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In 2008, President Obama was swept into office on a wave of enthusiastic sup-port that believed in his message of hope and change. Representing a change from the conservative Republican administration of George W Bush and the centrist Democratic administration of Bill Clinton, Obama promised a revolution in the politics of America: a departure from business as usual in Washington. Obama closed Guantanamo Bay, fought for universal healthcare, and promised the pullout of troops in Iraq and seemed, for a while, to herald real change. Yet three years into his presidency, Obamas revolution-ary zeal seemed to falter. Bogged down in vicious Congressional fights over Obamacare and the federal budget, Washington is back to business as usual: even as troops are being pulled out from Iraq, more are being sent to Afghanistan and Predator drone strikes have been authorized in Libya. The suspension of Guantanamo Bay, with the passing of the De-fense Authorization Bill, has also been put on hold. What happened? Has Obama, like so many revolutionaries lost his way after the overthrow of the old establishment? Had he overstepped, not realizing the enormity of his revolutionary dream, and succumbed to the cold gravity of reality? Obamas plight is not unique among revolutionaries. Communist revolutionaries, for example, have commonly faced the disjoint be-tween economic realities and their ideals. The Bolsheviks were the first to realize, after a 1921 revolt, that the catastrophic drop in agricultural yield was not simply a product of bad harvests, but rather due to ineffective economic policies dictated by Leninist ideology. The New Economic Policy adopted in 1921 overturned the previous policy of war com-munism and marked a return to capitalist principles. The Chinese Communist Party em-barked on a similar turn in 1979 when Deng Xiaoping reversed decades of state controlled economic policy characterized by the spirit of the Great leap Forward and implemented the economic reform that resulted in Chinas successful and very capitalist economy. Revolu-tionaries, acting under the name of the people, so often overthrow establishment, only to realize, in power, the justifications of the preexisting system. As protests and battles rage across the Middle East, revolution is truly the spirit of the times. Revolution, however, is difficult, and sometimes even gradual: though the French revolution occurred in 1789, it was only after two Emperor Bonapartes, a restora-tion of the monarchy, and three republics that France finally achieved, to some extent, the ideals of the original revolutionaries. Today, Libyan rebels are locked in a protracted civil war, the Egyptian public grows uneasy under military rule, and Syrian protesters weather the bullets of their own national defense. The question remains: even if the entrenched regime is overthrown, will the true spirit of the revolution endure?

Alan Hu

LETTER FROM THE EDITOR

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[BENGALI]COLORED IN MY BROTHERS BLOOD:MULTILINGUALISM IN THE AGE OF GLOBALIZATIONby SHOAIB ALAM

[ITALIAN]EXTREME VIOLENCE IN CINEMA: SAL OR THE 120 DAYS OF SODOMby RODRIGO RANERO

[SPANISH]SOCIAL CHANGE IN LATIN AMERICA AND THE LEGACY OF EL CHEby COURTNEY MILLER

[RUSSIAN]OLD REVOLUTION? NEW REVOLUTION?by IGOR TISCHENKO

[CHINESE]A PERSONAL STORY OF THE REVOLUTION IN CHINA: THE DETAINED SECRETARY ZHANGBY WENDY QIAN [THAI]

REVOLUTION FROM THE TOP IN THAILAND?BY VANESSA LEE

The Revolution Issue

BY IGOR TISCHENKO (CMC 13)Russia, October 1917.Observing the ongoing developments in Egypt, Libya, Yemen, Bahrain, Syria, Jordan and other parts of the world, gripped by mass dissent with the ruling regime, it is difficult to refrain from drawing comparisons with the Oc-tober Revolution of 1917 in Russia the classic old rebellion. Yet is it all that old? What les-sons can we learn about the fundamental in-gredients of radical upheaval and the enduring consequences of the advent of the new regime? Let us remember.

Revolutionary tendencies emerged in Rus-sia during the first two decades of the twenti-eth century, stemming from discontent with the Tsarist regime. At the beginning of this pro-cessin 1898the Russian Social Democratic Party came into being. Many members of this party followed Marxist ideology. In 1903 this party fractured into the Bolshevik and Men-shevik factions. The Bolshevik movement came to be led by a young lawyer Vladimir Ulyanov, better known to the world as Lenin. The signifi-cance of an organized political creed, coupled with the role of prominent leadership, relent-less in its pursuit of fundamental change, can-not be overstated. These vital components are seemingly lacking in some of the contemporary revolutionary processes taking place in the Mid-dle East and Northern Africa, or exist in nascent stages.

In 1914 war was declared on Russia by Germany at the outset of WWI. By the summer of 1915, the warfront situation for Russia was extremely dire. Russias economy was ill pre-pared for war, and food shortages became wide-spread. In February of 1917 Petrograd (now known as St. Petersburg) began to experience civil disturbances. Strike groups and self-man-agement committees began to crop up in facto-ries. The Tsar abdicated, concluding a 300 year old legacy of rule by the Tsar dynasty. A provi-

sional government was formed, which located itself in the Winter Palace. Here we can perceive clear analogies with present revolutions where economic hardship and rise in prices, alongside deprivation of human rights and dignity, served as critical catalysts of upheaval.

In April of 1917 Lenin returned to Russia from his exodus in Switzerland. On the night from the 25th to the 26th of October Lenins fol-lowers stormed the Winter Palace. The signal for the assault was a canon shot from the cruiser Aurora. There were few fatalities as a result of the siege, as the defenders put up virtually no resistance. On the 26th of October, the All-Rus-sian Congress of Soviets convened and handed

power over to the Bolsheviks. In essence, the October Revolution was a well-planned and ex-ecuted government coup.

In the subsequent general elections the Bolsheviks received but a quarter of the votes. Their party had voter support in the larger cit-ies but not in the rural areas. As such, in order to preserve their hold on power, the Bolsheviks engaged in red terror, repressing opposition through mass arrests and executions.

In March of 1918 Russia signed the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk and exited the war with con-siderable losses of territory, which prior were holdings of the Russian Empire. In July 1918 Tsar Nikolai II along with his wife and five chil-dren were executed by the Bolshevik forces.

