. When he made

that declaration over two decades ago in the 2nd Republic of Nigeria’s chequered

political experimentation, the Nigerian State was still a paradise compared to the state

of the subsequent history of the country especially regarding leadership today.

Hence, time and time again our country finds herself astride the cross roads,

and as usual, confused which way to go. Nigeria is rarely certain of anything, or

probably worse, we are more certain of doom and annihilation than we are of success

and salvation. This in my understanding is the search for effective or responsible

leadership and good governance are pursued to bring about true democracy and for

total or holistic change and development. And it seems a search doomed, ab initio, to

futility and failure.

Sources gathered so far have shown that our leadership style have not

transcended ‘selfish interest’, national interest suffers, hence making development

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impossible. From what has happened and what is happening today, one can easily

observe that the only ingredient standing between Nigeria and greatness is her

corrupt leadership style and bad governance. That is not all, that aftermath of slavery

and/or racism, colonialism, imperialism, neo-colonialism still lingers on.

The word politics is simply, best described as a friendly affair, and in the sense

that after election, all political parties involved join hands and work for the common

interest of all. Politics is not a do or die affair. It is meant for those who are sincere

and responsible. This is not so in Nigeria. Politics in Nigeria is characterized by all sort

of electoral malpractices mistrust, rancour, assassination, thuggery, violence and loss

of life and properties, and multifarious corrupt practices. This is not and cannot be

termed democracy.

Odoziobodo (2002:84) unfortunately, the problem has not been the problem of

the nation as a nation but problems rooted in colonialism, watered, nurtured, and

sustained by the ruling class of the nation. Writing on the state of the Nigerian nation,

Gani Fawehinmi, has this to say “the legacy of both the military and civilian

administration is a legion of the looting of the nation’s resources and shameless

flaunting of the loot by leader, their cohorts and stooges; the animated decimation for

social life; the organized destruction of our economy; the brutal repression of our

fundamental rights; the castration of our democratic institution; the dehumanization of

our national psyche, the planned and systematic devastation of our national

infrastructures of all categories; the corrosive pollution of our moral life; the ungodly

contamination of our national values; the imposition of pervasive, grinding, heinous

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and aching poverty on the masses of our people. These constitute the political and

socio-economic disorder of today”.

And for John Odeh, in Odoziobodo (2003:84) “Nigerians have been reduced to

the condition of utter destitution by their leaders. The nation is in a state of political

cum military siege as a handful of irresponsible people both in military and civilian

dresses seem to be determined to turn it into a miniature concentration camp. At

home, millions of Nigerians cannot afford to eat good meal for many days. There is

hunger and disease. Above all, there is no security. Danger is looming on the horizon.

And truly, Nigeria now looks like the greatest giant that Africa never had”.

5.2 CONCLUSION

The attempt in this study was to draw a symmetrical relationship and/or

comparative study between civil rule and military rule in Nigeria.

There is no doubt therefore that the main problem of Nigeria is two-fold,

namely inept political leadership and widespread corruption in the other words, bad

governance.

In fact, you will definitely agree with me that the success or failure of any

nation in terms of political stability, peace, progress and economic buoyancy, depends

to a large extent on good leadership and effective governance.

We gathered that successful and prosperous countries across the globe,

especially in Western Europe and North America owe their success and prosperity to

purposeful and good political leadership. On the other hand, political and socio-

economic crises prevalent in most nations in the third world especially in sub-Sahara

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Africa are a function of depraved political leadership and bad government whether

during the military and/or civilian rule; either because of corruption or otherwise of

colonial legacies, imperialism and neo-colonialism both local and international.

This hydra-headed monster, called corruption pervades the entire Nigeria

society, from the powers that-be, at the various levels and facets, to those at the

lowest rung of the societal rank-leader, or rather to the policemen who extort money

from motorists on our roads.

Finally, the panacea to Nigeria problem of development is effective leadership

and good governance. The leader Nigerians need to have must possess the capacity to

deliver with honesty, purposefulness and courageous leadership; vision propelled

leadership, characterized by not only accountability, transparency, but must be devoid

of ethnic and religious discrimination and must be able to provide socio-economic

goods and services in both the urban and rural areas; thereby, ensuring the dividends

of true democracy.