From 1918 to 1920 the country was en-gulfed in a brutal civil war: the Bolsheviks waged war with the opponents of the revolu-tion. The Red Army, composed of workers and peasants, claimed victory over the anti-Bolshe-vik White Army despite foreign intervention, in part due to superior organization and aptitude of military leadership, who fought on the side of the Red Army.

Even upon the conclusion of civil war the stability of the Soviets remained precarious. In the country, in particular in the cities, there was pervasive hunger, while industrial production stagnated to reach barely a quarter of what it was in 1913. In 1920 and 1921, hunger reached alarming levels. In an attempt to address the crisis, the Bolsheviks introduced NEPthe New Economic Policy, which represented a partial return to capitalism, introducing a state organ-ized mixed economy. In December of 1922 the victory of the Bolsheviks became undisputed. This led to the establishment of a new state, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR). It encompassed Russia and a large portion of the territories previously governed by the Russian Empire. The Soviet Union existed for 69 years.The lessons of the Soviet period, from 1922 to 1991, compellingly establish that the true success of revolutionary change is deter-mined by the type of society that is erected from the ruins of the fallen regime. Slogans like everything for the people do not always end with a peoples democracy, and a party dubbed our helmsman can turn into a tool of domi-nation, oppression and terror. As one watches revolutions taking place in Egypt, Yemen and Libya, one can only hope that in the end they will bring about a better, more just and decent life in stable and peaceful countries.

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Old revolution? New revolution?

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6 Extravaganza|2011Extravaganza|2011 6

BY COURTNEY MILLER (PO 12)

R e v o l u c i n

Social Change in

Latin America and the

Legacy of

El CheMore than 40 years after his death, Ernesto Che Guevara

remains one of the most famous figures associated with social revo-lution in Latin America. Guerrillero Heroico, the iconic photo to the right captured in 1960, has perpetuated the memory of the dead hero in global popular culture. But it has been neither the remembrance of his mission to bring social justice to the oppressed nor his espous-al of violent practices to do so that has constituted the predominant collective celebration of Che over the past few decades. Rather, in spite of his scathing criticisms of consumerism and American capi-talism during his years as a revolutionary, the fierce, unwavering eyes of the Guerrillero Heroico now stare back at the world from countless t-shirts, coffee mugs, posters, bikinis, and even designer handbags. The actual life and goals of the subversive guerrilla are often little more than legend to many of those who don his romanti-cized image. Notwithstanding the irony of Ches current ubiquity as one of the worlds most merchandised images, the recent emergence of leftist political movements in Latin America in has led to a revived championing of Guevarismo, perhaps indicating a resurrection of the struggle for a Latin American revolution to which Guevara gave his life. As Bolivian President Evo Morales, Ecuadorian President Rafael Correa, and Venezuelan President Hugo Chvez implement radical policies of social reform in their own nations and simultaneously pay homage to Che as a paradigm of social change, the true nature of the revolutionary martyrs legacy and the relevance of his beliefs to

current Latin American political affairs are worthy of examination. Historically, Che Guevara is best known for his portentous

motorcycle expeditions through Latin America in 1950 -51 (detailed in the book and film The Motorcycle Diaries), his relationship with communist revolutionary Fidel Castro, and his role as a key leader in the Cuban Revolution during the 1950s. Guevaras actions were predicated on his vision of armed, guerrilla revolution in any nation whose leader was supported by the U.S. but not by its own citizens. Che believed that once a revolution was successful in one Latin American nation, the rest of the continent would follow. After the revolution, all citizens would become equally integrated into a society drawn together by work.

In the 1960s, Guevara left Cuba to lead unsuccessful attempts to initiate rebellions similar to the Cuban Revolution in the Congo and Bolivia. In 1967, Che was captured and executed by members of the Bolivian Special Forces. Though contested, Ches famous, alleged last words (I know you have come to kill me. Shoot, coward, you are only going to kill a man!) confirmed his status as a martyr of the revolutionary left and as a legendary icon for the counterculture movements of the late 1960s.

In recent years, Presidents Morales, Correa, and Chvez have all publicly commemorated Guevara as they advance socialist reforms within their respective nations. Morales, the leader of the MAS (Movement for Socialism) party elected to the presidency of Bolivia in 2005, is himself a revolutionary figure in that he is the first indigenous president of Bolivia and since election has implemented sweeping policies of land redistribution among communities and peasant unions and the nationalization of Bolivias oil and natural gas resources to promote the social and economic empowerment of the nations indigenous and poor communities. Morales has evoked Ches legacy numerous times throughout his political career, stating on one occasion that After 40 years, Che is still a symbol of liberation, of sovereignty, dignity and above all of justice and equality. Morales was the first top Bolivian leader ever to pay tribute to Guevara.

Correa, the PAIS Alliance (Proud and Sovereign Fatherland) leader elected as the President of Ecuador in 2006, based his presi-dential campaign on the promises of a citizens revolution and the swift, profound political reform of institutions that had been largely viewed as corrupt for years. Since his election, Correa has intro-duced sweeping economic changes to Ecuador, including the nation-alization of oil fields, the repudiation of billions of dollars of foreign debt he declared to be illegitimate, since it was procured by prior, despotic regimes, and the expenditure of billions of dollars on social projects to reduce poverty. Like Morales, Correa has made refer-ences to Ches enduring influence in multiple speeches during his presidency, calling him an icon for humanity as well as a symbol for the Ecuadorian revolution because of his extreme sacrifices for his ideals. Correa has stated that the social change currently underway in Ecuador is not only a citizens revolution but also a Guevarist

revolution.Though presidents Morales and Correa have propelled signifi-

cant social change in Bolivia and Ecuador since their elections, it is Hugo Chvez, elected as the President of Venezuela in 1998, who is said to have been the primary instigator of the wave of leftist reform that has swept Latin America over the past decade. A year after being elected, Chvez oversaw the creation of an entirely new na-tional constitution that provided for the comprehensive protection of human rights with special protection for traditionally marginal-ized groups such as women and Venezuelas indigenous population, an overhaul of the national judicial system, a large expansion of the role of the state in the Venezuelan economy, and the establishment of a participatory national democracy. Chvez, who is probably best known on the international scene for his eccentric and incendiary style of public speaking and his overt criticisms of the United States, was included in 2005 and 2006 in Time magazines list of the worlds 100 most influential people. And, of course, Chvez has praised Che Guevara as a vital inspiration for socialist reform in Venezuela. In 2006, Chvez traveled with Cuban President and Guevaras former revolutionary comrade, Fidel Castro, to visit Ches childhood home in Alta Gracia, Argentina. He has also made publicized visits to memori-als to Che in Cuba and Bolivia.

But just how relevant is Ches legacy to contemporary Latin American politics? Today, despite their myriad tributes to Guevara, the governments of Chvez, Morales, and Correa seem to have little in common with the man who fought to the death for the emancipa-tion of the poor. Like Che, they all reject U.S. capitalism and support social reforms that benefit their nations impoverished and marginal-ized communities. But whereas Ches main strategy for producing systemic change was that of armed warfare, Chvez, Morales, and Correa were all democratically elected, and the social changes they have overseen have occurred, for the most part, in peaceful fashion. Although coups have been attempted on all three presidents (Chvez in 2002, Morales in 2008, and Correa in 2010), massive popular uprisings in support of the presidents led to their swift restoration to office. Latin America as a whole has changed significantly since Ches death. The civil wars and military dictatorships that fueled Ches revolutionary fervor have largely subsided, making armed revolution redundant. In a recent interview, Correa stated, Che was one of the greatest Latin Americans in history, but. . . .We believe its possible to bring about profound, radical, socialist change using current structures, democratic means.

So, although the Latin American Lefts renewed reverence of Che as an ideological inspiration for radical social change is more fit-ting than his apotheosis as anti-establishment symbol for the affluent youth of the western world, perhaps the true principles of Guevar-ismo are fading with the years. And, as consumer trends change far more rapidly than political structures, Ches global celebrity as a pop culture icon will probably not persist for long. But as long as glaring social and economic inequalities exist, Ches legend will likely continue to be called upon to inspire hope for a new, more just world.

Chvez, Correa, and Morales

Extravaganza|2011 7

Viva la Revolucin?

Ms que 40 aos despus de su fallecimiento, Ernesto Che Guevara sigue siendo una de las figu-ras ms famosas asociadas con la revolucin social en Amrica Latina. Guerrillero Heroico, la foto icnica sacada en 1960, ha perpetuado la memoria del hroe muerto en la cultura popular mundial. Pero no es ni el recuerdo de su misin de traer justicia social a los oprimidos ni su adherencia a prcticas violentas para lograrla que ha constituido la celebracin colectiva y predominante de Che a lo largo de las ltimas d-cadas. En realidad, a pesar de su crtica custica del consumismo y el capitalismo de los Estados Unidos, los ojos feroces y fijos del Guerrillero Heroico ahora miran el mundo desde innumerables remeras, tazas de caf, carteles, bikinis, y an bolsos de diseo. A menudo, la vida y las metas verdaderas del guerrillero subversivo son pocas ms que leyendas para muchos de ellos que se ponen su imagen idealizada. Pese a la irona de la ubicuidad actual de Che como una de las imgenes ms comercializadas del mundo, la aparicin reciente de varios movimientos polticos izquierdistas en Latinoamrica ha llevado al resur-gimiento del apoyo del Guevarismo, tal vez indi-cando la resurreccin de la lucha para una revolucin latinoamericana a que Guevara dio su vida. Mientras Evo Morales, el Presidente de Bolivia, Rafael Correa, el Presidente de Ecuador, y Hugo Chvez, el Presi-dente de Venezuela, ejecutan polticas radicales de la reforma social en sus pases y simultneamente rin-den homenaje a Che como una paradigma del cam-bio social, el carcter verdadero del legado del mrtir revolucionario y la relevancia de sus creencias a la poltica actual de Latinoamrica merecen un examen.

Histricamente, Che Guevara es ms conocido por sus viajes profticos por motocicleta a travs de Latinoamrica en 1950-51 (detallados en el libro y la pelcula Los Diarios de Motocicleta), su relacin con el revolucionario comunista Fidel Castro, y su rol como un lder clave de la Revolucin Cubana durante la dcada de los 1950. Las acciones de Gue-vara se fundamentaban en su visin de la revolucin armada y guerrillera en cualquier pas donde su lder reciba el apoyo de los Estados Unidos pero ya no de sus propios ciudadanos. Che crea que una vez que la revolucin tuviera xito en un pas latinoamericano, el resto del continente seguira. Despus de la rev-olucin, todos los ciudadanos se integraran en una sociedad igualitaria basada en el trabajo.

En la dcada de los 1960, Guevara sali de Cuba para conducir a intentos infructuosos de ini-ciar rebeliones parecidas a la Revolucin Cubana en el Congo y Bolivia. En 1967, Che fue capturado y ejecutado por miembros de las Fuerzas Especiales bo-livianas. Aunque son discutibles, las ltimas palabras famosas de Che (S que has venido para matarme. Dispara cobarde, que slo vas a matar a un hombre!) confirmaron su estatus como mrtir de la Izquierda revolucionaria y como icono legendario de los mov-imientos contraculturales de los 1960.

En aos recientes, los Presidentes Morales, Correa y Chvez han conmemorado pblicamente a Guevara mientras avanzan reformas socialistas dentro de sus naciones respectivas. Morales, el lder del par-tido MAS (Movimiento Al Socialismo) elegido a la presidencia de Bolivia en 2005, tambin es una figura revolucionaria en vista de que es el primer Presidente indgena de Bolivia y desde su eleccin ha imple-mentado polticas radicales de la redistribucin de tierra entre uniones campesinas y la nacionalizacin de los recursos naturales del petrleo y el gas para promover el mejoramiento social y econmico de las comunidades pobres e indgenas del pas. Morales ha evocado el legado de Che varias veces a lo largo de su carrera poltica, diciendo en una ocasin que El Che, despus de 40 aos, sigue siendo el smbolo de la liberacin, el smbolo de la soberana, la dignidad y -sobretodo- de justicia e igualdad. Morales es el primer lder de alto nivel de Bolivia que ha rendido tributo a Guevara.