5.3 RECOMMENDATIONS

Nigeria chequered political history, is the history of underachievement in spite

of enormous resources, there persists underdevelopment, corruption, nepotism, etc.

like the biblical prodigal son; Nigeria has squandered its resources and goodwill. For

the 50 years that the country has existed as Free State and not independence; it has

performed dismally on so many fronts – political, economic, social, educational,

cultural, etc, and this is in spite of its huge oil resources, human capital just like a

huge elephant stock in the mud, Nigeria has refused to work. The embarrassment

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posed by the country’s inability to make progress and development on many fronts

have challenged many Nigerians most especially the researcher to seek for a way out.

However, there is always a solution to a problem. Therefore, many things can

be done to improve the situation. In view of the importance of this study, the

following are the recommendations:

(1) Good Governance

But, first, we must imbibe good governance, attitude or principles. According to

UNDP (1997) good governance entails so many things; let me show you a diagram on

what good governance is:

GOOD GOVERNANCE STRUCTURE

Consensus oriented Transparent GOOD Responsive

GOVERNANCE Follows the rule of law participatory

Effective and Equitable and Efficient inclusive

Source: UNDP 1997

If you also read page 365 of Nigerian Journal of Public Administration and

Local Government you will discover five (5) variables that can bring about good

government. I think by the time there is good governance, the issue of disagreement

between ASUU/FGN will be a forgone alternative.

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Secondly, our leaders should refrain from corrupt practices and embrace

transparency, goodness and accountability. In fact, we need responsible leaders

urgently in Nigeria. Good governance is about affecting lives of the masses positively;

therefore, anyone who is interested in that responsibility is expected to put smiles on

people’s faces. It’s service-orientation and it’s only appropriate that we serve the

people well-in every ramification inasmuch as government schemes, policies and

programmes for the people are concerned.

(2) Revolution or Non-violence Resistance in Nigeria

I must agree with Odoziobodo (2003:83-84) who stated thus: “For Nigeria to

develop socially, economically, politically, technologically and otherwise, and thus

occupy her rightful position in the comity of nations and subsequently become the true

giant, and mouthpiece of Africa, she has to undergo a serious revolution. This is

because a reflection on the state of the Nigeria nation leaves in its trail a galaxy of

unfulfilled dreams and expectations. Given the antecedent of Nigeria in term of both

her natural human and material endowments, Nigeria is supposed to have become a

developed nation by now. But after over four decades of political independence she is

nowhere near the corridors of developed nations of the world. She is still a third world

country, still at the periphery of international capital. Till today, Nigeria remains a clay

footed giant: an unbarring behemoth in search of a safe berth”.

According to Odey cited in Odoziobodo (2003:94) Bernard Harring shared this

view when he said, “We are not allowed to abandon the world to evil; and this,

implore that we do not abandon evildoers to their downfall. With the armour of

integrity we shall try to heal them from hatred and enmity, and thus, invite them to

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the banquet of final victory of the saving justice and healing love. Without this

dynamics of integrity, non-violence would perish in the emptiness of passivity; our

own wholeness and integrity are at stake. We cannot breath peace in a poisoned

environment if we refuse our cooperation in helping it”.

According to Tunde cited in Odoziobodo (2003:99), “By a radical revolution, I

mean a systematic sweeping of the society, removing the lump of bad eggs who have

messed up this country. Let me be blunt. This country cannot be good again unless all

those whose hands have been soiled are wiped out of these scenes of governance or

unless they are compelled permanently to wash their hands with a disinfectant. You

see, bribery and corruption have eaten deep into the fabrics of this are now passed on

from one generation to the other employed in their execution fine tuned, harnessed

and perfected everyday and new ways explored and discovered. The only way to stop

them, is for all these negative evils that have marred the progress of this nation to be

expunged from their roots. Their roots are obviously those who have a hand in

government business, the old brigade”.

According to Odoziogbodo (2003:45), “The dimensions of general Revolution

include: (i) change on value (ii) change in social structure (iii) change in political

institutions (iv) change in elite composition structure (v) Legality or non-legality of the

change (vi) violence”.

(3) Re-orientation and Education of Minds and Training of Hearts of all

Nigerians:

Odoziobodo (2003:102) posited, “Well, for whatever revolution to work in

Nigeria and achieve the type of result, which we want, it must be backed up with an

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intensive ethical orientation, an orientation that will be deliberate and aimed at a

fundamental change of a long term to move this nation steadily and permanently in a

definable new direction. the spirit of self-reliance and dedication to excellence in

leadership, the spirit of discipline, orderliness, hard work, honesty and dedication to

duty must be inculcated into these new generation of Nigerians who will harness the

abundant natural and material resources endowed on this nation adequately. The

spirit of patriotism, which has made many nations great, must be inculcated into these

new Nigerian leaders so that they would later become experienced in patriotism. The

spirit of tolerance and respect for fellow human beings must also be inculcated into

these Nigerians. Above all, the fear of God, which is said to be the beginning of

wisdom, must be the anchor of this ethical orientation”.