Correa, el lder de la Alianza PAIS (Patria Altiva I Soberana) elegido a la presidencia de Ecuador en 2006, bas su campaa presidencial en las promesas de una revolucin ciudadana y la reforma rpida y profunda de las instituciones polticas corruptas de la nacin. Desde su eleccin, Correa ha introducido cambios econmicos radicales a Ecuador, incluso la nacionalizacin del petrleo, el repudio de billones de dlares de deuda external que declar ser ilegtima por ser procurado por el rgimen desptico anterior, y el gasto de billones de dlares en proyectos sociales para reducir la pobreza. Como Morales, Correa ha hecho referencia a la influencia perdurable de Che en mltiples discursos durante su presidencia, llamn-dole un icono para la humanidad y tambin un sm-bolo para la revolucin Ecuatoriana por sus sacrificios extremos para sus ideales. Correa ha declarado que el cambio social actualmente en proceso en Ecuador es no solamente una revolucin ciudadana sino una revolucin Guevarista.

Aunque los Presidentes Morales y Correa han inducido cambios sociales significativos en Bolivia y Ecuador desde sus elecciones, es Hugo Chvez, el-egido a la presidencia de Venezuela en 1998, que es el instigador principal de la oleada de reforma Izquierd-ista que se ha extendido por America Latina a lo largo de la dcada pasada. Un ao despus de su eleccin, Chvez supervis la creacin de una constitucin na-cional completamente nueva que provee para la pro-teccin comprehensiva de los derechos humanos con proteccin special para los grupos tradicionalmente marginalizados como las mujeres y la populacin indgena venezolana, la revisin de la judicatura na-cional, la expansin del rol del Estado en la economa venezolana, y el establecimiento de una democracia participativa nacional. Chvez, que probablemente es ms conocido internacionalmente por su manera excntrica y incendiaria de hablar en pblico y sus crticas abiertas de los Estados Unidos, fue incluido

en 2005 y 2006 en la lista de las cien personas ms influyentes del mundo de la revista Time. Y, por supuesto, Chvez ha elogiado a Che Guevara como una inspiracin crucial para la reforma socialista en Venezuela. En 2006, Chvez viaj a Alta Gracia, Argentina para visitar al hogar juvenil de Che con el Presidente Cubano y ex-camarada de Guevara, Fi-del Castro. Tambin ha hecho visitas pblicas a los monumentos a Che en Cuba y Bolivia.

Pero, es relevante el legado de Che a las polti-cas contemporneas de America Latino? Hoy en da, a pesar de sus tributos miradas a Guevara, los gobi-ernos de Chvez, Morales y Correa no parecen muy comunes al hombre que luchaba hasta la muerte para la emancipacin de los pobres de la tierra. Como Che, todos rechazan el capitalismo de los EE.UU. y apoyan reformas sociales que benefician a las co-munidades pobres y marginalizadas de sus pases. Sin embargo, mientras que la estrategia principal de Che para producir cambios sistmicos era la de la guerra armada, Chvez, Morales y Correa fueron elegidos democrticamente, y los cambios sociales que han inducidos ocurrieron, en mayor parte, en una manera pacfica. Aunque se han intentado hacer golpes del Estado en todos los tres pases (Chvez en 2002, Morales en 2008, y Correa en 2010), revueltas populares masivas llevaron a la reinstauracin rpida de los Presidentes. America Latina en general ha cambiado mucho desde la muerte de Che. Ahora, la posibilidad de la revolucin armada es superflua, ya que las guerras civiles y dictaduras militares que estimulaban el fervor revolucionario de Che en gran parte han disminuidos. En una entrevista reciente, Correa declar que Che fue uno de los ms grandes latinoamericanos de la historia pero a su vez, Esto es el socialismo del siglo XXI. Nosotros no creemos en la lucha de clases ni en el materialismo dialctico. Creemos que se puede dar el cambio profundo, radi-cal, socialista, utilizando las estructuras actuales, los medios democrticos.

Entonces, aunque la reverencia renovada para Che de la nueva izquierda latinoamericana como una inspiracin ideolgica para el cambio social radical es ms apropiado que su apoteosis como un smbolo del inconformismo para la juventud rica del mundo occidental, quizs los principios verdaderos del Gue-varismo se estn desvaneciendo con los aos. Y, porque las tendencias de consumo cambian mucho ms rpido que las estructuras polticas, la celebridad global de Che como un icono de la cultura popular probablemente no durar mucho. Pero mientras que existen las enormes desigualdades socioeconmicas, es probable que la leyenda de Che seguir siendo evo-cada para inspirar esperanza para un mundo nuevo y ms justo.

El cambio social en Latinoamrica y el legado del Che

8 Extravaganza|2011

Canada - Quiet Revolution (1960s)A period of change in Quebec, Canada, during which a society was secularized and a welfare state was created.

USA - Election of the first black president (2008)Three years ago, Barrack Obama, the first black president of the United States, was elected.

Democratic Republic of Congo: End of Belgian Rule (1960)The setting of Joseph Conrads The Heart of Darkness, the Congo finally achieved autono-my in 1960 after nearly a century of foreign rule.

Latin American Wars of IndependenceThe early nineteenth century in Latin America was rife with wars of independence from colonial pow-ers, most prominently, the Spanish Empire. In this period emerged iconic national heroes such as Simn Bolvar and Jos de San Martn.

Venezuela (1811), Colombia (1819), Ecuador (1822), Argentina (1816), Uruguay (1828), Paraguay (1811), Chile (1818), Peru (1821), Bolivia (1809), Mexico (1810)

Revolutions of 1989The Polish public elected a new non-Communist government, on June 4th, a few hours after the violent crackdown in Beijing. This change of government set off a wave of similar reforms in other eastern Euro-pean nations such as Hungary and Czechoslovakia.

Poland, Hungary, Czechoslovakia (Velvet Revolu-tion), Bulgaria, Romania

2011 UnrestSparked by the self-immolation of a cabbage vendor, the revolution in Tunisia and following unrest in the Middle East took foreign observers and analysts by surprise.

Tunisia (Jasmine Revolution), Egypt (overthrow of Mubarak), Libya (Civil War), Algeria, Bahrain, Djibouti, Iraq, Jordan, Syria, Oman, Yemen

Color RevolutionsA wave of popular demonstrations that swept former USSR and Balkan states in the new millennium; united by the common theme of nonviolent resistance.

Yugoslavia (2000), Georgia - Rose Revolution (2003), Ukraine - Orange Revolution (2004), Kyrgyzstan - Tulip Revolution (2005)

REVOLUTIONS AROUND THE WORLD

Zimbabwe (2008)Following a political turmoil and hyperinflation in the years 2007-2008, a power sharing agreement negotiated between Mugabe and Tsvangirai.

Extravaganza|2011 9

South Africa - End of Apartheid (1994)On April 27th, 1994, South Africa held its first election with a universal adult suffrage, ending the Apartheid. Today, the date is celebrated as Freedom Day.

Democratic Republic of Congo: End of Belgian Rule (1960)The setting of Joseph Conrads The Heart of Darkness, the Congo finally achieved autono-my in 1960 after nearly a century of foreign rule.

Revolutions of 1989The Polish public elected a new non-Communist government, on June 4th, a few hours after the violent crackdown in Beijing. This change of government set off a wave of similar reforms in other eastern Euro-pean nations such as Hungary and Czechoslovakia.

Poland, Hungary, Czechoslovakia (Velvet Revolu-tion), Bulgaria, Romania

Singing RevolutionsAs Eastern Europe revolted against their Soviet masters, so did the Baltic nations under USSR control. On August 23, 1989, an approximately 2 million people wide human chain was formed across between the Baltic States in peaceful demon-stration.

Iran: election protests (2009)Following the Iranian general election of 2009 in which Ahmadinejads victory was disputed, the so-called Green Revolution erupted across major cities in Iran and across the globe. The color green was chosen as it was the campaign color of opposition candidate Mousavi.

Color RevolutionsA wave of popular demonstrations that swept former USSR and Balkan states in the new millennium; united by the common theme of nonviolent resistance.

Yugoslavia (2000), Georgia - Rose Revolution (2003), Ukraine - Orange Revolution (2004), Kyrgyzstan - Tulip Revolution (2005)

Zimbabwe (2008)Following a political turmoil and hyperinflation in the years 2007-2008, a power sharing agreement negotiated between Mugabe and Tsvangirai.

Partition of India (1947)On August 15th, 1947, the two states of India and Pakistan became free from British rule. Kashmir, which was not included in the parti-tion plan, remains a significant source of con-flict between the two newly formed nations.

Indonesia - Fall of Suharto (1998)Following the Asian Financial Crisis of 1997, cracks began to appear in Suhartos 30 year rule of Indonesia. A student march that took place on May 12th became violent as four students were killed by uniformed men. The protests spread and riots became deadly, leading the resignation of General Suharto.

Singapore - Expulsion from Malaysia (1965)Following racial tensions between the Chinese and Malay population in Malay-sia, which then included Singapore, the Malaysian Parliament voted unanimously to expel Singapore from the federation. On August 9th, 1965, Singapore, became an independent nation.

Tiananmen Square (1989)The notorious student uprising in Beijing, China that eventually led to the crackdown on June 4th, 1989.

Japan - Meiji Restoration 1868The restoration of imperial power in Japan, and the acceleration of the industrialization of this once-feudal nation.

Thai coup dtat (2006)On September 19th, 2006, the Thai military staged a coup detat, removing the elected caretaker government of Thaksin Shinawatra from power.

Burma - 8888 Uprising (1988)Occurring on the eight day of the eighth month of 1988, a series of important upris-ings in which Aung San Suu Kyi emerged as a national icon threatened to topple the ruling military junta of Burma. The military took control in September and violently broke up protests.

End of White Australia (1973)In 1973, the Australian govern-ment amended various laws that pertained to the racial aspects of immigration law. Two years later, the Racial Discrimination Act barred racial discrimination for any official purpose.

Colored in My Brothers Blood

Multilingualism in the

Age of Globalization

Extravaganza|2011 10

BY SHOAIB ALAM (CMC 12)International Mother Language Day is a reminder of the contri-

bution of language to human identity and a celebration the ethnolin-guistic rights of all people. The date, February 21st, represents the Language Movement of 1952 in Pakistan where the government had designated one language, Urdu, as the national language. Had Urdu become the lingua franca, every literate Bengali in East Pakistan would have technically become illiterate. Bengalis watched helplessly as their mother tongue was exiled from their schools and their chil-dren were forced to speak a foreign language. They watched as Bengali disappeared from the currency they used to buy food and the stamps they used to send letters. In a final insult, they listened in disgust as they were ordered to adopt the Arabic alphabet as the script for their language. Given that there were more native speakers of Bengali in Pakistan at the time than any other language, this drive was instantly recognized for its true self: an orchestrated effort to change the identity of the Bengali people.

On the morning of 21 February the student body of Dhaka Uni-versity defied a ban on protests and approached the Legislative Assem-bly to ensure their voices for ethnic equality would be heard. After tear gas failed to deter the protesters, the police opened fire on the crowd killing several students on the spot. What began as a march by stu-dents turned into a national protest for the recognition of Bengali. At the university, students worked through the night to build the Shaheed Minar, a memorial on the spot where the roads had been colored in their brothers blood. This first makeshift memorial would be demol-ished by the police, only to be rebuilt permanently later as a symbol of their sacrifice. February 21st ignited Bengali nationalism, culminating in the recognition of Bengali as a state language alongside Urdu. It also contributed to the Bangladesh Liberation War that birthed a new nation the Bengali people call home. Today Bengali is the fifth most spoken language in the worlda reality that would not have been pos-sible without the courage of young people.

Unfortunately, as the world integrates in a new age of globaliza-tion, many unique languages are on the brink of extinction. According to UNESCO, fifty perfect of the worlds languages will die out in a matter of several generations. The Bengali Language Movement ex-emplifies a peoples fear of losing their identity, their history, and their way of life to forces beyond their control. It reminds us why it is im-portant to strive to save the languages of the world so that people con-tinue to speak the language they love and preserve their heritages that enrich our world. A commitment to the promotion of multilin-gualism and linguistic diversity through the preservation of endangered languages is essential to the continuation of hu-man identity, even in the twenty first century.