According to Odimegwu et al. (2007:40), “At the theoretical basis, we may

advocate for proper and rigorous leadership training for leaders, and a good-political

education and proper value re-orientation for leaders and the entire citizens. These

approaches are a laudable but its practicality may not be easy”.

Nwankwo cited in Udoekpo (1994:30) warned: “We must keep abreast of the

time. This is true. But we have to build our civilization and development on our African

background. Therefore, any type of civilization whether eastern or western, which

does not fully respect our genuine cultural background should be re-examined”.

The importance of good and function education for the success of democracy

cannot be overemphasized. It is imperative that these three moral, intellectual and

personal qualities: conscience and consciousness be inculcated into the minds and

hearts of al Nigerians. So far we know the contrary. Many are schooled but little

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educated. Many are certified but little knowledgeable, and many are scholars, but with

little concrete substance to move the nation forward. Necessary and urgent is the

infusion into the people the sense of mission, of commitment, of selflessness, of

patriotism and of the will for good, for respect for common property and honour for

being a public servant.

(4) Upholding the Principle of Democracy in Leadership and Governance

in Nigeria

According to Tabor (2001:56) cited in Odimegwu et al (2007:256), “These are

also the basic operational principles of any ideal democratic system. For instance,

political equality, existence of political parties, free and fair elections, an independent

body to carry out elections, freedom of press, speech, assembly, freedom from

arbitrary arrest, attention and punishment, possibility of an alternative political

government, equal eligibility for important and all offices, democratic temperament

etc”

(5) Redefinition of Leadership and Democratic Culture in Nigeria

According to Odimegwu et al. (2007:261), “A point in our history has been

reached when Africa’s interest should be the prime concern of African leaders.

Therefore, steps towards the sanitizing and nurturing to maturity of Nigerian politics

will as a matter of necessity and urgency include a redefinition of leadership and its

inherent demands. We must strive after democratic culture that is devoid of

incongruities and crude behaviours.

I therefore submit with Adama (23) that what we need at this stage in the

evolution of our politics is a change of attitude from one that degrades politics to a

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“chop-year-own-and-go” affair to one that values it as “live-and-let-live-commitment;

from one that reduces it to a passing deal for self aggrandizement to one that

understands it as a manner of existing in society; from one that sees it as “their’

concern to one that accepts it as “our” business; from one that seeks to divert public

funds to private use to one that desires to harness individual potentials to better the

common good.

(6) Re-orientation and Consciencism of the Oppressed Masses

According to Ozumba (1997:221), this is a socio-educational programme aimed

at creating socio-political awareness among the people for an eventual peaceful

transformation of the structures of oppression. It is a gradual but effective approach

to structural change through a re-orientation of the group and individual’s

consciousness. The conscientization of the masses involves, among other things, the

provocation, stimulation, creation and building up of “a new awareness in them” to

give them “a new consciousness” which encourages them “to see the possibility and

“accept responsibility for their own development”. It also involves the conscientization

of the masses “to join hands together for positive action towards change”.

The task of conscientization is to emancipate the Nigerian minds from the

mental shackles of such “fatalistic world view” which makes them to accommodate

themselves into the culture of poverty and hopelessness in order to be able to see

their “capacity to create a better society for themselves”. This is the attitudinal aspect

of liberation in which the marginalized, oppressed and downtrodden masses are able

to face the future with meaningful and reasonable optimism. This is done by helping

them to see themselves in the light of the biblical evaluation of themselves. Such

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function disabuses and emancipates their minds from the belief that God has destined

their lot to be so.

The task of conscientization also includes, the sensitization of the upper and

middle class elite members of the church to the real nature and extent of the plight of

the oppressed, thereby soliciting their change of attitude, sympathy and commitment

to the cause of the oppressed. It may be that some of them do not actually realize the

full implications and effects of their activities on the masses. They may likely change

for better and help to change their colleagues when their consciences are awakened.