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Unlike in Great Britain, where gossip about the British monarchs is a regular feature of everyday life, Thailand is conspicuously devoid of any open discussion about its royal family. The lack of dialogue and unwillingness for reform by the monarchical and aristocratic class that backs the royal family has been criticized as negative to the countrys ongoing struggle to define itself as an open and democratic society.

The present king of Thailand, His Majesty the King Bhumibol Adulyadej, is the worlds longest reigning monarch and the worlds longest serving head of state, hav-ing been on the throne for over 60 years. Widely revered and respected by the Thai people for his actions fighting poverty and scientific research, Thais affectionately call him Father. As wild capitalism, materialism and modernity have eroded aspects of Thai culture over the years, he remains the nostalgic embodiment of the countrys traditionally peaceful Buddhist society.

The history of Thailand has been largely told through the lens of the Thai mon-archy. The glorified deeds of kings and queens of Siam, such as repelling colonialism and unifying the country, are faithfully chronicled in Thai history textbooks with little mention of other actors such as civil society, students, farmers and laborers. But almost overnight in a bloodless coup detat in 1932, the political system of Thailand changed from an absolute monarchy to a parliamentary constitution when a group of Western educated military officers demanded King Prajadhipok, the current kings relative, to abdicate his throne and reduce his function to a purely symbolic head of state.

And yet today, King Bhumibol remains at the center of political struggles in Thailand. Although the constitution states otherwise, he wields great power with the rule of royal assent and royal pardon. He commands enormous moral authority to rep-rimand renegade Thai leaders of the countrys democratic experiments. In 1992, the king chastised an army chief officer and an opposition protest leader after a publicly condemned massacre of pro-democracy activists, ending the conflict and prompting reconciliation between the two camps. Since then, however, he has preferred to remain above civilian politics.

While the king himself is well loved, his cohort of powerful interests backing his throne, including business tycoons and the Thai upper class, are reviled by the majority of the rural poor in Thailand for excluding them from social mobility in modern Thai society. The king has attempted to start a public discussion on his role as monarchy in 2005, but he and the royal family members continue to be protected by lse-majest laws which are among the strictest in the world. It prohibits criticism of the monarchy and any violation is severely punished by up to 15 years in jail. Today, foreign and Thai journalists alike opt to avoid writing any discontent related to the royal families. Recently, the Kings name has been invoked in the recent red shirt and yellow shirt political groups rivalry since 2006. The royalist military generals overthrew Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra in 2006 for corruption, tax evasion, populist poli-cies which champion the poor as well as blasphemy against the king. Thaksins rising popularity and his growing web of cronyism was seen as a rival to the monarchs and aristocrats interests. Although Thaksin supporters- the United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship or red shirtsproceeded to win subsequent elections, the Peo-ples Alliance for Democracy (PAD) yellow shirts supporters have continually top-pled elected red shirt leaders from power. The present ruling Democrat Party of Mr. Abhisit Vejajiva was widely backed by the military and yellow shirts. To show their solidarity with beloved monarch, the PAD purposely wear yellow attires at their mass rallies as yellow is the royal familys official color.

There is a general malaise across the country as King Bhumibols health has deteriorated in recent years. Without King Bhumibols moral authority and unify-ing force, an explosion of political violence could further plunge the country into a series of bloody power struggles between rival factions as the red shirts, who claim to represent the poor and disenfranchised, battle against the yellow shirts who claim to represent the aristocracy and middle class.

Other countries have overcome dictatorial regimes and grown into thriving de-mocracies through a parliamentary system. On the other hand, should Thailand solve political conflict by demonstration on the streets, it would be hard to achieve peaceful solution demanded by the poor. It is about time that Thailands monarchical and aristocratic class initiate a meaningful public dialogue about the reforms the country needs to become a more egalitarian society.

Revolution from the Top in Thailand?BY VANESSA LEE

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A Personal Story of the Revolution in China: The Detained Secretary Zhang

Chinas notorious internet surveillance and censorship exists primarily to thwart political dissidence among netizens. The governments management measures have become harsher since the recent Chinese Peoples Political Consultative Conference and National Peoples Congress needed a clean dis-course environment.

Another more important incident contributed to the tightened internet censorship. The nationwide pro-democracy Jasmine Revolution protest move-ment that happened on February 11th not only caused stricter web management, but also increased Chinas security measures in urban areas. Even though most people present at designated protest sites consisted of curious onlookers rather than angry protesters, the government still heightened control online and off-the-net. Police and national security personnel preemptively arrested activists who had any tangential connection with the protest. According to the Chinese Human Rights Defenders report, the government detained 26 individuals, caused the disappearance of more than 30, and put more than 200 under soft detention. Among these detainees include people who I personally knew during my time in China.

During 2009, I made some friends through a Chinese forum called 1984bbs. Most of us had liberal inclinations and opposed the authoritarian regime. The forum limited access to users with invitation codes, a mechanism that kept the user numbers down to an unthreatening number. National security police thus granted more freedom for 1984bbs sensitive content than other Chinese forums. For a period of time, netizens in mainland China could ac-cess the forum without using proxy software to counter the Great Fire Wall. We savored our limited freedom to share dissident remarks, chatted about sociopolitical events, and read banned history books.

The founder of the forum had a tongue-in-cheek usernameSecretary Zhang. He worked as a white collar in the informational technology field. Al-though he and I did not frequently chat online, I admired his courage, perseverance and principles. Secretary Zhangs internet persona is very excitable. He lambasted the government with the crudest language on Twitter and disagreed openly with other moderate reformists. Still, he never used his ad-ministrative power to silence any oppositional voice at the forum. Secretary Zhang firmly believed in democratic principles, such as the ones he posted on the forums heading:

According to the Civic Forum of Pragues conversation rules, this website promotes conversation that seeks the truth, not conflict; the debater should provide relevant evidence, distinguish between a conversation and a sermon, and try to understand each others points.I met him twice over lunch and beer at 1984bbs offline Beijing get-togethers and he regarded me as an active student with great potential. Since people at these gatherings remained wary of government spies within forum users, we referred to each other by our usernames. Other precautionary methods included sharing event photos only within the group of people who attended. Looking back, these precautionary measures have proven necessary for netizens personal safety. The government has been arresting people based on evidence found on the internet, such as posting satirical comments on a Chinese Twitter (Weibo). Secretary Zhang, however, did not use these tactics since they would not have protected him. By registering and providing this sensitive forum, Secretary Zhang already gave the national security guards enough reasons to extract detailed information from official and nonofficial resources.

As the government tightened internet control and 1984bbs increased its influence in June 2010, national security guards invited Secretary Zhang over for tea, a euphemism for improvised interrogation sessions. He did not give in to their request to delete anything they deemed sensitive. He lost his white collar job in August 2010 and was under house arrest in October. Secretary Zhang said that he did not mind facing national security guards alone, but they began to affect his family as well. He thus closed the forum out of state pressure in October.March 2011, both Secretary Zhang and another web manager of 1984bbs have been detained out of the preemptive national security concerns to contain the Jasmine Revolution. A month later, Secretary Zhangwhose real name is Jiannan Zhangstill has not been formally indicted. His wife NBHH (twitter.com/NBHH) worried over his situation and did not even know Zhangs title of crime for a month. Only recently did she learn that the govern-ment detained Zhang for assembling illegally. Was he detained for assembling people to meet for Jasmine Revolution, or for assembling netizens to meet for lunch and beer? Both could be possible under the authoritarian government.I cannot speak for his opinions on the Jasmine Revolution, but I am certain that he envisions changes towards a freer society. Secretary Zhang wrote on the website after shutting it down:

The memories will be saved here. Remember the forum years from now as a place that gave you the courage to express your true thoughts, and find confidants you could not have found in your real lifeThe spring of freedom will come. Let us salute George Orwells timeless masterpiece 1984!

I pray for his as well as other activists personal safety from the other side of the Pacific Ocean.

April 2011.

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BY WENDY QIAN (CMC 13)

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RIVOLUZIONE

Todays society is constantly exposed to representations of violence in cinema that seek to entertain through images that have become more and more explicit, yet it is strange to find a truly inter-esting proposal that inspires the viewer to reflect on the nature of this violence and the reach of human depravity. Nevertheless, there are some directors who have sought to ask these complicated questions through their work. One Italian, who changed the rules on what is permitted to show on the cinema screen, stands out among them: Pier Paolo Pasolini. This versatile poet and director from Bologna sur-prised the entire world in 1976 with his controversial masterpiece, whose force to scandalize remains intact: Sal or the 120 Days of Sodom. This legendary film draws the vilest of criticisms and the most enthusiastic of praises.

The plot of the film is truly disquieting, based on the novel of the Marquis de Sade: during the fascist reign of the 1940s in Italy, four powerful men kidnap nine teenage boys and nine girls, in order to take them to a villa where they will enjoy most nefarious pleasures known to man. The sirs are accompanied by four old prostitutes: three of them spend the time telling morbid stories of the perver-sions of their clients, with the purpose of arousing the hosts and their victimsa fourth one enlivens the stories by playing the piano. The film is divided according to a structure which evokes Dantes Inferno and starts with a segment called the Antinferno, where the icy se-lection process of the youths is seen, followed by three Circles in the mansion: The Circle of Manias, The Circle of Feces, and The Circle of Blood. Each of these episodes is characterized by scene after scene of perverse abuses that depict the dark vision of Pasolini on the malevolence of absolute power and on the deteriora-tion of the human condition under the fascist regime.

It is difficult to explain the multitude of feelings that the viewer experiences while watching all these unforgettable and shocking se-quences: How does one explain the nuptial banquet scene, where the main course is composed of feces? (It is interesting to note that Paso-lini explained later that he wished this scene to be a metaphor of the expansion of fast food chains worldwide.) Or how to describe each of the eloquently told depravities of the whores dressed in classy outfits? And the macabre contest to choose the most perfect derriere among the youngsters? How to justify the final sequence, where one observes successive killings and tortures through a window, while two guards calmly dance to a piece of music? There are so many similar scenes in the film, that the opinion of many that consider the movie simple filth whose only objective remains to provoke repul-sion without true reason seems justifiable. Sal is not infrequently called the most disgusting film in history without reason.

But I do not agree with this point of view. Without doubt, Sal is a hard film to watch and it is debatable whether it offers any en-tertainment at all. In fact, I would not recommend the movie to any-one who hadnt seen similar material already. But the film inspires much reflection due to its extreme violencethis is why I consider it a revolutionary work of art in cinemas history. It is impossible not to wonder about evil after experiencing Sal. For example, it seems fascinating to realize that a scene reminds one vividly of the Abu Ghraib prison pictures of 2004. Dont acts like these and all the accounts of torture and repression under bloody regimes confirm that Pasolinis vision, although extreme, might also be fundamen-tally based in reality? That is why Pasolinis preoccupations should be analyzed profoundly if one seeks to understand the root and the continuity of evil.

It is truly fortunate to be able to observe the work of artists brave enough to present an opinion without any sort of censorship. Unfortunately, Pasolini asks a lot and offers few answers, and we will never know his arguments completely. He was murdered un-der still mysterious circumstances few months after the premiere of Sal. Nevertheless, the artistic merit of the film remains a topic wor-thy of debate, since its relevance seems to increase, not fade away, with the passing of time.

Extreme Violence in Cinema: Sal or the 120 Days of SodomBY RODRIGO RANERO (PO 14)

La societ di oggi esposta costantemente a delle representazioni di violenza nel cinema que che tentano di far divertire mediante immagini ogni volta pi esplic-ite, ma arduo trovare una propostache sia veramente interessante e che allo stesso tempo porti lo spettatore a riflettere sulla natura di questa violenza e sulla portata della depravazione umana. Ci nonostante, ci sono alcuni registi che hanno cercato di affrontare queste tematiche complicate attraverso il loro lavoro. Tra questi risalta un italiano che cambi le norme di ci che e consentito esibire sullo schermo: Pier Paolo Pasolini. Questo versatile poeta e regista di Bologna, nel 1976 sorprese tutto il mondo con il suo polemico capolavoro intitolato: Sal o le 120 Giornate di Sodoma. La sua grande forza di scandalizzarerimane tuttora intatta. Tanto che questo leggendario film, insieme a gli elogi pi entusiastici, ancora risveglia le critiche pi vili ed aspre.