(7) Practical Alleviation of the Conditions of the Oppressed Masses

According to Ozumba (1997:222), the church’s liberation work as the champion

of the cause of the poor, weak and oppressed masses does not end with attacking the

perpetrators of injustice and oppression (“afflicting the comfortable”), but also

includes the alleviation of the miserable and painful condition of the victims of the

system (“comforting the afflicted”). This will necessitate practical concern with

economic programmes for the improvement of their conditions, since the callous

bureaucratic system would only frustrate the hopes of the helpless masses for such

projects if left in their hands. This goes beyond mere charity works for the provision of

subsistence needs.

(8) Developmental Democracy and Ethnic Integration

This is the system that emphasizes the development of the African Nations on

all fronts, based on African circumstances: past and present. It is democratic in the

sense of carrying the people along the governmental machinery. The ruling group in

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this system must come to account to the people and thereby justify the mandate

given to them. At the depth of developmental democracy is the crucial point of who

will rule and who will select who will rule? But the problem does not end there, in fact

it goes deeper than that. It goes to the most significant level of accountability.

Whoever is voted or selected must give an account of his or her stewardship to the

people at large, at various levels.

There is urgent need for ethnic integration in this country. An average Nigerian

first sees himself/herself as an Igbo, a Hausa man, a Yoruba manor Ijaw man, before

considering himself as a Nigerian. This should not be the case. However, the reason

for this is not farfetched. The Ijaw man believes his interests are better served by his

Ijaw ethnic group than by the Nigerian Government. He feels more secure among his

people, who give him a sense of belonging than among Nigerians from other ethnic

groups. Ethnic sentiment rather than nationalism is the order of the day. Therefore,

there must be unity in diversity if we wish to move forward.

(9) Accountability, Truthfulness and Transparency

Our leaders must be honest, transparent and accountable to the people who

elected them into various offices especially in Nigeria.

(10) Effectiveness and Availability Mechanism

Effectiveness and availability are the two criteria that must be used to gauge

the one, who is to be proceed to the position of leadership. Effectiveness means the

one who has the qualities of good leadership enunciated above. Availability is the

quality of being present and fit, having the physical and mental capabilities to carry

out leadership role in the society. Only one who is available can deploy his full

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energies and fervent strength in discharging the duties of the public office he is

occupying.

(11) Freedom For All

By this we mean freedom for the leaders and the followers. Freedom as a

concept is not easy to come by in terms of definition but African history especially

Nigeria as an example since independence has been a struggle against colonialism,

white imperialism and neocolonialism so this is what we African have been fighting

against, just simply to secure freedom for all in our country, Nigeria. It could be

political freedom, economic freedom, cultural freedom and psychosocial freedom.

(12) Shunning or Avoidance of Corruption for Total Change and

Transformation

Electoral malpractices and corruption should be eradicated or reduced to the

barest minimum. What is imperative is change. The Nigerian people as well as other

African peoples bedeviled by the cankerworm of corruption must turn from their evil

ways and embrace good moral and appropriate behaviour, as this is the only way to

succeed. All should live up to their responsibilities at every rung of the social and

community ladder. While the government must play its important role, the governed

must also do their duty. The led must obey the laws of the land, respect one another’s

life and property, and live in cooperation and harmony with one another. For moral

chaos below does not promote good governance above either. What is right is

decorum, both above and below.

According to Saura cited in OGIRISI (2003:86) corruption is synonymous with

evil, dishonesty, pollution, depravity, vice, baseness, degradation, dissolution or

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immorality. All these nuances of corruption refer to severe negative approach to life

(anti life). Corruption is the greatest act of violence in being. It is a disorientation in

being and its alienation from its essential destiny. It distorts the human perspective

and replaces it with disperspective, which in act violates that social and personal

purpose of existence. Therefore, we must try to as much as possible to avoid

corruption or do away with it out rightly, wholly and entirely if we must make a head

way in progress and development.

(13) Everybody Must be Involved “You and Me, and in fact all of us” that is,

WHOLISTIC DEVELOPMENT STRATEGY

All hands must be on deck directly or indirectly, individually or collectively to

see that we make headway. We must not leave any stone unturned. In the words of

Chinua Achebe cited in Tell (1999:47), “indeed, time is no longer in our favour. But

endless self-pity, self-flagellation, and despair is no road to recovery. The only crucial

thing is to gain insight about our tragedy, to ascertain at what point our rumination

ensued. After such introspection, it becomes easier to reengineer our future.

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