La trama del film veramente inquietante, basata sul romanzo del Marchese di Sade: durante il regno fascista degli anni quaranta in Italia, quattro uomini potenti sequestrano nove ragazzi e nove ragazze, allo scopo di portarli in una villa dove si diletteranno con i piaceri pi nefandi mai conosciuti dalluomo. I signori sono ac-compagnati da quattro vecchie prostitute: tre di queste trascorrono il tempo racco-ntando le storie morbose delle perversioni dei loro clienti, con il proposito di eccitare gli ospiti e le loro vittime, mentre la quarta donna ravviva e tenta di estetizzare i racconti suonando il pianoforte. Il film diviso in quattro parti secondo una struttu-ra che evoca quella dellinferno di Dante e che comincia con un segmento chiamato LAntinferno, durante il quale si osserva il processo gelido di selezione dei ragazzi, seguito poi dai tre Gironi allinterno palazzo: Il Girone delle Manie, Il Girone della Merda e infine Il Girone del Sangue. Ognuno di questi episodi caratteriz-zato, da un susseguirsi, scena dopo scena di abusi perversi (tanto eterossesuali quanto omosessuali) che dipingono la visione oscura di Pasolini sulla malevolenza del potere assoluto e sul deterioramento della condizione umana sotto il regime fascista.

molto difficile cercare di descrivere la folla di sentimenti che sperimenta lo spetattore quando viene esposto a tutte queste sequenze indimenticabili e scioccanti. Come spiegare la scena del banchetto nuziale, dove il piatto principale composto da feci? ( interessante notare quanto Pasolini spieg pi tardi ossia che voleva che ques-ta scena fosse una metafora per rappresentare l espansione del fast food nel mondo). O ancora come descrivere ognuna delle depravazioni eloquentemente raccontate dalle puttane vestite con eleganti abiti? E il macabro concorso per scegliere il deretano pi bello tra i ragazzi? Come giustificare la sequenza finale, dove due guardie ballano tranquillamente su un pezzo di musica mentre contemporaneamente, attraverso una finestra si assiste ad una tremenda sequenza di uccisioni e torture? Esistono tante scene simili nel film, tanto che pare giustificabile la opinione di molti i quali consider-ano il film una semplice porcheria, il cui obiettivo rimane soltanto quello di suscitare repulsione senza vera ragione. Non per niente Sal stato spesso definito il film pi disgustoso nella storia del cinema.

Tuttavia io non sono daccordo con questo punto di vista. Senza dubio, Sal un film difficile ed discutibile il fatto che questa pellicola fornisce sia veramente di intrattenimento. Per questa ragione, non raccomanderei il film a nessuno che non avesse visto prima altri film simili. Per quanto controversa, la visione di questo la-voro Pasoliniano provoca unintensa riflessione e perci lo lo ritengo unopera darte rivoluzionaria nella storia del cinema. E impossibile non interrogarsi sul male dopo aver sperimentato la violenza di Sal. Sembra affascinante per esempio, che una scena ricordi vividamente le fotorafie degli abusi nel carcere di Abu Ghraib nel 2004. Non confermano atti come questo che la visione di Pasolini, anche se un po estrema, potrebbe essere estremamente realista? E tutti i racconti di tortura e repressione sot-to regimi sanguinari in tutto il mondo? Perci, le preoccupazioni di Pasolini devono essere analizzate profondamente se si cerca di capire lorigine e la perpetuit del male.

veramente una grande fortuna potere os-servare il lavoro di artisti che hanno il coraggio di presentare una propria opinione senza alcuna cen-sura. Sfortunatamente, Pasolini molto pone molte domande, ma non offre tutte le risposte, e mai potremo sapere la com-pletezza dei suoi argomen-ti. Egli fu ucciso in circon-stanze ancora misteriose pochi mesi dopo avere pre-sentato Sal. Tuttavia, il merito artistico del film rimane un tema degno di dibattito ancora oggi, perche la sua rilevanza sembra crescere, anzich diminuire, durante il corso del tempo.

Extravaganza|2011 15Read Extravaganza online in color! Visit http://iplace.claremont.edu/main/news.php

If youre familiar with a foreign language and enjoy writing, why not be a writer for Extravaganza? Dont worry if youre not completely fluent--our goal is to get people to enjoy writing in different languages outside of the classroom and share their talent with the community of the Claremont Colleges!

Are you a fluent in a language other than English? Be a language editor for Extravaganza!

Email extravaganza.5c@gmail.com for more information.

PRESIDENTRachit Khaitan (CMC 13)

EDITOR-IN-CHIEFAlan Hu (CMC 13)DESIGN EDITORIris Jong (PO 12)

CHINESE Wendy Qian (CMC 13)

BENGALIShoaib Alam (CMC 12)

ITALIANRodrigo Ranero (PO 14)

RUSSIANIgor Tischenko (CMC 13)

SPANISHCourtney Miller (PO 12)

THAIVanessa Lee

EDITORIAL BOARD

LANGUAGE EDITORS

Extravaganza is a multilingual magazine dedicated to recognizing the diverse community within the Claremont Colleges. There are more than 70 foreign countries represented in our small community, many with distinct customs, lan-guages, and traditions. Let us immerse YOU into the vast and various cultures that the Claremont Colleges have to offer! Heres a taste of Claremonts diversity....

We at the Extravaganza attempt to immerse you in culture and through this edition we bring you a theme that resonates with the spirit of our times. This brainchild of our newest Editor-in-Chief, Alan Hu, evoked great enthusiasm from our Language Editors and we hope their thoughts transmitted the same to you. We included two new languages, Bengali and Thai, this semester in our endeavor to open new windows to the world.

My gratitude goes out to all the Language Editors for their invaluable contribution, our Design Editor, Iris Jong, who diligently compiled the layout with an eye-catching design sitting across the world, and finally our Editor-in-Chief who patiently and meticulously orchestrated the coming together of the Spring Edition.

We hope you continue to patronize the Extravaganza as we continue to bring the world to your doorstep.

Rachit Khaitan

Letter From the President

Extravaganza